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 54 monument to John Howard " which Warner thought he had identified as the composition of Miss Seward. This was an error ; the lines were by Samuel Jackson Pratt, a still more dreary bard in that generation, who sets out in his "Gleanings" vol I p. 226 et seq. a long conversation with Howard on the subject. As a consequence of this erroneous belief the Swan of Lichfield and the Hermit of Barnard's Inn were drawn together and soon became friends. " The ingenious, benevolent and energetic Dr. Warner " the lady required at least three epithets for an ally, passed a few days in Lichfield in the autumn of 1786. From that year until March 1791 they corresponded and Warner sent her some " delightful letters," which no doubt contained many a stratum of flattery. Silence then ensued but Miss Seward still thought of her friend. She enquired of everybody about him. " Nobody tells me where he is " was her exclamation in November of 1794. Through this friendship the Doctor was admitted into the circle surrounding William Hayley, her colleague in the art of puffery. Mr. Alfred Morrison was the proud owner of the rough copy of a letter and notes, seven and a half quarto pages in length, which that poet sent in 1786 to Warner on the subject of John Howard's statue. This subject was the beginning of their intimacy and as Warner loved to enjoy the friendship of others he retained the acquaintance until his death. In April of the following year Hayley came from his retreat in Sussex to stay with his new friend in the rooms at Barnard's Inn. The poet's favourite term for them was the "cell"; the pet title for his host was "dear rambling divine." At one time it looked as if this place of retreat would be lost to him, but fortunately the fire caused by the Gordon riots stopped at the next door. In these rooms Warner every morning, between six and seven, made breakfast for him and for Romney the painter. On one occasion Warner


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 56 of the three attractive modern languages, French, Italian and Spanish." Warner went to Paris in 1790 to attend, in the position of domestic chaplain, lord Gower, afterwards the marquis of Stafford, who was then the english ambassador at Paris. He had been recommended for the post by his old friends and patrons lord Carlisle and George Selwyn and some of the wits afterwards insinuated that this was a manoeuvre of the opposition. Romney, too, may have taken part in the recom- mendation, for lord Gower's father had been very friendly with the artist and he had painted for the ambassador him- self " that wonderful picture of his dancing children" which formed the chief glory of the art-treasures at Trentham. Warner pressed upon his friends his eagerness to see them in the French capital. Three of them, Romney, Hayley and the rev. Thomas Carwardine, met at Eartham in July 1790. They crossed from Brighton to Dieppe and arrived by slow stages at Paris on the 31st of that month. But they did not go by themselves for the parson was the only member of the trio " unaccompanied by a fair but unwedded companion." Their friend received them most cheerfully in the rooms in the Hotel de Modene which he had provided for their accom- modation. They stayed for three weeks and Romney through the kindness of Madame Sillery, afterwards Madame de Genlis, was gratified by seeing the famous pictures of the duke of Orleans, in the Palais Royal, in which establishment she held the position of governess. They visited the studios of David and Greuze and in their turn entertained those artists at dinner. David also took them to the Luxem- bourg to study the Marie de Medicis series of Rubens. Carwardine's friends included Romney, Hayley, Cowper, Opie and Richard Cumberland. His tastes were for art and his sister Penelope, Mrs. Butler, was famous for her minia- tures, but on the advice of Thurlow he was ordained in the

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 58 In 1790 William Huskisson, the grand-nephew of Gem, was staying with him in Paris for the purpose of studying medicine. He was introduced by Warner to lord Gower and a glowing account was given of his merits. Huskisson was quickly appointed to the post of private secretary to the ambassador, abandoned the study of medicine and went to live in the house of his official master. Thus began a friend- ship of 40 years, which proved of the highest use to Huskisson in his subsequent career. Hayley tried to use .Warner's influence in the French capital for his literary advantage. He began in January 179 1 the composition in the French language of a comedy in five acts " les prejuges abolis " which he hoped that his friend might be able to get on the boards of the theatre francais, but it was never produced. Warner's affection for Selwyn led him in the following April to write to his old friend John Nichols for insertion in the Gentleman's Magazine a long letter stating that from his friendship with Selwyn for forty years — this must be an exaggeration — he could contradict the current belief propagated in the pleasantries of Sir Charles Hanbury Williams and lord Chesterfield, that Selwyn delighted in attending executions. He had never in his life attended but one and that rather accidentally from its lying in his way than from design. A subsequent communication from P. T., the initials of the notorious Philip Thicknesse, stated that the solitary execution was that of Damiens who was broken on the wheel in March 1757 for attempting to assassinate Louis XV. Later in life Warner seems to have receded from this statement. Francis Grose, the Falstaff among antiquaries, records in his " Olio " the doubt of Warner whether Selwyn " ever purposely went to three executions in his life." That a love of the gruesome existed in Selwyn's mind is above dispute. It was in the month of August 1791 that Thicknesse met


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 60 other friends and that he had to act as interpreter. Guest and host agreed admirably in their principles and prejudices and the doctor " who was a great gourmet " was delighted with the Burgundy which was set before him but alas ! he was summoned back to the embassy before the repast was over. For " three long English miles " did Warner and Neville trudge back through the pouring rain, but " nothing could damp the Chaplain's ardour " while he expatiated on his new friend's " easy manners, refined ideas, and above all his politics." Neville dwells on the doctor's subsequent detention at Boulogne for eighteen months and declares that he recanted his opinions. But this too cannot be accepted without great reserve. It was during this enforced sojourn in France that Warner sent to the Gentleman's Magazine the two lively letters of portentous length, which open its volume for the first half of 1792. He advocated a subscrip- tion for the best English imitation of Juvenal's eighth satire, and hoped that England and France would unite their efforts to bless the world by the arts of peace. His conclusion was a poem " When Reason now at heaven's command," a parody of Thomson's Britannia. Some years before this time Warner fell under the lash of that once-famous satirist, Mathias. In one of his frank moments he spoke of the anonymous author of the " Heroic epistle [in verse] to Dr. Watson " as a vile poetaster and imitator of his friend Macgreggor, the pseudonym of the rev. William Mason, the poet and friend of Gray. This reached the ears of the virulent Mathias who thereupon in his " Heroic address in prose " to the same Doctor spoke of the depreciator of his poetic merits as " commonly known by the name of J k W r, a d — mn'd clever fellow at college. The suspicion however has now subsided. He affects to give himself airs because George Augustus Selwyn . . . chose him for his companion in a tour to


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 62 the famous church of Lisseweghe, the tower of which rears itself aloft over the dunes of that coast. Meetkerke died in London in 1591. The question which Warner discussed in this tract was the subject of much controversy in the reign of the third George and this little treatise attracted the attention of that age's chief classical scholars. Payne Knight, one of the Holland House and Edinburgh Review set, wrote that he had perused it " with equal delight and satisfaction " and bore witness to the "learning and ingenuity employed upon so dry a subject and enlivened by so much wit and humour." Uvedale Price, a country gentleman and neighbour of Payne Knight, and like him a devotee of classical literature, in his " essay on the modern pronunciation of the Greek and Latin languages " praised it for " many just remarks and apt examples and illustrations which I have freely made use of" but censured the absence of plan and its style "as diffuse and full of singularities." George Dyer puts on record that Matthew Raine, one of the greatest heads of Charterhouse, " adopted much of this theory of Metronariston into the Charterhouse school" and Thomas Green, the author of an obsolete "diary of a lover of literature " which enjoyed abundant popularity in its day confessed (p. 209) that the arguments of Warner had convinced him, but that the book was " teasingly written." The reviewer in the British Critic for Sept. 1797, speaks of the style as defying " all description, rambling beyond example, continually aiming at wit or humour, with the unhappiest effect " and pronounces the dedication to Jacob Bryant " written, if possible still worse than the book." In our time, just two years ago, T. S. Omond, in a valuable work on " english metrists " (pp. 83-84) refers to his prede- cessor's volume as " ascribed to a Dr. John Warner, whom I cannot otherwise identify," who pokes fun all round, even at such venerable names as Bentley, Handel and Horsley. The


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 64 and tenpence more gave me an excellent bottle of claret." This was not the conventional language of the time. But the doctor lived and spoke on his own lines. He even went so far, oh grievous offence against propriety ! as " to walk in the streets without gloves." Whatever the " British Fair " may have become, their satirist was restored to them without a change. He was the same genial, kind-hearted, honest old fellow. Hayley was much attached to an illegitimate child, Thomas Alphonso Hayley, a young sculptor and Warner also became fond of him. He addressed the youth in a sportive billet and deter- mined to devote himself to the private education, in a similar manner, of another very promising boy. When this young sculptor came to London to perfect himself in his profession the doctor continued his kindness. His intimacy with Hayley was unbroken. He seems to have paid a visit to Eartham in the summer of 1795. He was there again in April 1796 and had then been engaged to attend the new ambassador to Denmark as his secretary and chaplain. The date of departure was fixed for the 15th of May but I do not find that the appointment was ever carried into effect. Warner's portrait in water colour was painted by Jeremiah Meyer, R.A. the well known artist, particularly in miniatures, who brought Romney and Hayley together in 1776 and as the painter had " a lively friendship " with his subject it was painted con amore. The original was exhibited at the Royal Academy in 1776, and in order that it might be preserved for the youth whom Warner was educating it was entrusted to the keeping of Hayley. The young Hayley made a copy of it, but as the picture was not to his satisfaction he made a second attempt and this time succeeded completely. His father took the work on his next visit to town to Warner's rooms in S'- John's Square, and diverted himself in the


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 66 was delighted with the " Captive." Nothing but Terrour could restrain a patriotic publisher from printing it. But this was what the reactionary followers of Pitt were aiming at " nothing presently would be published beyond a Primer or a Child's guide." So, with Warner's praise the " Captive " occupied the whole of volume I. of Cumberland's collection of Original Tales. The last sentence of Warner strikes the keynote of his life during the dying years of that century. The war with France which ended after long years of a wasteful contest with the return of the Bourbons to temporary power, and the repressive measures of the Tory ministry to crush out the opposition of their antagonists, were distasteful to the doctor who strenu- ously advocated the cause of parliamentary reform and threw himself with augmented zeal into the arms of the advanced liberals. The claims of Home Tooke to public recognition went home to his heart. He adjured Cumberland if he knew " any opulent friend whose children do not call for all he can spare in such times as these and has still, in spite of Mr. Pitt, money enough to make a patriotic present, now is his time by contributing to raise an annuity — too much wanted — for the most meritorious Public man in the Kingdom . . . and that man I need not tell you is our friend Home Tooke." Warner and his colleagues in the movement hoped to make the fund worth Home Tooke's acceptance. The subscriptions ranged from £50 to £300. Cumberland duly responded to the invitation and received from Warner, who was then staying at Wimbledon with Home Tooke, warm thanks for his letters " and for their very agreeable accompaniments." His attention was also drawn to Tooke's "tight little correspondence" with the clerk to the income tax commissioners. The patriot at Wimbledon had filled up the schedule of his income with great minuteness of detail and had ended with the statement " I have been


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 68 in a vault under the church in the square on the 30th of that month. The date of the commencement of the new century was an amiable weakness of the Doctor. He originated at a convivial party the view that it began with the year 1800, and boldly maintained his opinion in argument against all comers. Oddly enough the bets were decided in his favour by the two referees and, what is not odd to those acquainted with Warner " many cheerful parties arose out of it." His friends who held the contrary sentiment used jocularly to say that he ought to lie "perdu for that year. They little imagined that their raillery was to be converted into a fatal prediction." The new-year came, and on the 22nd day of its first month Warner lay dead. Warner's will contains many points of interest. Two out of the three executors and trustees were the rev. Dr. Raine, of the Charterhouse, a very distinguished scholar, and his brother Jonathan Raine, of equal eminence in the law. Mourning rings were left to many illustrious persons. The list included, besides Tooke and Cartwright, the names of sir Richard Colt Hoare, Robert Fergusson, William Hayley, William Bosville, William Frend, Thomas Wakefield and his brother, Gilbert Wakefield and bore striking witness to his friendship with those prominent in the cause of reform. His sisters Frances Mary S l John, Louisa Henrietta Warner and a third woman, Susanna Lambert, received £100 a year for life " not to be under the control of present or future husbands." Warner as we have seen, had determined to apply the bulk of his substance to the education and training of a promising youth. His name is set out in the will as " Philip Courtenay, now of the Charterhouse School, whom I have chosen to be my heir and residuary legatee." The books of Warner were to be kept in some place until the heir had a


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 70 A word of sympathy was expressed for Warner by G. S. Street in his "miniatures and moods" (1893). A kindly appreciation by Katherine Prence, of his character is in "Temple Bar" for December 1897. And an account of his life is inserted by Mr. John Fyvie in his pleasant volume of "Wits, beaux and beauties of the Georgian Era."


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 Rh century later, acted as his tutor. While at Oxford a fellow collegian from the west, Joseph Taylor, afterwards member of parliament for Petersfield and Ashburton, introduced him to Edward Talbot of Oriel college, second son of the prelate who was successively bishop of Oxford, Salisbury and Durham. Through this friendship Rundle became intimate with Joseph Butler and Thomas Seeker, and, as the friends of bishop Talbot's son, all three of them obtained preferment from the father. Complaint was made that Rundle adopted his friends precipitately and dropped them abruptly, and some years later George Stubbes, an old fellow of Exeter college, who was numbered among the small poets of the period, ridiculed this propensity in a poem called "fickle friendship." A very sprightly lady, Mary Lepel, lady Hervey commented on another fault. She acknowledged that lord chancellor Talbot, the bishop's eldest son had parts, but asserted that "the flattery and indulgence of Rundle has been his ruin. …Rundle was the greatest flatterer and the greatest talker I ever met with in my life." But whatever his motives or his failings may have been, these great divines, Butler and Seeker, remained his fast friends all his life.

Towards the close of Rundle's college life the sincere but whimsical Whiston paid a visit to Oxford to further a scheme "for promoting primitive Christianity." Rundle and Rennell sought the acquaintance of the reformer and as they were "sensible of modern errors and corruptions" were ready to give their support to him, but doubted whether any more recruits would be enlisted at the university. Rundle, after leaving the university, became an inmate of the house of John Cater of Kempston, near Bedford, as the tutor of his only son, and Whiston was asked by the head of the family to visit them. The tutor proved "so ready in the fathers and ecclesiastical history and indeed, so learned in all science but … so strictly sober, serious, conscientious (what shall


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Rh Edward Talbot died young in December, 1720, leaving a widow and child in poor circumstances. Rundle and he had lived together for ten years "in the most tender and endeared friendship." Their life in college and in the church promoted their social intercourse, "when absent our letters were the pictures of our souls and every post we conversed." Widow and daughter — the "dearest Kitty" of Rundle's letters, who afterwards became well-known as the friend and correspondent of Elizabeth Carter — lived as members of Seeker's household until his death in 1768 when they inherited from him a fortune of £13,000.

Bishop Talbot was translated to Durham in October 1721 and Rundle accompanied him as his domestic chaplain, retaining the archdeaconry and the treasurership in his old diocese of Salisbury. In his new situation he was even more amply rewarded. One of its well-endowed canonries was conferred upon him in January 1722 and a still better stall was bestowed upon him in November of that year. From 1722 he enjoyed the emoluments of the fat benefice of Sedgefield, and if he resigned that living in 1728 it was to succeed as master of Sherburn hospital, a desirable post in value and position, for it was situated less than two miles from the city of Durham. Hearne in his collections (viii., 100), calls him "a divine of 1500 libs per annum preferment who hath done or is about doing very honourably for Exeter college, having founded or being about to found and endow two Lectures there, viz., I in Natural Philosophy and I in Greek, each to be 50 libs per annum," but this rumour does not seem to have ended in fact.

During these years of quiet prosperity Rundle retained his old friendships and made fresh accessions to the list. Arthur Onslow, the famous speaker of the House of Commons, had sought his friendship "on the account of a public dispute he had against Tindal and Collins at the Grecian coffee-house


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Rh he did not scruple to partake of them as food. Some of his special dishes are recorded in Stukeley's diary, "bp Rundle is famous for candyed carrot, pea-capons, peeper pye, i.e., young new-hatched turkeys put into a pye, taken out by spoonfuls, 6 veal burrs stuffed with the ropes of 50 woodcocks. He calls a sirloin of beef clumsy plenty. Young hares fed with brocoli. By this means he treated himself into £4000 p. ann." No wonder that if he often partook of these dishes he found himself a valetudinarian before he was 45 years old, and that in the winter of 1733-4 he was dangerously ill!

A torrent of passionate controversy burst over Rundle in December, 1733 and continued to flow all the next year. The see of Gloucester had become vacant and Talbot, the lord chancellor, urged the promotion of his friend. "Codex" Gibson, the bishop of London who for many years of Walpole's administration ruled over matters ecclesiastical, protested against the appointment, urging that Rundle was a deist. His enemies gave out that his "warm fancy and brilliant conversation" had led him into serious indiscretions of speech. "I am an open talkative man" he allowed, but he coupled with it a warm denial that he had expressed at any time a disbelief in the christian religion.

The most serious of the accusations against him came from Richard Venn a man of high character beneficed in the diocese of London, whose sense of duty led him, though a Devonian like Rundle, to interpose in the fray. He stated that on one occasion when in company with Rundle and Robert Cannon, a dean who spoke in a jocular way on serious matters, the former had said, that were he a "justice of the peace when Abraham purposed to offer up his son Isaac he should have thought it his duty to have laid Abraham by the heels, as a knave or a madman," and he threatened to oppose Rundle at his confirmation in Bow


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Rh the clerical disputants were Maddox afterwards bishop of Worcester and Arthur Ashley Sykes, who wrote under the disguise of "a gentleman of the Temple."

Two less reputable controversialists afterwards enlisted themselves in the struggle. One of them was Arnall the hack-writer in Walpole's pay. The second was Richard Savage, a man inspired by hatred to "the claims of ecclesiastical power," and by friendship for Rundle's friend, "Jamie Thomson." He produced a poem with the innocent title of "the progress of a divine," tracing the career of a profligate priest to the highest preferments in the church and amiably insinuating that such a man was sure to be under the patronage of bishop Gibson. This was too much for the clergy and Savage was brought before the court of King's bench on a charge of obscenity. The defence consisted of the usual plea that the poem had been written for the promotion of decency in public life, and lord Hardwicke, after lauding the purity and excellence of the writings of the accused dismissed the information.

Mawson, who died bishop of Ely refused the see of Gloucester because he thought that Rundle had been improperly set aside. Martin Benson, who had married the sister of Seeker was with difficulty induced to accept it. The see of Derry opportunely became vacant and Seeker wrote that it might be filled in such a manner as to vacate a good deanery in England for Rundle, a preferment which would be thoroughly in accordance with his wishes. The deanery of Durham was suggested as fitting for him. But this scheme fell through and Rundle was sent to what he more than once calls his "splendid banishment" in Ireland, being consecrated as bishop on 3 August 1735.

The wits of England were enthusiastic in his praise. Pope in his letters to Swift declared that he "never saw a man so seldom whom I liked so much" and protested in his poems


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Rh for a short time on the line, in Kherson and Donshchina, but nowhere found luck. Then the wife went out to service, and Semyon continued to travel about. Once he happened to ride on an engine, and at one of the stations the face of the station-master seemed familiar to him. Semyon looked at the station-master and the station-master looked at Semyon, and they recognised each other. He had been an officer in Semyon's regiment.

"You are Ivanov?" he said.

"Yes, your Excellency."

"How do you come to be here?"

Semyon told him all.

"Where are you off to?"

"I cannot tell you, sir."

"Idiot! What do you mean by 'cannot tell you?'"

"I mean what I say, your Excellency. There is nowhere for me to go to. I must hunt for work, sir."

The station-master looked at him, thought a bit, and said: "See here, friend, stay here a while at the station. You are married, I think. Where is your wife?"

"Yes, your Excellency, I am married. My wife is at Kursk, in service with a merchant."

"Well, write to your wife to come here. I will give you a free pass for her. There is a position as track-walker open. I will speak to the Chief on your behalf."

"I shall be very grateful to you, your Excellency," replied Semyon.

He stayed at the station, helped in the kitchen, cut firewood, kept the yard clean, and swept the platform. In a fortnight's time his wife arrived, and Semyon went on a hand-trolley to his hut. The hut was a new one and warm, with as much wood as he wanted. There was a little vegetable garden, the legacy of former track-walkers, and there was about half a of ploughed land on either side of the railway embankment. Semyon was rejoiced. He began to think of doing some farming, of purchasing a cow and a horse.

He was given all necessary stores—a green flag, a red flag, lanterns, a horn, hammer, screw—wrench for the nuts, a crow-bar, spade, broom, bolts and nails; they gave him


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Rh to support them." Three of them had been discarded from the diocese, but "though refused certificates by me and my clergy have obtained good livings in America and found room for repentance."

Very soon after his arrival at his see Rundle began rebuilding a house at Dublin. In January 1738-9 six weeks would suffice for its completion. The whole of it was handsome but only the room in which he had lodged his books was magnificent. Many critics had censured him for building a house "too splendid for me in my station" and too elegant for an Irish prelate. He had better have locked his money in a chest or "sent to France for social claret," which was more in accordance with Irish custom at that time, but the bishop preferred to spend it among Irish workmen so as to provide "beef and potatoes for their hungry families."

The glory of the structure was the library. It was 64 feet long, 20 feet wide and only 16 high. At the west side was the chimney, "formed in the best taste, of an Irish marble of an excellent polish" over which he purposed placing memorials of those members of the Talbot family who were dearest to his heart and to whom he owed his rise in life. The entablature of the Ionic order which was round the whole room was supported by 32 three quarters columns on a pedestal and the "frieze was enriched with the Vitruvian scroll adorned with its proper foliages." A bow window at the east commanded a view of the mountains in Wales and the highest hills in Ireland; "the ocean with its islands, a large river, a harbour rich with ships, a city . . . woods and meadows are mingled together in the most amusing contrast." Three windows on the south supplied a view of "nursery gardens and meadows ever verdant." His chief pleasure was to collect his friends around him in this room." Gentlemen and ladies, old and young, rich and


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Rh Talbot. In person he was slender and "not inelegantly formed"; his portrait was in the collection of Seeker when bishop of Oxford.

The sermons of Rundle have passed into the limbo of forgetfulness. His "anticipation of the posthumous character of sir Richard Steele" has long ceased to influence the opinion of the literary world. But his letters to Mrs Barbara Sandys, the daughter of a Kyrle who claimed kinship with "the man of Ross" and the wife of a Gloucestershire squire, are still worthy of perusal. They were edited by the rev. James Dallaway who asked for information about Rundle and obtained some particulars (Gent. Mag. 1789, p. 206) of him from Thomas Taylor, of Denbury near Ashburton, the son of his old friend and the owner of many letters by him, which have probably now perished. The bishop sends her books and periodicals, discourses amiably on literary and theological questions, and occasionally mentions a personal incident in the career of a man once prominent in life. His letters show him sympathetic in disposition and grateful for past acts of kindness. He was far from being the least worthy member of the episcopal bench in Ireland.


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 THE REVD. JOHN WARNER, D.D. faults of Dr. Warner lay on the surface. They were open to the gaze of the least curious in his circle and even if he possessed the power, he had not the desire to conceal them. His virtues lay beneath the surface, and only his most intimate friends possessed the means of discovering them. His portrait has been painted by two masters of description who were wont to dwell with especial keenness on the weaknesses of English nature. By both John Forster and Thackeray he was selected as the type among the clergy or the easy-going hangers-on of the great, and to the ordinary reader the sentences in which these satirists have pilloried him are the sole recollections of his life which linger in the memory. Warner had a genius for making friends, and early in life attached himself to George Selwyn. For the sake of that wit and his associates poor Warner discharged many duties without receiving any reward for his labours. For many years his means were scanty. Yet through all his days and, in spite of poverty, with undimmed cheerfulness he retained his independence of political judgment, did his duty to his relations and bestowed much kindness on many outside that circle. His tone is on the whole "frank and manly." He does not hesitate at times to express his disapproval of a good deal that he saw in the fashionable life around him. Still, and especially through Thackeray's genius for satiric portraiture, his name has come down to us as the leading example of the clerical "parasite" under the third George.

"Jack" Warner was born in London and probably in


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Rh booksellers of his day and it was recognised by that body that the tasks assigned to him were discharged with labour and judgment. The value of his work is corroborated by the testimony of other writers of the present generation. The rev. J. H. Lupton in his edition of Sir Thomas More's Utopia (1895) states that the most noticeable of all the issues of bishop Burnet's translation of that work was the edition appended in 1758 to Warner's memoirs of More. The reprint had been suggested by the bishop's son, the judge of the court of common pleas. Warner was the "reputed author of the Letters of an Uncle to his nephew" a work which I have in vain endeavoured to find.

Ferdinando Warner had taken leave of the public as a writer, but with the desire of increasing "the happiness of a vast number of fellow sufferers" he signed at Barnes on 20 Oct. 1767, the preface to a treatise entitled "a full and plain account of the gout" (1768). His first touch of that disease was at the age of 17, and he had made observations on its ways for above 30 years. Many medical practitioners had been known to him. He was well acquainted with Mead, and he praised sir John Hill as "an ingenious man and an excellent botanist" who did himself honour in withdrawing his advertisement of the "Elixir of Bardana" as a specific. Sir Edward Hulse had described the gout as a disorder beyond his understanding; but Warner claimed that he could mitigate its attacks. Opium produced some relief. The Bath waters were very beneficial and Warner often wished that he lived near them. He recommended the practice of early rising and of riding on horseback, in the summer for two or three hours both morning and evening, and in winter in the middle of the day. About 1764 he began to drink whey at dinner and gradually reduced the period during which he was a martyr to the gout from 3 or 4 months to as many weeks. This was


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Rh sake of those "nearest and dearest to him" many privations, which made subsequent affluence more welcome. To improve his preaching he had studied elocution from Sheridan, the father of Richard Brinsley, though he thought that his tutor could not " exemplify his own very good rules." While in this suburban village, for such it then was, his lectures from the pulpit were described as " spirited and fervent, and his manners not less striking. His behaviour appeared quite frank and sociable, and indeed he is generally esteemed by his parishioners." Evidently he was acquiring in Essex the gifts and qualities which were fated to give him distinction in the wider circles of the metropolis. From 1776, when the notorious doctor Dodd was appointed to the united rectories of Hockliffe and Chalgrave in Bedfordshire, Warner seems to have done occasional duty at the former parish, and he was residing there in the summer of 1779. When he took up his abode at Hockliffe, George Selwyn sent a kindly description of his character to Lord Ossory, which that peer "found true in all particulars."

Warner's knowledge of Spanish led to his translating for the booksellers one of the leading romances in that language. This was the "history of the famous preacher Friar Gerund de Campazas," the composition of which was declared in the dedication to be the work of Francisco Lobon de Salazar, the name of the parish priest of St. Peter, at Villagarcia. It was in reality written in that town by his friend, Father Jose Francisco de Isla, a Jesuit who, after the expulsion of his order from Spain was exiled to Bologna, and died there in 1781 at the age of 78. This satire was directed against the popular style of preaching, which aimed at attracting the attention of the congregation at the outset through the quotation of a proverb, a popular jest or some pot-house witticism. From the first this romance was eagerly devoured, and the sobriquet of Friar Gerund was at once given to


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 Rh Warner's opportunity for the full display of that talent in preaching which he had practised in a suburban village of Essex came to him when he acquired the proprietary building of Tavistock chapel, in Broad court off Drury Lane. Many descriptions of his style in oratory have come down to us. One was from his friend, and in some respects his rival, "Jack " Taylor of the Sun, who describes him as taking " two oratorical boxes into the pulpit, one filled with virtues and the other with vices," and avoiding the dry doctrine of the theological controversialist. Another is given in that "diary of a visit to England by an Irishman in 1775 " which was discovered in a " dusty hiding-place in one of the ofhces " of the supreme court of New South Wales, and published at Sydney in 1854. The diarist, the Rev. Doctor Thomas Campbell, on the 26 March 1775, heard from Warner's lips for the first time a good specimen of preaching in England. It was an ideal discourse, delivered in the best possible manner, just such a sermon as his hearer would have given " had it been his lot to be a preacher in any great city." Warner had redeemed in Campbell's eyes the honour of his nation. He did not rely solely on his notes. " He makes excursions and unwritten effusions, which prevail over the warmest, the boldest com- positions ; and then, when he hath exhausted such senti- ments as present themselves, he returns to his notes and takes up the next head, according to his preconceived arrangement. By this discreet conduct he avoids the frozen, beaten track of declamation and keeps clear of the labyrinth of nonsense into which those enthusiasts wander, whose vanity or hypocrisy rejects the clue of composition." George Selwyn, the friend whom Warner served with such absolute devotion, testifies to his great congregation at Tavistock chapel and his many admirers. Personally he was not one of them. Warner had preached in his chape


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 Rh It was known that he was stopping with Bott, and the character of his host's parties was common gossip in the neighbourhood. By service time, the fact that a party of the usual character, lasting far into Sunday morning, had been given by Bott, was the open secret of every member of the congregation. But it was concealed from them that Warner had retired "unharmed in decorous time to his apartment." His appearance in the pulpit was therefore eagerly expected. Punctual as clockwork he mounted the stairs and delivered a "beautiful and touching discourse on the story of the Shunamite woman and her son." At the close of the service many of those present crowded around the preacher with expressions of delight on the sermon. But one old dame who had not forgotten the details of the debauch at Bott's muttered, "Ey, ey—the sarmant was a fine one to be zure; and when I heard un in the pulpit, I thought he wur an angel, but when I hears his rigs out o't, I thinks he is a devil."

Campbell was astonished to find that "according to the custom of London" a duly-ordained clergyman could by a licence from the bishop perform divine service in a chapel which had been built as a speculation. He erred in the statement that the custom was peculiar to this diocese, for proprietary chapels could be found in other cities where wealthy and fashionable congregations met together, and notably at Bath. The preacher's income would be drawn from the pew-rents, and in Warner's case they would bring "a goodly revenue," for Tavistock chapel was "capacious of the square figure, and well-filled." Campbell afterwards learnt that Warner had sold the building for four thousand five hundred pounds, and he naively pens the reflection, "so these shops for preaching are bought and sold like other warehouses or theatres." It has been said that the purchase was made by the rev. John Glen King, D.D., who had held the position of chaplain at St. Petersburgh, and the date of


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 Rh through the arguments of a priest at the church of St. Eustache, she had become a convert to roman Catholicism. Warner was not displeased — " all the portion she asks is only my picture on a snuff box," he says, but he supposes that he " must make a little addition and put some- thing in the box " — for when she took up her abode in a nunnery there would be a larger share of his small means for each of his other sisters and his nephews. That he did not attach much importance to differences in religious observ- ances may be realised from the statement of " Jack" Taylor (records of my life. Vol. L, 177-8) that he was one of the company at dinner with the Rev. Richard Penneck in his rooms at the British Museum, who agreed that a Roman catholic priest might accept from Mr. Townley, himself a Roman catholic, the offer of a " good benefice " in the English church which was in his gift. The priest is said to have been duly instituted, to have become " a favourite preacher with his congregation and to have performed his duties with exemplary zeal and piety." At the beginning of April, 1779, Warner was once more in England, in his bachelor's den at Barnard's Inn, on the south side of Holborn, and one of his first acts in London was to endeavour to see the corpse of poor Miss Ray at the Shakespeare Tavern, so as to send Selwyn an account of it but he " had no interest with her keepers and could not get admittance for money." He had therefore to content him- self by forwarding some details of Hackman, her murderer. Later on, however, he saw Hackman's dead body a " fine corpse " at Surgeon's Hall, and found him a " genteel, well- made young fellow of four and twenty." In his " little cabin," as Warner called his rooms in Barnard's Inn or in his country residence in Bedfordshire, his life ebbed away, in social enjoyment, in preaching, and in the performance of kind acts. He loved good living and his game


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Rh after that the only double bottle of Harry's claret that I had left, I found in an old corner (as they could not again descend to port, or, as the boys at Eton call it, black-strap) one of the two bottles of Burgundy which I took from your cellar when you gave me the key of it ; and, by Jove ! how they did abuse my modesty, finding it so exquisite, that instead of two I did not take two dozen. But having no more, we closed the orifice of the stomach with a pint of Dantzic cherry-brandy, and have just parted in a tolerable state of insensibility to the ills of human life." On another night he dined at Camberwell at the house of sir Claude Crespigny, " Phil's elder brother." His comment was " An immense dinner and an ocean of claret ! " (George Selwyn and his contemporaries, by J. H. Jesse, 1844, IV., pp. 131-2, 365). Warner varied such entertainments by trips on horseback into the country. We find him at one time amid the pleasant fields of Warwickshire. At another he was on a visit to his cousin, George Warner, who lived at Milton near Abingdon, and there through " mauvaise honte " he caught a " most terrible cold." Next month (November 1779) when recovered from this illness he went a-hunting, his horse fell into a ditch " and dashed his rider against the opposite bank." So he was again in bed at Milton, with what might be " a broken rib " and with the news that his old uncle, who had predicted his own death for ten years, had died at last and without leaving him " sixpence to buy a stick of the black wax " with which his letter was sealed. On a third occasion he journied to Scrivelsby in Lincolnshire the seat ot Dymoke, England's champion, and with the head of that family he must have been on very friendly terms, as he held from August to November 1777 the vicarage of Scrivelsby. This was the expedition on which " the brilliant and magnificent exploit of leading a lame horse with a pair of panniers an hundred and sixty miles in five days, was


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Rh Warner's deeds of kindness and sympathy were undoubted. He was exerting himself at one period in his life for the benefit of his nephew. At another time he was flying "directly across country" from Hockliffe to Eton to help a friend's son "now in his last year and with a certainty of King's " who had got into a scrape and was threatened with expulsion. He was full of anxiety in an attempt to secure the post of governess in an English family of quality for a poor Frenchwoman aged 50. In October 1787 he sped from Gloucester to Bath to attend the remains of "his poor departed friend, sir Richard Hoare, to their place of rest at Barnes, in Surrey." When he returned to England about 1794 and took up his abode in Clerkenwell, he witnessed the distress brought upon that district by the watch tax, and exerted himself to the utmost extent to relieve the necessities of the poor workmen around him. He was one of a small set of four persons, three of them being clergymen, who recognised that individual help by small doles was of no avail, and consequently united their resources in order that they might be able by their collective offerings to render effective help to any worthy person in distress. Many good offices were done by and through their co-operation. Penneck of the British Museum was the survivor of these Samaritans. His kindly jocularity broke out in the lines to Mademoiselle Fagnani, the child that Selwyn and some other rakes of the period claimed the parentage of, on her eighth birthday. The opening lines " The morn that gave to Mie Mie birth Provokes the dullest son of earth, Provokes a snail, prosaic creature 1 To try for once, to crawl in metre " are a sufficient specimen of his efforts in poetical compliment. He himself must have thought well of the effusion, for after- wards he signs some of his letters and speaks of himself as F.G. E


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 Rh esteem. The banking family of Hoare, whose head as the squire of Barnes, had known the circumstances of the family for many years, had assisted him and with such help Warner had " been able to support his mother and his nearest relations whom his father, with a great deal of literary merit had left beggars." If the doctor could only get a piece of preferment that would add two or three hundred pounds a year to his income he would be of all men the most happy. Ireland existed at this moment for the benefit of impecunious Englishmen and Selwyn suggested that some preferment in that country, which he might afterwards exchange, should be bestowed upon him. If Selwyn's own benefice of Ludgershall were vacant, he would not ask for Carlisle's services. But the present incumbent was his relation, whom he had brought into the church with the hope of preferments from him. Otherwise he would certainly have given Warner that living and have consigned his kinsman to the good offices of Mr. Townshend. All this was written in the January and February of 1781. Next month Warner was to set off to Aix to " conduct home the Dowager Countess of Carlisle, a lady of very whimsical character," who was infatuated with an adventurer styling himself a German baron. In June he was with her in France and ere the summer was out had returned to his own land. The letters which he wrote during one of his expeditions to meet that countess were " highly diverting " but were so free in their nature that when the rev. Richard Penneck, the jovial superintendent of the reading-room at the British Museum had read them to "Jack " Taylor after a tete-a-tete dinner they were " successively committed to the flames." It would seem that in the late autumn of 1781 Warner was working for peace between France and England. He was to e 2


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 Rh "Howard of Bedford, the jail-man " and Warner met again in the streets of Rome in the early spring of 1786. A letter from Warner under the disguise of " Anglus ' J and with the date of 21 May was circulated in private and inserted in the Gentleman's Magazine for that year (1786, pt i, 359 — 60). It proposed the erection of a statue of Howard in com- memoration of his efforts to help unfortunate humanity. The proposal was adopted at once by Lettsom, the benevolent physician, and John Nichols, the printer, and by the 22nd of November the subscription for the statue amounted to £1418. 17. 6. The design was however checked by a letter from Howard, penned at Venice on 15 December. His modesty forbade the erection of such a monument and the scheme was abandoned. The list of subscribers printed at this date showed promises amounting to £1512. 7. 6. Some of them withdrew their offers but the balance, by far the larger proportion of that total, was duly paid and invested in the funds, in the names of Lettsom, Warner & Nichols. Various propositions were put forward by which the money could be usefully employed, and the sum of £200 was appropriated towards relieving persons confined for small debts. Their liabilities were small indeed, for with that sum no less than 55 debtors were set free. On Howard's death the original scheme was revived and an agreement for a statue of him was con- cluded with John Bacon on 3 Feby. 1792. It was unveiled on the 23rd Feby. 1796 and was the first memorial of that kind placed in St. Paul's Cathedral. This monument led to the friendship of Warner with the Swan of Lichfield. Its erection attracted universal attention, both in the journals of the day and the separate productions of the industrious poetasters. Among these ephemeral pieces was one printed anonymously and entitled " The Triumph of benevolence occasioned by the national design of erecting a


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 Rh took lord Thurlow to Romney's studio and he proved a very good friend to the artist. On another his eloquence brought George Selwvn to see Hay ley who " was much pleased with the courteous old man." Later in that year of 1787 Hayley on another visit to London took rooms, " airy and tranquil," immediately over Warner's set. He was again under the same roof with his friend during the winter of 1788 — 89, when the object of his visit to London was to encourage and assist Romney. When Hayley brought out in 1789 his novel of " The young widow or the history of Cornelia Sedley," his agent with the book- seller was Warner, who displayed such business faculty in the transaction that the author received the sum of £200 for his manuscript. Needless to say that the purchaser lost by his bargain. Warner, " the studious and sprightly," was in need in June 1789 of a change to quiet country life and Hayley fitted up a " cell " for him in a gardener's old quarters. " That room having been cleaned and whitewashed makes a most cheerful and quiet apartment for a studious hermit, and there the good doctor" writes his host "is now settling himself to read and write about ten hours a day." Unfor- tunately for his health he abandoned the use of tobacco and wine, in imitation of Hayley who remonstrated in vain, for " both had contributed not a little to his excellent health and to his florid and comely appearance." A " low obstinate fever " was the result of this precipitate experi- ment and the recluse speedily repaired to London to resume his old habits. While sojourning in this retreat of Eartham he was wont to preach in its parish church to an audience augmented by the attraction of his sermons. Hayley's experience of this intimacy emphasised his conviction that " Warner was pleasant and useful in no common degree. He was a good classical scholar, and perfectly master


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 Rh english church. His wife was Ann Holgate, the heiress of Colne Priory and he held the livings of Earls Colne and Little Yeldham, in Essex and a prebendal stall at St. Pauls. Romney's pictures of him and his wife are famous. Their descendant was Mrs. Gilchrist whose husband wrote the lives of Blake and Etty. Selwyn had a letter from Warner on the 23rd of August, 1790, when he thought it probable that war might be declared by France against England. Four days later he heard that Warner might be expected in England in about three weeks time. In September came the news that he could not leave the hotel de Monaco until the 20th of that month, and that he was full of chagrin at the course which events had taken. Warner as a strong Whig in politics had sympathised with the destruction of the Bastille and, unlike a good many of his associates in politics, he did not allow the excesses that followed to have a material effect upon his opinions. Towards the close of October news came to Anthony Storer, another of the little set that attached them- selves to lord Carlisle, that he had been dismissed from his post. " What was the ground of their misunderstanding " he writes to lord Auckland, " I know not.' ; Definite news on this point soon arrived. He had been deprived of his office because he had delivered from the pulpit of the embassy chapel in the rue St. Dominique a sermon in which he justified the proceedings of the Revolution. Through Selwyn's friendly offices, who knew them both, Warner had long been on friendly terms with Robert Gem, the english physician to the embassy. They were both of them economical in their habits and careful in guarding against the advent of evil days. They were rivals, but friendly rivals, in serving the interests of Selwyn. So far back as 1778 Warner was apprehensive lest Gem should suspect him of endeavouring to divert the favour of Selwyn.


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 Rh the doctor in Paris. He was then on the point of returning to England to take up his residence on the rectory of Stourton which had been conferred on him by his warm friend sir Richard Colt Hoare. He did leave Paris to cross to the shores of Albion but an embargo was laid on him just as he arrived at Boulogne and he prudently did not draw on him the observation of the authorities by any attempt to depart from France. He took up his abode " in a village about two leagues from Boulogne " where he stayed in strict retirement until the tyrannous days of Robespierre had passed over. A glimpse of Warner under the Revolution is given to us in a little volume entitled "leisure-moments in the camp and in the guard-room, by a veteran British officer " which was printed at York in 1812. The dedication to Francis Wrangham is signed J. F. N. and a previous owner of the copy in the library of the British Museum gives the author's name as Neville. He was according to his daily custom taking an early morning walk " on the memorable twenty- first of June" in the Tuileries gardens when he met La Fayette on his milk-white steed, attended by his usual crowd of admirers in a state of more than usual excitement. Neville hastened to convey to Warner the news that the Royal Family had escaped from their jailers but it was not received in the spirit that he expected. The doctor exclaimed " Damn the Miscreants ! Have they escaped ? well, that they may be brought back to Paris before evening and be guillotined before to-morrow morning, are the two wishes next to my heart." Warner was introduced by this friend to the author Mercier, presumably Louis Sebastien, and was taken by him to dine at Mercier's rooms at Mont Rouge. Neville asserts that Warner " could not speak a single word of French," a statement which seems incredible considering the number of occasions on which he had visited the continent, the testimony of


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 Rh France and Italy." This did not exhaust the abuse. He quoted as applicable to Warner, the sentence of Gray on Eusden, once poet-laureate. "Eusden was a person of great hopes in his youth, though at last he turned out a ." The words in the original are "drunken parson," and the reference seems to me a hit below the belt.

In 1797 our Doctor published without his name a little work, issued at 3s. sewed, with the grand title of "Metronariston, or a new pleasure recommended in a dissertation upon a part of Greek & Latin prosody." He had been drawn to a study of the subject by a chance walk with "a learned ecclesiastic at Rome" in the Campo Vaccino, the old Forum, and the Via Sacra. In the latter quarter the priest naturally quoted the Horatian line "Ibam forte via sacra, sicut meus est mos" and quoted it with a "quantity too new and pleasing to my ear to be passed unnoticed." Through his old friend, John Nichols, the editor of the Gentleman's Magazine, the brochure was reviewed in that periodical [March 1797 p. 232] as endeavouring "with much good sense & great pleasantry wholly to explode the present long-established doctrines of quantity and accent and apparently with very great success." Warner wished, to use his own words, that Greek and Latin verses should be read "with a strict observance of the Measure, or as we commonly call it, the Quantity of the syllables." The dedication, a wordy dedication of twelve pages, to Jacob Bryant, the well-known classical scholar, was signed "a disciple of Mekerchus" and prefixed to the volume was a portrait of that worthy. Thereupon the editor of that journal inserted in the April number an account of Mekerchus and a reproduction of his portrait. His name was Meetkercke, derived from an estate almost half-way between Bruges and Blankenberghe. This was possibly the estate with a glorious mediæval barn, about a mile from the station, and about the same distance from


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 Rh book he goes on to say, " is a medley of sense and nonsense, the latter largely predominating, since his fundamental position is that we cannot accentuate a short vowel, without lengthen- it ! But the wit and versatility of the writing make it unique among the dreary tomes of this controversy." Mathias again fastened on his old enemy. This time it was in the fourth dialogue of the " Pursuits of literature." The lines themselves were feeble, and stingless. The venom was in the note and Mathias loved a lengthy note. His point was that the Metronariston was dedicated " without any permission and I think with considerable effrontery to Mr. Bryant in a style perfectly new." He dubs each page of the tract "sillier wilder and more extravagant" than the preced- ing, and sums it up as a " farrago of learned nonsense." Mrs. Thicknesse in her " school for fashion " (1800, 2 vols.) quotes that "late worthy and most respectable character" Dr. Warner as writing some lines of poetry on his return to England, " a three years' stranger to my native land " on the altered disposition of the ladies of his country. He had left them behind in 1790 the " coyest and loveliest of the female kind." They were then " as chaste and modest as the unsunn'd snow " and they came in his view " To angels nearest in this world below." When he came back to Dover's strand in 1793 they were without waist and without modesty. Some of his observations on returning to England were couched in prose and in satire. The country from which he had escaped was depicted on this side of the channel as in the direst straits of poverty, while England revelled in affluence. " Bread " said Warner, writing in London, " costs me fifteen-pence the quartern loaf, a beefsteak and a bottle of wine drains my pocket of between five and six shillings — for fifteen pence I had in this famished country on the other side of the water, my soup, my fish, my gtgot, and my dessert,


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Rh absence of his friend by suspending it over the mantelpiece in the place of an oval print. Before Hayley left the house its owner had returned and the poet had the satisfaction of seeing and hearing his friend's delight over his new acquisition. Warner was "a good looking man" but rather short in person.

Two characteristic letters from him to George Cumberland, poet and artist are in the Additional MS. No. 36498 at the British Museum. That dilettante had sent him a copy of his tale entitled "Lewina, the Maid of Snowdon" which he had published with his etchings and in the same volume with "a poem on the landscapes of Great Britain" in 1793. They could not have been without favour in the eyes of the public for the publisher paid no less than £56 for the profits of the sale, and offered to buy the copyright for £50 more. Cumberland declined this flattering offer, as he was dissatisfied with his productions, and resolved never to republish them. Warner, however, administered to him a strong dose of flattery on the merits of "Lewina." He had never seen "in so small a compass a happier mixture"—at this point his fondness for drollery broke in with the parenthesis "not a nappier mixture for that would make one sleep instead of weep"— "of the Beautiful, Philosophical and Pathetic." Cumberland at this time had never been outside the united kingdom, but Warner put forward the pleasing surmise that the Glen had been drawn "from the enchanting one near Basle called Munster Dale, exalting its rivulet to a foaming flood." These stimulants were effective. Cumberland acknowledges in his memorandum prefixed to the presentation copy of "Lewina" to the rev. John Eagles which is now at the British Museum, that through Warner's persuasion it was included, after correction, in the second volume of his collection of Original Tales. This was not the only piece by Cumberland that Warner took some pleasure in. He


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 Rh thus particular in order to shorten an Odious correspondence of which we ought all to be ashamed." A drawing of the Doctor hung on the wall of one of the parlours in Home Tooke's house at Wimbledon. In his life- time Warner had given a very handsome sum as a subscrip- tion for the publication of the " Diversions of Purley," and he did not forget, when dying, the patriot and philologer with whom he had spent many happy hours. He left "to my very old friend, John Home Tooke, the use of my Tankard at his cheerful board during his life " as well as a mourning ring. If the youth whom Warner had designated as his heir died before the age of 25, Tooke was to receive the substantial bequest of £500 but " if my old friend should go over to the majority before me, his £500 is to be divided between Miss Hart and her sister Charlotte." This was the wording of Warner's will dated four days before his death. Major Cartwright, the prominent reformer, was the recipient of another ring, and one of the Doctor's last literary productions was the memoir of him which appeared in the volume of " Public Characters " for 1799- 1800. Warner's death was due to his fellow-feeling with a politician who had suffered for his opinions. Benjamin Flower, the editor of the "Cambridge intelligencer," a paper which was conspicuous in denouncing the folly of the governing class in 1799, had been imprisoned by the House of Lords in Newgate for an alleged libel upon bishop Watson. The proceedings, says Dr. Garnett ninety years later, had been " of a very arbitrary nature." He married soon after his release a lady who had been herself a martyr for her politics, and Warner caught cold in carrying out his promise of officiating at the ceremony. After a few days' illness " and preserving his recollection and calmness to the last," he died at his house, 14 S c John's Square, Clerkenwell, on the 22nd of January 1800 and was buried F 2


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 Rh dwelling to receive them, and he hoped that the youth would "have a partiality to them, though neither rich nor rare, from my having first acquainted him with Letters by their help."

Philip Courtenay was admitted pensioner of Trinity College Cambridge on 3rd July 1799 at the age of 17 and was then described as the son of John Courtenay of Bath. He became a scholar of his college on the 30th of April, 1802 and graduated B.A. 1805, M.A. 1808. He went to the bar, was admitted at Lincoln's Inn in 1803 and transferred himself to the Inner Temple in 1807. Next year he was duly called and became King's Counsel in 1833, reader of his Inn in 1840 and treasurer in 1841. He went the northern circuit and died at Liverpool on 10 Dec. 1842. For some years he was counsel to the mint. Romney painted in January, 1792, a portrait of Madame de Sillery, his kind friend in Paris, which he gave to Hayley. It was bequeathed by him to Courtenay, by whose daughter it was lent to the Grafton gallery in the spring of 1900 (No. 85).

Such was the career of the rev. John Warner, D.D. His life was passed in a calling for which he had little liking and his friends were allowed to know his feelings. But he conscientiously held strong opinions in politics, which he did not hide from view and they did not tend to his advancement in his profession. He expressed them and he suffered for them. For Selwyn's sake he may sometimes have played a part which was not lofty in its character but he liked his master and was liked by him. Forster and Thackeray have brought out in passages which will never be forgotten the defects of his life, but even they were not blind to the elements of good in his character. To Thackeray he was "kindly and good natured in secret" and the more we know of him, the more cordially can we endorse these words.


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 INDEX Abington, Frances , Mrs.. PAGE Adair, Sir Robert. Akerman, Mr. Albemarle, George Thomas, th earl of. ,, 68 Allen, William Arnall, William. Astley, Jemima . Athenaum, the Bacon, John (sculptor). 19-21,, 53 Bain, Dr 96 Bakewell (Derbyshire). . 134 Bankes, W. J. 101 Banks, sir Joseph ... 20 Barber, Francis (Dr. John- son's servant) ... 19 Baretti, G. M. A. .. . 40 Barnard's Inn. . 45, 54-5 Basset family. 152-3, 168-9 Battoni, P. G.. . .28 Bell, Sir Charles. . . 144 Bensly, Robert ... 96 Benson, Martin, bishop. 9 Bentham, Jeremy. . 16,32 Berdmore family. . . 102 Berkeley, George, bishop. 6 Berry, Miss. 140-41, 151, 154, Bessborough, William, 2nd earl of .... 50 Betty, W. H. W. (young Roscius) .... 87 Billington, Elizabeth, Mrs. . 96 ,, James ... 82 Birch, rev. Thomas, D.D. . 10 Bissons (distillers). . 16 Blundeston (Suffolk). . 48 Boase, Frederic. preface, p. v. >> G. C 90 Booth, Rev. R. S. .. .127 Boscawen, Frances, Mrs. . 150 Boswell, James. 20, 21, 24, 93, -9 Bott, Edward. . . 42-3 Bowles, John ... 93 Boydell, John, alderman. 96 Brander, Gustavus. . 42 Brighton 16-18, 31-33, 158, 182 Britton, John ... 91 Brougham, Henry, lord. 129 Brown, Thomas. 129, 144, 147 Brummell, George 104, 113, 180- Bryant, Jacob. . . 61-3 Burdett, Sir Francis in, 114- 15 Burke, Edmund. 17, 19,20,24-8, ,, Mrs 21 Bury, lady Charlotte. 162-4, I 7° Butler, Charles ... 32 „ Joseph, bishop. . 3 Byron, George Gordon, 6th baron. 84-6, 100-114, 161, 166 Caledonian comet S7 Cambridge, King's college. 104, ,, Pembroke hall. 175 ,, St. John's col- lege. 173-5


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 186 PAGE Cambridge, Trinity college. 38, 69, 101, 175 Campazas. . . 39, 40 Campbell, rev. doctor Thomas. 41 „ Thomas (the poet). . 144 Cannon, very rev. Robert. 7 Canova, Antonio. . -145 Carlisle, Frederick, 5th earl of. . 50-52 ,, Isabella, dowager Countess of. . 51 Carter, Elizabeth ... 5 Cartwright, John, major. 67 Carwardine, rev. Thomas. 56-7 Cater, John .... 3 Chantrey, Sir Francis. . 148 Christchurch (Hampshire). 42-3 Churchill, Charles. . 92 Gibber, Colley ... 98 Clarence, duke of. . -83 Clarke, very rev. Alured. 2 Clarke, E. D.. . .110 Claudius Clear. . .151 Clinometer, a 144 Cockburn, Henry. 12S, 142, 146 Cole, rev. William (of Milton). . . .174 Collins, Anthony ... 5 Colman, George. . . 93-4 Coniers, Mrs. .. . 164 Constable, Archibald. 154, 157 Cooke, William (" conversa- tion


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 186 PAGE Hughes, " Ball ". ,, Mrs., of Uppington Hull, Thomas Humphry, Ozias. Huskisson, William Hutton's museum (Keswick] Huttonian theory of the earth Hyde, Thomas, lord Inchbald, Elizabeth, Mrs. . 82, Inglesham (Wiltshire) . . 4 Irving, Washington . 144, 158 Jackson, John ("gentle- man


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 Rh PAGE Mara, Madame 95 Marcet, Jane, Mrs. .. 165 Mathews, Charles ... go Mathias, T. J.. . 60, 63 Matthews, C. Skinner. 101, 105 „ Henry. . 101, 104 Mauchardt, B. D.. . . 74 Mawson, Matthias, bishop. 9 Meetkercke, Adolphus. .61-2 Mercer, Miss (comtesse de Flahault). . . .111 Mercier, L. S.. . 59 Merry, Robert •. . .82 Metcalfe, Gilbert ... 14 „ Philip. . 14-34 Roger. . 14-15 „ Walter C. 19 „ family of. 15 Metronariston. . .61 Meyer, Jeremiah ... 64 Meyrick, rev. Edward. . 126 Middleton, rev. Conyers Mie Mie (Fagnani Maria) Milton Abbot (Devonshire) Mitford, rev. John ,, William, colonel Monckton, Miss (lady Cork) Moncrieff, William Thomas Monsey, Messenger, M.D. Montagu, Elizabeth, Mrs. Monthly Mirror Moody, John Moore, Sir Henry ,, Thomas More, Hannah „ Sir Thomas (Utopia). Morgan, lady. .154 Morning Post. Morrison, Alfred. Munden, J. S. Murchison, sir Roderick Mure, R. J.. 2 136 30, 150 ,97 148 88-9 96 89 92,114-18,154, 158, 161, 163, 166-7, J 8i -2 i, in 158 20 . Murphy, Arthur Murray, John PAGE • 92-3 S6, 118, 167 N. J. F. [Neville]. . 59 Nappa (Wensleydale). . 14 Neville, J. F.. . -59 Nicholls, rev. Norton. . 48 Nichols, John. . 53, 5S, 61 Nicoll, sir William Robert- son 151 North, lord Frederick (2nd earl of Guilford). . 52 Northcote, James ... 98 Northey, Hopkins. . 121 Oakes, Mr. (a surgeon). 116 Oldys, William. . . 77-8 Omond, T. S.. . .62 Onslow, Arthur (the speaker) 5 Opie, John. . .56, 83, 97 Orrery, John (5th earl of). 12 Oxford, Christ Church. . 126 „ Exeter college. 2, 3, 5 Parsons, William . 96 Paul, cathedral of St. . 20- , 28, Pelham, hon Henry . 98 Pel ham .... . 169 Penneck, rev. Richard. 38,, 45. .97 Perceval, Spencer. . no Perry, James • 93 Peters, rev. William, R. A. . 98 Phillip, Arthur -6 Phillips, Thomas. . 9] Pictet, M.A.. • 137 Pitt, William. . 96-7, 1 . 178 Plaj fair, John 13 »5. J 37 -8, [45 Pope, Alexander (poet) ,, 11 (actor) . 89


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 190 PAGE Porson, Richard. 93, 117, 118 Poulshot (Wiltshire). . 4 Poyntz, Georgiana Ann. 182 Pratt, S.J 54 Price, sir Uvedale. 62, 144 Queensberry, William (4th duke of). . -50 Quin, James .... 95 Raeburn, sir Henry. . 100 Raikes, Thomas. . 118-21 Raine, Jonathan ... 68 „ rev. Matthew. 62, 68 Ramsden, lady Guendolen. 125, Ray, Martha ... 45 Reddish, Samuel ... 95 Rennell, rev. Thomas. . 2, 3 Reynolds, rev. John. . 2 „ sir Joshua 2,19-29,89 Richardson, Joseph. 93, 96 Robinson, "the long" sir Thomas 8 Rogers, Samuel. 153, 161, 167-8 Rolle, John, baron. . 179 Rolliad, the. . . 179, 181 Romney, George. . 54-7, 69 Roscius, the young. . 87 Rosco (an artist at Rome). 75 Rose, George. . 30, 83, 178 „ Stewart, W. .. 167 Royal society. . 29, 130 Rundle, Thomas, bishop. 1-13 Russia, Catharine II., em- press of ... . 25-6 Rutland, Charles, duke of. 174 S., C. K 152 Salisbury, cathedral. . 4, 5 Salons, London. . 149-5 1 Sandys, Barbara, Mrs. .. 13 Satchell, Catherine. . 95 Saunderson family. 153, 169 Savage, Richard ... 9 Scott, Edmund 33 ,, Sir Walter. 87, 129, 154-8, 160, 164, 167, 170-71 Scrivelsby (Lincolnshire). 47 Seeker, Thomas, archbishop 3, . 9 Sedgefield (Durham). . 5 Selwyn, George. . 41-58 Seward, Anna. 53"4> 126-8 Seymour, lord Webb . 124-48 Sharp, Richard ("conversa- tion


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 Rh Stubbes, rev. George. Stubbs, George (solicitor) Stukeley, William Sun, the. Surtees, Robert. Swift, Jonathan. Sykes, rev. Arthur Ashley -7 -10 Talbot, Charles, lord Chan- cellor. . 3, 6, 7, 8 „ Charles Richard. 6 „ Edward. . . 3, 5 „ John. . 12, 13 „ Kitty ... 5 „ William, bishop. 3-6 Tanton, hamlet of 14 Tavistock (Devonshire). 2 „ chapel (London). 41 Taylor, Jeremiah ... 80 ,, John, Chevalier. 72-7 „ John (doctor, Nor- wich). „ John, oculist, No. 2 „ John, oculist, No. 3 „ John Stirling. „ Joseph „ Thomas. „ (blind boy) Temple fountain. Terry, Daniel Tetbury grammar school Thackeray, W. M. Thicknesse, Ann, Mrs.. „ Philip Thomson, James (the poet) „ Dr. John Thrale, Mrs.. Thurlow, Edward, baron Tickell, Richard. -9 i- ,85 ,9, 18 ,56 96, 176 Ticknor, George. 40, in, 160- 1 Tighe, Mrs 154 Tindal, Matthew ... 5 Todhunter, Mr. (of Kendal). 133 PACK Tolcarne mine. . .131 Tomkins, Thomas (the pen man) 91 Tonson, Monsieur. . 89-90 Tooke, John Home. 66-7, 96 Townley, Charles ... 45 Townshend [Charles ?]. 50 „ Charles Fox 182-3 „ Isabella Geor giana „ lord John. family of. True Briton Tulk, Mr. Venn', rev. Richard Vesey, Elizabeth, Mrs. Villagarcia Volunteers of 1803 72-83 82-3 106-7 -8 149 139 Wakefield, Gilbert. . 68 Wales, George, prince of 81, 182 Walpoles, the. . 1, 172 Walter, John ... 83 Ward, J. W., lord Dudley. 141, 154, 164-5 Warner, rev. Ferdinando. 36-8 „ George. „ rev. John, D.D „ rev. Richard. „ family Waterloo bridge. Watiers club. Watson, Richard, bishop White. Webster, sir Godfrey. „ lady Frances Wed derburn „ sir James Weddcr burn. Wenzel, M. J. B. de. • 47 35-70, • 42 . 68 108 . -4 i IOQ 78


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 192 West Ham. PAGE 16,38 Williams, Samuel. PAGE . I48 Westminster, abbey -2I Windham, William , 20,31 „ representation Wolcot, John, Dr., 83, 93 of. . I78 Wood, Isabella . 122 Whimple (Devonshire). Woodfall, George. , 96 Whiston, rev. William. -4,8 Wordsworth, William . 98 Whitbread, Samuel , 181 Worthing, beauty of . 140 White, Lydia -71 Wraxall, sir Nathaniel i> 176 Whitehall banqueting house 23 Wilberforce, William. • 32 Yates, Mary Ann, Mrs. • 95 Wilkes, John . 96 Young, Murdo . . 87 BRADBURY, AfcNEW, & CO. LD., PRINTERS, LONDON AND TONBRIDGE.


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 Rh PAGE Fagnani, Maria ... 49 Fanshawe, Catherine. 130, 162-3 Farren, Elizabeth ... 95 Fawcett, John ... 89 Fawkener, William. 52, 182 Fitzherbert, Maria A., Mrs. . 81 Flaxman, John ... 83 Flower, Benjamin. . 67 Forbes, sir William. 17, 21 Forster, John 35 Fox, Charles James. 174-83 Francis, sir Philip. . 122 Francisco de Isla, father Jose 39 French clergy, distressed. 32 Frend, William. . 38, 40, 68 Frere, John Hookham. . 167 Gakrick, David. . 38, 95 Garrow, sir William. . 93 Gattie, Henry ... 90 Geikie, sir Archibald. . 138 Gem, Robert, physician. 57-8 Genlis, Madame de. 56, 69 Gerund de Campazas, friar 39-40 Gibson, Edmund, bishop. 7 Gifford, John ... 82 Gilchrist, Anne, Mrs. .. 57 Gilpin, rev. William. . 135 Gladstone, W. E.. . . 1 Glen Tilt. . . .138 Glenarbach .... 141 Glover, Richard (" Leoni- das


text: The New Student's Reference Work/Muhlenberg, William Augustus


text: Eight Friends of the Great/Index

title: Eight Friends of the Great/Index


text: The New Student's Reference Work/Muir, John


text: The New Student's Reference Work/Mulatto


text: The New Student's Reference Work/Mulberry


text: The New Student's Reference Work/Mulch

title: The New Student's Reference Work/Mulch


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title: Category:Items missing OTRS ticket ID


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50

OURTED and flattered as he was, yet after staying with the Knight and his lady for some time, Jack grew weary of such an idle life, and set out again in search of new adventures. He went over hills and dales without meeting any, till he came to the foot of a very high mountain. Here he knocked at the door of a small and lonely house, and an old man, with a head as white as snow, let him in.

"Good father," said Jack, "can you lodge a traveller who has lost his way?"

"Yes," said the hermit, "I can, if you will accept such fare as my poor house affords."

Jack entered, and the old man set before him some bread and fruit for his supper. When Jack had eaten as much as he chose, the hermit said,—

"My son, I know you are the famous conqueror of Giants;


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 FOREWORD

little book represents the fulfilment of a promise to put into permanent form certain impromptu talks on landscape painting given before the Art Students' League of New York at its summer school at Woodstock, N. Y. No effort has been made to elaborate the themes treated, the writer feeling that what might be gained in literary form might very well be lost in spontaneity and conciseness of statement. It is hardly necessary to say that these little talks make no claim to infallibility of judgment. They simply represent the present beliefs and convictions of a painter who is himself still a


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 ; but they are sincere, at least, and "straight from the shoulder."

It is to be regretted that the art of color printing has not yet reached a stage of development where it can be trusted with the reproduction of a masterpiece of landscape, which often depends for its beauty on color-tones and color-transitions of extreme delicacy. In the present volume it has been judged best to confine the reproductions to simple half-tones in black and white—to give no color rather than color which is false and misleading; and the illustrations here included are therefore presented, not as adequate representations of the works themselves, but as hints and suggestions only of the qualities which give to those works their distinction and their beauty.

Thanks are due to the editors of Scribner's Magazine, The North


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  Review, The International Studio, and Palatte and Brush for permission to reprint here certain of the chapters which have already appeared in the publications mentioned. B. H.

[ix]


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some occult reason in which the two factors of race and psychology are intimately blended, landscape art in its best expression is and ever has been confined within the narrow geographical limits of Northern and Western Europe. Oriental art—the art of Persia, Japan, and India—has always been more or less abstract and symbolical; and, as the art of a people invariably reflects the character of the race which gave it birth, we may deduce with


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 a much greater one, and the only thing we can predict with certainty is that the unexpected will occur. But we do at least know that the door is ajar, that the glorious sunlight is out there, just beyond, and that nothing can keep us longer cooped up in-doors.


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 impeccable—and absolutely worthless. When will the world learn that art can not be manufactured?


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 ) of the laws of "refraction," a much more subtle and elusive visual phenomenon of which I will say a word in the following chapter.


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 final painting may be accomplished with that dash and freedom which, say what you may, will always remain an admirable quality in a picture.


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 unnecessary, and all will be stated in terms of beautiful color.

This is not yet however; and any art which is to endure must be true to the spirit of its own age.


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 rather than increasing their proportions.

"Don't put in a single unnecessary feature." Everything which does not contribute to the grace, or the beauty, or the force, or the sentiment of your picture detracts from it.

But unquestionably the best rule of all is to keep the eyes always wide open and observant of the things about you, for the most beautiful compositions in the world are always the daring and unexpected arrangements of nature. It behooves us to see them.


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 certainty the character of the Oriental from the character of his art. By reversing the same reasoning we reach the conclusion that the simple existence of our Aryan ancestors (lived close to nature in the constant companionship of elemental things) has found expression in the landscape art of their remote descendants. The artistic temperament is no growth of a day. It has its roots in the far-away beginnings of a people, and we make no unwarranted presumption in asserting that the landscape or marine painter of to-day is at last giving expression to the groping instincts and ideals of his cave-dwelling forbears. The blinding storms with which they battled, the mountains they scaled in the pursuit of game, the waves they rode in their primitive canoes, the hard winters that froze their blood, and the soft spring suns that warmed them,


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Author:Lovell Birge Harrison

Works

 * Landscape Painting (1909)

title: Author:Lovell Birge Harrison


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Page:Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire vol 1 (1897).djvu/405

Rh territory. He even entertained some thoughts of compelling the Germans to relinquish the exercise of arms, and to trust their differences to the justice, their safety to the power, of Rome. To accomplish these salutary ends, the constant residence of an Imperial governor, supported by a numerous army, was indispensably requisite. Probus therefore judged it more expedient to defer the execution of so great a design; which was indeed rather of specious than solid utility. Had Germany been reduced into the state of a province, the Romans, with immense labour and expense, would have acquired only a more extensive boundary to defend against the fiercer and more active barbarians of Scythia.

Instead of reducing the warlike natives of Germany to the condition of subjects, Probus contented himself with the humble expedient of raising a bulwark against their inroads. The country which now forms the circle of Swabia had been left desert in the age of Augustus by the emigration of its ancient inhabitants. The fertility of the soil soon attracted a new colony from the adjacent provinces of Gaul. Crowds of adventurers, of a roving temper and of desperate fortunes, occupied the doubtful possession, and acknowledged, by the payment of tithes, the majesty of the empire. To protect these new subjects, a line of frontier garrisons was gradually extended from the Rhine to the Danube. About the reign of Hadrian, when that mode of defence began to be practised, these garrisons were connected and covered by a strong intrenchment of trees and palisades. In the place of so rude a bulwark, the emperor Probus constructed a stone wall of a considerable height, and strengthened it by towers at convenient distances. From the neighbourhood of Neustadt and Ratisbon on the Danube, it stretched across hills, valleys, rivers, and morasses, as far as Wimpfen on the Neckar, and at length terminated on the banks of the Rhine, after a winding course of near two hundred miles. This


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CANTO I.] Mighty he was at both of these, And styled of War as well as Peace. So some rats of amphibious nature, Are either for the land or water. But here our authors make a doubt. Whether he were more wise, or stout. Some hold the one, and some the other; But howsoe'er they make a pother, The diff'rence was so small, his brain Outweigh'd his rage but half a grain; Which made some take him for a tool That knaves do work with, call'd a Fool. For t' has been held by many, that As Montaigne, playing with his cat, Complains she thought him but an ass, Much more she would Sir Hudibras: For that's the name our valiant knight To all his challenges did write. But they're mistaken very much, 'Tis plain enough he was no such; We grant, although he had much wit, H' was very shy of using it;


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6 As being loth to wear it out, And therefore bore it not about, Unless on holy-days, or so, As men their best apparel do. Beside, 'tis known he could speak Greek As naturally as pigs squeak; That Latin was no more difficile, Than to a blackbird 'tis to whistle: Being rich in both, he never scanted His bounty unto such as wanted; But much of either would afford To many, that had not one word. For Hebrew roots, although they're found To flourish most in barren ground, He had such plenty, as sufficed To make some think him circumcised; And truly so, perhaps, he was 'Tis many a pious Christian's case. He was in Logic a great critic, Profoundly skill'd in analytic; He could distinguish, and divide A hair 'twixt south, and south-west side: On either which he would dispute, Confute, change hands, and still confute, He'd undertake to prove, by force Of argument, a man's no horse;


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 The Salticidae (Araneae) of Panama

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS


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222  Strong beer, a liquor extracted with very little art from wheat or barley, and corrupted (as it is strongly expressed by Tacitus) into a certain semblance of wine, was sufficient for the gross purposes of German debauchery. But those who had tasted the rich wines of Italy, and afterwards of Gaul, sighed for that more delicious species of intoxication. They attempted not, however (as has since been executed with so much success), to naturalize the vine on the banks of the Rhine and Danube; nor did they endeavour to procure by industry the materials of an advantageous commerce. To solicit by labour what might be ravished by arms was esteemed unworthy of the German spirit. The intemperate thirst of strong liquors often urged the barbarians to invade the provinces on which art or nature had bestowed those much envied presents. The Tuscan who betrayed his country to the Celtic nations attracted them into Italy by the prospect of the rich fruits and delicious wines, the productions of a happier climate. And in the same manner the German auxiliaries, invited into France during the civil wars of the sixteenth century, were allured by the promise of plenteous quarters in the provinces of Champagne and Burgundy. Drunkenness, the most illiberal, but not the most dangerous of our vices, was sometimes capable, in a less civilized state of mankind, of occasioning a battle, a war, or a revolution.

The climate of ancient Germany has been mollified, and the soil fertilized, by the labour of ten centuries from the time of Charlemagne. The same extent of ground, which at present maintains, in ease and plenty, a million of husbandmen and artificers, was unable to supply an hundred thousand lazy warriors with the simple necessaries of life. The Germans abandoned their immense forests to the exercise of hunting, employed in pasturage the most considerable part of their lands, bestowed on the small remainder a rude and careless cultivation, and then accused the scantiness and sterility of a country that refused to maintain the multitude of its inhabitants. When the return of famine severely admonished them of the importance of the arts, the national distress was sometimes alleviated by the


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CANTO I.] He'd prove a buzzard is no fowl, And that a Lord may be an owl, A calf an Alderman, a goose a Justice, And rooks, Committee-men and Trustees. He'd run in debt by disputation, And pay with ratiocination. All this by syllogism, true In mood and figure, he would do.
 * For Rhetoric, he could not ope

His mouth, but out there flew a trope; And when he happen'd to break off I' th' middle of his speech, or cough, H' had hard words,ready to show why, And tell what rules he did it by; Else, when with greatest art he spoke, You'd think he talk'd like other folk, For all a Rhetorician's rules Teach nothing but to name his tools. But when he pleased to show 't, his speech In loftiness of sound was rich;


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8 A Babylonish dialect, Which learned pedants much affect. It was a parti-colour'd dress Of patch'd and pie-bald languages; 'Twas English cut on Greek and Latin, Like fustian heretofore on satin. It had an odd promiscuous tone, As if h' had talk'd three parts in one; Which made some think, when he did gabble, Th' had heard three labourers of Babel; Or Cerberus himself pronounce A leash of languages at once. This he as volubly would vent As if his stock would ne'er be spent: And truly, to support that charge, He had supplies as vast and large; For he could coin, or counterfeit New words, with little or no wit; Words so debas'd and hard, no stone Was hard enough to touch them on. And when with hasty noise he spoke 'em, The ignorant for current took 'em; That had the orator, who once Did fill his mouth with pebble stones When he harangued, but known his phrase, He would have used no other ways. In Mathematics he was greater Than Tycho Brahe, or Erra Pater:


text:
Author:Tycho Ottesen Brahe

Works

 * An English translation of most of the Mechanica was printed in Copenhagen in 1946 as Tycho Brahe's description of his instruments and scientific work, translated and edited by Hans Raeder, Elis Strömgren, and Bengt Strömgren.

 * De nova stella (1573)
 * Astronomiae Instauratae Mechanica (1598)

Works about Brahe

 * Tycho Brahe: a picture of scientific life and work in the sixteenth century by John Louis Emil Dreyer, 1852–1926 (1890)
 * "Tycho Brahe" in Kepler (1920) by Walter William Bryant
 * Tycho Brahe: a picture of scientific life and work in the sixteenth century by John Louis Emil Dreyer, 1852–1926 (1890)
 * "Tycho Brahe" in Kepler (1920) by Walter William Bryant
 * "Tycho Brahe" in Kepler (1920) by Walter William Bryant

title: Author:Tycho Ottesen Brahe


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 have all been woven into the fabric of the race. In this way only can we explain the fact that the peoples of Northern Europe have alone been able to comprehend and place upon canvas the ever-varying moods of nature—savage, cruel, and relentless at times, and at times exquisitely gentle, brooding, and poetic.

What is more difficult to explain, however, is the fact that this ability should only have developed and ripened within the last hundred years. Of course, viewed in the larger sense, European pictorial art, as a whole, is a comparatively modern thing—a mere matter of four or five centuries. But in its earliest development it was in no sense an expression of out-of-door life or out-of-door feeling.

This is doubtless in part explained by the fact that the earliest European art


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User:Mdupont/Archive/WHY YUGO-NOSTALGISTS ARE WRONG

This article information has been preserved here because it is no longer available. http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/News/Trifkovic/NewsST041300.htm

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article from from here originally http://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/News/Trifkovic/NewsST041300.htm title:Why Yugo-Nostalgists are Wrong source: date:April 13, 2000

Title
The Rockford Institute ^ | 1-4-00 | Srdja Trifkovic WHY YUGO-NOSTALGISTS ARE WRONG The problem was not in Yugoslavia’s demise but in the way it was affected by Srdja Trifkovic

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 was an Oriental derivative(see the Byzantine school), and that it remained throughout the whole of the Italian Renaissance in the service of the Oriental religion which we had imported from Palestine. Moreover, the Italians were themselves more or less Oriental in character, with the subtle southern temperament and the southern mental bias. There was little of the cave-dweller or the viking in their ancestry.

However this may be, it is quite certain that the old masters knew little about landscape—and cared less. Their concern was with humanity; its joys and its sorrows; its loves and its passionate hatreds; its wars; its pageants; its faiths and its superstitions. Landscape to them was never more than a stage setting, a background against which the human actors played their parts. Viewed simply in this light, it was not


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 only adequate, but frequently artistic and admirably beautiful. Nevertheless, it was not landscape at all in the modern sense of the word—landscape as we know it. It was conventional in form, false in color, and devoid of atmosphere and luminosity.

Not until the early years of the nineteenth century, and then in far-away England, did the first true school of landscape make its appearance. A small group of painters, the best known of whom perhaps were Constable, Crome, and Bonington, went out into the fields, and brought back pictures which were the first true impressions of out-door nature ever placed upon canvas. Their achievement was unique. Indeed, it was one of the most astounding intellectual feats of all time, and it has never received a fraction of the praise which is its just due.


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 Art, be it remembered, is a thing of infinitely slow growth, each school building upon the foundations prepared by its forerunners, each generation adding its mite to the general store of knowledge and experience.

The English portrait men of the same period, for instance, although fine painters, simply followed in the tracks of the old masters. There is nothing especially original in the canvases of Reynolds, Gainsborough, or Romney. But this little band of landscapists, with no artistic parents, with no predecessors to point out the way, suddenly evolved a totally new art out of thin air. Their discoveries, it is true, were confined to the realm of color, but their achievements in that domain were sufficiently remarkable to give England a place which she could never otherwise have had among the art-producing nations of the world.


text: United Nations Security Council Meeting 3988


text: Index:United Nations Security Council Meeting 3988 1010.3370v1.pdf


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 Rh

Fifty-fourth Year th Meeting

Wednesday, 24 March 1999, 5.35 p.m.

New York

Agenda Letter dated 24 March 1999 from the Permanent Representative of the Russian Federation to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/1999/320) 99-85209 (E)


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126 two books of regulations and a time-table of the trains. At first Semyon could not sleep at night, and learnt the whole time-table by heart. Two hours before a train was due he would go over his section, sit on the bench at his hut, and look and listen whether the rails were trembling or the rumble of the train could be heard. He even learned the regulations by heart, although he could only read by spelling out each word.

It was summer; the work was not heavy; there was no snow to clear away, and the trains on that line were infrequent. Semyon used to go over his verst twice a day, examine and screw up nuts here and there, keep the bed level, look at the water-pipes, and then go home to his own affairs. There was only one drawback—he always had to get the inspector's permission for the least little thing he wanted to do. Semyon and his wife were even beginning to be bored.

Two months passed, and Semyon commenced to make the acquaintance of his neighbours, the track-walkers on either side of him. One was a very old man, whom the authorities were always meaning to relieve. He scarcely moved out of his hut. His wife used to do all his work. The other track-walker, nearer the station, was a young man, thin, but muscular. He and Semyon met for the first time on the line midway between the huts. Semyon took off his hat and bowed. "Good health to you, neighbour," he said

The neighbour glanced askance at him. "How do you do?" he replied; then turned around and made off.

Later the wives met. Semyon's wife passed the time of day with her neighbour, but neither did she say much.

On one occasion Semyon said to her: "Young woman, your husband is not very talkative."

The woman said nothing at first, then replied: "But what is there for him to talk about? Every one has his own business. Go your way, and God be with you."

However, after another month or so they became acquainted. Semyon would go with Vasily along the line, sit on the edge of a pipe, smoke, and talk of life. Vasily, for the most part, kept silent, but Semyon talked of his village, and of the campaign through which he had passed.