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 Preparatory to anything else Mr Bloom brushed off the greater bulk of the shavings and handed Stephen the hat and ashplant and bucked him up generally in orthodox Samaritan fashion, which he very badly needed. His (Stephen’s) mind was not exactly what you would call wandering but a bit unsteady and on his expressed desire for some beverage to drink Mr Bloom, in view of the hour it was and there being no pumps of Vartry water available for their ablutions, let alone drinking purposes, hit upon an expedient by suggesting, off the reel, the propriety of the cabman's shelter, as it was called, hardly a stonesthrow away near Butt Bridge where they might hit upon some drinkables in the shape of a milk and soda or a mineral. But how to get there was the rub. For the nonce he was rather nonplussed but inasmuch as the duty plainly devolved upon him to take some measures on the subject he pondered suitable ways and means during which Stephen repeatedly yawned. So far as he could see he was rather pale in the face so that it occurred to him as highly advisable to get a conveyance of some description which would answer in their then condition, both of them being e. d. ed, particularly Stephen, always assuming that there was such a thing to be found. Accordingly, after a few such preliminaries, as, in spite of his having forgotten to take up his rather soapsuddy handkerchief after it had done yeoman service in the shaving line, brushing they both walked together along Beaver Street, or, more properly, lane, as far as the farrier's and the distinctly fetid atmosphere of the livery stables at the corner of Montgomery street where they made tracks to the left from thence debouching into Amiens Street round by the corner of Dan Bergin's. But, as he confidently anticipated, there was not a sign of a Jehu plying for hire anywhere to be seen except a fourwheeler, probably engaged by some fellows inside on the spree, outside the North Star Hotel and there was no symptom of its budging a quarter of an inch when Mr Bloom, who was anything but a professional whistler, endeavoured to hail it by emitting a kind of a whistle, holding his arms arched over his head, twice.

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 VENTRIS, PEYTON (1645–1691), judge, eldest surviving son of Edward Ventris, barrister-at-law, of Gray's Inn and Granhams, Great Shelford, Cambridgeshire (a scion of a Bedfordshire family of some antiquity), by Mary, daughter of John Breuse of Wenham Hall, Suffolk, was born at Wenham Hall in November 1645. He was admitted on 3 Feb. 1653–4 a member of the Middle Temple, where he was called to the bar on 2 June 1661. Failing to secure a practice, he devoted himself to reporting (see infra). In 1681 he was one of three commissioners for executing the office of high steward of Ipswich, for which borough he was returned to the Convention parliament on 12 Jan. 1688–9. He vacated the seat the same year, on being raised to the bench of the common pleas (4 May), having previously (2 May) been sworn serjeant-at-law. On 1 Oct. following he was knighted at Whitehall. As assessor to the House of Lords in the Preston peerage case (11 Nov. 1689), he advised against the validity of the English patent on the ground that it had been made out after the ‘abdication’ of James II [see ]. He was also consulted by the peers during the progress of the corporations restoration bill, the regency bill, and other important legislative measures. He died on 6 April 1691, leaving issue by his wife Margaret, daughter of Henry Whiting of Coggeshall, Essex. Edward Ventris, an antiquary, was a lineal descendant of the judge, and the possessor of his portrait by Riley.

Ventris's ‘Reports’ appeared posthumously in two parts: 1. ‘Cases in the King's Bench, 20–36 Car. II.’ 2. ‘Cases in the Common Pleas, 21 Car. II–3 Will. and Mary’ (each part with an appendix of miscellaneous cases), London, 1696, fol. Later editions appeared in 1701, 1716, and 1728. They have a high reputation for accuracy.

[Nichols's Herald and Genealogist, iv. 387; Lysons's Magna Britannia, II. i. 249; Foster's Gray's Inn Adm. Reg.; Le Neve's Pedigrees of Knights; Wodderspoon's Memorials of Ipswich, p. 122; Wynne's Serjeant-at-Law; Luttrell's Relation of State Affairs, i. 529, ii. 205; Hist. MSS. Comm. 12th Rep. App. vii. 335, 432, 13th Rep. App. v. 72, 135, 138, 148, 176; Foss's Lives of the Judges; Wallace's Reporters.]

VERBRUGGEN, SUSANNA (1667?–1703), actress, born about 1667, was the daughter of Percival or Percivall, an actor, who in 1673 played at Dorset Garden Fortinbras in ‘Hamlet,’ and was seen in other characters of secondary importance. ‘Percivall the player’ is last heard of during 1693. On 17 Oct. in that year he was sentenced to death at the Old Bailey for clipping coin, and he was reprieved in the cart at Tyburn seven days later (cf., Brief Hist. Relation, iii. 183, 205, 212). His daughter Susanna is first heard of in 1681, when at the Theatre Royal, as Mrs. Percival, she was the original Winifred, described as a young Welsh Jilt, in D'Urfey's ‘Sir Barnaby Whig, or No Wit like a Woman's.’ In 1684, after the junction of the companies, she played at Dorset Garden two parts, Susan and Mrs. Jenkin, in Ravenscroft's ‘Dame Dobson, or the Cunning Woman,’ and, at the Theatre Royal, Phillis in Otway's ‘Atheist, or the second part of the Soldier's Fortune,’ Juliana in Southerne's ‘Disappointment, or the Mother in Fashion,’ and Constance Holdup in Brome's ‘Northern Lass.’ In the following year she was Prudentia in Beaumont and Fletcher's ‘Duke and no Duke,’ to her father's Mago; and (at Dorset Garden) Girtred to his Alderman Touchstone in Tate's ‘Cuckolds Haven, or an Alderman no Conjuror.’ At the Theatre Royal she was Julietta in D'Urfey's ‘Commonwealth of Women,’ an alteration of Fletcher's ‘Sea Voyage,’ and Matilda in ‘Rollo, Duke of Normandy.’ In 1686 she was the original Nell in Jevon's ‘Devil of a Wife,’ and Lucia in D'Urfey's ‘Banditti.’ On 2 July a license was issued for the marriage of William Mountfort [q. v.] of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, bachelor, aged 22, and Mrs. Susanna Peircevall, spinster, of St. Giles-in-the-Fields, aged 19, by consent of parents, at St. Giles-in-the-Fields (see, Marriage Licences, under Mountfort). As ‘Mrs. Mountfort, late Mrs. Percival,’ she was in 1687 the original Diana in Mrs. Behn's ‘Lucky Chance, or an Alderman's Bargain.’ She was also the first Panura in the ‘Island Princess,’ altered by Tate from Fletcher, and Bellemante in Mrs. Behn's ‘Emperor of the Moon.’ In 1688 she ‘created’ Isabella in Shadwell's ‘Squire of Alsatia,’ and in 1689 Mrs. Gertrude in Shadwell's ‘Bury Fair,’ and Maria in Carlile's ‘Fortune Hunters.’

In 1690 she is already spoken of as one of those at the head of Betterton's company, and this same year saw her as the first Feliciana in Mountfort's ‘Successful Strangers,’ Morayma in Dryden's ‘Don Sebastian,’ and Phædra in Dryden's ‘Amphitryon, or the two Sosias;’ 1691 as Florella in Mountfort's ‘Greenwich Park,’ and Sir Anthony Love in Southerne's ‘Sir Anthony Love, or the Rambling Lady;’ and 1692 as Mrs. Witwoud in Southerne's ‘Wives Excuse,’ Eugenia in Shadwell's ‘Volunteers,’


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 Verbruggen and Lady Susan Malepert (sic) in Southerne's ‘Maid's Last Prayer.’

On 9 Dec. 1692 William Mountfort was assassinated by Captain Richard Hill (see, Apology, ed. Lowe, ii. 343 sq.; cf. , State Trials, xii. 578). Mrs. Mountfort remained on the stage, and was in 1693 the original Belinda in Congreve's ‘Old Bachelor;’ Catchat, an old maid, in Wright's ‘Female Virtuosoes,’ a rendering of Molière's ‘Femmes Savantes;’ Annabella in ‘Very Good Wife,’ an adaptation by Powell from Middleton's ‘No Wit, no Help like a Woman's;’ Dalinda in Dryden's ‘Love Triumphant;’ and Lady Froth in Congreve's ‘Double Dealer.’

Some time later than November 1693 she married John Verbruggen, an actor in the company (see below), and in 1694, as ‘Mrs. Verbruggen, late Mrs. Mountfort,’ played Mary the Buxom in the first and the second parts of D'Urfey's ‘Don Quixote’ and Hillaria in Ravenscroft's adaptation, ‘Canterbury Guests, or a Bargain Broken.’ In 1695, when she temporarily quitted Betterton's company, her name does not appear. In 1696 she repeated in the third part of ‘Don Quixote’ Mary the Buxom, and at Drury Lane or Dorset Garden was the first Charlot Welldon in Southerne's ‘Oroonoko,’ Ansilva in Gould's ‘Rival Sisters,’ Achmet, chief of the Eunuchs, in Mrs. Pix's ‘Ibrahim, thirteenth Emperor of the Turks,’ Olivia in Mrs. Manley's ‘Lost Lover, or the Jealous Husband,’ Demetria in Norton's ‘Pausanias the Betrayer of his Country,’ Clarinda in Scott's ‘Mock Marriage,’ Olivia in Mrs. Behn's ‘Younger Brother, or the Amorous Jilt,’ the Governor's Lady in Mrs. Pix's ‘Spanish Wives,’ and Narcissa in Cibber's ‘Love's Last Shift.’ To 1697 belong Berinthia in the ‘Relapse,’ Jacintha in Settle's ‘World in the Moon,’ Marsidia, in which she personated Mrs. Manley [q. v.], in the ‘Female Wits, or the Triumvirate of Poets at Rehearsal,’ by W. M., Doris in Vanbrugh's ‘Æsop,’ and was Cælia in a revival of the ‘Humorous Lieutenant.’ The next year she was the first Madame la Marquise in D'Urfey's ‘Campaigners,’ and Margaret the Shrew in ‘Sauny the Scot,’ an alteration by Lacy of ‘Taming the Shrew.’ In 1699 she was the first Letitia in ‘Love without Interest,’ and Lady Lurewell in Farquhar's ‘Constant Couple.’ No new part was taken in 1700, but in 1701 she was the original Louisa in Cibber's ‘Love makes a Man,’ Lucia in Baker's ‘Humour of the Age,’ Lady Lurewell in Farquhar's ‘Sir Harry Wildair,’ and Gillian Homebred, the Western Lass, in D'Urfey's ‘Bath, or the Western Lass.’ Lady Brampton in Steele's ‘Funeral,’ Bisarre in Farquhar's ‘Inconstant,’ Lady Cringe in Burnaby's ‘Modish Husband,’ and Hypolita in Cibber's ‘She would, and she would not,’ are her creations of 1702, and Hillaria in Baker's ‘Tunbridge Walks,’ and Mrs. Whimsey in Estcourt's ‘Fair Example,’ those of 1703. She was also, at a date not fixed, the original Mrs. Barnard in Vanbrugh's ‘Country House,’ and played Abigail in the ‘Scornful Lady,’ and Melantha in ‘Marriage à la Mode,’ and Bayes in the ‘Rehearsal.’ When, at the close of the season of 1703, the company went to Bath, she was too ill to accompany it. A few months later she died in childbirth.

Mrs. Verbruggen's powers were confined to comedy, over which she reigned almost supreme, many of the best parts in the finest Restoration comedies being assigned her. No portrait of Mrs. Verbruggen can be traced. Thanks, however, to the description of her appearance given by Aston, and that of her acting, we know her better than almost any actress of past days. Aston speaks of her as ‘the most pleasant creature that ever appeared … she was a fine fair woman, plump, full-featured; her face of a fine smooth oval full of beautiful, well-dispos'd moles on it, and on her neck and breast. Whatever she did was not to be called acting; no, no, it was what she represented. She was neither more nor less, and was the most easy actress in the world.’ Her acting was ‘all acquired, but she dressed it so nice it looked like nature.’ Cibber's praise is perhaps the most eloquent ever bestowed on an actress. She was, he says, mistress of more variety of humour than he ever knew in any actress; her elocution was ‘round, distinct, voluble, and various,’ she was an excellent mimic, and there was ‘nothing so barren that if within the bounds of nature it could be flat in her hands.’ ‘Her greatest charm was laughing, flirting her fan, and je ne sais quoi with a kind of affected twitter.’ Mrs. Oldfield copied her in some respects, but failed to reach her charm. In his ‘Comparison between the Two Stages,’ 1702, Gildon, after referring to Mrs. Oldfield and Mrs. Rogers, calls Mrs. Verbruggen ‘a miracle.’ D'Urfey praises her performance of Mary the Buxom (1696) with scarcely less enthusiasm than Cibber infuses into his well-known tribute to her in Melantha (a part of very different character) in ‘Marriage à la Mode’ (Apology, ed. Lowe, 1891, i. 167).

(fl. 1688–1707?), the actress's second husband, is first traceable at Drury Lane in 1688, when, under the name of Alexander, he was the original Termagant in the ‘Squire of Alsatia’ to the younger


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Rh

father went up to his daughter, who now awaked from her refreshing sleep. The little girl, in a flood of tears threw herself into the arms of the new comer, and was never weary of kissing his hands and cheeks: it seemed as if it were a necessity for her to indulge this once, in an unrestrained declaration, and expression of her love. "Man, indeed," thought the Lord of Beauvais within himself, "has nothing else but these poor tokens, or the action of alleviating sorrow, and administering food, clothing the naked, or affording warmth to the freezing: perhaps it may be that in a future state spirits intermingle in love." When both were more composed, the father said, "Eveline, you have ever been a sensible


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Rh child, but now you have an opportunity of shewing it in deed for my safety; and for your own also. Never must a word escape your lips here of our former residence of my friends, or of your brother: When we are both quite alone, you may then talk of these things, but below, or when anybody is present, you must ever be the little cousin of our good hosts. Be therefore in company rather perfectly quiet, or try to accommodate your behaviour for a short time to these people; for your father’s life depends on our not being discovered and spied out in this place of concealment." "My dear, my poor father," said Eveline, "all this will not be difficult to me, now that you are with me again. You know well how our·great Hector always looked up to my brother, or to Frantz, and from a sign understood, when he was to go, to stay, to lie down, or to eat; the animal has never once made a mistake: Now, dear papa, thus will your little pet dog attend to the slightest sign from your dear eyes and


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 Belfond of Mountfort, and the Isabella of Mrs. Mountfort (subsequently Mrs. Verbruggen). The name of Alexander he adopted, it is said, on account of his fondness for the part of Alexander the Great, and was called by it by his fellows and the public till 1694. He was a dissipated dare-devil man and a good actor. His original parts as Alexander included Sharper in the ‘Old Bachelor’ and Careless in the ‘Double Dealer.’ In 1694, as Verbruggen, he was Ambrosio in both parts of ‘Don Quixote.’ In subsequent years he was the first Loveless in ‘Love's Last Shift’ and in the ‘Relapse,’ Oroonoko, and Prince Frederick in the ‘Younger Brother.’ At Lincoln's Inn Fields or Drury Lane his original characters comprised Constant in the ‘Provoked Wife,’ King of Granada in the ‘Mourning Bride,’ Achilles in ‘Heroic Love,’ Xerxes in ‘Xerxes,’ Mirabel in the ‘Way of the World,’ Bajazet, Altamont, Antonio in the ‘Jew of Venice,’ and Young Valere in the ‘Gamester.’ At the Haymarket he was seen, among many other parts, as Edgar, Horatio, Alexander, Cassius, Wolsey, Don Sebastian, Chamont, Pierre, Iago, Sullen, Lorenzo in the ‘Spanish Friar,’ Apemantus, Wilmore in the ‘Rover,’ and Duke Ferdinand in the ‘Duchess of Malfi.’

Verbruggen was tall, well built, but a little in-kneed, which gave him a not unbecoming shambling gait. His Edgar in ‘Lear’ was greatly admired, as were his Wilmore, Bajazet, and Oroonoko. In the part last named he is said to have spoken ‘like a lion.’ As Wilmore in the ‘Rover’ he supported admirably Mrs. Bracegirdle. His Cassius, all nature, was contrasted with the Brutus of Betterton, which was all art. Aston describes him as a rough diamond shining more brightly than all the polished brilliants of the stage. Aston further says Verbruggen was ‘nature without extravagance, freedom without licentiousness, and vociferous without bellowing.’ Many stories of his wildness and want of conduct are given. He is said to have struck the Duke of St. Albans behind the scenes at Drury Lane and called him a son of a ——. Compelled to apologise or leave the London boards, he came on the stage and said he had been accused of calling the duke a son, &c. He then continued: ‘It is true, and I am sorry for it’ (, Dramatic Miscellanies, iii. 447). On 24 April 1708 a benefit was announced for a young orphan child of the late Mr. and Mrs. Verbruggen.

[Genest's account of the English Stage; Cibber's Apology, ed. Lowe; Doran's Annals of the Stage, ed. Lowe; Davies's Dramatic Miscellanies; Downes's Roscius Anglicanus; Reed's Notitia Dramatica (manuscript); Curll's History of the Stage; Gildon's Comparison between the Two Stages, 1702; Aston's Brief Supplement]

VERDON or VERDUN, BERTRAM (d. 1192), judge, was the son of Norman de Verdun and Luceline, daughter of Geoffrey de Clinton, chamberlain to Henry I. He is mentioned as adhering to Henry II against his rebel sons in 1173 ( i. 51). In 1175 and the three following years he was regularly present as a baron at the sittings of the curia regis (, History of the Exchequer, i. 94), and from 1175 to 1179, and probably later, acted as itinerant justice in eight counties (ib. i. 137; i. 107). He was also sheriff of Warwickshire and Leicestershire from 1168 to 1183 (Pipe Rolls, Pipe Roll Soc., for these years up to 1173; ). In March 1177 he was sent with others of the king's counsellors by Henry to Ferdinand to negotiate and announce his intention of making a pilgrimage to Compostella ( i. 157). He was seneschal of Ireland in 1184–6, when Giraldus Cambrensis mentions his stay with him (Opera, i. 65). He continued in the service of Richard I, witnessing charters at Canterbury on 1 Dec. 1189, and Westminster in January 1190 ( i. 503; Historians of York, iii. 87), and accompanied Richard to the Holy Land. He was surety for Richard's peace with Tancred of Sicily in November 1190 ( iii. 62), and witnessed a charter at Messina on 23 Jan. 1191 (Pipe Roll. Soc. Anc. Charters, p. 98). He arrived in Palestine in June 1191 (‘Itin. Ricardi’ in Memorials of Richard I, i. 217), and on 21 Aug. was left with Stephen de Longchamp in charge of Acre and the queens of England and Sicily, and the daughter of the Emperor of Cyprus, while Richard proceeded towards Jerusalem ( ii. 190; iii. 128). He died next year (1192) at Joppa ( ii. 150). Among other religious benefactions he founded in 1176 the Cistercian abbey of Croxden in Staffordshire, where his chief lands were (, Monasticon, v. 660; Ann. Burton, i. 187).

His first wife was Maud, daughter of Robert de Ferrers, earl of Derby, by whom he had no issue. By his second wife, Rohese, he had two sons, Thomas and Nicholas. Nicholas's only daughter and heiress, Rohese, married Theobald Butler, and was grandmother of Theobald de Verdon [q. v.]

[Authorities cited in text; Dugdale's Baronage of England, i. 471; Foss's Biographia Juridica; Nichols's Leicestershire, iii. 640.]


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Rh, and conceive everything. I was not allowed to speak of many things in the presence of my brother, many things that Martha related I was unable to tell you, because you were angry with my nurse formerly; one must, indeed, learn from childhood to suit one’s self to the world. But shall we see Frantz and Hector again? my brother too? ah, it has ever floated in my mind, that he would one day become downright godless; for no good can come of it, when men approach God as it were too rudely."

The father descended again, and was very much surprised to find a newly arrived guest in his host's room. Old Godfred was at that moment employed in dressing two deep and dangerous wounds in the head of a young lad, who seemed scarcely fourteen years of age. "See now, cousin," cried the talkative Barbara, turning towards him, "as I told you, our Sam-Rocious, as the old gentleman called him, a short time ago, is again seized with a vertigo, a real vagabond, as they call such deserters; who


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Rh asks here in the village after such and such an one, after a coach and strange travellers, and immediately our dealer in herbs there brings him to our house, because he has something to cure, which is once for all his greatest passibility." The Counsellor of Parliament listened not to the chattering, but examined with the greatest attention the handsome countenance and noble expression of the stranger, who seemed to be yet almost a boy. This sight attracted him the more, as the supposition occured to him, that this wounded youth might probably be that Martin of whose astonishing fearlessness the doctor had spoken. Emotion and gratitude mingled therefore in those feelings of sympathy which drew him towards the sufferer, and he only waited for the others to retire to interrogate him. The surgeon Godfred seemed dissatisfied at the appearance of the wounds, he comforted the youth, and cut his short brown hair still shorter, and stroked his handsome head with tender sympathy.


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Rh "The Lord has blessed us with money," exclaimed he aloud, "it shall benefit you, not only thee, I was going to say, dear old cousin, but this young patient here as well. I will run directly to the town and fetch better food, for wounds must not be neglected by any means."

A gaunt, haggered-looking man, in a tattered uniform entered, the surgeon sprang joyfully to meet him, and shook his meagre hand so heartily, that his long arm quivered with emotion, and a grim smile of affability passed over his pale face, under a large hat, which he still kept on. The new comer who now perceived the Counsellor, took off his hat, and said: "I did not know, gossip, that you had strangers."

"Not exactly strangers," immediately replied dame Barbara, preventing her husband's reply, "but a dear cousin of ours, Mr. Peter Florval, who possessed a pretty house and garden below there in the fruitful Camargue. The antichrists, the rebellious Camisards have plundered and


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 Verdon VERDON, THEOBALD (1248?–1309), baron, was the son of John de Verdon (d. 1274), and his wife, Margaret de Lacy. His grandfather, Theobald Butler, an Irish lord, married Rohese de Verdon, only daughter and heiress of Nicholas de Verdon, the last male representative of the Norman family of Verdon. They were lords of Farnham Royal in Buckinghamshire, of Brandon Castle in Warwickshire, and possessors of large estates in Leicestershire and Staffordshire, where their principal residence, Alveton (or Alton) Castle, was situated, and where also was their chief religious foundation, the Cistercian abbey of Croxden, established in 1176 by Bertram de Verdon [q. v.] They also acquired during the twelfth century considerable estates in Ireland. Rohese de Verdon was therefore a great heiress, who after her marriage retained her family name and arms and handed them on to her son. About 1242 she founded in her Leicestershire property at Belton in Charnwood Forest the priory of Grace Dieu for Austin canonesses (Monasticon, vi. 507;, Leicestershire, iii. 651–5). She died on 10 Feb. 1247, and was buried at Grace Dieu. At the dissolution her tomb was removed to Belton church, where it still remains. It is figured in Nichols's ‘Leicestershire’ (iii. 647). Her eldest son, John de Verdon as he was called, paid thirteen hundred marks to the king for the livery of her lands. He upheld the king's cause during the barons' wars, and Brandon Castle was demolished by the opposite party. He went on crusade with the future Edward I, and died on 21 Oct. 1274. Before 1248 he had further increased the importance of his house by his marriage with Margaret de Lacy, daughter of Gilbert de Lacy, and jointly with her sister Matilda, wife of Geoffrey de Genville, heiress of her grandfather Walter de Lacy's rich estates in Shropshire, the Welsh march, and in Ireland. This match brought to the Verdons a moiety of Weobley, of the marcher lordship of Ewyas Lacy, and of the manor of Ludlow, all Stokesay, and Stoke-on-Tern, and the half of the great Lacy palatinate of Meath in Ireland, with the office of constable of Ireland. Margaret de Lacy died in 1256. John's second wife, Eleanor, an Irish lady, left no issue (Hist. Coll. Staffordshire, vi. 1, 71). Margaret had three sons, but of these the eldest, Nicholas, and another brother, John, were slain in Ireland about July 1271 (Cal. Doc. Ireland, 1252–84, p. 524). Nicholas died without issue, so that on his father's death the younger son, Theobald de Verdon, paid 100l. as relief, and was put in possession of his lands. He is returned in one inquest as then ‘twenty-two years old and more,’ and in another as twenty-six years of age (Calendarium Genealogicum, p. 213, cf. p. 149). The latter seems the exacter statement. In November 1274, on paying 200 marks fine, he also got seisin of his Irish estates (Cal. Doc. Ireland, 1252–84, p. 187).

In the spring of 1275 Verdon went to Ireland (ib. p. 194). The governor, Robert de Ufford, sought to diminish his authority in his Meath franchise, and, after some litigation, took Meath into the king's hands in June 1280 (ib. p. 344). In September 1284 Verdon received protection on being about to visit Ireland, then in an exceptional state of war (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1281–92, pp. 131, 132). He did not, however, go thither before June 1285. In 1289 he was again in England (ib. p. 326). In that year he was among the barons present at the great meetings at Norham about the Scots succession (‘An. Regni Scot.’ in, p. 253). In 1291 he was called to answer for ‘divers transgressions and disorders.’ On his not appearing at Abergavenny, where the court was finally held, he was imprisoned and deprived of Ewyas Lacy (Rot. Parl. i. 81 b). The parliament of January 1292 confirmed the sentence, but as a great favour he was allowed to purchase release from prison with 500 marks, and the king promised to restore Ewyas after his death. It was only after this that, on 19 Feb. 1292, his lordship of Ewyas was taken into the king's hands. His disfavour did not last long, for on 8 June Ewyas was absolutely restored, apparently on condition of a grant of a fifteenth, which Edward promised should not prejudice his franchise (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1281–92, pp. 478, 492, 503).

In 1294 he was summoned to serve in Gascony, and in 1295 he again went to Ireland (ib. 1292–1301, p. 141), where he still remained in 1297 and 1299 (ib. pp. 321, 394). Accordingly he was allowed to send his eldest surviving son, Theobald, to represent him (Cal. Doc. Ireland, 1293–1301, p. 202; Parl. Writs, i. 883) in the Scots campaigns of 1297 and 1298. He was himself at the Lincoln parliament of 1301, and signed the famous letter to the pope as ‘T. de Verdon dominus de Webbele’ [Weobley] (Chron. Edw. I and Edw. II, i. 123). He was also summoned to the parliament of Carlisle in 1307; but to this, as to some previous parliaments, he was allowed to send a proxy (Parl. Writs, i. 883). He was summoned under Edward II to the Stamford parliament of July 1309. He died on Sunday, 24 Aug. 1309, at his castle of Alveton in Staffordshire, and was buried ‘with great honour’ in the family foundation of Croxden Abbey on 12 Oct. (Monasticon, v. 661).


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Rh burnt every thing, and it was with difficulty that he saved himself with our little cousin; he will now remain here contenting himself with our poor house until better times." The stranger drew near, and said solemnly, while he extended his hand to the Counsellor with a certain majestic air: "Venerable Mr. Peter Florval, be but at peace and let not your spirits flag, these times will pass quickly and in less than a year you will be happy again, I have had dreams, which have predicted this and still more to me, and my dreams never deceive, as I know how to give them the right interpretation. The abominable Cavalier has appeared to me, I could have painted him; behold: a head taller than myself, broad, muscular as a hercules, moustaches that he might have twisted twice round his whole head, which he did too, several times, to make himself look still more terrible. He came up to me, he had a guard’s uniform in his hand: sergeant, I shall be once more under the banners of the royal guards,


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Rh and that shall be the sign, that this day twelve months I shall wear this uniform, and then peace will be in the land, for without my supernatural giant-strength the rebels would be unable to do anything, and would be obliged to surrender. Remember Gerard Dubois, my good Peter, when the thing comes to passe."

Without paying particular attention to the speaker, the surgeon had again devoted himself to the invalid; for whom he had also made up a bed in the hay loft. He looked after the dog too once more, then gave his hand to the Counsellor and fetched his hat and stick. "I will go with you," said Gerard, "if you do not botanise, for I cannot endure that cursed stooping and mountain-climbing." On learning that the walk was only to the neighbouring market-town, he took leave, rejoiced to have an opportunity of accompanying his gossip.

"Look you, dear cousin," commenced the old dame, immediately again, "that


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Rh great herculus is also the cause, that my old man will not be anything as long as he lives. He seduces him fearfully to idleness, because he himself has nothing to do. He has been formerly a dreampeter in the royal guards, but as he was weak at the chest, he obtained his discharge and a pension, and with a small fortune, he plays the nobleman here, and gives himself such intolerable airs, that he addresses almost every body with familiarity. He was so enamoured with blowing, that they were obliged to pull the dreampet forcibly out of his mouth, for he is phthisical, properly hictical, as my old man calls it, for he looks wicked enough for it. Now the great beast stalks about here, and no one can hear him, because he is so very haughty and moreover wearisome and quite ennuiyant when he speaks of his forefathers. My good calf, however, will suit him, he might easily speak and listen to him in his leisure hours, and often may be thinking of other things at the same time;


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Rh but this is not the case, he has nothing to think of, and is delighted when the bully goes on with his gasconading to him. Only think, cousin, because he is not permitted to blow any more, he whistles, or lisps a little with his tongue all his old dreampeter airs for hours together into my husband’s ears; when he tells of campaigns, at times, with his mouth screwed up, he imitates the sounds of appelle, and retreat, the attack, every thing; or he beats i with his long stork-fingers on the table, which then is to represent the dulcimer or the harpichord, and thus does he play the harpichord as it is called before my old husband the live-long day and he talks of x sharp and z soft, and crosses and stories of fughes and passages, such gibberdish, that one might loose one’s senses, looking at these two fools wasting their time. The lanky fellow frequently assits in searching for herbs, and makes out of old rags a lineament for wounds, or cooks a mixture, and syrup quackery,


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Rh and as they are almost always together, he seduces my old husband away from me. They will no longer suffer the long Urian in the public—house, because he drives away all the guests with his blowing and harpchord playing, even the common people are wise enough for that, my Godfred alone suffers himself to be taken in. But this quick dreampeter-blower is an arrant rogue. He tices my old husband out of his chimistical experiments and begins to doctor patients, but he principally makes use of symphonies, which besides is much easier when one is once in the way of it, and the silly peasants therefore begin to have faith in the spoil-trade. What does a physician know of symphony; books and study appertain to that, and no little dreampeters. Moreover, he is for ever telling his stupid dreams. The times are so very bad, because now children, and old people, women and maid-servants, almost every one in the country, when they at once gave up the faith, began with


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Rh and prediction to prepare misfortune; formerly my husband was asked this thing and that, he also looked at the hands to see whether they would get rich husbands and so forth; he drew their line of life longer, once even he cast the Hurenskorp of a right noble lady, yonder in Florac, for he was much renowned at that time; but since this new-fashioned superstition has arisen, hardly any one inquires after him, all tell their own fortunes, or run to the unbelieving children, and what can these urchins know of philosophy or chiromantic and particularly of the stars; as if one only needed to take a horn in the mouth in order to obtain any knowledge of astrology and of all the abstract or dried-up sciences, for which purpose a great deal more is required." The old dame would have still run on, if she had not thought that she heard a pot boiling over in the kitchen; she ran therefore hastily out, leaving the Counsellor of Parliament alone with the young man. "My son," began the Lord of Beauvais, "could you be the


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Rh same of whom a friend of mine has spoken to me? perhaps your name may be Martin?"

"It is so," said the youth, approaching nearer and seizing the Counsellor's hand, over which he bent with deep emotion.

"And this blood ."—

"It is mine, mingled with that of your son." "Thanks then," exclaimed the father and embraced the youth much affected. "You know then who I am?"

"Yes," replied Martin, "in the fight your son pointed you out to me; Vila spoke of you, and now, my honoured sir, as I have discovered you, as I enjoy such kind care here, and as I shall soon be cured, grant that I may remain by you, and be your servant. Your domestic household is far from you, flown, dead, your tender child requires more affectionate, more gentle attendance, than these people here, with all their good will, are able to bestow. It shall be wretched, if you reject my petition."

The Counsellor gazed long on the youth's


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Rh dark, sparkling eyes. "My dear, beloved son," said he then, "I am indeed bound to you by the dearest ties; oh, ought I not call it friendship cemented with blood? How shall I command you, as you are here the guest of our benevolent host? I dare not now have any attendants, I must conceal myself, I must appear as a poor man of inferior condition. Would you wish to belong to me, so that I might put full confidence in you, you must give me further knowledge of yourself. Who are you? from whence come you? your appearance is too refined and delicate for service to be your vocation; this small, nobly-formed hand has not yet been hardened by any labour, your pale face has never yet been exposed to the inclemency of the seasons; tell me then what is your parentage, your name, how you became a member of this unfortunate rebellion?"

"Dear, beloved, paternal friend," said the pale Martin with a gush of tears, did you but know the excruciating pain you give my heart by these questions, you would


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Rh spare me. Will it not suffice, that I venerate your family, that it has long been my desire to be at your beloved side? you can guide, you can reform me; let my whole life be consecrated to you. I can, I dare not return, they would seize and sentence me to an ignominious death; my brethren too, the Camisards, distrust me and hold me for a traitor. Why put my poor parents to the blush, by naming them at this moment? They brought me up with tenderness and affection, and the more bitter must their sorrow be, to behold me degenerate, and liable to be executed. They are wealthy, but not of such high rank as to have their name disgraced by my humble services in my attendance on the noblest of men."

"I will believe you, young man!" cried the Lord of Beauvais; "could such an eye as that deceive? Be to me in lieu of child, of son, perhaps soon—" He could not proceed from emotion, and Martin also appeared deeply moved.

The repast was served up and Godfred


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Rh also returned from his wandering loaded with poultry, and delicate vegetables, Eveline descended, who in her peasant’s attire appeared very attractive; the Counsellor placed a chair for Martin, by the side of Eveline, saying at the same time. "My dear cousins, this young man belongs to me, he is related to me, and whatever expenses you may incur for him, I shall return to you again: only do me the favour to call him also cousin Martin and be kind to him."

"Aye! aye!" smiled Barbara, "last week, I could not have supposed, that all on a sudden my family would thus increase, sit down then, cousin Martin, and you Godfred, take care only not to make blunders before strangers." Grace was said, and the little Eveline made the sign of the cross, just as gravely as she saw the old people do; Godfred had prepared a separate soup for the invalid Martin, and would not allow him to eat of such meats as he deemed injurious to him. Godfred


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Rh spoke little, he seemed as if he had almost entirely renounced the habit of speech in the society of his too loquacious spouse, but on that account he had imbibed the peculiarity of frequently expressing aloud, when a pause occurred, whatever was at that moment passing in the train of his thoughts, for he listened but seldom to Barbara’s wonderful phraseology.

"The fever will now be kept under," said he; just then Martin perceived that he was the subject of discourse, and the Lord of Beauvais would willingly have inquired more closely into the state of the invalid, if the dame had not again launched out into narrations and far—fetched ideas.

"A little deeper and all would have been over," continued Godfred.

After the repast, Martin, for whom a room had been prepared near the Counsellor of Parliament, lay down. The rustic doctor, who had already fed the dog, now examined his wounds; Eveline and her father retired to the room up stairs.


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Rh "Have I done all well?" asked the little girl. "Quite well, my child," answered the father, "I am satisfied with you."

"That is a beautiful rule," recommenced Eveline, "to pray before and after the repast. Why did we not do the same at home?"

"You are not wrong, my child," replied the Counsellor; "for fear of being like tradespeople, or appearing very hypocritical, much that is good is neglected!"

"Ah! what a beautiful prayer the old woman said before dinner," continued Eveline: "All eyes wait upon thee!"—"Do you know too, papa, how at home, when our Hector, or the other dogs, were fed in the hall, all gazed up so flxedly into the eyes of old Frantz? and as he turned his head, so went all the eyes like so many torches, right and left, still peeping at the old man, without ever blinking, until they at length obtained their portions. No other animal, no ox, cat, nor horse can so affectionately gaze


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Rh into the eyes as the faithful dog. Even the smallest child is ashamed, when it begs so fervently. That sick dog looks thus hungrily at old Godfred, and immediately shuts its eyes, when dame Barbara glances that way. That is indeed a glorious thought, that here, in all towns, in all France, in all countries, and in the whole world, all hungry eyes, young and old, rise up to our Heavenly Father so devoutly, so confidingly, and it must also be pleasing to him, mighty and great as he is, when he beholds prayers and confidence shining from all parts wherever he turns. But indeed all men are not, or perhaps at all times grateful. Ah! dearest papa, how often have I, in my short little life, already been ungrateful to you! Forgive me, pray, good papa, how often have I sulked, when you would not give me a toy, or when you have kept me steadily to work, for then I forgot so intentionly in my ill-humour and wickedness, how much I ought to thank you, how you love me, and care for me. That


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Rh God exists and gives me every thing, I have often forgotten the whole day long. But I will become better and more reasonable."

The father took his child in his arms, and his heart was gladdened by the prattle of simplicity.


text: The Rebellion in the Cevennes/Volume 2/Chapter VI


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IR LEWIS STUKELEY, or Stucley, who has been branded as the Judas of Devonshire, was the eldest son of John Stukeley, of Affeton, by Frances St. Leger. He had two brothers and several sisters. He was great-nephew to "Lusty" Stucley, and partook of that vein of meanness and treachery that characterized Thomas. He was married to Frances daughter of Anthony Monk, of Potheridge, a family which, if not more ancient, was free from the taint of baseness that savoured three of the Stukeleys. By her he had five sons; none were knighted, the shame of the father rested on them, and it was not till the next generation that knighthood was again granted to the representative of the Stukeleys, of Affeton.

Lewis himself was knighted, not for any worthiness that he had shown, but as the representative of a good family, when James I was on his way to London in 1603. In 1617 he was appointed guardian of Thomas Rolfe, the infant son of Pocahontas by J. Rolfe. Then he was created Vice-Admiral of Devon, and in that capacity he left London in June, 1618, with verbal orders from the King to arrest Sir Walter Raleigh, then arrived at Plymouth on his return from the Orinoco. Sir Walter had been released from his long captivity in the Tower, because he gave hopes to James of finding a gold-mine in Guiana. He had been there before, had brought away auriferous spar, and had heard tidings of


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 By his wife Margaret (Hist. Coll. Staffordshire, vi. 1, 106; the pedigree in Leicestershire, iii. 640, makes him and his son marry the same person), Verdon left several children. Their eldest son, John de Verdon, died on 13 June 1297 in Ireland. An attempt of his father to enfeoff him with some estates without royal license caused difficulties with the king (Cal. Genealogicum, p. 768). The second and youngest son, junior (d. 1316), accordingly succeeded to his father's lands. He had been sent back from Ireland in 1298, when he was knighted on 24 June by Edward I, and took part in the Falkirk campaign. On 29 Dec. 1299 he was summoned to parliament during his father's lifetime as ‘Theodore de Verdon, junior.’ In 1313 he was made justice and lieutenant of Ireland with a salary of 500l., but after Bannockburn he was on 12 Aug. 1314 summoned to leave Ireland at once with horses and arms to fight against the Scots (Cal. Close Rolls, 1313–18, p. 193). Eyton speaks of his ‘short but brilliant career.’ He died at Alveton on 27 July 1316, and was buried at Croxden on 19 Sept. A long list of his estates is given in ‘Calendarium Inquisitionum post mortem’ (i. 284–5).

Theodore de Verdon junior married first Matilda (d. 1312), daughter of Edmund Mortimer (d. 1304), on 29 July 1302, and therefore sister to Roger Mortimer, first earl of March. By her he was the father of three daughters: 1. Joan (1304–1334), married to Thomas Furnival; 2. Elizabeth (b. 1307), married to Sir Bartholomew Burghersh; and 3. Margaret, married to Sir William Blount. Verdon married, secondly, on 4 Feb. 1316, Elizabeth de Clare [q. v.], the king's niece, sister of the deceased Earl Gilbert of Gloucester, and widow of John de Burgh, the heir of Ulster (cf. Rot. Parl. i. 352 b). After Verdon's death Elizabeth became the mother of his fourth daughter Isabella, who married Henry Ferrers, lord of Groby. As there was no son, the Verdon estates were divided among these four daughters, and the peerage passed into abeyance.

[Calendars of Documents relating to Ireland; Calendars of Patent Rolls and Close Rolls; Rymer's Fœdera; Calendarium Genealogicum; Rolls of Parliament; Parliamentary Writs, i. 882–44, ii. 1554–5; Dugdale's Monasticon, ed. Caley, Ellis, and Bandinel; Nicolas's Historic Peerage, ed. Courthope, pp. 488–9; Dugdale's Baronage, i. 471–5; Eyton's Shropshire; Nichols's Leicestershire, vol. iii.; Gilbert's Viceroys of Ireland.]

VERE,, is supposed to have derived its name from Ver, near Bayeux, and was founded in England by Aubrey (‘Albericus’) de Vere, who obtained from the Conqueror vast estates, chiefly the property of Wulfwine, a great English thegn, in the counties of Essex, Suffolk, and Cambridge, with two manors in Huntingdonshire and that of Kensington in Middlesex (Domesday). The continuance of his family in the male line and its possession of an earldom for more than five and a half centuries have made its name a household word. Macaulay's elaborate but inaccurate panegyric (lib. ii. cap. 8) on ‘the longest and most illustrious line of nobles that England has seen’ is rivalled by the stately eloquence of Lord-justice Crewe when pronouncing his judgment on the great case in 1626 for the family honours: ‘I suppose there is no man that hath any apprehension of gentry or nobleness but his affection stands to the continuance of so noble a name and house.’ Less familiar is the entail of his estates by the seventeenth earl (1575) for the preservation of the ancient ‘name of the Veers, whereof he is lyneally discended, in alliance and kindred with moste of the ancient nobilitie of this realme, and in the good will and good lykinge of the cominaltie of the same realme,’ &c. (Hist. MSS. Comm. 14th Rep., App. ix. 277).

The earliest information on the family history is found in the cartulary of Abingdon, which relates the grant of Kensington church to the abbey by Aubrey de Vere ‘senior.’ Aubrey de Vere (d. 1141) [q. v.], created great chamberlain in 1133, was son or grandson of the founder of the family. The early pedigree has been much confused by Dugdale and others (Geoffrey de Mandeville, pp. 388–98). A considerable addition to the family fief was made by the marriage of Robert de Vere, third earl [q. v.], to the heiress of the Bolebecs, whose ancestor, Hugh, had obtained large estates in Buckinghamshire at the Conquest. In virtue of this match the earls eventually assumed proprio motu the title of Viscount Bolebec. The fifth earl, Robert de Vere (d. 1296), was a follower of Simon de Montfort, who knighted him on the field in 1264, and summoned him to the parliament of 1265. His marriage with the heiress of Gilbert de Sanford brought the family the office of chamberlain to the queen (Liber Rubeus, p. 507), which Gilbert had exercised in 1236, when the earl's father had similarly acted as chamberlain to the king (ib. p. 759). The earls eventually added to their titles that of Lord Sanford in virtue of this marriage. The seventh earl, John de Vere [q. v.], married a coheiress of the Lords Badlesmere, whose title was similarly assumed by his descendants. His grandson


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 Rh deposits of gold. James was in debt and in need of money, and he clutched at the chance of getting out of his difficulties through the gold of Guiana. That there was gold there is certain; Raleigh's mine has been identified; but since he had left the Orinoco, the Spaniards had pushed up the river and annexed land and built stations. James did not want to break with the Spanish Government and gave Raleigh instructions not to come to blows with the Spaniards. Unhappily, Raleigh's lieutenant, whom he had dispatched up the river, did come to blows with them, and blood was shed; it was however in self-defence, for the Spaniards had fallen upon the English party when unprepared and killed some of them. This unfortunate business, and the fact that Raleigh could not reach his gold-mine, the way to it being intercepted by the Spaniards, made him turn back with a heavy heart. On reaching Plymouth, he hasted towards London to state the case to the King, when he was met at Ashburton by his cousin, Sir Lewis Stukeley, with smiles and professions of love—but having war in his heart. His rancour against his kinsman was due to a quarrel in 1584, when, as Stukeley asserted, Sir Walter did "extreme injustice" to Stukeley's father, then a volunteer in Sir Richard Grenville's Virginia voyage, by deceiving him in a matter of a venture he had made. James was in a great fright lest he should be plunged in war with the King of Spain, and very angry because the gold-mine had not been found; and Stukeley was promised £500 to worm out of his cousin some damning admissions, as that there never had been any goldmine at all, and to betray these to James. Stukeley had received only verbal instructions from the King. He therefore reconducted Raleigh back to Plymouth, where he placed him in Radford, the house of Sir Christopher


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 SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES

Allotment of Justices

It is ordered that the following allotment be made of the Chief Justice and Associate Justices of this Court among the circuits, pursuant to Title 28, United States Code, Section 42, and that such allotment be entered of record, effective September 30, 1994, viz.:

For the District of Columbia Circuit, William H. Rehnquist, Chief Justice. For the First Circuit, David H. Souter, Associate Justice. For the Second Circuit, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Associate Justice. For the Third Circuit, David H. Souter, Associate Justice. For the Fourth Circuit, William H. Rehnquist, Chief Justice. For the Fifth Circuit, Antonin Scalia, Associate Justice. For the Sixth Circuit, John Paul Stevens, Associate Justice. For the Seventh Circuit, John Paul Stevens, Associate Justice. For the Eighth Circuit, Clarence Thomas, Associate Justice. For the Ninth Circuit, Sandra Day O’Connor, Associate Justice. For the Tenth Circuit, Stephen Breyer, Associate Justice. For the Eleventh Circuit, Anthony M. Kennedy, Associate Justice. For the Federal Circuit, William H. Rehnquist, Chief Justice. September 30, 1994. -- (For next previous allotment, and modiﬁcation, see 509 U. S., p. VI, and 512U.S., p. V.) (For next subsequent allotment, see post, p. VI.)


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 280 Harris, who was charged with his custody, till Stukeley received orders from James. Raleigh was ill—or feigned to be ill—the former is the more probable, and he being laxly guarded formed a plan of escape to France. He commissioned Captain King, the only one of his officers who remained faithful to the last, to make arrangements for flight with the master of a French vessel then lying in the Sound. At nightfall, the two stole from Radford and got into a boat lying at the little quay below the house. They had not rowed far, however, before qualms came over Raleigh; it seemed to him unworthy of his past and of his honour to fly his native land; and he perhaps counted too securely on the generosity of the despicable James. He changed his mind, and ordered King to return to Radford. Next day he sent money to the Frenchman, and begged him to wait for him another night. Night came, but Raleigh did not stir. This singular irresolution in a man so energetic, ready, and firm, points surely to the fact that he was ill at the time, suffering from the ague which so often prostrated him. Stukeley at length received orders to take his prisoner to London, and the opportunity to escape was gone for ever. As Raleigh passed through Sherborne, he pointed out the lands that had once been his, and related how wrongfully they had been taken from him.

At Salisbury Raleigh complained of illness, and begged to be allowed to halt there for a while. It was asserted by a French quack, Mannourie, set as a spy over him, that he got the doctor to anoint him so as to produce sores wherever the ointment was applied. This was one of the charges afterwards brought against him, at the special insistence of King James, who always kept his eye on trifles. Whilst Raleigh was at Salisbury, Sir Lewis Stukeley robbed him of all his


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 Vere Robert (1362–1392) [q. v.], the favourite of Richard II, was succeeded by his uncle Aubrey (1340?–1400) [q. v.], to whom the king, in 1392, ‘restitut, done, et grante … le nom, title, estat et honour de Count d'Oxenford,’ with limitation to his heirs male, ‘et luy fist Count d'Oxenford en plein parlement’ (Rot. Parl. iii. 603), the original earldom having been forfeited in 1388. It is remarkable that his grandson and all the successive earls signed themselves ‘Oxenford.’

The twelfth earl, John de Vere (d. 1462), a staunch Lancastrian, who was beheaded, with his eldest son, in 1462, married the heiress of the barony of Plaiz. His younger son and successor, John, thirteenth earl [q. v.], was attainted in 1474, but was restored to all his family honours on the triumph of Henry VII. With his nephew, John, the fourteenth earl, the direct male line came to an end (1526), and the earldom passed to a descendant of the eleventh earl, Richard (1400–1417), who obtained with it the great chamberlainship (as being entailed on heirs male under Richard II), and assumed the other titles of the family. Of his younger sons, Aubrey was grandfather of Robert de Vere, the nineteenth earl, and Geoffrey was father of Sir Francis Vere and Horatio, lord Vere of Tilbury [q. v.] His grandson, Edward, the seventeenth earl (1562–1604) [q. v.], ruined his inheritance, and with his son, Henry de Vere, eighteenth earl [q. v.], the direct male line again came to an end in 1625. Although, a century before, in the same circumstances, the heir male appears to have succeeded to the family honours without question, they were now stubbornly contested by Robert (Bertie), lord Willoughby de Eresby (, pp. 269–75), whose mother was an aunt of the last (eighteenth earl), on the ground that the latter's three sisters were only ‘of the half-blood.’ The House of Lords referred the whole question to the judges, who adjudged the earldom to the heir male—a poor officer, Robert de Vere, nineteenth earl (d. 1632) [see under, twentieth earl]; the office of great chamberlain (by a bare majority) to Lord Willoughby de Eresby, in whose descendants it is still vested; and the baronies (which had merely been assumed by the family) to the heirs general of Earl John, who died in 1525. Robert's son Aubrey [q. v.], the twentieth and last earl, restored the fortunes of his family by his marriage with Anne Bayning, a great heiress, in 1647. His daughter Diana married the first Duke of St. Albans, whose descendants preserve his memory in the barony of Vere of Hanworth (1750) and the names of ‘Aubrey’ and ‘De Vere.’

Among the religious foundations of the family were the priories of Earl's Colne (their place of sepulture) and Hatfield Broadoak, Essex, and a nunnery at Ickleton, Cambridgeshire. Their ancestral seat was at Castle Hedingham, where the finest rectangular keep in England still testifies to their power. From its resemblance to that of Rochester, it was probably the work of the first great chamberlain. Stephen's queen died there. The cognisance of their house was the blue boar (a pun on verres), and their motto ‘Vero nil verius.’

[Domesday Book; Abingdon Chron. and Red Book of the Exchequer (Rolls Ser.); Rotuli Parliamentorum; Dugdale's Baronage; G. E. C[okayne]'s Complete Peerage; Nichols's Descent of the Earldom of Oxford (Arch. Journ. ix. 17–29); Collins's Historical Precedents; Halsted's Succinct Genealogies; Macaulay's Hist.; Round's Geoffrey de Mandeville; Vere Papers among the Round MSS. in App. ix to 14th Report on Hist. MSS. pp. 276–81. There are fine engravings of Hedingham keep in Vetusta Monumenta.]  VERE, AUBREY (d. 1141), great chamberlain, was son and successor of Aubrey (Albericus) de Vere ‘senior,’ by Beatrice his wife. He is found in 1125 acting as joint-sheriff of London (Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 309); and in 1130 he appears, in conjunction with Richard Basset, as holding the shrievalty of eleven counties ‘ut custodes’ for the crown (ib. pp. 297–8). But he was then indebted for an enormous sum to the crown for having allowed a prisoner to escape, and for permission to resign the shrievalty of Essex and Hertfordshire (Rot. Pip. 31 Hen. I, p. 53). In September 1131 he was among the magnates attending the council of Northampton (Sarum Charters, p. 6); and in 1133, on the king leaving England for the last time, Aubrey was given at Farnham the office of great chamberlain for himself and his heirs (, Baronia Anglica, p. 158). He is found at Stephen's court as chamberlain early in 1136 (Geoffrey de Mandeville, pp. 262–3), and was with him at Clarendon not long afterwards (ib. p. 378). When, in 1139, Stephen was called upon to defend before a council his arrest of the bishops, he selected as his advocate Aubrey, whom William of Malmesbury describes as ‘causidicus’ and as practised in (legal) cases (pp. 552–4). He was slain on 9 May 1141 (not, as stated, 1140) in a London riot (, Chron. Major, ii. 174; Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 81).

The statement that he was ‘chief justiciar of England,’ for which Foss could find no authority (Judges of England, pp. 89, 138–9),


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Page:United States Reports, Volume 545.djvu/6

 SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES

Allotment of Justices

It is ordered that the following allotment be made of the Associate Justices of this Court among the circuits, pursuant to Title 28, United States Code, Section 42, and that such allotment be entered of record, effective September 7, 2005, viz.:

For the District of Columbia Circuit, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Associate Justice. For the First Circuit, David H. Souter, Associate Justice. For the Second Circuit, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Associate Justice. For the Third Circuit, David H. Souter, Associate Justice. For the Fourth Circuit, Clarence Thomas, Associate Justice. For the Fifth Circuit, Antonin Scalia, Associate Justice. For the Sixth Circuit, John Paul Stevens, Associate Justice. For the Seventh Circuit, John Paul Stevens, Associate Justice. For the Eighth Circuit, Clarence Thomas, Associate Justice. For the Ninth Circuit, Sandra Day O’Connor, Associate Justice. For the Tenth Circuit, Stephen Breyer, Associate Justice. For the Eleventh Circuit, Anthony M. Kennedy, Associate Justice. For the Federal Circuit, Stephen Breyer, Associate Justice. September 7, 2005. - (For next previous allotment, see 512 U. S., p. VI.)


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 Rh jewels and money, leaving him only the emerald ring on his finger, engraved with the Raleigh arms. It has been asserted that Sir Walter endeavoured here to bribe his cousin to connive at his escape. Had this been the case, Stukeley would certainly have mentioned it in his "Humble Petition," and justification of his conduct after the execution of Raleigh. He was not the man to fail to flaunt such a feather in his cap as that he had resisted a bribe, had such a bribe been offered him.

Whilst Raleigh lay ill at Salisbury, Captain King hurried up to London, by his master's direction, to hire a vessel to wait at Gravesend till he should be able to go on board. The master of the vessel at once betrayed the matter. Sir William St. John, a captain of one of the King's ships, immediately took horse and rode to meet Stukeley and his prisoner on their way to town, and encountered them before he reached Bagshot. Stukeley then confided to him certain charges against Raleigh which he was to lay before the King.

Next day Stukeley had fresh matter to dispatch to the Court. It was this: La Chesnee, the interpreter of the French Embassy, visited Sir Walter at Brentford. He had brought with him a message from Le Clerc, agent for the King of France, offering him a passage on board a French vessel, together with letters of introduction which would secure him an honourable reception in Paris. Raleigh thanked him for the offer, but replied that he had already provided for his escape. All this Stukeley learned by applying his ear to the keyhole or by worming the secret out of Raleigh by professions of kindness and desire to assist him to escape.

James at once took alarm. A plot with France was a serious matter at that time. He accordingly directed


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 at the present day Sasgunn, though the adjective is there Sasunnach, is Sostyn in Manx.

Contrasted with that are such northern forms as cosg used by Duncan Ban, and cosgus for cosd and cosdus, and perhaps cas-ruisg for cas-ruisgte, barefoot.

gh broad

Broad gh when non-initial is unaspirated as a rule in Arran. Amhghair, affliction, bràghad, throat, and truaghan, a miserable creature, are respectively àmhagair, bràgad, and truagan. Agus, and, also is pronounced there as written, not as in North Argyll and West Ross aghus, nor as so often in other districts aoghus (ao short). Leómhann, lion, Old Irish leoman, from Latin leo, leonem, sometimes written leòghann, and pronounced with gh by MacAlpine is leògann in Arran. At the end of monosyllables especially, as dragh, trouble, lagh, law, seagh, sense, sleagh, spear, gh is g in Arran. At the north end even brèagh, fine, may be heard as brèag, and at Shiskine laogh, calf, is laog, whence the local name Glenlaeg or Calves’ Glen.

In a few instances such as àmhghair, affliction, aoghaire, shepherd, truaghan, miserable person, etc., gh has its proper sound in most dialects. It is sounded in aghaidh, face, in Arran, Perth, West Ross, and Sutherland, but is silent in Kintyre, North Argyll, and Skye; MacAlpine gives both pronunciations. Foghar, autumn, harvest, Irish fóghmhar, Early Irish fogamur, has gh—faoghar—in Perth, Strathspey, and Sutherland; and bh—fe’bhar (close e)—in Arran, Kintyre, and Islay; in Skye it is fao’ar, in West Ross faowar, and in North Argyll fowr (o close), the vowel of the first syllable being short in all those pronunciations. In West Ross gh is heard in rìoghann, a nymph, etc., sometimes written rìbhinn, and by MacAlpine rìghinn with gh sounded slender in this case; in Early Irish it is rígan. In the same district gh is heard in làghan, sowens, the local form of làgan; possibly it should be làthan, a spelling favoured by the sound of à


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282 Stukeley to continue to counterfeit friendship with Raleigh, to assist him in his meditated escape, and only to arrest him at the last moment; and to bring this attempt as one more charge against Raleigh. So Stukeley continued to insinuate himself into the confidence of his cousin, and endeavoured by all means in his power to wheedle out of him such papers as might afford evidence of his designs and might serve to help to bring him to the scaffold. On his arrival in town, Raleigh was conducted to his own house in Broad Street. There he was revisited by Le Clerc, who repeated his former offers. The next morning Sir Walter got into a boat attended by Stukeley, all smiles, and the honest King; and, as prearranged, he was arrested at Woolwich and at once lodged in the Tower. On 29 October, 1618, Raleigh's head fell under the executioner's axe. He was a victim to Spanish resentment and to James's meanness in offering him as a sacrifice to curry favour with Spain. Gardiner says Raleigh was executed "nominally in accordance with the sentence delivered in 1603; in reality because he had failed to secure the gold of which James was in need. The real crime was the King's, who had sent him out without first defining the limits of Spanish sovereignty." The writer of the notice of Sir Lewis Stukeley in the Dictionary of National Biography takes a lenient view of Stukeley's conduct. "Stukeley certainly gave hostile, not necessarily false evidence against Raleigh. He seems to have been a harsh, narrow-minded, and vulgar man, glad to have his cousin in his power, to revenge himself on him for the pecuniary loss his own father had entertained." Gardiner says: "Stukeley seems to have thought it no shame to act as a spy upon


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 rests on the assertion to that effect by his son William in a tract ‘De miraculis S. Osythæ’ (Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 390).

There has been much confusion as to Aubrey's marriage and children. By his wife Alice, daughter of Gilbert (Fitz Richard) de Clare—who survived him twenty-two years, retiring as a widow to St. Osyth's Priory—he left, besides Aubrey, his successor (see below), three sons: (2) Geoffrey, who in 1142 was promised by the empress the fief of Geoffrey Talbot, and who, afterwards marrying the widow of William Fitz Alan, held a Gloucestershire fief in her right, besides a Shropshire one in 1166 (Lib. Rub. pp. 274, 298); (3) Robert, who in 1142 was promised by the empress a ‘barony’ of equal value (Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 182), and who held a small Northamptonshire fief in 1166 (Lib. Rub. p. 335; Feudal England, p. 220); (4) William, who in 1142 was promised the reversion to the chancellorship (Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 182), and who was identical with the writer of the above tract, a canon of St. Osyth's (ib. p. 389). Of Aubrey's daughters, Rohese married, first, Geoffrey, first earl of Essex [q. v.], secondly, Payne de Beauchamp of Bedford; and Alice, first, Robert of Essex, secondly, Roger Fitz Richard of Warkworth (ib. p. 392).

, first (d. 1194), was eldest surviving son of the above Aubrey, whom he succeeded in 1141. Having married Beatrice, daughter of Henry, castellan of Bourbourg, and heiress of her maternal grandfather, Manasses, count of Guines, Aubrey, on the latter's death (? 1139), became Count of Guines in her right (ib. pp. 189, 397;, Archæologia, xxxi. 216 sq.), and is so styled in a charter of the abbot of St. Edmund's (Cott. Chart. xxi. 6). It was also as count before his father's death that he executed the charter to Hatfield Priory quoted by Morant (Essex, ii. 506). In his ‘Historia Comitum Ardensium’ (, vol. xxiv.), Lambert of Ardres, as the writer has shown (Academy, 28 May 1892), speaks of Aubrey as ‘Albericus Aper’ in his account of the comté of Guines. He was divorced by the Countess Beatrice, who then married Baldwin of Ardres, the claimant to the comté, about 1145 (Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 189).

Meanwhile he had joined his brother-in-law, Earl Geoffrey, in intriguing with the Empress Maud (ib. p. 178), and, through his influence, obtained from her at Oxford in 1142 a remarkable charter, granting him lands and dignities, including an earldom, either of Cambridge, or, if that was impossible, of Oxford, Berkshire, Wiltshire, or Dorset, which charter her son Henry confirmed (ib. pp. 179–88). The title he adopted was that of Oxford, and in January 1156 Henry II by a fresh charter granted him its ‘third penny’ as earl (ib. p. 239). In 1166 he made a return of his knights' fees (Lib. Rub. p. 352). He is said to have founded the priories at Hedingham and at Ickleton, Cambridgeshire.

By his second wife, Euphemia Cantelupe, he seems to have had no issue, but by the third, Lucy, daughter of Henry of Essex, he left at his death in 1194 (Rot. Pip. 7 Ric. I) Aubrey, second earl, and Robert, third earl of Oxford [q. v.]

[Pipe Roll of 1130 (Record Comm.); Sarum Charters and Documents, Giraldus Cambrensis, William of Malmesbury, Matt. Paris, Liber Rubeus Scaccarii (all in Rolls Series); Madox's Baronia Anglica; Archæologia; Morant's History of Essex; Pertz's Monumenta; Foss's Judges of England; Dugdale's Monasticon; Round's Geoffrey de Mandeville and Feudal England; Academy, 28 May 1892; Cotton Charters; Pipe Rolls.]

VERE, AUBREY, tenth (1340?–1400), second son of John de Vere, seventh earl of Oxford [q. v.], by his wife Maud, second daughter and coheir of Giles, lord Badlesmere (d. 1338), and widow of Robert Fitzpayne, was born about 1340. In July 1360 he became steward of the royal forest of Havering in Essex, and in October 1367 was retained to ‘abide for life’ with the Black Prince, on an allowance of a hundred marks a year, and accompanied him to Aquitaine (Cal. Pat. Rolls, Richard II, i. 161; Fœdera, iii. 837, Record ed.). Before this he had been knighted.

The Black Prince looked well after his followers, and in 1375 Vere obtained the constableship of Wallingford Castle and the stewardship of the honours of Wallingford and St. Valery, which he held until 1382 (ib. ii. 120). In the last weeks of Edward III's life he was one of the ambassadors to treat for peace with France (Fœdera, vii. 143). Early in the next reign (1 Feb. 1378) he surrendered part of his allowance from the Black Prince, and received in return the custody of Hadley Castle and the manor of Thundersley in Essex, with the crown revenue from the neighbouring town of Rayleigh (Cal. Pat. Rolls, Richard II, i. 112). Next year he was given charge of the royal parks at these places, and in 1381 the reversion of the bailiwick of the hundred of Rochford, in which Hadley and Rayleigh lay (ib. i. 371, 564). As uncle of Robert de Vere (1362–1392) [q. v.], the royal favourite, he might expect further advancement. He obtained


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Rh the man who had called upon him to betray his trust;" but it is precisely this charge that cannot be established. We have no good evidence that Raleigh did attempt to bribe him. Popular opinion ran strongly against Stukeley, and he was nicknamed Sir Judas. He tried to hold up his head at Court, but no man would condescend to speak to him. He met on all sides with glances full of contempt and gestures of disgust. He hurried to James, and offered to take the Sacrament upon the truth of a story Raleigh had denied on the scaffold—that he had been offered a commission by the French King (the story came through Mannourie); but no one would have believed Stukeley a whit the readier had he done this. Indeed, Mannourie subsequently admitted that it was false, when he was arrested for clipping the gold, the blood money, he had received for spying on Sir Walter. In a letter from the Rev. T. Lorkin to Sir T. Puckering on 16 February, 1618-19, he says: "Manourie, the French Apothecary, (who joigned with Stukely in the accusation of Syr Walter Raleigh) is at Plimouth for clippyng of gold … his examination was sent up hether to the King, wherein … (as I hear from Syr Rob. Winde, cupbearer I thincke to his Majesty, who saith he read the examination) that his accusation against Raleigh was false, and that he was wonne thereto by the practise and importunity of Stukely, and now acknowledges this his present miserable condition a judgment of God upon him for that."

When Stukeley made this offer to King James, a bystander dryly observed that if the King would order him to be beheaded, and if he would then confirm the truth of his story with an oath while on the scaffold, then possibly he might be believed. One day Sir Judas went to call on the old Earl of


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  of the enemy. On 28 July 1667 he represented to Arlington the necessity of reinforcements, and especially of gunners for the fort of Harwich (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1667, p. 335). In October 1668 he was there attending the Duke of York. On 22 May 1667 he had been made warden of the New Forest, and on 6 Nov. 1670 a warrant for 2,000l. as a free gift from the king was issued to him. On 18 June of the same year he was named one of a commission to act under the Duke of York ‘to consider all military matters’ (ib. 1670, pp. 282, 518).

Oxford was sworn of the privy council on 5 Jan. 1669, but was left out on its reconstitution ten years later. On 4 May 1678 he had been gazetted lieutenant-general of the forces, and in the same year became a lord of the bedchamber. On 12 July 1680 he went to Calais ‘to compliment the French king on his arrivall in those parts’ (, i. 52). He was readmitted to the privy council in the following January (ib. p. 64). He acted as one of Danby's sureties when in February 1684 he was released from the Tower on a writ of habeas corpus (ib. p. 300).

Oxford's pension of 2,000l. was continued by James II (see List in Append. to Diary); but, in spite of his encumbered estates and his dependence on the court, he gradually joined the opposition to the king's measures. When commanded to use his influence in his lieutenancy ‘for the taking off of the penal laws and the test,’ Oxford ‘told the king plainly he could not persuade that to others which he was averse to in his own conscience,’ and his regiment was thereupon given to Berwick (, Memoirs, ed. Cartwright, p. 390); and in February 1688, after an explanation had taken place in the royal closet, the lord-lieutenancy of Essex was given to Petre. Both, however, were restored to Oxford, the latter in October and the former in December (, i. 421, 470, 489). In November 1688 Oxford refused to join in the petition for calling a free parliament, ‘as he knew it would not please the king’ ( Diary, ed. Singer, ii. 209); but in the following month he went in to the Prince of Orange at Salisbury (, i. 484). At the meeting on 8 Dec. at the inn at Hungerford between the representatives of James and William, Oxford, who was among the latter, ‘was persuaded to take the chair’ (, ii. 221). William III reappointed him to his former offices, and on 13 Feb. 1689 made him lieutenant-general of horse and foot, with a day's precedency over Marlborough. Oxford was present at the battle of the Boyne, and in November 1690 was described as ‘making great preparations to attend his majesty into Holland’ (, ii. 134). In 1691 he was to be ‘a lieutenant-general to command in Flanders next year’ (ib. p. 318). On 24 Oct. 1692 he went to Kensington at the head of the officers of the army ‘to congratulate the king's safe return’ (ib. p. 601; cf. p. 624).

During the reign of William III Oxford usually acted with the whig lords. Thus he signed protests against the rejection of a proposal for giving equal validity to the taking of the sacrament in all protestant places of worship, and against the refusal to give longer time to the city for preparing their case for reversing the quo warranto. In the controversy with the commons over the impeachment of Somers he favoured the rights of the lower house. In April 1697 he obtained a grant of ‘the quitt rents in Ireland’ (, iii. 30). On several occasions he was one of the commissioners for the prorogation of parliament. On the accession of Anne he was again sworn of the privy council. He died on 13 March 1703. With him expired the earldom of Oxford, so long held by his family.

Oxford is described by Macaulay as ‘a man of loose morals, but of inoffensive temper and of courtly manners,’ of a nature not factious. In person he was handsome, and he shone at court. A full-length portrait in oils, by Verelst, is at Welbeck Abbey. A portrait of him, drawn by S. Harding, was engraved by Schenker for Harding's edition of the Grammont ‘Memoirs.’

By his first wife, Anne (d. 1659), daughter and coheir of Paul, second viscount Bayning, he had no issue; but by the second, Diana, daughter of George Kirke, groom of the bedchamber to Charles II [see under ], he had a son and three daughters. A portrait of the second countess was painted by Lely (cf. Notes and Queries, 1st ser. viii. 461). The son predeceased his father. Two daughters, Margaret and Henrietta, were buried in Westminster Abbey. A third, Diana, married Charles Beauclerk, first duke of St. Albans. Their third son was on 28 March 1750 created Baron Vere of Hanworth; the barony afterwards reverted to the dukes of St. Albans, who now quarter the De Vere arms.

The ‘Aubrey de Vere’ who was baptised at St. Paul's, Covent Garden, on 15 May 1664, and buried from Gray's Inn at St. Andrew's, Holborn, on 4 June 1708, as ‘Earl of Oxford,’ was probably an illegitimate son of Vere by an actress (probably Elizabeth Davenport) with whom he went through a


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 284 Nottingham, who was Lord High Admiral, and asked to be allowed to speak to him. The Earl turned on him instantly. "What," he said, "thou base fellow! Thou who art reputed the scorn and contempt of men, how darest thou offer thyself into my presence? Were it not in my own house, I would cudgel thee with my staff for presuming to be so saucy." Stukeley ran off to whine to the King, but even there he met with no redress. "What," said James, "wouldst thou have me do? Wouldst thou have me hang him? On my soul, if I should hang all that speak ill of thee, all the trees in the country would not suffice." It was even said, probably without truth, that James had said to Stukeley, "Sir Walter's blood be on thy head." A few days after the scene with the King, it was discovered that Stukeley had been for many years engaged in the nefarious occupation of clipping coin. It was even said that he tampered in this way with the very gold pieces which had been paid to him as the price of his services for lodging Raleigh in the Tower and betraying him. When arrested he endeavoured to excuse himself by inculpating his son. Could meanness descend to a lower depth? "1618-19. Jan. 12. … Upon Twelf night Stukely was committed close prisoner in the Gate house for clipping of gould. He had receyved of the Exchequer some weeks before £500 in recompense for the service he had performed in the business of Syr Walter Raleigh, and beganne (as is said) to exercise the trade upon that ill-gotten money (the price of blood). Upon examination he endeavoured to avoid it from himself, by casting the burden either upon his sonne or man. The former playes least in sight and can not be found. The servant is committed to the Marshalsay, who, understanding that his Master would shift over the business


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Rh sea, but before we had proceeded any distance, it came on a dead calm, so that we entirely lost command of the vessel, the swell of the sea continuing at the same time so heavy that our boat was useless; for any attempt at towing her in such a swell, and against a strong current which was making directly on the land, was utterly vain. The island presented to our view a perpendicular cliff, with numerous rocks protruding into the sea, and against them we were driven, victims to the unspent power of a raging sea, lashed into fury by winds which now seemed hushed into breathless silence, the more calmly to witness the effects of the agitation raised by them in the bosom of the ocean. We attempted to sound for bottom, in hope that we might have recourse to our anchor; but the hope was vain, as our longest lengths of line were found inadequate to reach it. It was now ten at night, and from this time till midnight we were in momentary expectation of striking. The suspense was truly awful, indeed, the horrors we experienced were more dreadful than I had ever felt or witnessed in the most violent storms; for on such occasions the persevering spirits of Englishmen will struggle with the elements to the last blast and the last wave; but here there was nothing to combat; we were driven on by an invisible power—all was calm above us—around us the surface of the sea, although raised into a mountainous swell, was smooth; but the distant sound of its continued crash on the breakers to which we were drawn by irresistible force, broke on our ears as our death knell. At last the awful moment arrived, and about 12 o'clock at night, our vessel struck with great violence. Although previous to her striking all hands appeared paralysed, now arrived the period of action. The boat was fortunately got out without accident, and all hands got


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336 into her with such articles as we could immediately put our hands on, among which were a kettle, a frying-pan, our knives and steels, and a fire-bag (this article is a tinder-box supplied with cotton matches, and carefully secured from damp in a tarpaulin bag), but without any provisions or clothes except what we stood upright in.

"The night was dark and rainy, and the vessel was pitching bowsprit under; we were surrounded by rocks, and the nearest shore was a perpendicular cliff of great height. We however tugged at the oars, but made little progress, the kelp being extremely thick, long and strong, and the current running direct to the shore. After four hours incessant labour, we succeeded in effecting a landing, on a more accessible part of the island, but our boat was swamped, and it was with great difficulty we succeeded at length in dragging her ashore; which however we accomplished, and by turning her bottom upwards, and propping up one side as before described, we crept under and obtained some little shelter from the rain, being all miserably cold, wet and hungry.

"We remained huddled together till daylight appeared, and our craving appetites then told us it was time to seek for sustenance; we therefore sallied forth in search of a sea-elephant; and although they were rather scarce at this period of the year, it was not long before we found one; nor was it long before we dispatched it. With its blubber we soon kindled a fire, and the heart, tongue, and such other parts as were edible, with the assistance of our kettle and fryingpan, were soon in a forward state of cookery. We also made a fire of some blubber under our boat, and by it we dried our clothes, and made ourselves more comfortable.


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Rh "When we were in some measure refreshed, and had recruited our strength with the food we had procured, a party of us set out over the hills, in the direction of the spot where the vessel was wrecked, in order to ascertain her fate, and to see if there was a possibility of saving anything out of her. They returned about the middle of the day, and reported that she was lying on the rocks, on her beam ends, with a large hole in her lower planks, and the sea breaking over her; so that it was impossible she should hold together much longer; it was evident, therefore, that all hope of saving her was at an end, and our endeavours could now only be exerted for the purpose of saving any portion of the wreck that might prove serviceable to us in our desolate situation.

"On the following morning we succeeded in launching our boat, and we then proceeded towards the wreck. In our progress we discovered a cove much nearer the vessel than where we landed, and we resolved to make this our immediate station.

"We next visited the wreck, and succeeded in saving the captain's chest, the mate's chest, and also some planks. The last thing we saved, and which we found floating on the water, was the identical Bible put on board by Captain Cox. What made this circumstance more remarkable was, that although we had a variety of other books on board, such as our navigation books, journals, log-books, etc., this was the only article of the kind that we found, nor did we discover the smallest shred of paper of any kind, except this Bible.

"On the next day the wind blew very strong, and we saw that nothing remained of our vessel but the mast, which had become entangled by the rigging among the rocks and sea weed, and this was the last thing we were enabled to secure.


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338 "The weather continued so wet and boisterous for three weeks from this time, that it was as much as we could well do to procure necessary food for our sustenance, and we therefore contented ourselves with the shelter our boat, tussicked up, afforded us during that period; the weather at last proving less inclement, we set about collecting all the materials we had saved, and then commenced erecting for ourselves a more commodious dwelling-place. The sides we formed of stones and the wood saved from the wreck, for there was not shrub or tree growing on the whole island. The top we covered with sea-elephants' skins, and at the end of a few weeks we were comparatively well lodged. We made our beds of the long grass, called tussick, with which the island abounded; and the skins of the seals we chanced to kill served us for sheets, blankets, and counterpanes. Wanting glass we were obliged to do without windows; the same opening, therefore, that served us for entrance, served us also for the admission of light and air; and when the weather obliged us to shut out the cold, we were obliged to shut out the light of day also.

"While constructing our hut, we found on the island traces of some Americans who had visited these islands sixteen years before, and who had built a hut. The sea-elephants, however, had trodden almost everything into the ground; and as we had no tools wherewith to dig, we could not search for anything they might have left. Providence, however, at length threw the means in our way of effecting our wishes; for one of our company, while searching for eggs at a considerable distance from our building, found a pick-axe, and brought it home in high glee. To men situated as we were, it was not to be wondered at that we should deem this almost a miracle. Suffice it to say, we all returned


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Rh our hearty thanks for the favour, and set to work digging up the place where traces of the hut remained. Our labour proved not to be in vain, for we got up a quantity of timber; also part of a pitch-pot, which would hold about a gallon. This proved highly valuable to us, for, by the help of a piece of hoop-iron, we manufactured it into a frying-pan, our other being worn so thin by constant use, that it was scarcely fit to cook in. Digging further we found a broad axe, a sharpening-stone, a piece of a shovel, and an auger; also a number of iron hoops. These things were of essential service to us. We did not save any of our lances from the ship, and we had often considerable labour to kill the large male sea-elephants; but we now took the handle of our old frying-pan, and with the help of the sharpening-stone, gave it a good point; we then fixed it in a handle, and with this weapon we dispatched these animals with ease.

"The dog-seals are named by South-seamen Wigs and the female seals are called Clap-matches. The Wigs are larger than the largest Newfoundland dog, and their bark is somewhat similar. When attacked they would attempt to bite; and it required some dexterity to avoid their teeth, the wounds from which were difficult to heal. The flesh we found very rank. The young ones are usually denominated Pompeys, and are excellent for food.

"The supply of seals we found very scanty; our principal dependence, therefore, was on the sea-elephants, which, from their great tameness, became an easy prey. They served us for meat, washing, lodging, firing, grates, washing-tubs, and tobacco pipes. The parts we made use of for food, were the heart, tongue, sweetbread, and the tender parts of the skin; the snotters (a sort of fleshy skin which hangs over the


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340 nose) and the flappers. These, after boiling a considerable time, formed a jelly, and made, with the addition of some eggs, adding a pigeon or two, or a sea-hen, very good soup. The blood served to wash with, as it quickly removed either dirt or grease. When we had articles that needed washing, and had killed an elephant, we used to turn the carcase on its back, and the intestines being taken out, a quantity of blood would flow into the cavity. In this we cleansed the articles, and then rinsing them in the stream, they were washed as well as if we had been provided with soap.

"The skins served us for roofing, and of them we also formed our shoes or moccasins, and these we used to sew together with thongs formed from the sinews. Their teeth we formed into the bowls of pipes, and to this attached the leg bone of some water-fowl, and together it formed a good apparatus. Having no tobacco, we used the dried grass that grew on the island.

"Of sea-elephants' blubber we made our fires, and their bones laid across on some stones formed grates to lay the blubber on. Of a piece of blubber also, with a piece of rope-yarn stuck in it, we formed our lamps, and it produced a very good light. The largest elephants are about 25 ft. long and 18 ft. round, and their blubber was frequently 7 in. thick and would yield a tun of oil. The brain of the animal, which was almost as sweet as sugar, was frequently eaten by us raw. The only kind of vegetable on the island, besides grass, was a plant resembling a cabbage, but we found it so bitter that we could make no use of it.

"Mr. Veale had fortunately saved his watch uninjured, so we were able to divide our time pretty regularly. We usually rose about 8 in the morning,


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Rh and took breakfast at 9 o'clock; after breakfast some of the party would go catering for the day's provisions, while the others remained at home to fulfil the domestic offices. We dined generally about 1 o'clock, and took tea about 5. For some months this latter meal, as far as the beverage went, consisted of boiled water only, but we afterwards manufactured what we named Mocoa as a substitute for tea, and this consisted of raw eggs beat up in hot water. We supped about 7 or 8 o'clock, and generally retired to rest about 10.

"I have before said that the most valuable thing we preserved from the wreck was our Bible, and here I must state that some portion of each day was set apart for reading it; and by nothing perhaps could I better exemplify its benefits than by stating that to its influence we were indebted for an almost unparalleled unanimity during the whole time we were on the island. Peace reigned among us, for the precepts of Him who was the harbinger of Peace and Goodwill towards men were daily inculcated and daily practised. The Bible when bestowed was thrown by unheeded: it traversed wide oceans, it was scattered with the wreck of our frail bark, and was indeed and in truth found upon the waters after many days, and not only was the mere book found, but its value was also discovered, and its blessings, so long neglected, were now made apparent to us. Cast away on a desert island, in the midst of an immense ocean, without a hope of deliverance, lost to all human sympathy, mourned as dead by our kindred, in this invaluable book we found the herald of hope, the balm and consolation, the dispenser of peace.

"Another striking fact may here be stated. One of our crew was a professed Atheist: he was, however, extremely ignorant, not being able even to read. This


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342 man had frequently derided our religious exercises, but having no one to second him, it did not disturb the harmony that reigned among us.

"This man's conversion was occasioned by an interposition which he deemed supernatural. The story he gave of himself was as follows: He had been out seeking for provender alone, and evening closed on him before he could reach our dwelling. The darkness perplexed him, and the ground which he had to cross being very uneven and interspersed with many rocks and declivities, fear rather increased than decreased his power of perception, and he became unable to proceed."

It may here be added that one of the great dangers of the island were the bog-holes, Goodridge supposes worked in the soil by the bull-elephants; these are eight or nine feet deep and become full of mire: any one stepping in would suddenly be engulfed.

"Here he first felt his own weakness; he hallooed loudly for help, but he was far out of hearing of our abode. Bereft of all human aid, and every moment adding to his fear, he at length called on the name of his Maker and Saviour, and implored that assistance from Heaven which he had before so often scorned. He prayed now most fervently for deliverance, and suddenly, as he conceived, a light appeared around him, by which he was enabled to discover his path and reach our hut in safety. So fully satisfied was he himself that it was a miraculous interposition of Providence that from that period he became quite another man.

"Great numbers of birds visit these islands. There are three species of Penguins beside the King Penguin, and these are named by South Sea men, Macaroonys, Johnnys, and Rock Hoppers. The Macaroonys congregate in their rookeries in great numbers,