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1848]. Then, difficulty though there be, let us meet and encounter it. "Attempt the end, and never stand to doubt; nothing so hard, but search will find it out." Determine that the thing can and shall be done, and then we shall find the way. The tendency to undue expansion is unquestionably the chief difficulty.

How to do something, and still not do too much, is the desideratum. Let each contribute his mite in the way of suggestion. The late Silas Wright, in a letter to the Chicago convention, contributed his, which was worth something; and I now contribute mine, which may be worth nothing. At all events, it will mislead nobody, and therefore will do no harm. I would not borrow money. I am against an overwhelming, crushing system. Suppose that, at each session, Congress shall first determine how much money can, for that year, be spared for improvements; then apportion that sum to the most important objects. So far all is easy; but how shall we determine which are the most important? On this question comes the collision of interests. I shall be slow to acknowledge that your harbor or your river is more important than mine, and vice versa. To clear this difficulty, let us have that same statistical information which the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. Vinton] suggested at the beginning of this session. In that information we shall have a stern, unbending basis of facts—a basis in no wise subject to whim, caprice, or local interest. The pre-limited amount of means will save us from doing too much, and the statistics will save us from doing what we do in wrong places. Adopt and adhere to this course, and, it seems to me, the difficulty is cleared.


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154 One of the gentlemen from South Carolina [Mr. Rhett] very much deprecates these statistics. He particularly objects, as I understand him, to counting all the pigs and chickens in the land. I do not perceive much force in the objection. It is true that if everything be enumerated, a portion of such statistics may not be very useful to this object. Such products of the country as are to be consumed where they are produced need no roads or rivers, no means of transportation, and have no very proper connection with this subject. The surplus—that which is produced in one place to be consumed in another; the capacity of each locality for producing a greater surplus; the natural means of transportation, and their susceptibility of improvement; the hindrances, delays, and losses of life and property during transportation, and the causes of each, would be among the most valuable statistics in this connection. From these it would readily appear where a given amount of expenditure would do the most good. These statistics might be equally accessible, as they would be equally useful, to both the nation and the States. In this way, and by these means, let the nation take hold of the larger works, and the States the smaller ones; and thus, working in a meeting direction, discreetly, but steadily and firmly, what is made unequal in one place may be equalized in another, extravagance avoided, and the whole country put on that career of prosperity which shall correspond with its extent of territory, its natural resources, and the intelligence and enterprise of its people.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text: Life and Works of Abraham Lincoln/Volume 3/In Favor of Internal Improvements


text: Folk-Lore/Volume 1/Editorial

title: Folk-Lore/Volume 1/Editorial


text: Life and Works of Abraham Lincoln/Volume 3/On Discrimination Between States in Federal Judiciary Facilities


text: Life and Works of Abraham Lincoln/Volume 3/Were I President


text:
Page:Library of Congress Classification Outline.djvu/98

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text: Page:Library of Congress Classification Outline.djvu/97


text: Life and Works of Abraham Lincoln/Volume 3/The Nature and Object of Government, with Special Reference to Slavery


text: User:Phy1729/Horace/Ode 1.5

title: User:Phy1729/Horace/Ode 1.5


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Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 1, 1890.djvu/312

 306 face,” said the wise woman to herself with a nod of her head, and threw a potato skin over her left shoulder to keep off ill-chance.

“Good-day, missis,” said the fool. “I be come to see thee.”

“So tha’ be,” said the wise woman; “I see that. How’s all in thy folk th’ year?”

“Oh, fairly,” answered he. “But they say I be a fool.”

“Ay, so tha’ be,” nodded she, and threw away a bad potato. “I see that too. But what wouldst o’ me? I keep no brains for sale.”

“Well, see now. Mother says I’ll ne’er be wiser all my born days; but folk tell us thou canst do everything. Can’t thee learn me a bit, so they’ll think me a clever fellow at home?”

“Hout-tout!” said the wise woman; “thou’rt a bigger fool than I thought. Nay, I can’t learn thee nought, lad; but I can tell thee summat. Thou’lt be a fool all thy days till thou get’s a coat o’ clay; and then thou’lt know more’n me.”

“Hi, missis; what sort of a coat’s that?” said he.

“That’s none o’ my business,” answered she. “Thou’st got to find out that.”

And she took up her potatoes and went into her house.

The fool took off his cap and scratched his head.

“It’s a queer kind of a coat to look for, sure-ly,” said he. “I never heard on a coat o’ clay. But then I be a fool, that’s true.”

So he walked on till he came to the drain near by, with just a pickle of water and a foot of mud in it.

“Here’s muck,” said the fool, much pleased, and he got in and rolled in it spluttering. “Hi, yi,” said he—for he had his mouth full—“I’ve got a coat o’ clay now to be sure. I’ll go home and tell my mother I’m a wise man and not a fool any longer.” And he went on home.

Presently he came to a cottage with a ramping lass at the door.


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 Rh “Morning, fool,” said she; “hast been ducked in the horsepond?”

“Fool yourself,” said he, “the wise woman says I’ll know more’n she when I get a coat o’ clay, and here it is. Shall I marry thee, lass?”

“Ay,” said she, for she thought she’d like a fool for a husband, “when shall it be?”

“I’ll come and fetch thee when I’ve told my mother,” said the fool, and he gave her his lucky penny and went on. When he got home his mother was on the doorstep.

“Mother, I’ve got a coat o’ clay,” said he.

“Coat o’ muck,” said she, “an’ what of that?”

“Wise woman said I’d know more’n she when I get a coat o’ clay,” said he, “so I down in the drain an’ got one, an’ I’m not a fool any longer.”

“Very good,” said his mother, “now thou canst get a wife.”

“Ay,” said he, “I’m going to marry so-an’-so.”

“What!” said his mother, “that lass? No, an’ that thou’lt not. She’s nought but a brat, wi’ ne’er a cow or a cabbage o’ her own, an’ bears a bad name into the bargain.”

“But I gave her my luck-penny,” said the fool.

“Then thou’rt a bigger fool than ever, for all thy coat o’ clay!” said his mother, and banged the door in his face.

“Dang it!” said the fool, and scratched his head, “that’s not the right sort o’ clay, sure-ly.”

So back he went to the highroad and sat down on the bank of the river close by, looking at the water, which was cool and clear.

By-and-bye he fell asleep, and before he knew what he was about—plump—he rolled off into the river with a splash, and scrambled out, dripping like a drowned rat.

“Dear, dear,” said he, “I’d better go and get dry in the sun.” So up he went to the highroad, and lay down in the dust, rolling about so that the sun should get at him all over.


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 308 Presently, when he sat up and looked down at himself, he found that the dust had caked into a sort of skin over his wet clothes till you could not see an inch of them, they were so well covered. “Hi, yi!” said he, “here’s a coat o’ clay ready made, an’ a fine one. See now, I’m a clever fellow this time, sure-ly, for I’ve found what I wanted wi’out lookin’ for it! Wow, but it’s a fine feeling to be so smart!”

And he sat and scratched his head, and thought about his own cleverness.

But all of a sudden, round the corner came the squire on horseback, full gallop, as if the boggles after him; but the fool had to jump, even though the squire pulled his horse back on his haunches.

“What the dickins,” said the squire, “do you mean by lying in the middle of the road like that?”

“Well, measter,” said the fool, “I fell into the water and got wet, so I lay down in the road to get dry; an’ I lay down a fool an’ got up a wise man.”

“How’s that?” said the squire.

So the fool told him about the wise woman and the coat o’ clay.

“Ha, ha!” laughed the squire, “whoever heard of a wise man lying in the middle of the highroad to be ridden over? Lad, take my word for it, you’re a bigger fool than ever,” and he rode on laughing.

“Dang it!” said the fool, as he scratched his head. “I’ve not got the right sort of coat yet, then.” And he choked and spluttered in the dust that the squire’s horse had raised.

So on he went in a melancholy mood till he came to an inn, and the landlord at his door smoking.

“Well, fool,” said he, “thou’rt fine an’ mucky.”

“Ay,” said the fool, “I be mucky outside an’ dusty in, but it’s not the right thing yet.”

And he told the landlord all about the wise woman and the coat o’ clay.

“Hout-tout!” said the landlord, with a wink. “I know


text:
Recognition for the 2010 Tucson Festival of Books

Recognition for the 2010 Tucson Festival of Books

HON. GABRIELLE GIFFORDS

OF ARIZONA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

Tuesday, March 11, 2010 Ms. GIFFORDS. Madam Speaker, I rise today to recognize the 2010 Tucson Festival of Books, which will be held at the University of Arizona on March 13 and 14. The Tucson Festival of Books is a celebration of literacy and an opportunity for those of us who cherish books to meet the men and women who write them. It is, ultimately, a community's recognition of the great value we place on the written word. As the proud home of the University of Arizona, Tucson is the ideal place for a festival of books. The Festival brings together more than 450 authors and presenters who will speak about their work, sign their books and answer questions about their craft. Now in its second year, the Tucson Festival of Books will have writing workshops and competitions, panel presentations, children's activities, storytelling, artists and musicians. The Festival truly provides something for readers of all ages. In 2009 more than 50,000 people attended the Festival and an even larger turn out is expected this year. Clearly the people of Southern Arizona have a strong love of books and reading. As much fun and informative as the Festival will be, it also serves a larger purpose. I believe that the Tucson Festival of Books can help us improve literacy and encourage young people to expand their knowledge of the world. It is a reminder of how essential books and the information they impart are to our society and to our form of government. In 2009, the Festival raised $200,000, which was distributed to agencies providing literacy services in Tucson. "Once you learn to read," Frederick Douglass told us, "you will be forever free." The Tucson Festival of Books plays an important role in fulfilling that promise.

The 2010 Tucson Festival of Books is sponsored by the University of Arizona, the Arizona Daily Star and The Diamond Children's Medical Center. The Festival is organized and run by the Tucson Festival of Books Foundation, a non-profit organization. It was founded by Bill Viner, President of the Foundation Board of Directors. He is joined in this labor of love by Board Vice Presidents Frank Farias and John M. Humenik, Treasurer Bruce Beach and Secretary Brenda Viner. The Festival would not be possible without their hard work and dedication and the efforts of many volunteers. On behalf of a grateful community I thank and commend them for bringing us this incredible gift.


text: Talk:Recognition for the 2010 Tucson Festival of Books


text:
Author:Gabrielle Dee Giffords

Works

 * Recognition for the 2010 Tucson Festival of Books (March 2010)

title: Author:Gabrielle Dee Giffords


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Page:Englishmen in the French Revolution.djvu/169

Rh to Wilkes was his brother, and Henry Luttrell, a noted wit and man of society, was an illegitimate brother. Temple Luttrell, arrested at Boulogne 18th September 1793, was liberated on the 14th February 1795. Liberty was his valentine. Three days previously Colonel Richard Grenville had been discharged. He was a son of James Grenville, brother of Lord Glastonbury, and nephew of the George Grenville who was Chancellor of the Exchequer in 1763. He was the "dear little captain " of seventeen spoken of in the Grenville correspondence. While quietly living in a mansion at Cominet, near Dinan, in September 1793, he was pounced upon by Carrier, who exultantly announced the arrest of a "nephew of Pitt." He was really a cousin of the younger Pitt, and this unlucky relationship involved his detention at the Luxembourg till February 1795. He rose to be a general, was M.P. for Buckingham, and died in 1823.

If supposed kinship with Pitt had disagreeable consequences, imagine the result of bearing the same name! On the 4th October 1793, Deputy Dumont wrote to the Convention from Abbeville to announce the arrest of a relative of the infamous Pitt. "This shrew, named Elizabeth Joanna Pitt, had prudently conceived the idea of absconding, but she was in a town whose inhabitants are no longer ruled by moderantism and aristocracy.


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 Rh what’s wrong. Thou’st got a skin o’ muck outside an’ all dry dust inside. Thou must moisten it, lad, wi’ a good drink, an’ then thou’lt ha’ a real all-over coat o’ clay.”

“Hi,” said the fool, “that’s a good word.”

So down he sat and began to drink. But it was wonderful how much liquor it took to moisten so much dust, and each time he got to the bottom of the glass he found he was still dry. At last he began to feel very merry and pleased with himself.

“Hi, yi!” said he. “I’ve got a real coat o’ clay now outside and in—what a difference it do make, to be sure! I feel another man now—so smart!”

And he told the landlord he was certainly a wise man now, though he couldn’t speak over-distinctly after drinking so much. So up he got, and thought he would go home and tell his mother she hadn’t a fool for a son any more.

But just as he was trying to get through the inn door, which would scarcely keep still long enough for him to find it, up came the landlord and caught him by the sleeve.

“See here, master,” said he, “thou hasn’t paid thy score—where’s my money?”

“Haven’t any!” said the fool, and pulled out his pockets to show they were empty.

“What!” said the landlord, and swore; “thou’st drunk all my liquor and hain’t got nought to pay for it wi’!”

“Hi!” said the fool. “You told me to drink so as to get a coat o’ clay; but as I’m a wise man now I don’t mind helping thee along in the world a bit, for though I’m a smart fellow I’m not too proud to my friends.”

“Wise man! smart fellow!” said the landlord, “an’ help me along, wilt tha’? Dang it! thou’rt the biggest fool I iver seed, an’ it’s I’ll help thee first—out o’ this!”

And he kicked him out of the door into the road, and swore at him.

“Hum,” said the fool, as he lay in the dust; “I’m not so wise as I thought. I guess I’ll go back to the wise woman and tell her there’s a screw loose somewheres.”


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 My friends, that ends the chapter. The Judge can take his half-hour.

As Mr. Lincoln retired, three cheers were proposed and given with tremendous volume—followed by three more, and then three more, extending to all parts of the public square.

Mr. Douglas's Rejoinder

Fellow-Citizens: I will now occupy the half-hour allotted to me in replying to Mr. Lincoln. The first point to which I will call your attention is as to what I said about the organization of the Republican party in 1854, and the platform that was formed on the 5th of October of that year, and I will then put the question to Mr. Lincoln, whether or not he approves of each article in that platform, ["He answered that already."] and ask for a specific answer. ["He has answered," "you cannot make him answer," etc.] I did not charge him with being a member of the committee which reported that platform. ["Yes, you did."] I charged that that platform was the platform of the Republican party adopted by them. The fact that it was the platform of the Republican party is not denied; but Mr. Lincoln now says that although his name was on the committee which reported it, he does not think he was there, but thinks he was in Tazewell, holding court. ["He said he was there."] Gentlemen, I ask your silence, and no interruptions. Now, I want to remind Mr. Lincoln that he was at Springfield when that Convention was held and those resolutions were adopted. ["You can't do it." "He wasn't there," etc.]

[Mr. Glover, chairman of the Republican Committee: I hope no Republican will interrupt Mr. Douglas. The masses listened to Mr. Lincoln attentively and as respectable men we ought now to hear Mr. Douglas and without interruption. ("Good.")]

Mr. Douglas resuming:

The point I am going to remind Mr. Lincoln of is this: that after I had made my speech in 1854, during the Fair, he gave me notice that he was going to reply to me the next day. I was sick at the time, but I stayed over in Springfield to hear his reply, and to reply to him. On that day this very Convention, the resolutions adopted by which I have read, was to meet in the Senate chamber. He spoke in the hall of the House; and when he got through his speech,—my recollection is distinct, and I shall never forget it,—Mr. Codding walked in as I

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Page talk:The Harvard Classics Vol. 51; Lectures.djvu/229

"origin; the sagas of mediæval Ireland" - is this second occurence of this sequence a mistaken dittography? Should it really be "tale,"?--Laverock ( Talk ) 19:19, 10 January 2011 (UTC)


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150 She met on the road Republicans who patriotically pressed her to remain. All her effects are seized. . . . As she is an additional hostage, I am going to send her to Paris." At Paris accordingly the poor woman arrived, and I presume she is "la nièce Pitt" who was liberated in June 1795. According to the letters published by Gifford, she had been a nun at Abbeville, and was of impaired intellect. Benjamin Pitt, an elderly tradesman, and his wife Elizabeth Atlay, were also sent to Paris, and detained till February 1795. The announcement of their arrest by Barère, "the licensed liar of the Convention," as Michelet styles him, created unbounded delight. Sampson Perry, militia surgeon, quack medicine vendor, and journalist, has given in his "History of the Revolution" some particulars of his own captivity. On his first visit to Paris, Paine took him to dine at the Hotel de Ville with Pétion, the guests including Dumouriez, Santerre, Condorcet, Danton, and Brissot. Prosecuted for asserting in his Argus that the King and Pitt had kept back information for stockjobbing purposes, he fled to France in January 1793. He was a witness at the mock trial of Marat, but merely gave evidence as to a young man named Johnson, who, his mind unhinged by fears for Paine's safety, had attempted suicide, after making a will in Paine's favour. He states that, for want of room


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User talk:59.93.102.240

Please stop removing content from Wikisource. It is considered vandalism. If you want to experiment, please use the sandbox. When people are not interested in contributing responsibly to the development of the project, incidents of their deliberate vandalism can result in IP addresses or usernames being blocked from editing. Thank you.

title: User talk:59.93.102.240


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Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 1, 1890.djvu/316

310 So up he got and went along to her house, and found her sitting at the door.

“So thou’st come back,” said she, with a nod. “What dost want wi’ me now?”

So he sat down and told her how he’d tried to get a coat o’ clay, but he wasn’t any wiser for all of it.

“No,” said the wise woman, “thou’rt a bigger fool than ever, my lad.”

“So they all say,” sighed the fool; “but where can I get the right sort of coat o’ clay, then, missis?”

“When thou’st done wi’ this world, an’ thy fo’ak put thee in the ground,” said the wise woman. ”That’s the only coat o’ clay as’ll make such as thee wise, lad. Born a fool, die a fool, an’ be a fool thy life long, an’ that’s the truth!”

And she went into the house and shut the door.

“Dang it!” said the fool. “I must tell my mother she was right after all, an’ that she’ll niver ha’ a wise man for a son!”

And he went off home.

VII.—.

Once upon a time there was a man, and he had three sons. The eldest said to his father, “Father, if you’ll gie me a hund, a hawk, and a horse to ride on, I’ll go an’ seek my fortune.”

So his father gave him a hund, a hawk, and a horse to ride on, and he gaed out to seek his fortune.

He rade an’ he rade far an’ far’er than I can tell, till he came to a thick wood and lost his way, and night came on. Then he saw a light, and coming nearer found a splendid castle. He blew the horn, the door opened, but nobody


text: Index:The Poor Rich Man, and the Rich Poor Man.djvu


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 Rh was to be seen. He went in, and found in the hall a fine supper set ready, and a large fire burning.

He ate his supper and sat down by the fire to dry his wet clothes; still nobody came.

At last twelve o’clock struck, the door opened, and in came the Dräglin’ Hogney.

He sat down over against the young man and glowered at him. Then said the Dräglin’ Hogney:

“Does yer horse kick ony?”

“Ow, ay,” said the young man,

“There’s a hair to fling ower him.”

The young man flung it ower his horse.

“Does yer hund bite ony?”

“Ow, ay,” said the young man.

“There’s a hair to fling ower him.”

Again, “Does yer hawk pick ony?”

“Ay, ay,” said the young man.

“There’s a hair to fling ower him.”

With that the Dräglin’ Hogney whiecked (whisked) frae the tae side to the tither, till he fell upon the young man and killed him.

The second son then makes the same request to his father, with the same result.

The third son, finding neither of his brothers return, goes out to seek them, finds of course the same castle and a similar entertainment, but when the Dräglin’ Hogney begins to work his spell by asking, “Does yer horse bite ony?” and giving the hair to fling over him, the young man flings it on the fire.

“What’s that crackin’?” says the Dräglin’ Hogney.

“It’s the craps o’ the green wud come yer waysay,” said the young man.

Again, “Does yer hund bite ony?”

“Does yer hawk pick ony?”

The hairs are thrown on the fire.

“What’s that crackin’?” is asked again.

“It’s the craps o’ the green wud came yer waysay,” is


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Page:The Burton Holmes Lectures Vol. X p 9.jpg

Top


text: Index:Life and Works of Abraham Lincoln, v4.djvu


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Wikisource:Search

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Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 1, 1890.djvu/318

 312 again repeated; whereupon the Dräglin’ Hogney whisked from side to side, but the young man calls to his horse to kick, his hund to bite, and his hawk to pick, and they slay the Dräglin’ Hogney.

The young man then ransacks the castle, finds the enchanter’s wand, disenchants his two brothers, their horses, hawks, and hounds, divides the spoil, sends for their father, and, in the old wind-up of a Scotch fairy tale, they live happy, and dee happy, and never drink out of a dry cappy. Which I take to be the equivalent of the English “live happy ever after”.


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 took the stand to reply, and gave notice that the Republican State convention would meet instantly in the Senate chamber, and called upon the Republicans to retire there and go into this very Convention, instead of remaining and listening to me. [Three cheers for Douglas.]

Mr. Lincoln, interrupting, excitedly and angrily.—Judge, add that I went along with them. [This interruption was made in a pitiful, mean, sneaking way, as Lincoln floundered around the stand.]

Mr. Douglas.—Gentlemen, Mr. Lincoln tells me to add that he went along with them to the senate chamber. I will not add that, because I do not know whether he did or not.

Mr. Lincoln, again interrupting.—I know he did not. [Two of the Republican committee here seized Mr. Lincoln, and by a sudden jerk caused him to disappear from the front of the stand, one of them saying quite audibly, "What are you making such a fuss for? Douglas didn't interrupt you, and can't you see that the people don't like it?"]

Mr. Douglas.—I do not know whether he knows it or not, that is not the point and I will yet bring him to the question.

In the first place, Mr. Lincoln was selected by the very men who made the Republican organization on that day, to reply to me. He spoke for them and for that party, and he was the leader of the party; and on the very day he made his speech in reply to me, preaching up this same doctrine of negro equality under the Declaration of Independence, this Republican party met in Convention. [Three cheers for Douglas.] Another evidence that he was acting in concert with them is to be found in the fact that that Convention waited an hour after its time of meeting to hear Lincoln's speech, and Codding, one of their leading men, marched in the moment Lincoln got through, and gave notice that they did not want to hear me, and would proceed with the business of the Convention. ["Strike him again,"—three cheers, etc.] Still another fact. I have here a newspaper printed at Springfield, Mr. Lincoln's own town, in October, 1854, a few days afterward, publishing these resolutions, charging Mr. Lincoln with entertaining these sentiments, and trying to prove that they were also the sentiments of Mr. Yates, then candidate for Congress. This has been published on Mr. Lincoln over and over again, and never before has he denied it. ["Three cheers."]

But, my friends, this denial of his that he did not act on the committee, is a miserable quibble to avoid this main issue, [Applause,}}

title: Page:Lincolndouglas2184linc.djvu/166


text: Folk-Lore/Volume 1/English and Scotch Fairy Tales


text: Page:Life and Works of Abraham Lincoln, v4.djvu/11


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 "That's so."] which is, that this Republican platform declares in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive-Slave law. Has Lincoln answered whether he indorsed that or not? [" No, no. "] I called his attention to it when I first addressed you, and asked him for an answer, and I then predicted that he would not answer. ["Bravo, glorious," and cheers.] How does he answer? Why, that he was not on the committee that wrote the resolutions. [Laughter.] I then repeated the next proposition contained in the resolutions, which was to restrict slavery in those States in which it exists, and asked him whether he indorsed it. Does he answer yes, or no? He says in reply, "I was not on the committee at the time; I was up in Tazewell." The next question I put to him was, whether he was in favor of prohibiting the admission of any more Slave States into the Union. I put the question to him distinctly, whether, if the people of the Territory, when they had sufficient population to make a State, should form their Constitution recognizing slavery, he would vote for or against its admission. ["That's it."] He is a candidate for the United States Senate, and it is possible, if he should be elected, that he would have to vote directly on that question. ["He never will."] I asked him to answer me and you, whether he would vote to admit a State into the Union, with slavery or without it, as its own people might choose. ["Hear him," "That's the doctrine," and applause.] He did not answer that question. ["He never will."] He dodges that question also, under the cover that he was not on the committee at the time, that he was not present when the platform was made. I want to know if he should happen to be in the Senate when a State applied for admission, with a Constitution acceptable to her own people, he would vote to admit that State, if slavery was one of its institutions. ["That's the question."] He avoids the answer.

Mr. Lincoln, interrupting the third time, excitedly.—No, Judge.—[Mr. Lincoln again disappeared suddenly, aided by a pull from behind.]

It is true he gives the Abolitionists to understand by a hint that he would not vote to admit such a State. And why? He goes on to say that the man who would talk about giving each State the right to have slavery or not, as it pleased, was akin to the man who would muzzle the guns which thundered forth the annual joyous return of the day

title: Page:Lincolndouglas2184linc.djvu/167


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 of our Independence. [Great laughter.] He says that that kind of talk is casting a blight on the glory of this country. What is the meaning of that? That he is not in favor of each State to have the right of doing as it pleases on the slavery question? ["Stick it to him," "don't spare him," applause.] I will put the question to him again and again, and I intend to force it out of him. [Immense applause.]

Then, again, this platform, which was made at Springfield by his own party when he was its acknowledged head, provides that Republicans will insist on the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and I asked Lincoln specifically whether he agreed with them in that? ["Did you get an answer?"] ["No, no."] He is afraid to answer it. ["We will not vote for him."] He knows I will trot him down to Egypt. [Laughter and cheers.] I intend to make him answer there, ["That's right"] or I will show the people of Illinois that he does not intend to answer these questions. ["Keep him to the point," "give us more," etc.] The Convention to which I have been alluding goes a little further, and pledges itself to exclude slavery from all the Territories over which the General Government has exclusive jurisdiction north of 36 deg. 30 min., as well as south. Now, I want to know whether he approves that provision. ["He'll never answer," and cheers.] I want him to answer, and when he does, I want to know his opinion on another point, which is, whether he will redeem the pledge of this platform, and resist the acquirement of any more territory unless slavery therein shall be forever prohibited. I want him to answer this last question.

Each of the questions I have put to him are practical questions,—questions based upon the fundamental principles of the Black Republican party; and I want to know whether he is the first, last, and only choice of a party with whom he does not agree in principle. [Great applause.] ["Rake him down."] He does not deny but that that principle was unanimously adopted by the Republican party; he does not deny that the whole Republican party is pledged to it; he does not deny that a man who is not faithful to it is faithless to the Republican party; and now I want to know whether that party is unanimously in favor of a man who does not adopt that creed and agree with them in their principles ; I want to know whether the man who does not agree with them, and who is afraid to avow his dif-

title: Page:Lincolndouglas2184linc.djvu/168


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 ferences, and who dodges the issue, is the first, last, and only choice of the Republican party. [Cheers.]

A Voice.—How about the conspiracy?

Mr. Douglas.—Never mind, I will come to that soon enough. ["Bravo, Judge, hurrah," "three cheers for Douglas."] But the platform which I have read to you not only lays down these principles, but it adds:—

"Resolved, That, in furtherance of these principles, we will use such constitutional and lawful means as shall seem best adapted to their accomplishment, and that we will support no man for office, under the General or State Government, who is not positively and fully committed to the support of these principles, and whose personal character and conduct is not a guarantee that he is reliable, and who shall not have abjured old party allegiance and ties."

["Good," "you have him," etc.]

The Black Republican party stands pledged that they will never support Lincoln until he has pledged himself to that platform; [Tremendous applause, men throwing up their hats, and shouting, "You've got him."] but he cannot devise his answer. He has not made up his mind whether he will or not. [Great laughter.] He talked about everything else he could think of to occupy his hour and a half, and when he could not think of anything more to say, without an excuse for refusing to answer these questions, he sat down long before his time was out. [Cheers.]

In relation to Mr. Lincoln's charge of conspiracy against me, I have a word to say. In his speech to-day he quotes a playful part of his speech at Springfield, about Stephen, and James, and Franklin, and Roger, and says that I did not take exception to it. I did not answer it, and he repeats it again. I did not take exception to this figure of his. He has a right to be as playful as he pleases in throwing his arguments together, and I will not object; but I did take objection to his second Springfield speech, in which he stated that he intended his first speech as a charge of corruption or conspiracy against the Supreme Court of the United States, President Pierce, President Buchanan, and myself. That gave the offensive character to the charge. He then said that when he made it he did not know whether it was true or not; [laughter] but inasmuch as Judge Douglas had not denied it, although he had replied to the other parts of his speech three times, he repeated it as a charge of conspiracy against me, thus charging me with moral turpitude. When he put it in that form, I did say that,

title: Page:Lincolndouglas2184linc.djvu/169


text:
Page:Life and Works of Abraham Lincoln, v4.djvu/12

vi {| style="border: 0px; text-align: left;  margin: 0em auto 0em auto;" width="500" cellpadding="2" cellspacing="2"
 * || ||PAGE
 * colspan="2"| (July 24 to October, 15, 1858): ||
 * width=90%|Introduction. By Horace White.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|Correspondence in Regard to the Debate. July 24 to July 31, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|"The Conspiracy Charge." Fragment of Speech in Rejoinder to the Reply of Senator Douglas to Mr. Lincoln's Springfield Speeches of June 16 and July 17, 1858. Delivered at Beardstown, Ill. August 12, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|"Back to the Declaration." Speech at Lewiston, Ill. August 17, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|First Joint Debate, at Ottawa, Ill. August 21, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|Second Joint Debate, at Freeport, Ill. August, 27 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|"Fooling the People." Report of Speech at Clinton, Ill. September 8, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|"Popular Sovereignty" the Right to Flog Negroes. Fragment of Speech at Paris, Ill. September 8, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|The Issue Between the Parties, and Justice the Bulwark of American Democracy. Fragments of Speech at Edwardsville, Ill. September 13, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|Third Joint Debate, at Jonesboro, Ill. September 15, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|Fourth Joint Debate, at Charleston, Ill. September 18, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * }
 * width=90%|Second Joint Debate, at Freeport, Ill. August, 27 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|"Fooling the People." Report of Speech at Clinton, Ill. September 8, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|"Popular Sovereignty" the Right to Flog Negroes. Fragment of Speech at Paris, Ill. September 8, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|The Issue Between the Parties, and Justice the Bulwark of American Democracy. Fragments of Speech at Edwardsville, Ill. September 13, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|Third Joint Debate, at Jonesboro, Ill. September 15, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|Fourth Joint Debate, at Charleston, Ill. September 18, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * }
 * width=90%|The Issue Between the Parties, and Justice the Bulwark of American Democracy. Fragments of Speech at Edwardsville, Ill. September 13, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|Third Joint Debate, at Jonesboro, Ill. September 15, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * width=90%|Fourth Joint Debate, at Charleston, Ill. September 18, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * }
 * width=90%|Fourth Joint Debate, at Charleston, Ill. September 18, 1858.
 * width=6% valign="bottom" align="right"|
 * }
 * }


text:
Rashin Coatie

 * “Rashin Coatie” in “English and Scotch Fairy Tales” Folk-Lore, Volume 1. 1890
 * “Rushen Coatie” Jacobs, J., More English Fairy Tales

title: Rashin Coatie


text:
Page:Life and Works of Abraham Lincoln, v4.djvu/53

1858] legislature rightly decide the facts between P. and B. and S. C. and Co.?

It is said that under a general law, whenever a railroad company got tired of its debts it may transfer fraudulently to get rid of them. So they may—so may individuals; and which, the legislature or the courts, is best suited to try the question of fraud in either case?

It is said, if a purchaser have acquired legal rights, let him not be robbed of them; but if he needs legislation, let him submit to just terms to obtain it.

Let him, say we, have general law in advance (guarded in every possible way against fraud), so that when he acquires a legal right he will have no occasion to wait for additional legislation; and if he has practised fraud, let the courts so decide.

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not only not ceased, but has constantly augmented.


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36 In my opinion, it will not cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. "A house divided against itself cannot stand." I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved—I do not expect the house to fall—but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will push it forward till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South.

Have we no tendency to the latter condition?

Let any one who doubts carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combination—piece of machinery, so to speak—compounded of the Nebraska doctrine and the Dred Scott decision. Let him consider not only what work the machinery is adapted to do, and how well adapted; but also let him study the history of its construction, and trace, if he can, or rather fail, if he can, to trace the evidences of design and concert of action among its chief architects, from the beginning.

The new year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more than half the States by State constitutions, and from most of the national territory by congressional prohibition. Four days later commenced the struggle which ended in repealing that congressional prohibition. This opened all the national territory to slavery, and was the first point gained.

But, so far, Congress only had acted; and an


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 inasmuch as he repeated the charge simply because I had not denied it, I would deprive him of the opportunity of ever repeating it again, by declaring that it was, in all its bearings, an infamous lie. ["Three cheers for Douglas."] He says he will repeat it until I answer his folly and nonsense about Stephen, and Franklin, and Roger, and Bob, and James.

He studied that out, prepared that one sentence with the greatest care, committed it to memory, and put it in his first Springfield speech; and now he carries that speech around, and reads that sentence to show how pretty it is. [Laughter.] His vanity is wounded because I will not go into that beautiful figure of his about the building of a house. [Renewed laughter.] All I have to say is, that I am not green enough to let him make a charge which he acknowledges he does not know to be true, and then take up my time in answering it, when I know it to be false, and nobody else knows it to be true. Cheers.]

I have not brought a charge of moral turpitude against him. When he, or any other man, brings one against me, instead of disproving it, I will say that it is a lie, and let him prove it if he can. [Enthusiastic applause.]

I have lived twenty-five years in Illinois, I have served you with all the fidelity and ability which I possess, ["That's so," "good" and cheers] and Mr. Lincoln is at liberty to attack my public action, my votes, and my conduct, but when he dares to attack my moral integrity by a charge of conspiracy between myself, Chief Justice Taney and the Supreme Court, and two Presidents of the United States, I will repel it. ["Three cheers for Douglas."]

Mr. Lincoln has not character enough for integrity and truth, merely on his own ipse dixit, to arraign President Buchanan, President Pierce, and nine Judges of the Supreme Court, not one of whom would be complimented by being put on an equality with him. ["Hit him again," "three cheers," etc.] There is an unpardonable presumption in a man putting himself up before thousands of people, and pretending that his ipse dixit, without proof, without fact, and without truth, is enough to bring down and destroy the purest and best of living men. ["Hear him," "three cheers."]

Fellow-citizens, my time is fast expiring; I must pass on. Mr. Lincoln wants to know why I voted against Mr. Chase's amendment to the Nebraska bill. I will tell him. In the first place, the bill

title: Page:Lincolndouglas2184linc.djvu/170


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Rh

آن لعلِ گران بها زکانی دگرست وان درِّ یکانه را نشانی دگرست اندیشه‌ٔ این وآن خیالِ من وتست افسانه‌ٔ عشق از زبانی دگرست

امروز که نوبتِ جوانّیِ من ست می نوشم از آنکه کامرانّیِ من ست عیبش مکنید اگرچه تلخ ست خوش ست تلخ ست از آنکه زندگانّیِ من ست

ای دل چو نصیبِ تو همه خون شدنست احوالِ تو هر لحظه دگرگون شدنست ای جان تو درین تنم چه کار آمده‌ٔ چون عاقبتِ کارِ تو بیرون شدنست


text:
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 already conferred all the power which Congress had, by giving the people the whole power over the subject. Chase offered a proviso that they might abolish slavery, which by implication would convey the idea that they could prohibit by not introducing that institution. General Cass asked him to modify his amendment so as to provide that the people might either prohibit or introduce slavery, and thus make it fair and equal. Chase refused to so modify his proviso, and then General Cass and all the rest of us voted it down. [Immense cheering.] Those facts appear on the journals and debates of Congress where Mr. Lincoln found the charge; and if he had told the whole truth, there would have been no necessity for me to occupy your time in explaining the matter. [Laughter and applause.]

Mr. Lincoln wants to know why the word "State," as well as "Territory," was put into the Nebraska bill. I will tell him. It was put there to meet just such false arguments as he has been adducing. [Laughter.] That first, not only the people of the Territories should do as they pleased, but that when they come to be admitted as States, they should come into the Union with or without slavery, as the people determined. I meant to knock in the head this Abolition doctrine of Mr. Lincoln's that there shall be no more Slave States, even if the people want them. [Tremendous applause.] And it does not do for him to say, or for any other Black Republican to say, that there is nobody in favor of the doctrine of no more Slave States, and that nobody wants to interfere with the right of the people to do as they please.

What was the orgin of the Missouri difficulty and the Missouri Compromise? The people of Missouri formed a Constitution as a Slave State, and asked admission into the Union; but the Free-soi [sic] party of the North, being in a majority, refused to admit her because she had slavery as one of her institutions. Hence this first slavery agitation arose upon a State, and not upon a Territory; and yet Mr. Lincoln does not know why the word "State" was placed in the Kansas-Nebraska bill. [Great laughter and applause.] The whole Abolition agitation arose on that doctrine of prohibiting a State from coming in with slavery or not, as it pleased, and that same doctrine is here in this Republican platform of 1854; it has never been repealed; and every Black Republican stands pledged by that platform never to vote for any man who is not in favor of it. Yet Mr. Lincoln does not know that there is a man in the world who is in favor of preventing a State from coming in as it pleases, notwithstanding. The Spring

title: Page:Lincolndouglas2184linc.djvu/171


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Rh

امروز ترا دست رسی فردا نیست واندیشه‌ٔ فردات بجز سودا نیست ضایع مکن ایندم ار دلت شیدا نیست کین باقی عمر را بقا پیدا نیست

از هرزه بهر دری نمیباید تاخت با نیک و بدِ زمانه میباید ساخت از طاسکِ چرخ و کعبتینِ تقدیر هر نقش که پیدا شود آن باید باخت

این کوزه چو من عاشقِ زاری بودست در بند سرِ زلفِ نگاری بودست این دسته که در گردنِ او می بینی دستیست که بر گردنِ یاری بودست


text:
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1858] indorsement by the people, real or apparent, was indispensable to save the point already gained and give chance for more.

This necessity had not been overlooked, but had been provided for, as well as might be, in the notable argument of "squatter sovereignty," otherwise called "sacred right of self-government," which latter phrase, though expressive of the only rightful basis of any government, was so perverted in this attempted use of it as to amount to just this: That if any one man choose to enslave another, no third man shall be allowed to object. That argument was incorporated into the Nebraska bill itself, in the language which follows: "It being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom; but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States." Then opened the roar of loose declamation in favor of "squatter sovereignty" and "sacred right of self-government." "But," said opposition members, "let us amend the bill so as to expressly declare that the people of the Territory may exclude slavery." "Not we," said the friends of the measure; and down they voted the amendment.

While the Nebraska bill was passing through Congress, a law case involving the question of a negro's freedom, by reason of his owner having voluntarily taken him first into a free State and then into a Territory covered by the congressional prohibition, and held him as a slave for a long time in each, was passing through the United States Circuit Court for the District of


text: First Lessons in Geography/Preface

title: First Lessons in Geography/Preface


text:
User talk:Ogniak

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text: First Lessons in Geography/Front Matter

title: First Lessons in Geography/Front Matter


text:
Page:Lincolndouglas2184linc.djvu/172

 field platform says that they, the Republican party, will not allow a State to come in under such circumstances. He is an ignorant man. [Cheers.]

Now you see that upon these very points I am as far from bringing Mr. Lincoln up to the line as I ever was before. He does not want to avow his principles. I do want to avow mine, as clear as sunlight in midday. [Cheers and applause.] Democracy is founded upon the eternal principle of right. ["That's the talk."] The plainer these principles are avowed before the people, the stronger will be the support which they will receive. I only wish I had the power to make them so clear that they would shine in the heavens for every man, woman, and child to read. [Loud cheering.] The first of those principles that I would proclaim would be in opposition to Mr. Lincoln's doctrine of uniformity between the different States, and I would declare instead the sovereign right of each State to decide the slavery question as well as all other domestic questions for themselves, without interference from any other State or power whatsoever. ["Hurrah for Douglas!"]

When that principle is recognized, you will have peace and harmony and fraternal feeling between all the States of this Union; until you do recognize that doctrine, there will be sectional warfare agitating and distracting the country. What does Mr. Lincoln propose? He says that the Union cannot exist divided into Free and Slave States. If it cannot endure thus divided, then he must strive to make them all Free or all Slave, which will inevitably bring about a dissolution of the Union. [Cries of "He can't do it."]

Gentlemen, I am told that my time is out, and I am obliged to stop. [Three times three cheers were here given for Senator Douglas. When Douglas had concluded the shouts were tremendous; his excoriation of Lincoln was so severe, that the Republicans hung their heads in shame. The Democrats, however, were loud in their vociferations.]

[Philadelphia, Pa., Press, August 26, 1858]

THE CAMPAIGN IN ILLINOIS

Great Discussion between Douglas and Lincoln.—Immense Enthusiasm.—The Little Giant Triumphant.—20,000 People Present

[Special Correspondence of The Press.]

The discussion between Judge Douglas and Hon. A. Lincoln, the respective candidates for the United States Senate, commenced at

title: Page:Lincolndouglas2184linc.djvu/172


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38 Missouri; and both Nebraska bill and lawsuit were brought to a decision in the same month of May, 1854. The negro's name was Dred Scott, which name now designates the decision finally made in the case. Before the then next presidential election, the law case came to and was argued in the Supreme Court of the United States; but the decision of it was deferred until after the election. Still, before the election, Senator Trumbull, on the floor of the Senate, requested the leading advocate of the Nebraska bill to state his opinion whether the people of a Territory can constitutionally exclude slavery from their limits; and the latter answered: "That is a question for the Supreme Court."

The election came. Mr. Buchanan was elected, and the indorsement, such as it was, secured. That was the second point gained. The indorsement, however, fell short of a clear popular majority by nearly four hundred thousand votes, and so, perhaps, was not overwhelmingly reliable and satisfactory. The outgoing President, in his last annual message, as impressively as possible echoed back upon the people the weight and authority of the indorsement. The Supreme Court met again; did not announce their decision, but ordered a reargument. The presidential inauguration came, and still no decision of the court; but the incoming President in his inaugural address fervently exhorted the people to abide by the forthcoming decision, whatever it might be. Then, in a few days, came the decision.

The reputed author of the Nebraska bill finds an early occasion to make a speech at this capital indorsing the Dred Scott decision, and vehemently denouncing all opposition to it. The new


text:
Page:Life and Works of Abraham Lincoln, v4.djvu/57

1858] President, too, seizes the early occasion of the Silliman letter to indorse and strongly construe that decision, and to express his astonishment that any different view had ever been entertained!

At length a squabble springs up between the President and the author of the Nebraska bill, on the mere question of fact, whether the Lecompton constitution was or was not, in any just sense, made by the people of Kansas; and in that quarrel the latter declares that all he wants is a fair vote for the people, and that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up. I do not understand his declaration that he cares not whether slavery be voted down or voted up to be intended by him other than as an apt definition of the policy he would impress upon the public mind—the principle for which he declares he has suffered so much, and is ready to suffer to the end. And well may he cling to that principle. If he has any parental feeling, well may he cling to it. That principle is the only shred left of his original Nebraska doctrine. Under the Dred Scott decision "squatter sovereignty" squatted out of existence, tumbled down like temporary scaffolding,—like the mold at the foundry, served through one blast and fell back into loose sand,—helped to carry an election, and then was kicked to the winds. His late joint struggle with the Republicans against the Lecompton constitution involves nothing of the original Nebraska doctrine. That struggle was made on a point—the right of a people to make their own constitution—upon which he and the Republicans have never differed.

The several points of the Dred Scott decision,


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 Ottawa, Ill., on Saturday, the 21st instant. The meeting was the largest ever held in this part of the State, and the enthusiasm was unbounded. It is estimated that not less than 20,000 persons were present on this important occasion. The bare announcement that the two candidates were to meet in open debate was sufficient to bring together an immense crowd.

A special train of fourteen passenger cars, filled to overflowing, came from Chicago. Another train, composed of eleven cars, came from Peru and LaSalle; whilst delegations in wagons, carriages, and on horseback, came from all directions, and aided to swell the great multitude.

Gorgeous flags and ensigns, bearing appropriate inscriptions, unfurled to the breeze, whilst the rapid discharges of artillery reverberated on the air, and seemed to make the very earth tremble.

Judge Douglas, the great champion, and the invincible defender of the rights, liberties, and institutions of a free people, was met at the city of Peru, sixteen miles distant, by the committee, in an elegant carriage drawn by four splendid horses, and brought to Ottawa. Four miles out he was met by a delegation composed of several hundreds, bearing flags and banners, and escorted into the city amid the booming of cannon, the shouts of thousands, and the strains of martial music. As he neared the Geiger House, it was almost impossible for the carriages to force their way through the dense mass of living beings that blocked up the streets, and clung to the carriage containing the distinguished Senator, anxious to clasp him by the hand. The shouts and cheers that arose on his approach were deafening. No conception can be formed of the enthusiasm that was manifested without having been present, and I cannot command the language to render a proper description. He came like some great deliverer, some mighty champion, who had covered himself with imperishable laurels, and saved a nation from ruin; he came as the immortal Washington, or the patriotic Lafayette, with a nation ready to do him homage. But how different his deeds! They had distinguished themselves on the battle field, whilst the statesman and Senator had reached the culminating point of his career in the councils of the nation, by beating back the tide of political tyranny, and gloriously establishing the doctrine of popular sovereignty, and the right of the people to make their own laws.

When they reached the Geiger House, and the carriage halted in

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40 in connection with Senator Douglas's "care not" policy, constitute the piece of machinery in its present state of advancement. This was the third point gained. The working points of that machinery are:

(1) That no negro slave, imported as such from Africa, and no descendant of such slave, can ever be a citizen of any State, in the sense of that term as used in the Constitution of the United States. This point is made in order to deprive the negro in every possible event of the benefit of that provision of the United States Constitution which declares that "the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the several States."

(2) That, "subject to the Constitution of the United States," neither Congress nor a territorial legislature can exclude slavery from any United States Territory. This point is made in order that individual men may fill up the Territories with slaves, without danger of losing them as property, and thus enhance the chances of permanency to the institution through all the future.

(3) That whether the holding a negro in actual slavery in a free State makes him free as against the holder, the United States courts will not decide, but will leave to be decided by the courts of any slave State the negro may be forced into by the master. This point is made not to be pressed immediately, but, if acquiesced in for a while, and apparently indorsed by the people at an election, then to sustain the logical conclusion that what Dred Scott's master might lawfully do with Dred Scott in the free State of Illinois, every other master may lawfully do with any other one


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1858] or one thousand slaves in Illinois or in any other free State.

Auxiliary to all this, and working hand in hand with it, the Nebraska doctrine, or what is left of it, is to educate and mold public opinion, at least Northern public opinion, not to care whether slavery is voted down or voted up. This shows exactly where we now are, and partially, also, whither we are tending.

It will throw additional light on the latter, to go back and run the mind over the string of historical facts already stated. Several things will now appear less dark and mysterious than they did when they were transpiring. The people were to be left "perfectly free," "subject only to the Constitution." What the Constitution had to do with it outsiders could not then see. Plainly enough now, it was an exactly fitted niche for the Dred Scott decision to afterward come in, and declare the perfect freedom of the people to be just no freedom at all. Why was the amendment expressly declaring the right of the people voted down? Plainly enough now, the adoption of it would have spoiled the niche for the Dred Scott decision. Why was the court decision held up? Why even a senator's individual opinion withheld till after the presidential election? Plainly enough now, the speaking out then would have damaged the "perfectly free" argument upon which the election was to be carried. Why the outgoing President's felicitation on the indorsement? Why the delay of a reargument? Why the incoming President's advance exhortation in favor of the decision? These things look like the cautious patting and petting of a spirited horse preparatory to mounting him, when it is


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42 dreaded that he may give the rider a fall. And why the hasty after-indorsement of the decision by the President and others?

We cannot absolutely know that all these exact adaptations are the result of preconcert. But when we see a lot of framed timbers, different portions of which we know have been gotten out at different times and places and by different workmen,—Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James, for instance,—and we see these timbers joined together, and see they exactly make the frame of a house or a mill, all the tenons and mortises exactly fitting, and all the lengths and proportions of the different pieces exactly adapted to their respective places, and not a piece too many or too few, not omitting even scaffolding—or, if a single piece be lacking, we see the place in the frame exactly fitted and prepared yet to bring such piece in—in such a case we find it impossible not to believe that Stephen and Franklin and Roger and James all understood one another from the beginning, and all worked upon a common plan or draft drawn up before the first blow was struck.

It should not be overlooked that, by the Nebraska bill, the people of a State as well as Territory were to be left "perfectly free," "subject only to the Constitution." Why mention a State? They were legislating for Territories, and not for or about States. Certainly the people of a State are and ought to be subject to the Constitution of the United States; but why is mention of this lugged into this merely territorial law? Why are the people of a Territory and the people of a State therein lumped together, and their relation to the Constitution therein treated as being precisely the same? While the opinion of the court,


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 the street, there arose one spontaneous shout that seemed to rend the very air. Again and again did that shout go up, as the distinguished Senator stood in the open carriage with head uncovered, gracefully bowing to the living mass of humanity that surrounded him on all sides. As soon as sufficient order could be restored, he was welcomed in a reception speech by H. W. H. Cushman, Esq., which was indeed an eloquent tribute of esteem and appreciation of his course in the Senate. It was, undoubtedly, the finest, most eloquent, and appropriate reception address delivered during this campaign. I will attempt no description of it—you must read it to appreciate it. Judge Douglas was deeply affected, and could scarcely restrain his emotion.

How different the enthusiasm manifested for his competitor, Mr. Lincoln; or, as he has termed himself, "the living dog." As his procession passed the Geiger House there was scarcely a cheer went up. They marched along silently and sorrowfully, as if it were a funeral cortege following him to the grave. It struck me as very appropriate, as well as symbolical, of what would most assuredly come to pass next November. They appeared to be following "a dead dog" to his political grave; and had the bands played a mournful funeral dirge, the picture would have been complete.

The discussion opened at 2 o'clock in Lafayette Square. The crowd was so dense that the speakers and committeemen could scarcely make their way to the stand, which was filled with reporters and representatives of the press from all sections of the State.

It was agreed that Judge Douglas should open the debate in a speech an hour in length, when Lincoln should follow in a reply an hour and a half, and Judge Douglas rejoin for thirty minutes.

The opening speech was able and eloquent. The Little Giant seemed to surpass himself. He put a number of pointed and leading questions to Lincoln, one of which was whether, if he were elected to the Senate, he would vote to admit States with the privilege of making their own Constitutions, subject to the will of the majority. He deemed it very important that the "living dog" should define his position, by answering this question. If he were a Republican he wanted to know it, and if he were an Abolitionist he wanted to know that also. He wanted no more dodging. It was all-important that Lincoln should tell whether he was for Congress to say whether slavery should exist in a State or Territory, or whether the people

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Coat o' Clay

 * “Coat o’ Clay”, Jacobs, J., English Fairy Tales (3rd ed.)

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1858] by Chief Justice Taney, in the Dred Scott case, and the separate opinions of all the concurring judges, expressly declare that the Constitution of the United States neither permits Congress nor a territorial legislature to exclude slavery from any United States Territory, they all omit to declare whether or not the same Constitution permits a State, or the people of a State, to exclude it. Possibly, this is a mere omission; but who can be quite sure, if McLean or Curtis had sought to get into the opinion a declaration of unlimited power in the people of a State to exclude slavery from their limits, just as Chase and Mace sought to get such declaration, in behalf of the people of a Territory, into the Nebraska bill—I ask, who can be quite sure that it would not have been voted down in the one case as it had been in the other? The nearest approach to the point of declaring the power of a State over slavery is made by Judge Nelson. He approaches it more than once, using the precise idea, and almost the language too, of the Nebraska act. On one occasion his exact language is: "Except in cases where the power is restrained by the Constitution of the United States, the law of the State is supreme over the subject of slavery within its jurisdiction." In what cases the power of the States is so restrained by the United States Constitution is left an open question, precisely as the same question as to the restraint on the power of the Territories was left open in the Nebraska act. Put this and that together, and we have another nice little niche, which we may, ere long, see filled with another Supreme Court decision declaring that the Constitution of the United States does not permit a State to exclude slavery from its


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44 limits. And this may especially be expected if the doctrine of "care not whether slavery be voted down or voted up" shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give promise that such a decision can be maintained when made.

Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike lawful in all the States. Welcome, or unwelcome, such decision is probably coming, and will soon be upon us, unless the power of the present political dynasty shall be met and overthrown. We shall lie down pleasantly dreaming that the people of Missouri are on the verge of making their State free, and we shall awake to the reality instead that the Supreme Court has made Illinois a slave State. To meet and overthrow the power of that dynasty is the work now before all those who would prevent that consummation. That is what we have to do. How can we best do it?

There are those who denounce us openly to their own friends, and yet whisper us softly that Senator Douglas is the aptest instrument there is with which to effect that object. They wish us to infer all this from the fact that he now has a little quarrel with the present head of the dynasty; and that he has regularly voted with us on a single point upon which he and we have never differed. They remind us that he is a great man, and that the largest of us are very small ones. Let this be granted. But "a living dog is better than a dead lion." Judge Douglas, if not a dead lion for this work, is at least a caged and toothless one. How can he oppose the advances of slavery? He don't care anything about it. His avowed mission is impressing the "public heart" to care nothing about it. A leading Douglas


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1858] Democratic newspaper thinks Douglas's superior talent will be needed to resist the revival of the African slave-trade. Does Douglas believe an effort to revive that trade is approaching? He has not said so. Does he really think so? But if it is, how can he resist it? For years he has labored to prove it a sacred right of white men to take negro slaves into the new Territories. Can he possibly show that it is less a sacred right to buy them where they can be bought cheapest? And unquestionably they can be bought cheaper in Africa than in Virginia. He has done all in his power to reduce the whole question of slavery to one of a mere right of property; and as such, how can he oppose the foreign slave-trade? How can he refuse that trade in that "property" shall be "perfectly free," unless he does it as a protection to the home production? And as the home producers will probably not ask the protection, he will be wholly without a ground of opposition.

Senator Douglas holds, we know, that a man may rightfully be wiser to-day than he was yesterday—that he may rightfully change when he finds himself wrong. But can we, for that reason, run ahead, and infer that he will make any particular change of which he, himself, has given no intimation? Can we safely base our action upon any such vague inference? Now, as ever, I wish not to misrepresent Judge Douglas's position, question his motives, or do aught that can be personally offensive to him. Whenever, if ever, he and we can come together on principle so that our great cause may have assistance from his great ability, I hope to have interposed no adventitious obstacle. But clearly, he is not now


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46 with us—he does not pretend to be—he does not promise ever to be.

Our cause, then, must be intrusted to, and conducted by, its own undoubted friends—those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the work, who do care for the result. Two years ago the Republicans of the nation mustered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. We did this under the single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with every external circumstance against us. Of strange, discordant, and even hostile elements, we gathered from the four winds, and formed and fought the battle through, under the constant hot fire of a disciplined, proud, and pampered enemy. Did we brave all then to falter now?—now, when that same enemy is wavering, dissevered, and belligerent? The result is not doubtful. We shall not fail—if we stand firm, we shall not fail. Wise counsels may accelerate or mistakes delay it, but sooner or later, the victory is sure to come.

My Fellow-citizens: On yesterday evening, upon the occasion of the reception given to Senator Douglas, I was furnished with a seat very convenient for hearing him, and was otherwise very courteously treated by him and his friends, and for which I thank him and them. During the course of his remarks my name was mentioned in such a way as, I suppose, renders it at least not improper that I should make some sort


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Life and Works of Abraham Lincoln/Volume 4/A House Divided Against Itself Cannot Stand

Discurso da Casa Dividida


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Hutton, Arthur Wollaston

HUTTON, ARTHUR WOLLASTON (1848-1912), English divine and author, was born at Spridlington, Lincs., Sept. 5 1848. A scholar of Exeter College, Oxford, he took orders in the Church of England in 1872, but under Newman's influence became a Roman Catholic, and from 1876-83 was a member of the Edgbaston Oratorian community. He changed his views, however, renounced Roman Catholicism, and became known as an agnostic and free-thinker. For some years he was librarian at the National Liberal Club in London, but in 1898 he was readmitted to the English Church, and from 1903 to his death he was rector of Bow Church, London. His absolute sincerity and great intellectual ability were recognized by all. He was the author of a Life of Manning (1892). He died at Blackheath March 25 1912.


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As President-elect (1860)


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Gregory, Isabelle Augusta, Lady

GREGORY, Isabelle Augusta, Author:Lady Gregory, Irish authoress. She is the youngest daughter of Dudley Persse of Roxborough, County Galway, and in 1881 married Sir William Gregory, formerly member of Parliament for County Galway and for Dublin, and Governor of Ceylon. He died in 1892. Lady Gregory edited his letters two years later, and subsequently launched upon a literary career. In 1898 appeared ‘Mr. Gregory's Letter-Box,’ an edition of die letters of Wilham Gregory, her husband's grandfather, who had been undersecretary of State for Ireland. About this time the movement which came to be known as the ../Irish Literary Revival/ (q.v.) held the attention of all those who were interested in national literary history. Through her friendship with William Butler Yeats (q.v.), Lady Gregory became deeply engrossed in this movement and soon occupied a conspicuous place in its promotion. Her first important contributions were her translations of ‘Cuchulain of Muirtemne’ (1902), and ‘Gods and Fighting Men,’ in which she displayed that rare felicity in translation and keen sympathy with her subject which became the distinguishing characteristics of her later work. It was in connection with the Irish Literary Theatre (now the Abbey Theatre, Dublin) that Lady Gregory's best talents were displayed. Her lively dramatic sense and ability to render fluently the quaint turns of the Anglo-Irish idiom, combined with her rare judgment and managerial ability were important factors in making the venture permanent. The story of the persons interested and of the struggle of the theatre to maintain itself is told in her ‘Our Irish Theatre’ (1913). She rendered constant

assistance to Yeats, collaborating with him in ‘The Unicorn and Other Plays’; and also, if George Moore's testimony can be accepted, in ‘Kathleen ni Houlihan’ and ‘A Pot of Broth.’ Besides these, she has made striking adaptations in the idiom from Molière, under the title ‘The Kiltartan Molière’ (1910); from Sudermann's ‘Teja’ (1908), and from Goldoni's ‘Mirandolina’ (1910). Her other works comprise folk tales, essays and plays, among which may be noted ‘Ideals in Ireland,’ a series of articles by prominent Irish authors, of which she was the editor (1901); ‘Poets and Dreamers’ (1903); ‘The Book of Saints and Wonders’ (1907); ‘The Kiltartan Wonder Book’ (1910); ‘Seven Short Plays’ (1910); ‘The Image’ (1910); ‘Irish Folk History Plays’ (1912); ‘The Kiltartan History Book’ (1912); ‘New Comedies’ (1913); ‘The Rising of the Moon’ (1915); ‘The Golden Apple’ (1916); and ‘Visions and Beliefs’ (1916). In 1911-12, and again in 1913, she visited the United States with the Irish Players and was enthusiastically received. Consult Weygandt, ‘Irish Plays and Playwrights’ (Boston 1913); and Moore, George, ‘Hail and Farewell’ (New York 1911-13).


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Hyde, Douglas

HYDE, Douglas, Irish author and historian: b. Frenchpark, County Roscommon, 1860. After receiving his bachelor's degree from Trinity College, Dublin, in 1884 and his LL.D, three years later, he became interim professor of modern languages at the State University of New Brunswick (1891). Hyde's chief title to fame rests on his splendid studies of Irish literature and his collections of Irish folklore. He is a prominent figure in the Irish national revival. He was president of the Irish National Literary Society (1894-95), and was one of the prime organizers and first president of the Gaelic League, residing from that office in 1915. In Ireland he is popularly known by the Gaelic pseudonym of “An Craoibhin Aoibhinn” (sweet little branch). In 1906 he visited the United States in order to raise funds for the support of the league, and was successful in collecting some $55,000. He was president of the Irish Texts Society; examiner in Celtic to the Royal University of Ireland; assistant editor of the New Irish Library; a member of the Royal Commission on Irish University Education; and a member of the senate and professor of modern Irish in the National University of Ireland (1909). Hyde's most monumental work is his ‘Literary History of Ireland’ (1899), a fine piece of pioneer scholarship. His other writings are in varied literary forms: lyrics, essays, folktales, plays and history. He writes with equal fluency and skill both in Gaelic and English. His numerous works include ‘Leabhar Sgeuluigheachta’ (1899); ‘Beside the Fire’ (1890); ‘Cois na teincadh’ (1891); ‘Love Songs of Connacht’ (1894); ‘Three Sorrows of Story Telling’ (1895); ‘Story of Early Irish Literature’ (1897); ‘An Sgeuluidhe Gaodhalach’ (1898-1901; translated into French, 1901); ‘Mediæval Tales from the Irish’ (Vol. I of Irish Texts Society, 1899); ‘Ubhla den Chraoibh’ (Irish poems, 1900); ‘Casadh an tsugáin’ (a play in Irish, 1901); ‘Sgéalta’ (1902); ‘Filidheacht Ghaedhalach’ (1903); ‘Raftery's Poems’ (1904); ‘The Bursting of the Bubble,’ ‘An Pósadh,’ ‘An Cleamhnas,’ ‘King James,’ ‘The Tinker and the Fairy’ (Irish plays, 1905); ‘The Religious Songs of Connacht’ (1906); ‘Sgéaluidhe Fíor na Seachtmhaine’ (1909); ‘Maistin an Bheurla’ (a play, 1913); ‘Legends of Saints and Sinners from the Irish’ (1915). Many of his poems reproduce the exact metre of the original Gaelic verse, and are replete with quaint conceits which show a sympathetic and scholarly handling of the translations. Dr. Hyde has kept aloof from the political and religious embroilments which have torn the Irish nationalists, preferring always to keep the main problem above party interest.


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1848]

Mr. Chairman: Some if not all the gentlemen on the other side of the House who have addressed the committee within the last two days have spoken rather complainingly, if I have rightly understood them, of the vote given a week or ten days ago declaring that the war with Mexico was unnecessarily and unconstitutionally commenced by the President. I admit that such a vote should not be given in mere party wantonness, and that the one given is justly censurable, if it have no other or better foundation. I am one of those who joined in that vote; and I did so under my best impression of the truth of the case. How I got this impression, and how it may possibly be remedied, I will now try to show. When the war began, it was my opinion that all those who because of knowing too little, or because of knowing too much, could not conscientiously oppose the conduct of the President in the beginning of it should nevertheless, as good citizens and patriots, remain silent on that point, at least till the war should be ended. Some leading Democrats, including ex-President Van Buren, have taken this same view, as I understand them; and I adhered to it and acted upon it, until since I took my seat here; and I think I should still adhere to it were it not that the President and his friends will not allow it to be so. Besides the continual effort of the President to argue every silent vote given for supplies into an indorsement of the justice and wisdom of his conduct;


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Rh

{
 * Q.
 * What is a Lake?
 * A.
 * A body of water almost surrounded by land.
 * Q.
 * What is a Strait?
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 * A passage connecting two larger bodies of water.
 * }
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Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Frost, Robert

FROST, ROBERT, an American educator and writer, born in San Francisco in 1875. He studied at Dartmouth College in 1892 and at Harvard, from 1897 to 1899. From 1900 to 1905 he was engaged in farming in Derry, N. H., and from 1905 to 1911 was a teacher of English at the Pinkerton Academy in that town. He lived in Europe in 1912 and 1915. His first book of poems was “A Boy's Will” (1913). He first attained wide notice at the publication of the book of poems entitled “North of Boston” (1914). This placed him in the first rank of the younger American poets. “Mountain Interval” followed in 1916.


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120 besides that singularly candid paragraph in his late message in which he tells us that Congress with great unanimity had declared that "by the act of the Republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that Government and the United States," when the same journals that informed him of this also informed him that when that declaration stood disconnected from the question of supplies sixty-seven in the House, and not fourteen merely, voted against it; besides this open attempt to prove by telling the truth what he could not prove by telling the whole truth—demanding of all who will not submit to be misrepresented, in justice to themselves, to speak out,—besides all this, one of my colleagues [Mr. Richardson] at a very early day in the session brought in a set of resolutions expressly indorsing the original justice of the war on the part of the President. Upon these resolutions when they shall be put on their passage I shall be compelled to vote; so that I cannot be silent if I would. Seeing this, I went about preparing myself to give the vote understandingly when it should come. I carefully examined the President's message, to ascertain what he himself had said and proved upon the point. The result of this examination was to make the impression that, taking for true all the President states as facts, he falls far short of proving his justification; and that the President would have gone farther with his proof if it had not been for the small matter that the truth would not permit him. Under the impression thus made I gave the vote before mentioned. I propose now to give concisely the process of the examination I made, and how I reached the conclusion I did. The President, in


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1848] his first war message of May, 1846, declares that the soil was ours on which hostilities were commenced by Mexico, and he repeats that declaration almost in the same language in each successive annual message, thus showing that he deems that point a highly essential one. In the importance of that point I entirely agree with the President. To my judgment it is the very point upon which he should be justified, or condemned. In his message of December, 1846, it seems to have occurred to him, as is certainly true, that title—ownership—to soil or anything else is not a simple fact, but is a conclusion following on one or more simple facts; and that it was incumbent upon him to present the facts from which he concluded the soil was ours on which the first blood of the war was shed.

Accordingly, a little below the middle of page twelve in the message last referred to he enters upon that task; forming an issue and introducing testimony, extending the whole to a little below the middle of page fourteen. Now, I propose to try to show that the whole of this—issue and evidence—is from beginning to end the sheerest deception. The issue, as he presents it, is in these words: "But there are those who, conceding all this to be true, assume the ground that the true western boundary of Texas is the Nueces, instead of the Rio Grande; and that, therefore, in marching our army to the east bank of the latter river, we passed the Texas line and invaded the territory of Mexico." Now this issue is made up of two affirmatives and no negative. The main deception of it is that it assumes as true that one river or the other is necessarily the boundary; and cheats the superficial thinker entirely out of


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Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Frostbite

FROSTBITE, the freezing of any portion of the body by exposure to a high degree of cold. The parts of the body most exposed to the serious consequence of frostbite are those farthest from the

seat of circulation, and the most exposed to a great degree of cold. These are, the toes and feet, fingers, ears, nose, and the cheeks below the eye. The effect of intense cold is, in the first place, to deaden the sensibility of the part most exposed, which it does by contracting the vessels and driving the blood from the surface; when the part, losing its healthy vitality, is unable to resist the specific influence of the surrounding cold, and quickly falls a prey to the potency of the frost, and, in a short time, a partial gives way to an absolute death, or mortification of the member or organ. The treatment of frostbite consists in coaxing back by degrees the vitality of the part; this is most prudently effected by friction, at first with snow, then with water at ordinary temperature, no warmth being applied for some time.


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122 the idea that possibly the boundary is somewhere between the two, and not actually at either. A further deception is that it will let in evidence which a true issue would exclude. A true issue made by the President would be about as follows: "I say the soil was ours, on which the first blood was shed; there are those who say it was not."

I now proceed to examine the President's evidence as applicable to such an issue. When that evidence is analyzed, it is all included in the following propositions:

(1) That the Rio Grande was the western boundary of Louisiana as we purchased it of France in 1803.

(2) That the Republic of Texas always claimed the Rio Grande as her western boundary.

(3) That by various acts she had claimed it on paper.

(4) That Santa Anna in his treaty with Texas recognized the Rio Grande as her boundary.

(5) That Texas before, and the United States after, annexation had exercised jurisdiction beyond the Nueces—between the two rivers.

(6) That our Congress understood the boundary of Texas to extend beyond the Nueces.

Now for each of these in its turn. His first item is that the Rio Grande was the western boundary of Louisiana, as we purchased it of France in 1803; and seeming to expect this to be disputed, he argues over the amount of nearly a page to prove it true; at the end of which he lets us know that by the treaty of 1819 we sold to Spain the whole country from the Rio Grande eastward to the Sabine. Now, admitting for the present that the Rio Grande was the boundary of


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1848] Louisiana, what, under heaven, had that to do with the present boundary between us and Mexico? How, Mr. Chairman, the line that once divided your land from mine can still be the boundary between us after I have sold my land to you is to me beyond all comprehension. And how any man, with an honest purpose only of proving the truth, could ever have thought of introducing such a fact to prove such an issue is equally incomprehensible. His next piece of evidence is that "the Republic of Texas always claimed this river (Rio Grande) as her western boundary." That is not true, in fact. Texas has claimed it, but she has not always claimed it. There is at least one distinguished exception. Her State constitution—the republic's most solemn and well-considered act; that which may, without impropriety, be called her last will and testament, revoking all others—makes no such claim. But suppose she had always claimed it. Has not Mexico always claimed the contrary? So that there is but claim against claim, leaving nothing proved until we get back of the claims and find which has the better foundation. Though not in the order in which the President presents his evidence, I now consider that class of his statements which are in substance nothing more than that Texas has, by various acts of her Convention and Congress, claimed the Rio Grande as her boundary, on paper. I mean here what he says about the fixing of the Rio Grande as her boundary in her old constitution (not her State constitution), about forming congressional districts, counties, etc. Now all of this is but naked claim; and what I have already said about claims is strictly applicable to this. If I should claim


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Author:James Monteith

Works

 * First Lessons in Geography (1856)
 * Youth's Manual of Geography (1858)
 * Monteith's Physical and Political Geography (1875)
 * Comprehensive Geography

title: Author:James Monteith


text:
Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Gregory, Augusta (Lady)

GREGORY, AUGUSTA (LADY). Irish authoress, née Persse. In 1880 she married Sir W. H. Gregory, whose autobiography she edited in 1894. She became interested in the Irish literary movement and finally published “Cuchulain of Muirthemne” and “Gods and Fighting Men,” translations and paraphrases of old Irish epics which created much stir, by their idiom modeled on old Gaelic and the powerful breath of romance contained in them. She helped to establish in 1899 the Irish Literary Theater, now the Abbey Theater. Her chief books, including plays are: “The Kiltartan History Book”; “Poets and Dreamers”; “Visions and Beliefs”; “The White Cockade”; “The Full Moon”; “Seven Short Plays”; “Irish Folk History Plays”; “New Comedies.”


text: First Lessons in Geography/Contents

title: First Lessons in Geography/Contents


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124 your land by word of mouth, that certainly would not make it mine; and if I were to claim it by a deed which I had made myself, and with which you had had nothing to do, the claim would be quite the same in substance—or rather, in utter nothingness. I next consider the President's statement that Santa Anna in his treaty with Texas recognized the Rio Grande as the western boundary of Texas. Besides the position so often taken, that Santa Anna while a prisoner of war, a captive, could not bind Mexico by a treaty, which I deem conclusive—besides this, I wish to say something in relation to this treaty, so called by the President, with Santa Anna. If any man would like to be amused by a sight of that little thing which the President calls by that big name, he can have it by turning to "Niles's Register," Vol. L, p. 336. And if any one should suppose that "Niles's Register" is a curious repository of so mighty a document as a solemn treaty between nations, I can only say that I learned to a tolerable degree of certainty, by inquiry at the State Department, that the President himself never saw it anywhere else. By the way, I believe I should not err if I were to declare that during the first ten years of the existence of that document it was never by anybody called a treaty—that it was never so called till the President, in his extremity, attempted by so calling it to wring something from it in justification of himself in connection with the Mexican war. It has none of the distinguishing features of a treaty. It does not call itself a treaty. Santa Anna does not therein assume to bind Mexico; he assumes only to act as the President-Commander-in-Chief of the Mexican army and navy; stipulates that the


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1848] then present hostilities should cease, and that he would not himself take up arms, nor influence the Mexican people to take up arms, against Texas during the existence of the war of independence. He did not recognize the independence of Texas; he did not assume to put an end to the war, but clearly indicated his expectation of its continuance; he did not say one word about boundary, and, most probably, never thought of it. It is stipulated therein that the Mexican forces should evacuate the territory of Texas, passing to the other side of the Rio Grande; and in another article it is stipulated that, to prevent collisions between the armies, the Texas army should not approach nearer than within five leagues—of what is not said, but clearly, from the object stated, it is of the Rio Grande. Now, if this is a treaty recognizing the Rio Grande as the boundary of Texas, it contains the singular features of stipulating that Texas shall not go within five leagues of her own boundary.

Next comes the evidence of Texas before annexation, and the United States afterward, exercising jurisdiction beyond the Nueces and between the two rivers. This actual exercise of jurisdiction is the very class or quality of evidence we want. It is excellent so far as it goes; but does it go far enough? He tells us it went beyond the Nueces, but he does not tell us it went to the Rio Grande. He tells us jurisdiction was exercised between the two rivers, but he does not tell us it was exercised over all the territory between them. Some simple-minded people think it is possible to cross one river and go beyond it without going all the way to the next, that jurisdiction may be exercised between two rivers