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 HADDEN, JAMES MURRAY (d. 1817), surveyor-general of the ordnance, a son of Captain John Hadden of the marines, entered the Royal Military Academy, Woolwich, as a cadet, 2 April 1771, and was appointed a second lieutenant in the 2nd battalion royal artillery in 1776. His subsequent commissions were: first lieutenant, 7 July 1779; captain-lieutenant, 21 Nov. 1783; captain, 17 Jan. 1793: brevet-major, 1 March 1794; brevet-lieutenant-colonel, 1 Jan. 1798; regimental major, 1 Aug. 1800; regimental lieutenant-colonel, 27 May 1801; colonel, 1 June 1806; major-general, 4 June 1811. Hadden embarked for Quebec 4 May 1776, arrived there 12 July, and in the following October commanded a gunboat in the operations on Lake Champlain. He commanded a detachment of two guns with Burgoyne's army the year after, and distinguished himself and was wounded in the battle of Freeman's Farm, 19 Sept. 1777 (, i. 315). He was among the prisoners at Saratoga, but must have been exchanged before 1781, as his name is given in Game's 'Universal Register,' 1782, p. 113, as one of the artillery officers of Clinton's force. He was appointed adjutant of the 1st battalion at Woolwich in 1783, and in 1793 was one of the officers specially selected for command of the new troops of royal horse artillery. His troop, the old D troop, was raised in 1793, and disbanded in 1816. In 1797 he was appointed adjutant-general of the British troops in Portugal. He was secretary to the Duke of Richmond when master-general of the ordnance in 1794-5, and was surveyor-general of the ordnance from 1804 to 1810. Hadden, who was married and left a family, died at Harpenden, Hertfordshire, 29 Oct. 1817. According to an obituary notice, 'he lived honest and died poor' (Morning Chron. 5 Nov. 1817). A brother of Hadden, Colonel John Hadden, many years in the 11th foot, who was paymaster-general of British troops in Portugal in 1797, and afterwards in the Mediterranean, predeceased him on 24 Sept. 1817 (Gent. Mag. 1817, pt. ii.473). According to a family tradition, John Hadden, when a child eight years old, scaled the defences of Belle Isle in front of the troops at the famous siege (, p. 11).

A manuscript journal kept by James Murray Hadden in America from 4 March 1776 to the date of the battle of Freeman's Farm, and eight manuscript order-books of the royal artillery for 1776-8, all of which after Hadden's death were at one time in possession of William Cobbett, were purchased some years ago by Henry Stevens on behalf of an American publishing house. They were printed at Albany, N.Y., in 1884, with copious annotations by Brevet-brigadier-general Horatio Rogers, United States volunteers, as volume xii. of 'Munsell's Historical Series.'

HADDENSTON, JAMES (d. 1443), prior of St. Andrews. [See .]

HADDINGTON,. [See .]

HADDINGTON,. [See, d. 1626.]

HADDOCK. [See also .]

HADDOCK, NICHOLAS (1686–1746), admiral, youngest son of Sir [q. v.], entered the navy on 19 May 1699, as a volunteer on board the Portland, under the command of his kinsman, Captain (afterwards Sir [q. v.] In 1702 he was a midshipman of the Ranelagh, one of the ships engaged in the expedition to Cadiz, and at the destruction of the French-Spanish fleet at Vigo, in which, as his old father proudly wrote, he 'behaved himself with so much bravery and courage that he hath gained the good report of the Duke of Ormonde, … and was the first man that boarded one of the galleons' (, p. 43). His passing certificate is dated 29 Dec. 1702. In June 1704 he was promoted to be lieutenant of the Crown, from which he was moved in the following December to the Royal Anne, and in December 1705 to the St. George. In her he was present at the relief of Barcelona under Sir  [q. v.] and the Earl of Peterborough, of which operation he wrote an interesting account to his father (ib. p. 49). On 6 April 1707 he was promoted to be captain of the Ludlow Castle, 'being then,' according to Charnock, 'little more than twenty years old.' On 30 Dec. 1707, while cruising in the North Sea, he had the fortune to come up with and recapture the Nightingale, a small frigate which had been captured by the French a few months before, and had been fitted out under the command of Thomas Smith, a renegade Englishman, who was now sent to London and duly hanged as a traitor (''Engl. Historical Review'', iv. 78). Haddock afterwards commanded the Chatham in 1710, the Exeter in 1715, the Shrewsbury in 1717, and on 14 March 1717-18 was appointed to the


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12 be brought into the field. The difficulty is, not to procure men, but to provide the means of maintaining them; and in this view of the subject, it may be asked whether the Southern States are not a source of strength and power, and not of weakness, to the country—whether they have not contributed, and are not now contributing, largely to the wealth and prosperity of every state in this Union. From a statement which I hold in my hand, it appears that in ten years—from 1818 to 1827, inclusive—the whole amount of the domestic exports of the United States was $521,811,045; of which three articles, (the product of slave labor,) viz., cotton, rice, and tobacco, amounted to $339,203,232—equal to about two thirds of the whole. It is not true, as has been supposed, that the advantage of this labor is confined almost exclusively to the Southern States. Sir, I am thoroughly convinced that, at this time, the states north of the Potomac actually derive greater profits from the labor of our slaves than we do ourselves. It appears from our public documents, that in seven years—from 1821 to 1827, inclusive—the six Southern States exported $190,337,281, and imported only $55,646,301. Now, the difference between these two sums (near $140,000,000) passed through the hands of the northern merchants, and enabled them to carry on their commercial operations with all the world. Such part of these goods as found its way back to our hands came charged with the duties, as well as the profits, of the merchant, the ship owner, and a host of others, who found employment in carrying on these immense exchanges; and for such part as was consumed at the north, we received in exchange northern manufactures, charged with an increased price, to cover all the taxes which the northern consumer had been compelled to pay on the imported article. It will be seen, therefore, at a glance, how much slave labor has contributed to the wealth and prosperity of the United States, and how largely our northern brethren have participated in the profits of that labor. Sir, on this subject I will quote an authority, which will, I doubt not, be considered by the senator from Massachusetts as entitled to high respect. It is from the great father of the “American System,” honest Matthew Carey—no great friend, it is true, at this time, to southern rights and southern interests, but not the worst authority on that account, on the point in question.

Speaking of the relative importance to the Union of the and the, Matthew Carey, in the sixth edition of his Olive Branch, (p. 278,) after exhibiting a number of statistical tables to show the decided superiority of the former, thus proceeds:—

“But I am tired of this investigation—I sicken for the honor of the human species. What idea must the world form of the arrogance of the pretensions or the one side, [the east,] and of the folly and weakness of the rest of the Union, to have so long suffered them to pass without exposure and detection. The naked fact is, that the demagogues in the Eastern States, not satisfied with deriving all the benefit from the southern section of the Union that they would from so many wealthy colonies—with making princely fortunes by the carriage and exportation of its bulky and valuable productions, and supplying it with their own manufactures, and the productions of Europe and the East and West Indies, to an enormous amount, and at an immense profit, have uniformly treated it with outrage, insult, and injury. And, regardless of their vital interests, the Eastern States were lately courting their own destruction, by allowing a few restless turbulent men to lead them blindfolded to a separation which was

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Rh pregnant with their certain ruin. Whenever that event takes place, they sink into insignificance. If a separation were desirable to any part of the Union, it would be to the Middle and Southern States, particularly the latter, who have been so long harassed with the complaints, the restlessness, the turbulence, and the ingratitude of the Eastern States, that their patience has been tried almost beyond endurance. ‘Jeshurun waxed fat and kicked’—and he will be severely punished for his kicking, in the event of a dissolution of the Union.” Sir, I wish it to be distinctly understood that I do not adopt these sentiments as my own. I quote them to show that very different sentiments have prevailed in former times as to the weakness of the slaveholding states from those which now seem to have become fashionable in certain quarters. I know it has been supposed by certain ill-informed persons, that the south exists only by the countenance and protection of the north. Sir, this is the idlest of all idle and ridiculous fancies that ever entered into the mind of man. In every state of this Union, except one, the free white population actually preponderates; while in the British West India Islands, (where the average white population is less than ten per cent. of the whole,) the slaves are kept in entire subjection: it is preposterous to suppose that the Southern States could ever find the smallest difficulty in this respect. On this subject, as in all others, we ask nothing of our northern brethren but to “let us alone.” Leave us to the undisturbed management of our domestic concerns, and the direction of our own industry, and we will ask no more. Sir, all our difficulties on this subject have arisen from interference from abroad, which has disturbed, and may again disturb, our domestic tranquillity just so far as to bring down punishment upon the heads of the unfortunate victims of a fanatical and mistaken humanity.

There is a spirit, which, like the father of evil, is constantly “walking to and fro about the earth, seeking whom it may devour:” it is the spirit of. The persons whom it possesses do not indeed throw themselves into the flames, but they are employed in lighting up the torches of discord throughout the community. Their first principle of action is to leave their own affairs, and neglect their own duties, to regulate the affairs and duties of others. Theirs is the task to feed the hungry, and clothe the naked, of other lands, while they thrust the naked, famished, and shivering beggar from their own doors; to instruct the heathen, while their own children want the bread of life. When this spirit infuses itself into the bosom of a statesman, (if one so possessed can be called a statesman,) it converts him at once into a visionary enthusiast. Then it is that he indulges in golden dreams of national greatness and prosperity. He discovers that “liberty is power,” and not content with vast schemes of improvement at home, which it would bankrupt the treasury of the world to execute, he flies to foreign lands, to fulfil obligations to “the human race” by inculcating the principles of “political and religious liberty,” and promoting the “general welfare” of the whole human race. It is a spirit which has long been busy with the slaves of the south; and is even now displaying itself in vain efforts to drive the government from its wise policy in relation to the Indians. It is this spirit which has filled the land with thousands of wild and visionary projects, which can have no effect but to waste the energies and dissipate the resources of the country. It is the spirit of which the aspiring politician dexterously avails himself, when, by inscribing on his banner the magical


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Grafton, which went to the Mediterranean in the fleet under Sir George Byng [q. v.], and was the leading ship in the action off Cape Passaro, where Haddock, by his brilliant conduct, largely contributed to the completeness of the success (, Expedition of the British Fleet to Sicily, 2nd edit, p. 19). In 1721 he commissioned the Torbay, and was still commanding her in 1726, when Sir Charles Wager [q. v.] hoisted his flag on board her as commander-in-chief in the Baltic, and afterwards, in 1727, at the relief of Gibraltar. In 1728 he was again appointed to the Grafton, in which, in 1731, he accompanied Wager to the Mediterranean, and in 1732 was commander-in-chief at the Nore. In March 1734 he was appointed to the Britannia, but on 4 May was promoted to be rear-admiral of the blue, when he hoisted his flag on board the Namur, as third in command of the grand fleet under Sir John Norris [q. v.] In May 1738, being then rear-admiral of the red, he was appointed commander-in-chief in the Mediterranean, and on the breaking out of the war with Spain in the following year blockaded the Spanish coast, more especially Barcelona and Cadiz, making also many rich prizes, including two treasure-ships reputed to be worth two million dollars. On 11 March 1740-1 he was advanced to be vice-admiral of the blue, and during 1741, as through 1740, he kept Cadiz closely sealed. The Spanish admiral, Navarro, was meantime eagerly waiting for an opportunity to escape, in order to convoy the transports from Barcelona to Italy; and in December 1741, on Haddock's being forced to go to Gibraltar to refit, he succeeded in slipping through the Straits. Haddock immediately followed, and on 7 Dec. came up with the Spanish fleet off Cape Gata, but only in time to see it effecting a junction with the French fleet, which had come south to meet it. England was not then at war with France; but the attitude of the French admiral, M. de Court, as well as many previous instances of ill-will [cf. ], left no doubt in Haddock's mind that an attack on the Spaniards would be resisted by the whole combined force, to which his own was very inferior. He accordingly retired to Port Mahon, while the combined fleets convoyed the Spanish troops to Italy, and drew back to Toulon, where they were blockaded for the next two years. Haddock's health had been severely tried by the anxious service of the two years preceding; and the vexation of this eventual failure aggravated the symptoms of his illness, and compelled him to resign the command [see ] and return to England, May 1742. He had no further employment, but was promoted, on 19 June 1744, to be admiral of the blue, and died 26 Sept. 1746, 'in the sixtieth year of his age.' He as well as his brother Richard, was buried with his forefathers in the churchyard of Leigh, Essex. Some twenty years later a white marble tablet to his memory was put up on the exterior wall of the church; but in the course of 'restoration,' in 1837, it was destroyed. His portrait, a half-length by George Knapton, is in the Painted Hall at Greenwich. In the parliaments of 1734 and 1741 Haddock was one of the representatives of the city of Rochester, and latterly resided principally at Wrotham in Kent, where he had purchased a property in 1723. By his wife Frances, who died in 1735, he had five sons two of them named Richard of whom, three survived him. The younger Richard died a captain in the navy on 6 Jan. 1749-50; Nicholas, the eldest son, died in 1781; Charles, the youngest, was living at Wrotham and corresponding with Captain William Locker in 1792. 'Here,' says Mr. Thompson (p. vii), 'the male line of the Haddocks fails,' There were, however, younger Haddocks, presumably of the same family; and the name of one, Edward, a lieutenant in the navy, appeared in the 'Navy List' as late as 1819.

[Charnock's Biog. Nav. iii. 383; Thompson's Correspondence of the Family of Haddock (Camden Miscellany, vol. viii.); Egerton MSS. 2520-1, 2528-32; official letters and other documents in the Public Record Office; Dunkin's Archæological Mine, ii. 41-51; Benton's Hist. of Rochford Hundred, p. 350 et seq.]  HADDOCK, RICHARD (1629–1715), admiral, one of a seafaring family settled for many centuries at Leigh in Essex, was the son of William and grandson of Richard Haddock, both captains in the State's navy under the parliament. William Haddock commanded the Hannibal of 44 guns in the engagements off Portland and the mouth of the Thames in February, June, and July 1653, and afterwards in the Mediterranean under Blake. Richard was probably with his father, as lieutenant of the Hannibal, in 1653; afterwards, in 1657-8, he commanded the Dragon frigate in the Downs and before Dunkirk [see ]. From 1661 to 1666 he commanded the Supply merchant ship, trading to the Mediterranean and in August 1666 was appointed to command the king's ship Portland, in which he took part in the attack on Vlie and Schelling [see ]. A few months later, when the fleet was put out of commission, he returned to the merchant service, and during the next five years commanded the Bantam, of which he was part owner, in


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Eckhel, Joseph Hilary

ECKHEL, ĕk'ĕl, Joseph Hilary, Austrian numismatist: b. Enzersfeld, Austria, 1737; d. 1798. After becoming a member of the Society of Saint Ignatius he was appointed keeper of the imperial cabinet of medals and

professor of archæology at Vienna. Eckhel may be regarded as the founder of the science of numismatics, the principles of which are elaborately developed in his treatise, ‘Doctrina Nummorum Veterum’ (8 vols., 792-98). He also published catalogues of the ancient coins and gems in the imperial cabinet.


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14 words and, he draws to his support that class of persons who are ready to bow down at the very name of their idols.

But, sir, whatever difference of opinion may exist as to the effect of slavery on national wealth and prosperity, if we may trust to experience, there can be no doubt that it has never yet produced any injurious effect on individual or national character. Look through the whole history of the country, from the commencement of the revolution down to the present hour; where are there to be found brighter examples of intellectual and moral greatness than have been exhibited by the sons of the south? From the down to the  who has been elevated by a grateful people to the highest office in their gift, the interval is filled up by a long line of orators, of statesmen, and of heroes, justly entitled to rank among the ornaments of their country, and the benefactors of mankind. Look at the “Old Dominion,” great and magnanimous Virginia, “whose jewels are her sons.” Is there any state in this Union which has contributed so much to the honor and welfare of the country? Sir, I will yield the whole question—I will acknowledge the fatal effects of slavery upon character, if any one can say, that for noble disinterestedness, ardent love of country, exalted virtue, and a pure and holy devotion to liberty, the people of the Southern States have ever been surpassed by any in the world. I know, sir, that this devotion to liberty has sometimes been supposed to be at war with our institutions; but it is in some degree the result of those very institutions. Burke, the most philosophical of statesmen, as he was the most accomplished of orators, well understood the operation of this principle, in elevating the sentiments and exalting the principles of the people in slaveholding states I will conclude my remarks on this branch of the subject, by reading a few passages from his speech “on moving his resolutions for conciliation with the colonies,” the 22d of March, 1775.

“There is a circumstance attending the southern colonies which makes the spirit of liberty still more high and haughty than in those to the northward. It is, that in Virginia and the Carolinas they have a vast multitude of slaves. Where this is the case, in any part of the world, those who are free are by far the most proud and jealous of their freedom. Freedom is to them not only an enjoyment, but a kind of rank and privilege. Not seeing there, as in countries where it is a common blessing, and as broad and general as the air, that it may be united with much abject toil, with great misery, with all the exterior of servitude, liberty looks among them like something more noble and liberal. I do not mean, sir, to commend the superior morality of this sentiment, which has, at least, as much pride as virtue in it—but I cannot alter the nature of man. The fact is so; and these people of the southern colonies are much more strongly, and with a higher and more stubborn spirit, attached to liberty than those to the northward. Such were all the ancient commonwealths—such were our Gothic ancestors—such, in our days, were the Poles—and such will be all masters of slaves who are not slaves themselves. In such a people, the haughtiness of domination combines with the spirit of freedom, fortifies it, and renders it invincible.”

In the course of my former remarks, Mr. President, I took occasion to deprecate, as one of the greatest evils, the consolidation of this government. The gentleman takes alarm at the sound. “Consolidation,” “like the tariff,” grates upon his ear. He tells us, “we have heard much of late about consolidation; that it is the rallying word of all who are endeavoring to


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voyages to the Levant. In 1672 he was appointed captain of the Royal James, carrying the flag of the Earl of Sandwich [see Montagu, Edward (1625-1672) (DNB00), first ]. In the battle of Solebay, on 28 May, the Royal James was closely engaged and grappled with by two of the enemy's ships. The contest was extremely warm. According to Haddock's own narrative: 'About twelve o'clock I was shot in the foot with a small shot, I supposed out of Van Ghent's maintop, which pressed me after a small time to go down to be dressed ;' and then describing how they got loose from the ships that had grappled them, he concludes: 'At that time the surgeon was cutting off the shattered flesh and tendons of my toe, and immediately after we were boarded by the fatal fireship that burnt us' (, p. 19). The Royal James presently blew up, some half-dozen only of her crew being saved, among whom were Haddock and his lieutenant, Thomas Mayo, who had been with him in the Bantam as second mate (Egerton MS. 2524;, Biog. Nav. i. 348). On his return to London Haddock was presented to the king, who took off the cap he was wearing and placed it on Haddock's head. The cap was still preserved in the family at the end of last century. Haddock was afterwards appointed to command the Lion, having with him, as lieutenant, his brother Joseph, who had been purser of the Bantam (Egerton MS. 2524;, Biog. Nav. i. 230n.; , p. 37). In 1673 he was chosen by Prince Rupert [q. v.] as captain of his flagship, the Royal Charles, and of the Sovereign after the Action of 29 May. When the war came to an end he was nominated a commissioner of the navy. He was knighted on 3 July 1675, and in June 1682 was appointed captain of the Duke and commander-in-chief at the Nore. In 1683 he became first commissioner of victualling, and so remained till 1690, when, After the battle off Beachy Head [see Herbert, Arthur (1647-1716) (DNB00), ], he was appointed admiral and commander-in-chief of the fleet, jointly with Henry Killigrew [q. v.] and Sir John Ashby [q. v.] On their return after the reduction of Cork and Kinsale, the joint admirals resigned their command to Admiral Russell, and Haddock was then appointed comptroller of the navy, which office he appears to have held till his death, on 26 Jan. 1714-15. He was buried in the churchyard of Leigh, in the same grave as his grandfather, father, and other members of his family. A black marble slab records that he was 'aged 85.'

Haddock was twice married, and left issue, besides three daughters, two sons, of whom the elder, Richard, after being comptroller of the navy for many years, was super-annuated in June 1749, and died in 1751 ; the younger, Nicholas [q. v.], died admiral of the blue in 1746. A third son, William, pre-deceased him in 1697. Another Richard, who was in 1667 second mate of the Bantam, and who commanded a fireship in 1672 and 1673, appears to have been a younger uncle (, pp. iv, 19), though Charnock, referring to a manuscript which cannot now be traced, thinks that he was a nephew (Biog. Nav. i. 334). It is very possible that they were two different men. The number of Haddocks serving in the navy during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries was very great; and among the many of them who were named Richard it is difficult or impossible to avoid confusion.

[Charnock's Biog. Nav. i. 229 ; Egerton MSS. 2520-4 ; commissions, letters, accounts, &c., of different members of the family, a selection of which, under the title Correspondence of the Family of Haddock, 1657-1719, has been edited by E. Maunde Thompson for the Camden Society (Camden Miscellany, vol. viii.); Dunkin's Archæological Mine, ii, 41-51 ; Benton's Hist. of Rochford Hundred, p. 350.]  HADDON, JAMES (fl. 1556), divine, brother of Walter Haddon [q. v.], proceeded B.A. in 1541 and M.A. in 1544 at Cambridge, and was one of the original fellows of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1546. In March 1550-1 he became a licensed preacher, and about the same time was chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk, and tutor to his daughter, Lady Jane Grey. Some interesting particulars of the household of his patron are given in his letters to Bullinger of Zurich (Orig. Lett. Parker Soc.) In August 1552 he was preferred to a prebend in Westminster, and in October was granted the deanery of Exeter, the patent of which was not signed till 8 Jan. in the following year , ''Eccl. Mem''. iv. 272-4). He left Suffolk's household with regret (''Orig. Lett''. p. 289). He preached before the court in Lent 1553, when, as Knox relates, 'he most learnedly opened the causes of the bypast plagues, affirming that worse were to follow unless repentance should shortly be found' (, Knox, iii. 177). On the accession of Mary he was one of the six champions in the convocation of October 1553 who maintained the cause of the reformation in five days' disputation on the real presence. In the long contest Haddon got the better of Thomas Watson, afterwards bishop of Lincoln. (Haddon's part in this controversy is given briefly in Philpot's narrative, which was printed shortly after, and was reprinted by Foxe ; see , Examinations, Parker Soc. But a


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 THE

GREAT SPEECHES AND ORATIONS

WITH AN ESSAY

DANIEL WEBSTER AS A MASTER OF ENGLISH STYLE

BY

EDWIN P. WHIPPLE

BOSTON

LITTLE, BROWN, & CO.

1879


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Rh weaken the Union, by adding to the power of the states.” But consolidation (says the gentleman) was the very object for which the Union was formed; and, in support of that opinion, he read a passage from the address of the president of the convention to Congress, which he assumes to be authority on his side of the question. But, sir, the gentleman is mistaken. The object of the framers of the constitution, as disclosed in that address, was not the consolidation of the government, but “the consolidation of the Union.” It was not to draw power from the states, in order to transfer it to a great national government, but, in the language of the constitution itself, “to form a more perfect Union;”—and by what means? By “establishing justice, promoting domestic tranquillity, and securing the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.” This is the true reading of the constitution. But, according to the gentleman’s reading, the object of the constitution was, to consolidate the government, and the means would seem to be, the promotion of injustice, causing domestic discord, and depriving the states and the people “of the blessings of liberty” forever.

The gentleman boasts of belonging to the party of. National Republicans! A new name, sir, for a very old thing. The National Republicans of the present day were the Federalists of ’98, who became Federal Republicans during the war of 1812, and were manufactured into National Republicans somewhere about the year 1825.

As a party, (by whatever name distinguished,) they have always been animated by the same principles, and have kept steadily in view a common object, the consolidation of the government. Sir, the party to which I am proud of having belonged, from the very commencement of my political life to the present day, were the Democrats of ’98, (Anarchists, Anti-Federalists, Revolutionists, I think they were sometimes called.) They assumed the name of Democratic Republicans in 1822, and have retained their name and principles up to the present hour. True to their political faith, they have always, as a party, been in favor of limitations of power; they have insisted that all powers not delegated to the federal government are reserved, and have been constantly struggling, as they now are, to preserve the rights of the states, and to prevent them from being drawn into the vortex, and swallowed up by one great consolidated government.

Sir, any one acquainted with the history of parties in this country will recognize in the points now in dispute between the senator from Massachusetts and myself the very grounds which have, from the beginning, divided the two great parties in this country, and which (call these parties by what names you will, and amalgamate them as you may) will divide them forever. The true distinction between those parties is laid down in a celebrated manifesto, issued by the convention of the Federalists of Massachusetts, assembled in Boston, in February, 1824, on the occasion of organizing a party opposition to the reëlection of Governor Eustis. The gentleman will recognize this as “the canonical book of political scripture;” and it instructs us that, when the American colonies redeemed themselves from British bondage, and became so many independent nations, they proposed to form a, (not a Federal Union, sir, but a National Union.) Those who were in favor of a union of the states in this form became known by the name of Federalists; those who wanted no union of the states, or disliked the proposed


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16 form of union, became known by the name of Anti-Federalists. By means which need not be enumerated, the Anti-Federalists became (after the expiration of twelve years) our national rulers, and for a period of sixteen years, until the close of Mr. Madison’s administration, in 1817, continued to exercise the exclusive direction of our public affairs. Here, sir, is the true history of the origin, rise, and progress of the party of National Republicans, who date back to the very origin of the government, and who, then, as now, chose to consider the constitution as having created, not a Federal, but a National Union; who regarded “consolidation” as no evil, and who doubtless consider it “a consummation devoutly to be wished” to build up a great “central government,” “one and indivisible.” Sir, there have existed, in every age and every country, two distinct orders of men—the lovers of freedom, and the devoted advocates of power.

The same great leading principles, modified only by the peculiarities of manners, habits, and institutions, divided parties in the ancient republics, animated the whigs and tories of Great Britain, distinguished in our own times the liberals and ultras of France, and may be traced even in the bloody struggles of unhappy Spain. Sir, when the gallant Riego, who devoted himself, and all that he possessed, to the liberties of his country, was dragged to the scaffold, followed by the tears and lamentations of every lover of freedom throughout the world, he perished amid the deafening cries of “Long live the absolute king!” The people whom I represent, Mr. President, are the descendants of those who brought with them to this country, as the most precious of their possessions, “an ardent love of liberty;” and while that shall be preserved, they will always be found manfully struggling against the consolidation of the government—.

The senator from Massachusetts, in alluding to the tariff, becomes quite facetious. He tells us that “he hears of nothing but tariff, tariff, tariff; and, if a word could be found to rhyme with it, he presumes it would be celebrated in verse, and set to music.” Sir, perhaps the gentleman, in mockery of our complaints, may be himself disposed to sing the praises of the tariff, in doggerel verse, to the tune of “Old Hundred.” I am not at all surprised, however, at the aversion of the gentleman to the very name of tariff. I doubt not that it must always bring up some very unpleasant recollections to his mind. If I am not greatly mistaken, the senator from Massachusetts was a leading actor at a great meeting got up in Boston, in 1820, against the tariff. It has generally been supposed that he drew up the resolutions adopted by that meeting, denouncing the tariff system as unequal, oppressive, and unjust, and if I am not much mistaken, denying its constitutionality. Certain it is, that the gentleman made a speech on that occasion in support of those resolutions, denouncing the system in no very measured terms; and, if my memory serves me, calling its constitutionality in question. I regret that I have not been able to lay my hands on those proceedings; but I have seen them, and cannot be mistaken in their character. At that time, sir, the senator from Massachusetts entertained the very sentiments in relation to the tariff which the south now entertains. We next find the senator from Massachusetts expressing his opinion on the tariff, as a member of the House of Representatives from the city of Boston, in 1824. On that occasion, sir, the gentleman assumed a position which commanded the respect and admiration of his country. He stood forth the powerful and


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The New International Encyclopædia/Riemann, Georg Friedrich Bernhard

RIEMANN, rē'mȧn, (1826-66). One of the foremost German mathematicians of the nineteenth century, particularly in the field of geometry. He was born at Breselenz, near Dannenberg, in Hanover. He studied mathematics at Göttingen and Berlin, and received his doctor's degree at the former university in 1851, his thesis being a well-known contribution to the theory of functions, Grundlagen für allgemeine Theorie der Funktionen einer veränderlichen complexen Grösse. Three years later he was made privat-docent at Göttingen, then (1857) adjunct professor, and finally (1859), on the death of Dirichlet, full professor. His introduction of the notion of geometric order into the theory of Abelian functions, and his invention of the surfaces which bear his name, led to great and rapid advance in the function theory. To him, also, is due (1854) a new system of non-Euclidean geometry, ranking with that of Lobatchevsky and Bolyai (see ), a system which he made known in his thesis, Ueber die Hypothesen, welche der Geometrie zu Grunde liegen (published posthumously, Leipzig, 1867). Riemann's writings, besides those already mentioned, are: Vorlesungen über Schwere, Elektrizität und Magnetismus (1876; 2d ed. 1880, both posthumous); Partielle Differentialgleichungen (1869; 4th ed. 1900-01, both posthumous); Mechanik des Ohres; Elliptische Functionen, Vorlesungen mit Zusätzen (1899); and his Gesammelte mathematische Werke und wissenschaftlicher Nachlass, edited by H. Weber and Dedekind (1876; 2d ed. 1892; French trans., 1898). He also contributed several memoirs on surfaces, which were published in the Annalen and in Crelle's Journal. For the life of Riemann, consult his Gesammelte Werke; Schering, Bernhard Riemann, zum Gedächtniss. For an elementary explanation of Riemann's surfaces, consult: Durège, Theory of Functions (Eng. trans., Philadelphia, 1896); Holzmüller, Einführung in die Theorie der isogonalen Verwandtschaften und der Conformal-Abbildungen (Leipzig, 1882).


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Rh front of the head. It is not becoming, therefore the young women will have none of it. But in flying the smoke they fall into the smother, for in place of this they adopt the most tawdry modern hats, a congeries of feathers and cheap sham flowers.

The history of Le Velay is involved in that of the bishops of Le Puy, who were counts under the sovereignty of the King of France. They were either under the domination of the Polignacs, or were fighting with them over the rights to coin money. This right had been conceded to the bishops in 924. But the viscounts of Polignac also had their mint, and neither could debase his coinage lest his rival should obtain a predominant circulation for his currency. In the twelfth century Pons de Polignac fought the bishop on this question. Louis VII. had to intervene. He carried off the viscount and his son Heracleus prisoners to Paris, and the strife was only concluded four years later, in 1173, by a compact, by virtue of which the bishop and the viscount were to share equally the profits of a mint held in common.

The Polignacs were a thorn in the side of the Bishop and Chapter of Le Puy. Sometimes by menace with the sword they determined the elections to the see, and when it suited them they appointed one of the family to the throne. At the close of the eleventh century, one of these Polignac prelates, Stephen Taillefer, surnamed "The Ravager," brought down on his head the anathema of Pope Gregory VII. He had been Bishop of Clermont, but in 1073, when the see of Le Puy was vacant, transferred himself to it as the wealthier of the two. Another Stephen had been elected by the Chapter, and there was fighting in the streets.


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32 Taillefer summoned his kinsman of Polignac to his aid, and drove the rival candidate out of the city. But as the canonicity of his election was disputed, he deemed it advisable to visit Rome with a valise stuffed with gold, and establish his claim by the most cogent of all arguments. He persuaded the Pope to consent to his retaining the see, but the case was so gross, and his hands were so steeped in blood, that Gregory imposed the condition that he should not exercise episcopal functions, which were to be delegated to a suffragan, and that he should revisit Rome with another load of gold somewhat later. This was in 1074, but in 1076 the Pope excommunicated him because he had not fulfilled his promise of again visiting Rome. Gregory was in the midst of his strife with the Emperor Henry IV., whom he deposed in that year, and he was sorely in need of money wherewith to support William of Utrecht, whom he had set up in opposition.

It is remarkable how sensitive Rome was to simony when practised anywhere else save in Rome itself.

At a council held at Clermont in 1077, Stephen was deposed by order of Gregory. Nevertheless, he managed to retain the see till 1078.

After a while open oppression of the Church by the Polignacs came to an end; cadets of the family quietly appropriated to themselves the canonries and best benefices; and the last bishop of the name, William de Chalençon, has left a memory that was even savoury.

But if the Polignacs were meddlesome neighbours of the see, they lent lustre to Le Velay. These masters of the rock were brave nobles. They fought in the Crusades; they fought the English. They espoused the faith, the passions, the fervour of their native land. In


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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Watson, Thomas (1743-1781)


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The New International Encyclopædia/Riemann, Hugo

RIEMANN, (1849—). A German writer on music, born at Grossmehlra, near Sondershausen. He was educated in theory by Frankenberger, studied the piano with Barthel and Ratzenberger, studied law, and finally philosophy and history at Berlin and Tübingen. After serving in the Franco-German war he entered the Leipzig Conservatory. Both as conductor and teacher at Bielefeld, he was most

active until 1878, when he became university lecturer on music at Leipzig. As the much-desired appointment at the Conservatory did not follow, he went, in 1880, as teacher of music to Bromberg; and, from 1881 to 1890, was teacher at the Hamburg Conservatory. After a short career at the Sondershausen Conservatory he went, in 1890, to the Conservatory at Wiesbaden. Near the close of 1895 he returned to Leipzig as lecturer at the university. In 1901 he became professor. Besides composing many pianoforte pieces, songs, a pianoforte sonata, six sonatinas, a violin sonata, and a quartet for strings, he furnished after 1870 many critical, aesthetical, theoretical, and historical papers for journals. He also compiled a popular and eminently sound Musik-Lexikon (1882; 5th ed. 1899; Eng. trans., 1893-96).


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Rh every generation illustrious marriages added to the splendour of their escutcheon. As the feudal towers of Polignac dominated, and dominate still, the green and flowery land that lies spread below it, so does the name of Polignac dominate the history of Velay. The race was one that abounded in energy, was robust and patriotic.

Velay was ravaged by the Free Companies, and summoned Du Guesclin to its aid against them. Of its troubles in the Wars of Religion I shall have to speak in the next chapter. Le Puy was occupied by the Leaguers, who made themselves masters of nearly every stronghold in Velay, and it was not till some years after Henry IV. had come to the throne that it submitted to his authority.

The Revolution brought the same results in Velay as elsewhere; the cathedral of Le Puy was pillaged, the monasteries destroyed, and a certain amount of blood was shed; sixty priests were hung or shot, and many nobles guillotined. Since then it has enjoyed tranquillity, only recently ruffled by the taking of the Inventories, leading to the breaking open of the church doors.


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vi


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Rh fearless champion of free trade. He met, in that conflict, the advocates of restriction and monopoly, and they “fled from before his face.” With a profound sagacity, a fulness of knowledge, and a richness of illustration that have never been surpassed, he maintained and established the principles of commercial freedom, on a foundation never to be shaken. Great indeed was the victory achieved by the gentleman on that occasion; most striking the contrast between the clear, forcible, and convincing arguments by which he carried away the understandings of his hearers, and the narrow views and wretched sophistry of another distinguished orator, who may be truly said to have “held up his farthing candle to the sun.”

Sir, the senator from Massachusetts, on that, the proudest day of his life, like a mighty giant, bore away upon his shoulders the pillars of the temple of error and delusion, escaping himself unhurt, and leaving his adversaries overwhelmed in its ruins. Then it was that he erected to free trade a beautiful and enduring monument, and “inscribed the marble with his name.” Mr. President, it is with pain and regret that I now go forward to the next great era in the political life of that gentleman, when he was found on this floor, supporting, advocating, and finally voting for the tariff of 1828—that “bill of abominations.” By that act, sir, the senator from Massachusetts has destroyed the labors of his whole life, and given a wound to the cause of free trade never to be healed. Sir, when I recollect the position which that gentleman once occupied, and that which he now holds in public estimation, in relation to this subject, it is not at all surprising that the tariff should be hateful to his ears. Sir, if I had erected to my own fame so proud a monument as that which the gentleman built up in 1824, and I could have been tempted to destroy it with my own hands, I should hate the voice that should ring “the accursed tariff” in my ears. I doubt not the gentleman feels very much, in relation to the tariff, as a certain knight did to “instinct,” and with him would be disposed to exclaim,—

But, Mr. President, to be more serious; what are we of the south to think of what we have heard this day? The senator from Massachusetts tells us that the tariff is not an eastern measure, and treats it as if the east had no interest in it. The senator from Missouri insists it is not a western measure, and that it has done no good to the west. The south comes in, and, in the most earnest manner, represents to you that this measure, which we are told “is of no value to the east or the west,” is “utterly destructive of our interests.” We represent to you that it has spread ruin and devastation through the land, and prostrated our hopes in the dust. We solemnly declare that we believe the system to be wholly unconstitutional, and a violation of the compact between the states and the Union; and our brethren turn a deaf ear to our complaints, and refuse to relieve us from a system “which not enriches them, but makes us poor indeed.” Good God! Mr. President, has it come to this? Do gentlemen hold the feelings and wishes of their brethren at so cheap a rate, that they refuse to gratify them at so small a price? Do gentlemen value so lightly the peace and harmony of the country, that they will not yield a measure of this description to the affectionate entreaties and earnest remonstrances of their friends? Do gentlemen estimate the value of the Union at so low a price, that they will not even


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18 make one effort to bind the states together with the cords of affection? And has it come to this? Is this the spirit in which this government is to be administered? If so, let me tell gentlemen, the seeds of dissolution are already sown, and our children will reap the bitter fruit.

The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. Webster,) while he exonerates me personally from the charge, intimates that there is a party in the country who are looking to disunion. Sir, if the gentleman had stopped there, the accusation would have “passed by me like the idle wind, which I regard not.” But when he goes on to give to his accusation “a local habitation and a name,” by quoting the expression of a distinguished citizen of South Carolina, (Dr. Cooper,) “that it was time for the south to calculate the value of the Union,” and in the language of the bitterest sarcasm, adds, “Surely then the Union cannot last longer than July, 1831,” it is impossible to mistake either the allusion or the object of the gentleman. Now, Mr. President, I call upon every one who hears me to bear witness that this controversy is not of my seeking. The Senate will do me the justice to remember that, at the time this unprovoked and uncalled-for attack was made on the south, not one word had been uttered by me in disparagement of New England; nor had I made the most distant allusion either to the senator from Massachusetts or the state he represents. But, sir, that gentleman has thought proper, for purposes best known to himself, to strike the south, through me, the most unworthy of her servants. He has crossed the border, he has invaded the state of South Carolina, is making war upon her citizens, and endeavoring to overthrow her principles and her institutions. Sir, when the gentleman provokes me to such a conflict, I meet him at the threshold; I will struggle, while I have life, for our altars and our firesides, and, if God gives me strength, I will drive back the invader discomfited. Nor shall I stop there. If the gentleman provokes the war, he shall have war. Sir, I will not stop at the border; I will carry the war into the enemy’s territory, and not consent to lay down my arms until I have obtained “indemnity for the past and security for the future.” It is with unfeigned reluctance, Mr. President, that I enter upon the performance of this part of my duty; I shrink almost instinctively from a course, however necessary, which may have a tendency to excite sectional feelings and sectional jealousies. But, sir, the task has been forced upon me; and I proceed right onward to the performance of my duty. Be the consequences what they may, the responsibility is with those who have imposed upon me this necessity. The senator from Massachusetts has thought proper to cast the first stone; and if he shall find, according to a homely adage, “that he lives in a glass house,” on his head be the consequences. The gentleman has made a great flourish about his fidelity to Massachusetts. I shall make no professions of zeal for the interests and honor of South Carolina; of that my constituents shall judge. If there be one state in the Union, Mr. President, (and I say it not in a boastful spirit,) that may challenge comparison with any other, for a uniform, zealous, ardent, and uncalculating devotion to the Union, that state is South Carolina. Sir, from the very commencement of the revolution up to this hour, there is no sacrifice, however great, she has not cheerfully made, no service she has ever hesitated to perform. She has adhered to you in your prosperity; but in your adversity she has clung to you with more than filial affection. No matter what was the condition of her domestic affairs, though deprived of her resources, divided by


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Rh parties, or surrounded with difficulties, the call of the country has been to her as the voice of God. Domestic discord ceased at the sound; every man became at once reconciled to his brethren, and the sons of Carolina were all seen crowding together to the temple, bringing their gifts to the altar of their common country.

What, sir, was the conduct of the south during the revolution? Sir, I honor New England for her conduct in that glorious struggle. But great as is the praise which belongs to her, I think, at least, equal honor is due to the south. They espoused the quarrel of their brethren with a generous zeal, which did not suffer them to stop to calculate their interest in the dispute. Favorites of the mother country, possessed of neither ships nor seamen to create a commercial rivalship, they might have found in their situation a guaranty that their trade would be forever fostered and protected by Great Britain. But, trampling on all considerations either of interest or of safety, they rushed into the conflict, and fighting for principle, perilled all, in the sacred cause of freedom. Never was there exhibited in the history of the world higher examples of noble daring, dreadful suffering, and heroic endurance, than by the whigs of Carolina during the revolution. The whole state, from the mountains to the sea, was overrun by an overwhelming force of the enemy. The fruits of industry perished on the spot where they were produced, or were consumed by the foe. The “plains of Carolina” drank up the most precious blood of her citizens. Black and smoking ruins marked the places which had been the habitations of her children. Driven from their homes into the gloomy and almost impenetrable swamps, even there the spirit of liberty survived, and South Carolina (sustained by the example of her Sumpters and her Marions) proved, by her conduct, that though her soil might be overrun, the spirit of her people was invincible.

But, sir, our country was soon called upon to engage in another revolutionary struggle, and that, too, was a struggle for principle. I mean the political revolution which dates back to ’98, and which, if it had not been successfully achieved, would have left us none of the fruits of the revolution of ’76. The revolution of ’98 restored the constitution, rescued the liberty of the citizen from the grasp of those who were aiming at its life, and in the emphatic language of Mr. Jefferson, “saved the constitution at its last gasp.” And by whom was it achieved? By the south, sir, aided only by the democracy of the north and west.

I come now to the war of 1812—a war which, I well remember, was called in derision (while its event was doubtful) the southern war, and sometimes the Carolina war; but which is now universally acknowledged to have done more for the honor and prosperity of the country than all other events in our history put together. What, sir, were the objects of that war? “Free trade and sailors’ rights!” It was for the protection of northern shipping and New England seamen that the country flew to arms. What interest had the south in that contest? If they had sat down coldly to calculate the value of their interests involved in it, they would have found that they had every thing to lose, and nothing to gain. But, sir, with that generous devotion to country so characteristic of the south, they only asked if the rights of any portion of their fellow-citizens had been invaded; and when told that northern ships and New England seamen had been arrested on the common highway of nations, they felt that the honor of their country was assailed; and acting on that exalted sentiment “which feels a stain like a wound,” they resolved to seek, in open


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Rh Arvant curves round the town before it settles into the station, much as a dog turns about before he lies down to snooze.

What at once arrests the eye on approaching Le Puy is that out of the very midst of the basin up start two rocks; the largest is Mont Anis, and about this, up its steep sides, the town scrambles. On a ledge above all the houses is the cathedral, and soaring above that again is the rock of Corneille, crowned by a colossal statue of the Virgin fifty-two feet high, and the largest in the world. It is run out of two hundred Russian cannons taken at Sebastopol, and stands on a pedestal of twenty feet. It is a disfigurement to the town, for it dwarfs the venerable cathedral. The site was formerly occupied by a ruined tower.

The other rock is the Aiguilhe, the Needle, on the summit of which stands the church of S. Michel, reached by 265 steps cut in the face of the rock.

The town is composed of houses grappling to every ledge; the streets are stone stairs, and the place is staged on steps. When to this is added that the cathedral is unique in its way, a marvel of Romanesque architecture, treated in original fashion, then it will be conceived that Le Puy is an attractive place to visit.

But when we come to consider how it may be reached we are beset with difficulties. The direct line from Paris is undoubtedly that leading to Vichy, but the trains from Vichy onward do not correspond, and are moreover omnibus trains that loiter for six hours and a half over seventy-four miles.

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20 war, for a redress of those injuries which it did not become freemen to endure. Sir, the whole south, animated as by a common impulse, cordially united in declaring and promoting that war. South Carolina sent to your councils, as the advocates and supporters of that war, the noblest of her sons. How they fulfilled that trust let a grateful country tell. Not a measure was adopted, not a battle fought, not a victory won, which contributed, in any degree, to the success of that war, to which southern councils and southern valor did not largely contribute. Sir, since South Carolina is assailed, I must be suffered to speak it to her praise, that at the very moment when, in one quarter, we heard it solemnly proclaimed, “that it did not become a religious and moral people to rejoice at the victories of our army or our navy,” her legislature unanimously

“Resolved, That we will cordially support the government in the vigorous prosecution of the war, until a peace can be obtained on honorable terms, and we will cheerfully submit to every privation that may be required of us, by our government, for the accomplishment of this object.”

South Carolina redeemed that pledge. She threw open her treasury to the government. She put at the absolute disposal of the officers of the United States all that she possessed—her men, her money, and her arms. She appropriated half a million of dollars, on her own account, in defence of her maritime frontier, ordered a brigade of state troops to be raised, and when left to protect herself by her own means, never suffered the enemy to touch her soil, without being instantly driven off or captured.

Such, sir, was the conduct of the south—such the conduct of my own state in that dark hour “which tried men’s souls.”

When I look back and contemplate the spectacle exhibited at that time in another quarter of the Union—when I think of the conduct of certain portions of New England, and remember the part which was acted on that memorable occasion by the political associates of the gentleman from Massachusetts—nay, when I follow that gentleman into the councils of the nation, and listen to his voice during the darkest period of the war, I am indeed astonished that he should venture to touch upon the topics which he has introduced into this debate. South Carolina reproached by Massachusetts! And from whom does the accusation come? Not from the democracy of New England; for they have been in times past, as they are now, the friends and allies of the south. No, sir, the accusation comes from that party whose acts, during the most trying and eventful period of our national history, were of such a character, that their own legislature, but a few years ago, actually blotted them out from their records, as a stain upon the honor of the country. But how can they ever be blotted out from the recollection of any one who had a heart to feel, a mind to comprehend, and a memory to retain, the events of that day! Sir, I shall not attempt to write the history of the party in New England to which I have alluded—the war party in peace, and the peace party in war. That task I shall leave to some future biographer of Nathan Dane, and I doubt not it will be found quite easy to prove that the peace party of Massachusetts were the only defenders of their country during their war, and actually achieved all our victories by land and sea. In the mean time, sir, and until that history shall be written, I propose, with the feeble and glimmering lights which I possess, to review the conduct of this party, in connection with the war, and the events which immediately preceded it.

It will be recollected, sir, that our great causes of quarrel with Great Britain were her depredations on northern commerce, and the


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Rh of New England seamen. From every quarter we were called upon for protection. Importunate as the west is now represented to be on another subject, the importunity of the east on that occasion was far greater. I hold in my hands the evidence of the fact. Here are petitions, memorials, and remonstrances from all parts of New England, setting forth the injustice, the oppressions, the depredations, the insults, the outrages committed by Great Britain against the unoffending commerce and seamen of New England, and calling upon Congress for redress. Sir, I cannot stop to read these memorials. In that from Boston, after stating the alarming and extensive condemnation of our vessels by Great Britain, which threatened “to sweep our commerce from the face of the ocean,” and “to involve our merchants in bankruptcy,” they call upon the government “to assert our rights, and to adopt such measures as will support the dignity and honor of the United States.”

From Salem we heard a language still more decisive; they call explicitly for “an appeal to arms,” and pledge their lives and property in support of any measures which Congress might adopt. From Newburyport an appeal was made “to the firmness and justice of the government to obtain compensation and protection.” It was here, I think, that, when the war was declared, it was resolved “to resist our own government even unto blood.” (Olive Branch, p. 101.)

In other quarters the common language of that day was, that our commerce and our seamen were entitled to protection; and that it was the duty of the government to afford it at every hazard. The conduct of Great Britain, we were then told, was “an outrage upon our national independence.” These clamors, which commenced as early as January, 1806, were continued up to 1812. In a message from the governor of one of the New England States, as late as the 10th October, 1811, this language is held: “A manly and decisive course has become indispensable; a course to satisfy foreign nations, that, while we desire peace, we have the means and the spirit to repel aggression. We are false to ourselves when our commerce, or our territory, is invaded with impunity.”

About this time, however, a remarkable change was observable in the tone and temper of those who had been endeavoring to force the country into a war. The language of complaint was changed into that of insult, and calls for protection converted into reproaches. “Smoke, smoke!” says one writer; “my life on it, our executive have no more idea of declaring war than my grandmother.” The“The [sic] committee of ways and means,” says another, “have come out with their Pandora’s box of taxes, and yet nobody dreams of war.” “Congress do not mean to declare war; they dare not.” But why multiply examples? An honorable member of the other house, from the city of Boston, [Mr. Quincy,] in a speech delivered on the 3d April, 1812, says, “Neither promises, nor threats, nor asseverations, nor oaths, will make me believe that you will go to war. The navigation states are sacrificed, and the spirit and character of the country prostrated by fear and avarice.” “You cannot,” said the same gentleman, on another occasion, “be kicked into a war.”

Well, sir, the war at length came, and what did we behold? The very men who had been for six years clamorous for war, and for whose protection it was waged, became at once equally clamorous against it. They had received a miraculous visitation; a new light suddenly beamed upon their minds; the scales fell from their eyes, and it was discovered that the war was declared from “subserviency to France;” and that Congress,


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 no tolerable inn at this junction where one can spend the night.

The third way is by Lyons and S. Etienne, and this is by far the best, for by it the whole journey can be effected in a day; but for that one must travel by express first-class as far as Lyons.

The people anciently occupying Le Velay were the Velauni, and they had their capital at Rheusio, so called from rhew, the Celtic for cold; and that was at S. Paulien. There also was the first seat of a bishop, but S. Evodius (351-374), whose name has been corrupted into Vosy, transferred his throne to Le Puy, then called Anisium. It is supposed that a dolmen stood on the platform now occupied by the cathedral, and that a large slab of trachyte laid down in the porch, its blue colour distinguishing it from the rest, was the capstone. This slab is called the Feverstone, and those with fire in their blood were wont to sleep a night upon it. The earliest mention of a cure performed by this means is in the time of S. Vosy. To the dolmen, if it ever existed, succeeded a Gallo-Roman temple dedicated to a local deity, Adido, conjointly with Augustus.

When Scutarius, the second bishop of Le Puy, was buried, a monument was erected over him. To save the trouble of shaping a stone for the purpose, the mason of that day took a slab on which was an inscription, "Adidoni et Augusto Sex. Tolonius musicus D. S. P.," turned this about and carved on the other side a monogram of Christ, and under that "Scutari Papa vive Deo." The form of the letters, the title of Pope applied to the bishop, not yet restricted to the pontiff at Rome, and the expression of hope so like those found in the Catacombs, speak for the antiquity of this inscription. But it was


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22 and the executive, “had sold themselves to Napoleon;” that Great Britain had in fact “done us no essential injury;” that she was “the bulwark of our religion;” that where “she took one of our ships, she protected twenty;” and that, if Great Britain had impressed a few of our seamen, it was because “she could not distinguish them from their own.” And so far did this spirit extend, that a committee of the Massachusetts legislature actually fell to calculation, and discovered, to their infinite satisfaction, but to the astonishment of all the world besides, that only eleven Massachusetts sailors had ever been impressed. Never shall I forget the appeals that had been made to the sympathies of the south in behalf of the “thousands of impressed Americans,” who had been torn from their families and friends, and “immured in the floating dungeons of Britain.” The most touching pictures were drawn of the hard condition of the American sailor, “treated like a slave,” forced to fight the battles of his enemy, “lashed to the mast, to be shot at like a dog.” But, sir, the very moment we had taken up arms in their defence, it was discovered that all these were mere “fictions of the brain;” and that the whole number in the state of Massachusetts was but eleven; and that even these had been “taken by mistake.” Wonderful discovery! The secretary of state had collected authentic lists of no less than six thousand impressed Americans. Lord Castlereagh himself acknowledged sixteen hundred. Calculations on the basis of the number found on board of the Guerriere, the Macedonian, the Java, and other British ships, (captured by the skill and gallantry of those heroes whose achievements are the treasured monuments of their country’s glory,) fixed the number at seven thousand; and yet, it seems, Massachusetts had lost but eleven! Eleven Massachusetts sailors taken by mistake! A cause of war indeed! Their ships too, the capture of which had threatened “universal bankruptcy,” it was discovered that Great Britain was their friend and protector; “where she had taken one she had protected twenty.” Then was the discovery made, that subserviency to France, hostility to commerce, “a determination, on the part of the south and west, to break down the Eastern States,” and especially as reported by a committee of the Massachusetts legislature) “to force the sons of commerce to populate the wilderness,” were the true causes of the war.” [sic] (Olive Branch, pp. 134, 291.) But let us look a little further into the conduct of the peace party of New England at that important crisis. Whatever difference of opinion might have existed as to the causes of the war, the country had a right to expect, that, when once involved in the contest, all America would have cordially united in its support. Sir, the war effected, in its progress, a union of all parties at the south. But not so in New England; there great efforts were made to stir up the minds of the people to oppose it. Nothing was left undone to embarrass the financial operations of the government, to prevent the enlistment of troops, to keep back the men and money of New England from the service of the Union, to force the president from his seat. Yes, sir, “the Island of Elba, or a halter!” were the alternatives they presented to the excellent and venerable James Madison. Sir, the war was further opposed by openly carrying on illicit trade with the enemy, by permitting that enemy to establish herself on the very soil of Massachusetts, and by opening a free trade between Great Britain and America, with a separate custom house. Yes, sir, those who cannot endure the thought that we should insist on a free trade, in time of profound peace, could, without scruple, claim and exercise the right of carrying on a free


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Rh not allowed to remain where placed; when the present cathedral was built, this stone was employed as lintel to one of the north doorways.

The oldest building in Le Puy is the baptistery of S. John, near to the cathedral. It was much altered in the Middle Ages, but is still an interesting relic of the fourth century. From it was removed the white marble sarcophagus of the fifth century, now in the museum of the town, on which are figured the cure of the paralytic, the cursing of the barren fig tree, and other scriptural themes.

This baptistery was in use till 1791, as the exclusive place where children of Le Puy could be christened. In this Le Puy resembled Florence, Pisa, and other North Italian towns, where baptism was a sacrament reserved for administration at the Mother Church.

The fame acquired by Le Puy as the chief seat of the worship of the Virgin dates from an early but unknown period. Charlemagne in 803 founded ten poor canonries 'la pauperad in connection with the church; but the great prosperity of the church as an attractive point for pilgrims is due to a black image said to have been brought from the East by Louis IX. But as it happens, the Eastern Church does not tolerate carved images, and contents herself with paintings of sacred subjects. Le Puy was, however, an objective of pilgrimage long before that, for in 1062, Bernard, Count of Bigorre, went thither, and in a fit of devotion vowed himself and his county to Our Lady of Le Puy, and undertook to pay to this church annually a considerable sum of money.

High above the altar is now set up what looks like an Aunt Sally at a fair. It has a black head, from which the garments are spread out like the feathers of a


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Rh trade with the enemy in a time of war; and finally by getting up the renowned “Hartford Convention,” and preparing the way for an open resistance to the government, and a separation of the states. Sir, if I am asked for the proof of those things, I fearlessly appeal to contemporary history, to the public documents of the country, to the recorded opinion and acts of public assemblies, to the declaration and acknowledgments, since made, of the executive and legislature of Massachusetts herself.

Sir, the time has not been allowed me to trace this subject through, even if I had been disposed to do so. But I cannot refrain from referring to one or two documents, which have fallen in my way since this debate began. I read, sir, from the Olive Branch of Matthew Carey, in which are collected “the actings and doings” of the peace party of New England, during the continuance of the embargo and the war. I know the senator from Massachusetts will respect the high authority of his political friend and fellow-laborer in the great cause of “domestic industry.”

In p. 301, et seq., 309 of this work, is a detailed account of the measures adopted in Massachusetts during the war, for the express purpose of embarrassing the financial operations of the government, by preventing loans, and thereby driving our rulers from their seats, and forcing the country into a dishonorable peace. It appears that the Boston banks commenced an operation, by which a run was to be made upon all the banks to the south; at the same time stopping their own discounts; the effect of which was to produce a sudden and most alarming diminution of the circulating medium, and universal distress over the whole country—“a distress which they failed not to attribute to the unholy war.”

To such an extent was this system carried, that it appears, from a statement of the condition of the Boston banks, made up in January, 1814, that with nearly $5,000,000 of specie in their vaults, they had but $2,000,000 of bills in circulation. It is added by Carey, that at this very time an extensive trade was carried on in British government bills, for which specie was sent to Canada, for the payment of the British troops, then laying waste our northern frontier; and this too at the very moment when New England ships, sailing under British licenses, (a trade declared to be lawful by the courts both of Great Britain and Massachusetts, ) were supplying with provisions those very armies destined for the invasion of our own shores. Sir, the author of the Olive Branch, with a


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38 shuttlecock. But this is not the original doll, for that was burned at the Revolution. One might have supposed, perhaps expected, that the clergy on returning to the church would have rejoiced to be rid of such an object of degrading superstition. But not so, they had another black virgin made by a joiner, and dressed it in frills and furbelows, and set it up to receive the adoration of the ignorant and the stupid. One thing they did change; the new doll was made a little less grotesque and uncouth than was the first, of which representations remain.

The original image was of cedar wood, swathed about with bands of papyrus glued to it and partly inscribed. Upon this the features of the face, of negro tint, the flesh of hands and feet and the draperies were painted in distemper, in an archaic style. One story relative to it was that it came from Mount Carmel, and had been carved by the prophet Jeremiah in prophetic ecstasy. What seems most probable is that it was an Egyptian idol representing Isis and the infant Horus. S. Louis may have found this on his crusade to Egypt, and have frankly believed that it was a representation of the Virgin and Child, and so have presented it to the church of Le Puy. It certainly had a suspiciously Egyptian appearance.

Devotion to the original image brought kings and nobles to it, and made them open their purses and pour forth gold, and sign charters delivering over to bishop and chapter vast estates and privileges. The church became extremely wealthy, and it was owing to its wealth that the glorious cathedral was built. The basilica is approached from the west by the Rue des Tables, so named on account of the stalls set out there at the


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ALIPH was a baby hippo who was caught in the Nile River after his mother, the crankiest old lady and the worst fighter in the herd, had been shot. Little Caliph was a cunning fat baby but a few days old. In spite of his seventy-five pounds of solid flesh and bone, he was nimble on his legs and a good swimmer as well. He was seized while swimming under water with just his nostrils visible.

The little Hippo had a red skin like a young baby. He was fat as a butter ball and somewhat resembled a pig. His master took him home, fed him on a diet of bread and milk, and made him a little pen with a pool of water in it.

Caliph became very much attached to his master. He soon learned to follow him about like a dog. Sometimes the little fellow would grieve for his mother and wistfully think of the

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Rh time of the great pilgrimages. At the foot of the ascent is a fountain erected in commemoration of a choirboy, supposed to have been murdered by the Jews in 1320 and thrown into a well. He was given up as lost, when on Palm Sunday he reappeared, took his place in the procession, and told how he had been slaughtered, and how, by the intervention of Our Lady, he had been resuscitated. The mob believed the story, burst into the Jew's house, tore him to pieces, and cast his dismembered limbs to be devoured by dogs.

If they had but looked closer into the matter, they would have discovered that the urchin had been playing truant, and disguised his idleness by a lie.

From the Rue des Tables the remarkable west front of the minster may be seen in full. It is Romanesque in style, of the Auvergnat character, the façade is enriched with stones white and red and black, arranged in alternating bands, in lozenges and in lattice work. The zebra-like appearance is not pleasing. The eye desires repose, and is teased with the intricacy of the pattern.

This western façade is actually the frontispiece of a vast porch or narthex that stretches back through four of the bays of the nave, with flights of steps, eleven in each, and with landings between. Half-way up the porch are two chapels, one on each side, with large oak doors carved and painted. They represent groups of figures from the story of the Gospel. The background is sunk, but the surface left smooth, and is painted. The chapel on the right is dedicated to S. Stephen, that on the left to S. Giles. Neither is now used.

On two of the steps of the ascent is inscribed in Latin, "Ni caveas crimen, caveas contingere limen,


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24 holy indignation, denounces these acts as “treasonable;” “giving aid and comfort to the enemy.” I shall not follow his example. But I will ask, With what justice or propriety can the south be accused of disloyalty from that quarter? If we had any evidence that the senator from Massachusetts had admonished his brethren then, he might, with a better grace, assume the office of admonishing us now.

When I look at the measures adopted in Boston, at that day, to deprive the government of the necessary means for carrying on the war, and think of the success and the consequences of these measures, I feel my pride, as an American, humbled in the dust. Hear, sir, the language of that day. I read from pages 301 and 302 of the Olive Branch. “Let no man who wishes to continue the war, by active means, by vote, or lending money, dare to prostrate himself at the altar on the fast day.” “Will federalists subscribe to the loan? Will they lend money to our national rulers? It is impossible. First, because of principle, and secondly, because of principal and interest.” “Do not prevent the abusers of their trust from becoming bankrupt. Do not prevent them from becoming odious to the public, and being replaced by better men.” “Any federalist who lends money to government must go and shake hands with James Madison, and claim fellowship with Felix Grundy.” (I beg pardon of my honorable friend from Tennessee—but he is in good company. I had thought it was “James Madison, Felix Grundy, and the devil.”) Let him no more “call himself a federalist, and a friend to his country: he will be called by others infamous,” &c.

Sir, the spirit of the people sunk under these appeals. Such was the effect produced by them on the public mind, that the very agents of the government (as appears from their public advertisements, now before me) could not obtain loans without a pledge that “the names of the subscribers should not be known.” Here are the advertisements: “The names of all subscribers” (say Gilbert and Dean, the brokers employed by government) “shall be known only to the undersigned.” As if those who came forward to aid their country, in the hour of her utmost need, were engaged in some dark and foul conspiracy, they were assured “that their names should not be known.” Can any thing show more conclusively the unhappy state of public feeling which prevailed at that day than this single fact? Of the same character with these measures was the conduct of Massachusetts in withholding her militia from the service of the United States, and devising measures for withdrawing her quota of the taxes, thereby attempting, not merely to cripple the resources of the country, but actually depriving the government (as far as depended upon her) of all the means of carrying on the war—of the bone, and muscle, and sinews of war—“of man and steel—the soldier and his sword.” But it seems Massachusetts was to reserve her resources for herself—she was to defend and protect her own shores. And how was that duty performed? In some places on the coast neutrality was declared, and the enemy was suffered to invade the soil of Massachusetts, and allowed to occupy her territory until the peace, without one effort to rescue it from his grasp. Nay, more—while our own government and our rulers were considered as enemies, the troops of the enemy were treated like friends—the most intimate commercial relations were established with them, and maintained up to the peace. At this dark period of our national affairs, where was the senator from Massachusetts? How were his political associates employed? “Calculating the value of the Union?”


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40 Nam Regina poli vult sine sorde coli." "Unless free from guilt shun this threshold, for the Queen of Heaven will be worshipped only by a guiltless soul."

Formerly at the head of the fourth landing was a central doorway leading into the nave by another flight of steps continued inside the church; and it was said of Notre Dame du Puy, that you went in at the navel and came out at the ears, i.e. at the lateral doors in the transepts. But the central entrance has been walled up, and a floor been laid over these steps. Access is now obtained to the nave by a side flight that turns round the church and gives admission in the south transept. The corresponding lateral flight gives access to the magnificent cloister, partially closed by a gate of intricate and beautiful ironwork. The arcade in the cloister rests on twin columns with richly carved capitals, no two alike, and the wall space above the arcade is filled in with mosaic work of red, yellow, white, and black.

The interior of the church is not less remarkable than the exterior. Originally it consisted of a small square basilica, now forming the retro-choir; this was prolonged into nave with aisles, and transepts were added forming a Greek cross, with a dome at the intersection. Later on the church was carried further westward, and the singular western portion, a nave over a porch, was raised in the twelfth century.

Each bay of the nave is surmounted by an octagonal cupola. Two sides contain windows looking north and south. Two sides have also windows sustained on an arch flung across the nave, and looking into it. The four other sides of the octagons are in the depth of the wall. The lateral south porch, opening on to the little Place du For, where is the episcopal palace, is a noble


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The New International Encyclopædia/Riemenschneider, Tilman

RIEMENSCHNEIDER, rē'menshnī'dẽr, (c.l460-1531). A German sculptor of the Renaissance. He was born at Osterode, in the Harz Mountains, and in 1483 appears at Würzburg as a journeyman carver. He soon became one of the most influential citizens, being elected Burgomaster in 1520. In the religous troubles during the following years Riemenschneider was the head of the reforming element and sided with the peasants during the Peasant War. When the reaction came in 1525 he was expelled from the council, and from this time until his death in 1531 he lived in retirement. His principal works include the monument to Eberhard of Grumbach, in the Church of Rimpar (near Würzburg); “Adam and Eve” (1493) on the south portal of the Liebfrauenkirche at Würzburg, and the statues of Christ, John the Baptist, and the Apostles on the buttresses of the same church (1500-06); a Madonna and the tomb of John Trithemius in the Neumünsterkirche (1493); the portrait statues of the Bishops Rudolf of Scheerenburg and Lorenz von Bibra in the Cathedral. His masterpiece is the monument to the Emperor Henry II. and his wife Kunigunde in the Bamberg Cathedral (1495-1513). Other well-known works are the “Bewailing of the Body of Christ” (1508), a group in the church of Heidingsfeld, and his last work (1505), a high relief of the same subject in the church of Maidbrunn.

Consult his biography by K. Becker (Leipzig, 1849), and A. Weber (Würzburg, 1888), and the heliotype edition of his works by Streit (Berlin, 1888).


text: Webster and Hayne's Celebrated Speeches/Mr. Hayne's Speech on Mr. Foot's Resolution


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Rh piece of work. Two bold arches give access to it. To the left is a doorway only opened for a pope to pass through; the other gives admission to ordinary personages into the transept.

The tower is a campanile detached from the church, unbuttressed, and though fine, is too small for the size of the minster. But this is due to the fact that every inch of space on the rock was precious, and had to be economised. Accordingly a tower of greater bulk at base would have encroached on the way of access to the basilica. There are two more doorways, one, further on, a bold and daring sweep that spans not the entrance only, but also the little street. A third is on the north side.

Until this year, 1906, the head of the French State, King, Emperor or President was ex officio lay canon of Le Puy, just as our King is a lay canon of S. David's. But with the separation of Church and State in France, this has ceased, and M. Loubet was the last of the lay canons of Le Puy.

At one time there existed a promising school of painting in Le Velay, but it was killed by the troubles of the Wars of Religion. The frescoes in the cathedral and in some of the churches exhibit great merit. Such as remain, unfortunately very few, may be best studied in the Museum, where are accurate copies.

The finest of all represents the liberal arts, and was discovered by Mérimée in the capitular hall of the cathedral, in 1856. It is of the fifteenth century, and is conjectured, but on insufficient grounds, to have been the work of Jean Perréal, painter to Kings Charles IX. and Francis I. In the Museum may be seen reproductions of some paintings from Langeac, in which the


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42 figures are in gold on a brown diapered background. One series represents the Annunciation, the Nativity, Christ among the Doctors, speaking from a pulpit, and the Good Shepherd. The Incarnation is figured allegorically by the Blessed Virgin alluring to her the Lamb of God.

The city of Le Puy was formerly surrounded by walls erected by the citizens against the Routiers, the Free Companies, and those troublesome near neighbours the Polignacs. But their house was divided against itself, for bishop and chapter were continually at strife with the citizens, and to protect themselves against the turbulence of these latter, the ecclesiastics drew an inner ring of walls about themselves on the height above the town.

In the tortuous streets may be seen many specimens of medieval domestic architecture, angle-turrets, doorways richly carved, and if one can look into the courtyards, some dainty subjects for the pencil may be obtained.

But after having seen the cathedral and the old town, the feet are attracted to S. Michel l'Aiguilhe.

The plan of the church on the pinnacle of rock is peculiar, resembling the attitude of a sleeping dog. The chancel lies beside the main entrance, at a higher level, and the nave is curved and has an aisle also on


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Cerealis, Petillius


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Cerberus

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Cerberus


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The New International Encyclopædia/Riemer, Friedrich Wilhelm

RIEMER, rē'mẽr, (1774-1845). A German scholar and literary historian, born at Glatz. He studied theology and philology at Halle, was a tutor in the family of Wilhelm von Humboldt (1801-03), and then for nine years lived with Goethe as his literary assistant and his son's tutor. In 1812 he became professor at the Weimar gymnasium; from 1814 to 1820 he was assistant librarian, and from 1837 to his death he was librarian-in-chief at Weimar. Riemer published some poetry, a Greek lexicon (1802-04), and Mitteilungen über Goethe (1841). He edited Goethe's correspondence with Zelter (1833-34), and his own letters were published in two volumes, Briefe von und an Goethe (1846) and in Aus dem Goethehause (1892, edited by Heitmüller).


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The New International Encyclopædia/Rienzi, Cola di

RIENZI, rḗ-ĕn'zḗ, (c.1313-54). A Roman popular leader. He was born at Rome.

Until his twentieth year he lived among the peasants of Anagni; then he returned to his native city, where he studied grammar and rhetoric and read the Latin classics. The assassination of his brother by a Roman noble finally determined him to deliver the city from the barbarous thralldom of the barons. He assumed the significant title of ‘consul of orphans, widows, and the poor.’ In 1343 he was appointed by the heads of the Guelph party spokesman or orator of a deputation sent to the Papal Court at Avignon to beseech Clement VI. to return to Rome in order to protect the citizens from the tyranny of their oppressors. Here he formed a close friendship with Petrarch, through whose assistance he obtained a favorable hearing from his Holiness, who appointed him notary to the city chamber. In April, 1344, Rienzi returned to Rome; but reform, he found, was impossible without revolution. During three years he loudly and openly menaced the nobles, who, thinking him mad, took no steps to crush him. At last on May 20, 1347, surrounded by 100 horsemen and accompanied by the Papal legate, Rienzi delivered a magnificent discourse and proposed a series of laws for the better government of the community, which were unanimously approved. The aristocratic senators were driven out of the city, and Rienzi took the title of ‘tribune of liberty, peace, and justice,’ and chose the Papal legate for his colleague.

Rienzi dispatched messengers to the various Italian States, requesting them to send deputies to Rome to consult for the general interests of the peninsula, and to devise measures for its unification. These messengers were everywhere received with enthusiasm, and on August 1, 1347, 200 deputies assembled in the Lateran Church, where Rienzi declared that the choice of an Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire belonged to the Roman people, and summoned Louis the Bavarian and Charles of Luxemburg, who were then disputants for the dignity, to appear before him. The step was wildly impolitic. The Pope was indignant at the transference of authority from himself to his subjects; and the barons gathered together their forces and renewed their devastations. After ineffectual resistance Rienzi resigned his functions and withdrew from Rome. His tenure of power had lasted only seven months. In the solitudes of the Neapolitan Apennines, Rienzi joined an Order of Franciscan hermits, and spent nearly two years in exercises of piety and penitence — all the while, however, cherishing the hope that he would one day ‘deliver’ Rome again. This ambition made him readily listen to a brother monk, who declared that Rienzi was destined, by the help of the Emperor Charles IV., to introduce a new era of happiness into the world. Rienzi betook himself at once to Prague, and announced to the Emperor that in a year and a half a new hierarchy would be established in the Church, and under a new Pope Charles would reign in the west and Rienzi in the east. Charles put the ‘prophet’ in prison, and then informed the Pope of the matter. In July, 1351, Rienzi was transferred to Avignon, where proceedings were opened against him, and he was condemned to death, but his life was spared and the next two years were spent in easy confinement in the French Papal city.

Meanwhile at Rome the great families were

more factious, more anarchical, more desperately fond of spilling blood than ever; and at last Innocent VI. sent Cardinal Albornoz to reëstablish order. Rienzi was released from prison, and accompanied the Cardinal. In August, 1354, having borrowed money and raised a small body of soldiers, he made a sort of triumphal entry into Rome, and was received with universal acclamations. But misfortune had debased his character; he abandoned himself to good living, and his once generous sentiments had given place to a hard, mistrustful, and cruel disposition. The barons refused to recognize his government and fortified themselves in their castles. The war against them necessitated the incurring of heavy expenses. In two months, Rienzi's rule becoming intolerable, an infuriated crowd surrounded him in the Capitol and put him to death. Consult: Papencordt, Cola di Rienzo und seine Zeit (Hamburg, 1841): Auriac, Etude historique sur Nicole Rienzo (Paris, 1888); Rodocanachi, Cola di Rienzo (ib., 1888).