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 TILNEY, EDMUND (d. 1610), master of the revels, seems to have been third son of Thomas Tilney of Shelley, Suffolk, by his wife, a daughter of Antony Swilland in the same county. Thomas Tilney, the father, was grandson of Sir Philip Tilney of Shelley (d. 1534), who was treasurer in the expedition to Scotland in 1522 under Thomas Howard, third duke of Norfolk; the duke's second wife was Sir Philip's sister Agnes, and the Tilney family was very proud of this relationship. Edmund Tilney has been erroneously identified with his cousin Emery Tilney, a poor scholar of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, who about 1543 was a pupil there of the Scottish reformer George Wishart (cf., Athenæ Cantabr. i. 559). Emery Tilney subsequently contributed ‘An Account of Master George Wiseheart’ to Foxe's ‘Acts and Monuments’ (v. 626). It is just possible that he was author of a poem in octave stanzas entitled ‘Here begynneth a song of the Lordes Supper. Finis quot E.T.’ London, by William Copland, 1550? (, Cat. 1833).

Edmund Tilney first came into notice as the author of a prose tract, ‘A Briefe and Pleasant Discourse of Duties in Mariage called the Flower of Friendshippe,’ which was published in London in octavo by Henry Denham in 1568. The work, which shows considerable reading in Italian literature, was dedicated by the author to Queen Elizabeth. It reached a second edition within a year of its first publication, and it was reissued in 1571. On 24 July 1579 Tilney was appointed master of the revels in the royal household, and he held the office for nearly thirty years. All dramatic performances and entertainments at court were under his control. He selected the plays and helped to devise the masques which were performed in the sovereign's presence, while outside the court he was entrusted with the task of licensing plays for public representation and publication. He was consequently in continual intercourse from 1593 onwards with Philip Henslowe [q. v.], the chief theatrical manager of the period, and the payments that he received from Henslowe and the other theatrical managers by way of licensing-fees formed an important part of his income. During his long tenure of office the greatest productions of the Elizabethan and Jacobean drama, including the greater number of Shakespeare's plays, were submitted to his criticism in manuscript before they were represented on the stage. After the accession of James I a reversionary grant of the mastership of the revels was made on 13 July 1603 to Sir George Buc [q. v.], whose mother seems to have been Tilney's sister. Buc thenceforth often acted as Tilney's deputy, but Tilney licensed for publication a piece called ‘Cupid's Whirligig’ by Edward Sharpham [q. v.] on 29 June 1607. Next year, owing to age and infirmity, he apparently retired from the active exercise of his functions in favour of Buc, and withdrew to a residence he owned at Leatherhead, Surrey. He died on 20 Aug. 1610. He was licensed to marry, on 4 May 1583, Mary, widow and fourth wife of Sir Edmund Bray, knt. (d. 1581) (, Marriage Licenses, col. 1343).

Edmund Tilney's cousin, Charles Tilney (1561–1586), only son of Philip Tilney of Shelley (b. 1539), by Anne, daughter of Francis Framlington of Crowshall in Debenham, Suffolk, was born on 23 Sept. 1561. At an early age he became a gentleman pensioner at Elizabeth's court, and there made the acquaintance of the catholic courtier Anthony Babington [q. v.] In Babington's conspiracy against the queen Tilney was induced to take a part. He was arrested with his fellow-conspirators early in September 1586, was convicted of high treason on the 16th, and was hanged and quartered in St. Giles's Fields on the 20th. Collier states that he met with a manuscript note by Sir George Buc [q. v.] in a copy of the 1595 edition of the ‘Tragedy of Locrine,’ stating that Charles Tilney was author of that piece. The statement seems improbable, and we have no means of testing it (State Trials, i. 1127 et seq.;, Hist. of England, and art. ).

[Davy's Manuscript Suffolk Collections (pedigrees) in Brit. Mus. MS. 19152, ff. 27 et seq.; Metcalfe's Visitations of Suffolk, pp. 77, 170; Lysons's Environs of London, i. 365; Variorum Shakespeare, 1821, iii. 57; Collier's Bibl. Cat. i. 95, ii. 435, and Hist. of Dramatic Poetry, i. 360; Cunningham's Accounts of the Masters of Revels; E. K. Chambers's Tudor Revels 1907; Cooper's Athenæ Cantabr. i. 559.]

 TILNEY, JOHN (fl. 1430), Carmelite friar, seems to have had some connection with the Grey Friars of Colchester, and is said to have been ordained acolyte on 19 Sept. 1405 (, Bibl. Brit.-Hib. p. 713 n.) He was doctor of theology of Cambridge and a teacher and disputant of some note there. He took the vows at Yarmouth, where he became prior of the Carmelite house. An entry in the Lincoln register under 26 March 1474 of the probate of the will of one John Tylney does not in all probability concern the Carmelite friar (ib. p. 714;, Statutes of Lincoln, ii. 459, 467, 489; but cf. , Fasti, ii. 185).


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 Tilney seems to have attained special distinction as an exponent of the scriptures, and wrote several treatises, of which the titles were, according to Bale, ‘In Sententias,’ ‘In Apocalypsin,’ ‘Lecturæ Scholasticæ,’ and ‘Conciones.’ Only the last is now known to be extant. It is in Gonville and Caius College MS. i. 9, and is an exposition of the Gospel of St. John. Bale points out the reforming tendency of the teaching of the ‘In Apocalypsin,’ no copy of which is now known.

[Tanner's Bibl. Brit.-Hib. pp. 713–14; Leland's Commentarii … de Script. Brit. pp. 446–7, ed. 1709; Pitseus' De Illustr. Angl. Script. p. 621, ed. 1619; Bale's Script. Illustr. Catalogus, pp. 573–4, ed. 1559; Villiers de St. Etienne's Bibl. Ord. Carmel. ii. 126.]  TILSLEY, JOHN (1614–1684), puritan divine, born in Lancashire, probably near Bolton, in 1614, was educated at Edinburgh University, where he graduated M.A. on 22 July 1637. He became curate to Alexander Horrocks, vicar of Deane, Lancashire, and signed the national protestation there on 23 Feb. 1641–2. He was with Sir John Seaton's forces when they took Preston on 9 Feb. 1642–3, and wrote an account of the affair (, Civil War Tracts, 1844, p. 71). The benefice of Deane was given to him by a draft order of the House of Lords on 10 Aug. 1643, his predecessor Horrocks being retained at Deane as assistant minister until 1648. Tilsley was appointed by parliament on 13 Dec. 1644 as one of the ordaining ministers in Lancashire. He took the covenant, and became one of the leading and most rigid presbyterians in the county. In 1646 he joined with Heyrick, Hollinworth, and others in petitioning parliament to set up an ecclesiastical government in Lancashire, according to the advice of the assembly of divines, and in the same year wrote a vindication of the petition and its promoters, in answer to a pamphlet in the independent interest, entitled ‘A New Birth of the City Remonstrance.’ Parliament answered the petition by establishing presbyterianism in Lancashire by an ordinance dated 2 Oct. 1646, and Tilsley became a principal member of the Bolton or second classis. He signed the intolerant ‘harmonious consent’ of the ministers of Lancashire in 1648, and the answer to ‘the Paper called the Agreement of the People’ in 1649. He was ejected from his benefice in 1650 for declining to take ‘the engagement,’ but soon regained possession. Humphrey Chetham [q. v.], who died in 1653, made Tilsley one of the feoffees of his hospital and library, and one of the purchasers of books for the five church libraries that he founded. Details of the zealous way in which he fulfilled his trusteeship, and of the narrow spirit in which he made the selection of books, are given in Christie's ‘Old Church and School Libraries of Lancashire’ (Chetham Society, 1885). He seemed inclined in 1655 to accept an invitation to Newcastle, but pressure was brought upon him to stay at Deane church, where he remained until his ejection by the Act of Uniformity in 1662. He continued to live in the house adjoining the church, and was allowed to preach occasionally in neighbouring churches, and even to hold some office at Deane church. He was finally silenced for nonconformity in 1678, and spent the rest of his days in private life at Manchester. The diaries of Henry Newcome, Adam Martindale, and Oliver Heywood show him to have been on intimate terms with those divines. According to Calamy ‘he had prodigious parts, a retentive memory which made whatsoever he read his own, a solid judgment, a quick invention, and a ready utterance.’ Newcome complained of his querulousness and irregular temper. Tilsley died at Manchester on 12 Dec. 1684, and was buried at Deane four days later.

Tilsley married, on 4 Jan. 1642–3, at Manchester, Margaret, daughter of Ralph Chetham, and niece of Humphrey Chetham. She died on 28 April 1663. Three daughters survived him.

[The memoir of Tilsley by John E. Bailey, reprinted from Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Notes, 1884, contains all the necessary references to authorities; see also Shaw's Minutes of the Manchester and Bury Presbyterian Classes (Chetham Soc. 1890–6).]  TILSON, HENRY (1659–1695), portrait-painter, born in Yorkshire in 1659, was son of Nathaniel Tilson, and grandson of Henry Tilson (1576–1655), bishop of Elphin and formerly chaplain to the Earl of Strafford in Ireland. Tilson studied portrait-painting under Sir Peter Lely [q. v.], and worked for him. After Lely's death in 1680, Tilson went to Italy with Michael Dahl [q. v.], and they each painted the other's portrait while at Rome and exchanged them. On his return to England Tilson obtained some repute as a painter of portraits in oil and crayons, but in the stiff and heavy manner of the period. Being well connected, he was in the way of a successful career, when he shot himself, in 1695, at the age of thirty-six, through disappointment in love. A portrait group of his father, Nathaniel Tilson, and family, and Tilson's own portrait by himself are in the possession of the representative of the family,

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into North Wales to obtain the assistance of his brothers-in-law, while his wife Gwenllian, 'like an Amazon and a second Penthesilea,' commanded his followers in the south. She was slain in battle by Maurice of London, lord of Kidwelly; Morgan, one of her youthful sons by Gruffydd, perished with her, and a second, Maelgwn, was taken prisoner (ib. 78-9). But Owain and Cadwaladr, sons of Gruffydd ab Cynan, now came down from the north, destroyed Aberystwith Castle, and in the second week of October they fought along with Gruffydd ab Rhys a great battle near Aberteivi (Cardigan), in which they won a decided victory over Stephen, constable of Aberteivi, 'all the Flemings, all the marchers, and all the French from Abernedd to Aberteivi' (Brut y Tywysogion, sub an. 1135; Ann. Cambr. sub an. 1136; . ii. 97;, vi. 118). No help came to the vanquished from England (cf. Gesta Stephani, p. 13, Engl. Hist. Soc.), and Gruffydd ab Rhys seems to have been restored to considerable portions of his ancient inheritance. 'After the recovery of his lands,' says the 'Gwentian Brut' (p. 111), 'Gruffydd son of Rhys made a noble feast in the vale of Towy, and provided every dainty, every disputation in wisdom, and every amusement of vocal and instrumental music, and welcomed the bards and minstrels. And Gruffydd ab Cynan and his sons came to the feast. And after the feast Gruffydd son of Rhys convoked the wise men and scholars and took counsel and established courts in every cantrev and cymmwd. And the French and English were sorry and complained to King Stephen; but as Stephen did not know what to do he gave no answer.'

In 1137 Gruffydd was slain through the treachery of the new wife that had replaced Gwenllian ( ii. 98). ' He was, says the 'Brut y Tywysogion, 'the light, the strength, and the gentleness of the men of the south.' In recording his death the monks of the Glamorgan abbey of Margam describe him as king of the men of Dyved (Annales Monastici, i. 14). His sons (d. 1175 [q. v.], Anarawd, Maredudd, and the Lord Rhys [q. v.], succeeded to his precarious and doubtful power.

[Annales Cambriæ and Brut y Tywysogion (Rolls Ser.); Gwentian Brut y Tywysogion (Cambrian Archæological Association); Giraldus Cambrensis, Itinerarium Kambriæ, in Opera, vol. vi. (Rolls Ser.); Florence of Worcester, vol ii. (Engl. Hist. Soc.)]   GRUFFYDD RHYS (d. 1201), South Welsh prince, was the son of the Lord Rhys ab Gruffydd [q. v.], and was grandson of Gruffydd ab Rhys (d. 1137) [q. v.] His mother seems to have been Gwenllian, daughter of Madog, son of Maredudd, prince of Powys (, Itinerarium Kambriæ, in Opera vi. 15, Rolls Ser.) In 1188 he was already grown up, and was with his father when he received Archbishop Baldwin at Aberteivi (ib. p. 113). He accompanied the crusading party as far as Strata Florida ib. p. 119). The family of the Lord Rhys was broken up by fierce domestic quarrels. Maelgwn, his eldest son, was in 1189 imprioned by his father. Gruffydd now without his father's knowledge handed him over to the custody of his father-in-law William de Braose [q. v.] (Annales Cambriæ, sub an.) Deadly hostility henceforth reigned between the two brothers. In 1191 Gruffydd got possession of the castle of Llanhyver or Nevern in northern Dyved, which his father, on his instigation, had treacherously taken away from his brother-in-law, William Fitz-Martin (, vi. 111; Annales Cambriæ, sub an.) In 1192 his quarrel with Maelgwn, now again reconciled to his father, caused Rhys to fail in his siege of Swansea. A little later Nevern fell into the hands 'of the man he hated most in the world, his brother Maelgwn.' Two years later Maelgwn put his father into prison.

Rhys died on 28 April 1197. Gruffydd now paid a hasty visit to the English court, and obtained the recognition of his title. He won Peter de Leia, bishop of St. David's, to his side by submitting to be scourged as a penance for an outrage of his father on the bishop, for which Rhys had died excommunicated ('Ann. de Winton ' in Ann Mon. ii. 66). But the exiled Maelgwn soon came back, captured Aberystwith, and conquered all Ceredigion. Gruffydd at last fell into his brother's hands, and was handed over to the custody of his ally [q. v.], prince of Powys, who sold him to the king, who imprisoned him in Corfe Castle (ib. p. 68). In 1198, however, Gruffydd was released when Gwenwynwyn deserted the English. Gruffydd now managed to wrest from Maelgwn 'his share of his territory, excepting the two castles of Aberteivi and Ystradmeurig,' which Maelgwn, despite the most solemn oaths, persisted in retaining. The war of the brothers still continued. In 1199 Maelgwn got hold of Gruffydd's new castle of Dineirth, but Gruffydd possessed himself through treachery of Cilgerran, and in 1200 pressed Maelgwn so hard that he sold Aberteivi to the English rather than let his brother have it. On 22 Nov. 1200 he was at Lincoln witnessing the homage of William, king of Scots, and the funeral of St. Hugh (, iv. 142). In 1201 Gruffydd


text:
Author:Jane Taylor

Works

 * Life a Flower of the Field
 * Twinkle, Twinkle, Little Star
 * The Violet

Works about Taylor

 * Chapter 7 of Women worth Emulating (1877), by Clara Lucas Balfour

title: Author:Jane Taylor


text:
1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Paris

PARIS (see 20.804). The population of the French capital, — 2,847,229 at the census of 1911, — was 2,906,472 at the census of 1921. In view of the rapid German advance on Paris after the outbreak of war in August 1914, steps were quietly taken to evacuate as many as possible of the civilian population; and on the night of Sept. 2 the President and ministers left the city for Bordeaux, where the Government was temporarily transferred. But the victory of the Marne removed the peril from Paris, and in December the Government returned there.

Paris during the World War was bombarded by aeroplane, Zeppelin, and artillery; 746 bombs were dropped from the air, killing 266 persons and wounding 603; German long-range artillery fired 303 shells into Paris, killing 256 persons and wounding 620. The first air raid was made on Aug. 30 1914, by aeroplane and in daylight. The first Zeppelin raid took place by night on March 21 1915. The worst air raid was made on the night of Jan. 30-31 1918, when 91 bombs fell upon the city itself and 178 on the suburbs. The long-range bombardment began on March 23 1918, and continued until Aug. 9, with many intervals of calm, there being only 44 days upon which the Berthas were active. The existence of such long-range artillery being unknown when the first shells fell at an early hour of the morning, it was imagined that German aircraft, hidden high behind the clouds, must be engaged. All work in the city was at a standstill until noon, when the regularity with which the projectiles exploded at intervals of about 20 minutes, and an examination of some of their fragments, showed that a new engine of war was at work. The first two days of bombardment were the heaviest from the point of view of the number of shells fired, but from the number of casualties caused, March 29, when only one shell fell in Paris, was the most costly. That one shell fell during Good Friday service on the church of St. Gervais, bringing down with it a large portion of the roof; 88 people were killed and 68 wounded.

The air defences of Paris were not properly organized until March 1918. In fact organization had not been necessary, as German air services concentrated all their bombing raids upon England during the years 1916-8. The results obtained by the Paris system of air defences were as follows: on 13 different occasions, on which 107 aeroplanes all-told were employed, no single raider was able to reach Paris; of the 483 planes sent by the enemy to Paris in 1918, only 37 reached the city, and 13 were brought down; and only 11,680 kgm. of bombs were thrown upon the city.

The war being over, the work of demolishing the fortifications encircling the city was begun in 1919, in accordance with a grandiose scheme which would give Paris another ring of boulevards nearly 30 m. in length. It was intended that some of the ground thus made available should be used for building purposes, in the hope of solving the acute housing problem. It was proposed to keep much of it as garden, and to build numbers of well-equipped playing-grounds, and air stations round the city. One portion of the available space, S. of the city, was to be set apart for “University City,” where accommodation would be provided for students of all nationalities; to include recreation and sports grounds, swimming-baths, etc. The site chosen is near the Parc Montsouris.

title: 1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Paris


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 Rh ground no longer peace and plenty, but fire and war. Then the quern went fast and furious, and that very night came Mysing the Sea-rover, and slew Frodi and all his men, and carried off the quern; and so Frodi's peace ended. The maidens the Sea-rover took with him, and when he got on the high seas he bade them grind salt. So they ground; and at midnight they asked if he had not salt enough, but he bade them still grind on. So they ground till the ship was full and sank, Mysing, maids, and mill, and all, and that's why the sea is salt. Perhaps of all the tales in this volume, none could be selected as better proving the toughness of a traditional belief than No. II., p. 8, which tells "Why the Sea is Salt."

The notion of the Arch-enemy of God and man, of a fallen angel, to whom power was permitted at certain times for an all-wise purpose by the Great Pailer of the universe, was as foreign to the heathendom of our ancestors as his name was outlandish and strange to their tongue. This notion Christianity brought with it from the East; and though it is a plant which has struck deep roots, grown distorted and awry, and borne a bitter crop of superstition, it required all the authority of the Church to prepare the soil at first for its reception. To the notion of good necessarily follows that of evil. The Eastern mind, with its Ormuzd and Ahriman, is full of such dualism, and from that hour, when a more than mortal eye saw Satan falling like lightning from heaven, the kingdom of darkness, the abode of Satan and his bad spirits, was


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Parker, Alton Brooks

PARKER, ALTON BROOKS (1852-      ), American lawyer, was born at Cortland, N.Y., May 14 1852. He studied at the local academy and normal school, taught for a short time, read law in an office, and in 1873 graduated from the Albany Law School. He was admitted to the bar and began to practise law at Kingston, N.Y. In 1877 he was elected surrogate of Ulster co., and was reëlected in 1883. He resigned in 1885 on being appointed by the governor justice of the N.Y. Supreme Court to fill a vacancy, and the following year was regularly elected. He was a delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1884 and in 1885 declined President Cleveland's offer of the first assistant postmaster-generalship. He was appointed a member of the second division of the N.Y. Court of Appeals in 1889 and a member of the general term in 1893. In 1898 he was elected chief justice of the N.Y. Court of Appeals. In 1904 he resigned on being nominated by the Democrats for president, but he was defeated by Theodore Roosevelt, the electoral vote being 336 for Roosevelt to 140 for Parker, the popular vote 7,623,486 for Roosevelt to 5,077,971 for Parker. He then resumed the practice of law in New York City. He was a delegate-at-large from New York to the National Democratic Convention in 1912. In 1913 he was counsel for the managers of the trial leading to the impeachment of Governor Sulzer of New York.


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 his possessions into the vale of Towy by occupying Cantrevbychan with the town of Llandovery (29 June) after his brother Maredudd's death. On 25 July Gruffydd died at the Cistercian abbey of Strata Florida, of which he was a benefactor, where he had already taken upon himself the monastic habit. He was there buried. He had married Maud, or Mahalt, de Braose, who died in 1209. His sons, Rhys and Owain, were driven out by Maelgwn, but in 1207 the great Llewelyn ab Iorwerth appeared in the south, and gave them all Ceredigion save Penwedig, which he reserved for himself. Giraldus describes Gruffydd as 'vir versipellis et versutus' (Op. vi. 111).

GRUFFYDD, THOMAS (1815–1887), harper, was born at Llangynidr in Breconshire in 1815. His maternal grandfather was the rector of the parish, in which his ancestors were yeomen. When three years old he lost one eye through falling on a hatchet, and when a schoolboy almost lost the other by a blow. He was already musical, and after these accidents devoted all his energies to music and to harp-playing. He was placed under one Jones, harper to Mr. Gwynne of Glanbran, near Llandovery, with whom he remained for some years. His countrymen followed him in large crowds wherever he played in public. He had a good voice and sang well. When he lost his sight his hearing became preternaturally keen and his memory strong. In course of time he married, and became successor to his old teacher as harper to the family of Llanover. In 1843 he accompanied Jones to Buckingham Palace to play Welsh airs before the queen and Prince Albert. Carnhuanawc ( [q. v.]) was present at the time, and was asked by the prince to explain the peculiarities of the Welsh triple harp. Gruffydd was invited alone to Marlborough House to play. He won numerous prizes for harp-playing at the Eisteddfodau. In 1867 he visited Brittany, accompanied by his daughter, spending most of the time as guest of Comte de la Villemarqué, who presented him on leaving with a valuable gold ring bearing the inscription, 'Keltied Bro C'hall da Gruffydd, Llanover.' He was made harper to the Prince of Wales, before whom he played when the prince visited Raglan and Chepstow Castles. He was for many years recognised as the greatest Welsh harper of his age. A song of his, music and words, was published recently, under the name 'Gwlad y Bardd,' i.e. 'The Land of the Bard.' He died 30 Aug. 1887, and was buried in Llanover churchyard by the side of his parents.

GRUNDY, JOHN (1782–1843), Unitarian minister, son of Thomas and Elizabeth Grundy, was born in 1782 at Hinckley, Leicestershire, where his father was a hosier. He was baptised on 12 May 1783 by [q. v.] He was educated at Bristol by his uncle, [q. v.] In September 1797 he entered Manchester College under (1747-1810) [q. v.], with an exhibition from the presbyterian fund, but returned to Bristol in the following year and completed his studies for the ministry under Estlin's direction. His first settlement was at Churchgate Street Chapel, Bury St. Edmunds, Suffolk, to which charge he was invited on 19 Feb. 1804. At the end of 1806 he removed to Nottingham as colleague to James Tayler at the High Pavement Chapel, where he was active as a controversialist and as an advocate of Unitarian views. Grundy was elected co-pastor at Cross Street Chapel, Manchester, on 14 Sept. 1818. His controversial preaching alienated some older members of the congregation, who 'had much of primitive puritanism' among them. But in this place many were attracted to doctrinal lectures, which 'created in the town such a religious ferment as it had never before witnessed.' 'Grundy and no devil for ever' was chalked on the walls of his meeting-house. In 1811 he published a sermon, 'Christianity an Intellectual and Individual Religion,' which he had preached on 20 Oct. at the opening of a new chapel in Renshaw Street, Liverpool. A note on the growth of unitarian opinion in Boston, U.S., was added; this led to a correspondence with a Boston minister, Francis Parkman (afterwards D.D.)

In 1824 he accepted an invitation to succeed and Pendlebury Houghton [q. v.] at Paradise Street Chapel, Liverpool. Before leaving Manchester (September 1824) he was presented with a service of plate (cf. 'Manchester Gazette,' 14 Aug.) A speech at a public farewell dinner by (1794-1859) [q. v.] produced a long and acrimonious discussion in the public press (in which Grundy took no part), known as the Manchester Socinian controversy, and was followed by the Hewley suit [see ]. In 1832 Mr. James Martineau (now D.D.) became Grundy's colleague in Liverpool. Failing health led to Grundy's resignation in 1835. He retired to Chideock, near


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Zeppelin, Count Ferdinand von

ZEPPELIN, COUNT FERDINAND VON (1838-1917), German airship inventor, was born at Constance, Baden, July 8 1838. He was educated for the army and received a commission at the age of 20. He served, as a volunteer, in the Federal army during the American Civil War and whilst in America made his first balloon ascent. Returning to Germany, he saw active service in the Austrian war of 1866 and in the Franco-German War of 1870. In 1891 he retired from the army with the rank of general and thenceforth devoted his energies to the study of aeronautics. In 1900 he built an airship, which rose from the ground and remained in the air for 20 minutes, but was wrecked in landing. In 1906 he made two successful flights at a speed of 30 m. an hour, and in 1907 attained a speed of 36 miles. From that time onwards his airship construction made steady progress, and the success he had achieved was evidenced by the exploits of the Zeppelin airships in the World War. He died at Charlottenburg March 8 1917.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Thurston, John (1774-1822)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Thurston, John Bates


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Thurtell, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Thwaites, George Henry Kendrick


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Thweng, Robert de


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tichborne, Chidiock


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tichborne, Henry


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tichborne, Robert


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 Rh the Norseman, agreed in believing Hell to be the abode of the devil and his wicked spirits, the place prepared from the beginning for the everlasting torments of the damned. One curious fact connected with this explanation of Hell's origin will not escape the reader's attention. The Christian notion of Hell is that of a place of heat, for in the East, whence Christianity came, heat is often an intolerable torment, and cold, on the other hand, everything that is pleasant and delightful. But to the dweller in the North, heat brings with it sensations of joy and comfort, and life without fire has a dreary outlook; so their Hel ruled in a cold region over those who were cowards by implication, while the mead-cup went round, and huge logs blazed and crackled in Valhalla, for the brave and beautiful who had dared to die on the field of battle. But under Christianity the extremes of heat and cold have met, and Hel, the cold uncomfortable goddess, is now our Hell, where flames and fire abound, and where the devils abide in everlasting flame.

Still, popular tradition is tough, and even after centuries of Christian teaching, the Norse peasant, in his popular tales, can still tell of Hell as a place where firewood is wanted at Christmas, and over which a certain air of comfort breathes, though, as in the goddess Hel's halls, meat is scarce. The following passage from "Why the Sea is Salt," p. 8, will sufficiently prove this:—

"Well, here is the flitch," said the rich brother, "and now go straight to Hell."

"What I have given my word to do, I must stick to," said the other; so he took the flitch and set off. He walked


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tickell, Richard


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 cxxii the whole day, and at dusk he came to a place where he saw a very bright light.

"Maybe this is the place," said the man to himself. So he turned aside, and the first thing he saw was an old, old man, with a long white beard, who stood in an outhouse, hewing wood for the Christmas fire.

"Good even," said the man with the flitch.

"The same to you; whither are you going so late?" said the man.

"Oh! I'm going to Hell, if I only knew the right way," answered the poor man.

"Well, you 're not far wrong, for this is Hell," said the old man. "When you get inside they will be all for buying your flitch, for meat is scarce in Hell; but mind you don't sell it unless you get the hand-quern which stands behind the door for it. When you come out, I'll teach you how to handle the quern, for it 's good to grind almost anything."

This, too, is the proper place to explain the conclusion of that intensely heathen tale, "The Master-Smith," p. 105. We have already seen how the Saviour and St. Peter supply, in its beginning, the place of Odin and some other heathen god. But when the Smith sets out with the feeling that he has done a silly thing in quarrelling with the Devil, having already lost his hope of heaven, this tale assumes a still more heathen shape. According to the old notion, those who were not Odin's guests went either to Thor's house, who had all the thralls, or to Freyja, who even claimed a third part of the slain on every battlefield with Odin, or to Hel, the cold comfortless goddess already mentioned, who was still no tormentor, though she ruled over nine worlds, and though her walls were high,


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tickell, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tidcomb, John


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 Rh and her bolts and bars huge; traits which come out in "The Master-Smith," p. 105, when the Devil, who here assumes Hel's place, orders the watch to go back and lock up all the nine locks on the gates of Hell—a lock for each of the goddesses' nine worlds—and to put a padlock on besides. In the twilight between heathendom and Christianity, in that half- Christian half-heathen consciousness which this tale reveals, heaven is the preferable abode, as Valhalla was of yore, but rather than be without a house to one's head after death, Hell was not to be despised; though, having behaved ill to the ruler of one, and actually quarrelled with the master of the other, the Smith was naturally anxious on the matter. This notion of different abodes in another world, not necessarily places of torment, comes out too in "Not a Pin to choose between them," p. 173, where Peter, the second husband of the silly Goody, goes about begging from house to house in Paradise.

For the rest, whenever the Devil appears in these tales, it is not at all as the Arch-enemy, as the subtle spirit of the Christian's faith, but rather as one of the old Giants, supernatural and hostile indeed to man, but simple and easily deceived by a cunning reprobate, whose superior intelligence he learns to dread, for whom he feels himself no match, and whom, finally, he will receive in Hell at no price. We shall have to notice some other characteristics of this race of giants a little further on, but certainly no greater proof can be given of the small hold which the Christian Devil has taken of the Norse mind, than the heathen aspect under which he constantly appears, and the ludicrous way in which he is always outwitted.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tidd, William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tidey, Alfred


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tidey, Henry


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tidferth


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tidy, Charles Meymott


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tierney, George


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tierney, Mark Aloysius


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tierney, Matthew John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tiffin, William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tighe, Mary


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tillemans, Peter


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tilley, Samuel Leonard


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tilloch, Alexander


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tillotson, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tilney, Edmund


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Tilney, John


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 THE BALLANTYNE PRESS TAVISTOCK ST., LONDON


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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PLATE PROFILE OF A WARRIOR. . . Frontispiece PORTRAIT OF ISABELLA D'ESTE i STUDY OF AN OLD MAN n STUDY OF DRAPERIES FOR KNEELING FIGURES. in STUDY OF A BACCHUS iv HEAD OF A MAN v BATTLE BETWEEN HORSEMEN AND MONSTERS. vi WOMAN SEATED ON GROUND AND CHILD KNEELING vn STUDIES OF HEADS vm YOUTH ON HORSEBACK ix STUDIES FOR THE EQUESTRIAN STATUE OF FRANCESCO SFORZA x THE VIRGIN, ST. ANNE AND INFANT ... xi STUDIES OF CHILDREN, xii THE COMBAT xm STUDY FOR A MADONNA xiv STUDIES FOR "THE HOLY FAMILY" ... xv STUDIES FOR "THE LAST SUPPER" .... xvi COURTYARD OF A CANNON-FOUNDRY. . . xvn STUDY OF THE HEAD OF AN APOSTLE. . . xvm STUDY FOR BACKGROUND OF "THE ADORATION OF THE MAGI" xix STUDY OF LANDSCAPE xx STUDY OF A TREE xxi TWO HEADS. CARICATURES xxn ST. JOHN THE BAPTIST xxm THE HEAD OF CHRIST xxiv CARICATURES xxv HEAD OF AN ANGEL xxvi STUDY OF A MAN'S HEAD xxvn


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 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PLATE STUDIES OF HANDS .... . xxvm DRAGON FIGHTING WITH A LION .... xxix MAN KNEELING xxx PORTRAIT STUDY xxxi STUDIES OF ANIMALS xxxn PORTRAIT OF LEONARDO, BY HIMSELF. . . xxxni SIX HEADS OF MEN AND A BUST OF A WOMAN xxxiv STUDY OF A HEAD xxxv THE ST. ANNE CARTOON xxxvi STUDIES OF HORSES xxxvn HEADS OF A WOMAN AND A CHILD. . . xxxvm STUDY OF DRAPERY FOR A KNEELING FIGURE. xxxix KNIGHT IN ARMOUR XL STUDY OF A YOUTHFUL HEAD XLI STUDY FOR "LEDA" XLII HEAD OF AN OLD MAN XLIII STUDY OF A HEAD XLIV STUDY OF THE HEAD OF ST. PHILIP FOR "THE LAST SUPPER" XLV STUDY OF DRAPERY XLVI GIRL'S HEAD XLVII STUDIES OF A SATYR WITH A LION XLVIII


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cxxiv We have seen how our Lord and the saints succeeded to Odin and his children in the stories which told of their wanderings on earth to warn the wicked, or to help the good; we have seen how the kindliness and helpfulness of the ancient goddesses fell like a royal mantle round the form of the Virgin Mary. We have seen, too, on the other hand, how the procession of the Almighty God degenerated into the infernal midnight hunt. We have now to see what became of the rest of the power of the goddesses, of all that might which was not absorbed into the glory of the blessed Virgin. We shall not have far to seek. No reader of early medieval chronicles and sermons can fail to have been struck with many passages which ascribe majesty and power to beings of woman's sex. Now it is a heathen goddess as Diana; now some half-historical character as Bertha; now a mythical being as Holda; now Herodias; now Satia; now Domina Abundia, or Dame Habonde. A very short investigation will serve


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 Rh to identify the two ancient goddesses Frigga and Freyja with all these leaders of a midnight host. Just as Odin was banished from day to darkness, so the two great heathen goddesses, fused into one "uncanny" shape, were supposed to ride the air at night. Medieval chroniclers, writing in bastard Latin, and following the example of classical authors, when they had to find a name for this demon-goddess, chose, of course, Diana the heathen huntress; the moon-goddess; and the ruler of the night. In the same way, when they threw Odin's name into a Latin shape, he, the god of wit and will, as well as power and victory, became Mercury. As for Herodias—not the mother, but the daughter who danced—she must have made a deep impression on the mind of the early Middle Age, for she was supposed to have been cursed after the beheading of John the Baptist, and to have gone on dancing for ever. When heathendom fell, she became confounded with the ancient Goddesses, and thus we find


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Zimmermann, Arthur

ZIMMERMANN, ARTHUR (1859-      ), the German Foreign Secretary who, during the World War, conceived the idea of trying to inveigle Mexico into an alliance against the United States, was born May 8 1859 at Frankenstein. After having been vice-consul at Shanghai and acting consul in 1900 at Tientsin, he entered the Foreign Office in 1902 in a subordinate capacity and rose by 1910 to be director of the Political Section. In 1911 he was appointed under-secretary and in Nov. 1916 Secretary of State in succession to von Jagow. In this capacity he addressed to America the note of Jan. 31 1917 on the subject of U-boat warfare. He was also the author of the extraordinary invitation of Jan. 19 1917 to Mexico to enter into an alliance with Germany and to sound Japan as to her willingness to coöperate. For Mexico the price of this alliance was to be the American States of New Mexico, Texas and Arizona. This proposal, which was sent through the medium of the German minister to Mexico, von Eckhardt, was intercepted in America, and President Wilson was in a position to publish it on March 1 1917. With other disclosures regarding German machinations against the United States it materially contributed to rouse American national feeling, which found expression in the decisive votes of the Senate and the House of Representatives on April 5 in favour of declaring war upon Germany. Zimmermann retired on Aug. 5 1917 shortly after the resignation of Bethmann Hollweg. The German Liberals and the governmental Socialists had withdrawn their support from Bethmann Hollweg's Government at the time of the so-called “Peace Resolution” (July 19 1917), largely on the ground that it was inconceivable that the Allies and America should ever negotiate with politicians like Zimmermann and Bethmann, who had been guilty of the note to Mexico and other treacherous proceedings.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Gruffydd ab Rhys (d.1137)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Gruffydd ab Rhys (d.1201)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Gruffydd, Thomas


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cxxvi her, sometimes among the crew of the Wild Huntsman; sometimes, as we see in the passages below, in company with, or in the place of Diana, Holda, Satia, and Abundia, at the head of a bevy of women, who met at certain places to celebrate unholy rites and mysteries. As for Holda, Satia, and Abundia, "the kind," "the satisfying," and "the abundant," they are plainly names of good rather than evil powers; they are ancient epithets drawn from the bounty of the "Good Lady," and attest the feeling of respect which still clung to them in the popular mind. As was the case whenever Christianity was brought in, the country folk, always averse to change, as compared with the more lively and intelligent dwellers in towns,


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Zinoviev, Grigori

ZINOVIEV, GRIGORI [OVSEI GERSHON ARONOR] (1883-      ), Russian revolutionary politician, was born at Novomirgorod in 1883. He was of Jewish origin and his original name was Aronor, but he was known in early life under the names of Apfelbaum or Radomyslovsky and later adopted several designations, such as Shatski, Grigoriev, Grigori and Zinoviev, by the two last of which he is most frequently called. For many years he was an active member of the Russian Social Democratic Labour party, and attended the London Conference in 1907. The next year he was arrested on a charge of participating in the work of the printing press Rabotnik, sentenced to a term of solitary confinement in St. Petersburg and forbidden to reside there in future. He then made his way abroad, and in 1909 was editing the Social Democrat, the party's main organ. He was present at the party meeting of Nov. 1915, when a split occurred amongst the Russian Social Democratic members of the Duma, and earlier in that year had attended the Zimmerwald meeting at Berne, consisting mainly of Lenin's group, where arrangements were made to get copies of the Social Democrat secretly into Russia and to keep in close touch with Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg in Germany so as to ensure the distribution of Lenin's literature to Russian prisoners of war.

After the Revolution Zinoviev returned to Russia and became a prominent member of the Petrograd Soviet, of which he became president after the murder of Uritsky in 1918. In the summer of 1917 the paper Den published revelations showing that he had been formerly employed by the department of police, and this statement was not refuted.

Zinoviev became a member of the Petrograd Committee and of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist party, and was first president of the Third (Communist) International. He was also president of the Petrograd Extraordinary Commission for combating counter-revolution, speculation and sabotage, and he occupied the position of president of the Soviet Government in Petrograd.


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 cxx established in direct opposition to the kingdom of the Saviour and his angels. The North had its own notion on this point. Its mythology was not without its own dark powers; but though they too were ejected and dispossessed, they, according to that mythology, had rights of their own. To them belonged all the universe that had not been seized and reclaimed by the younger race of Odin and Æsir; and though this upstart dynasty, as the Frost Giants in Promethean phrase would have called it, well knew that Hel, one of this giant progeny, was fated to do them all mischief, and to outlive them, they took her and made her queen of Niflheim, and mistress over nine worlds. There, in a bitterly cold place, she received the souls of all who died of sickness or old age; care was her bed, hunger her dish, starvation her knife. Her walls were high and strong, and her bolts and bars huge; "Half blue was her skin, and half the colour of human flesh. A goddess easy to know, and in all things very stern and grim." But though severe, she was not an evil spirit. She only received those who died as no Norseman wished to die. For those who fell on the gory battle-field, or sank beneath the waves, Valhalla was prepared, and endless mirth and bliss with Odin. Those went to Hel, who were rather unfortunate than wicked, who died before they could be killed. But when Christianity came in and ejected Odin and his crew of false divinities, declaring them to be lying gods and demons, then Hel fell with the rest; but fulfilling her fate, outlived them. From a person she became a place, and all the Northern nations, from the Goth to


text: 1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Zirkel, Ferdinand


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 Rh still remained more or less heathen, and to this day they preserve unconsciously many superstitions which can be traced up in lineal descent to their old belief. In many ways does the old divinity peep out under the new superstition—the long train, the midnight feast, "the good lady" who presides, the bounty and abundance which her votaries fancied would follow in her footsteps, all belong to the ancient Goddess. Most curious of all is the way in which all these traditions from different countries insist on the third part of the earth, the third child born, the third soul as belonging to the "good lady" who leads the revel; for this right of a third, or even of a half, was one which Freyja possessed "But Freyja is most famous of the Asynjor. She has that bower in heaven hight Fólkvángr, and whithersoever she rideth to the battle, then hath she one-half of the slain, but Odin the other half." Again "when she fares abroad, she drives two cats and sits in a car, and she lends an easy ear to the prayers of men."

We have got then the ancient goddesses identified as evil influences, and as the leader of a midnight band of women, who practised secret and unholy rites. This leads us at once to witchcraft. In all ages and in all races this belief in sorcery has existed. Men and women practised it alike, but in all times female sorcerers have predominated. This was natural enough. In those days women


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6 have any "posterity." It supposes itself to have, and speaks of itself as having, perpetual existence, as a single individuality.

Moreover, no body of men, existing at any one time, have the power to create a perpetual corporation. A corporation can become practically perpetual only by the voluntary accession of new members, as the old ones die off. But for this voluntary accession of new members, the corporation necessarily dies with the death of those who originally composed it.

Legally speaking, therefore, there is, in the Constitution, nothing that professes or attempts to bind the "posterity" of those who establishestablished [sic] it.

If, then, those who established the Constitution, had no power to bind, and did not attempt to bind, their posterity, the question arises, whether their posterity have bound themselves? If they have done so, they can have done so in only one or both of these two ways, viz. by voting, and paying taxes.

II.

Let us consider these two matters, voting and tax paying, separately. And first of voting.

All the voting that has ever taken place under the Constitution, has been of such a kind that it not only did not pledge the whole people to support the Constitution, but it did not even pledge any one of them to do so, as the following considerations show.

1. In the very nature of things, the act of voting could bind nobody but the actual voters. But owing to the property qualifications required, it is probable that, during the first twenty or thirty years under the Constitution, not more than one tenth, fifteenth, or perhaps twentieth of the whole population (black and white, men, women, and minors) were permitted to vote. Consequently, so far as voting was concerned, not more than one tenth, fifteenth, or twentieth of those then existing, could have incurred any obligation to support the Constitution.

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 cxxviii were priestesses; they collected drugs and simples; women alone knew the virtues of plants. Those soft hands spun linen, made lint, and bound wounds. Women, in the earliest times with which we are acquainted with our forefathers, alone knew how to read and write, they only could carve the mystic runes, they only could chant the charms so potent to allay the wounded warrior's smart and pain. The men were busy out of doors with ploughing, hunting, barter, and war. In such an age the sex which possessed by natural right book-learning, physic, soothsaying, and incantation, even when they used these mysteries for good purposes, were but a step from sin. The same soft white hand that bound the wound and scraped the lint; the same gentle voice that sung the mystic rune, that helped the child-bearing woman, or drew the arrow-head from the dying champion's breast; the same bright eye that gazed up to heaven in ecstasy through the sacred grove and read the will of the Gods when the mystic tablets and rune-carved lots were cast—all these, if the will were bad, if the soothsayer passed into the false prophetess, the leech into a poisoner, and the priestess into a witch, were as potent and terrible for ill as they had once been powerful for good. In all the Indo-European tribes, therefore, women, and especially old women, have practised witchcraft from the earliest times, and Christianity found them wherever it advanced. But Christianity, as it placed mankind upon a higher platform of civilisation, increased the evil which it found, and when it expelled the ancient goddesses, and confounded them as demons with Diana and Herodias, it added them and their votaries to the old class of malevolent sorcerers. There was but one step, but a simple act of the will, between


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SSUREDLY no city in Europe occupies a site so fantastic as does the capital of the Velay. The high wind-and-snow-swept tableland to south and west falls away and forms a pleasant basin covered with vineyards and sprinkled over with white villas or summer-houses of the citizens, as if there had been a giant's wedding and much rice had been thrown.

The Borne, that has hitherto struggled through ravines and tumbled in cascades, here ceases to be boisterous, and puts on an air of placidity as it glides past the cathedral city.

In this basin the climate is mild compared with that of the uplands, and the soil is fertile. The train from


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 Rh the Norn and the hag, even before Christianity came in. As soon as it came, down went Goddess, Valkyrie, Norn, priestess, and soothsayer, into that unholy deep where the heathen hags and witches had their being; and, as Christianity gathered strength, developed its dogmas, and worked out its faith, fancy, tradition, leechcraft, poverty, and idleness, produced that unhappy class, the medieval witch, the persecution of which is one of the darkest pages in religious history.

It is curious indeed to trace the belief in witches through the Middle Age, and to mark how it increases in intensity and absurdity. At first, as we have seen in the passages quoted, the superstition seemed comparatively harmless, and though the witches themselves may have believed in their unholy power, there were not wanting divines who took a common-sense view of the matter, and put the absurdity of their pretensions to a practical proof. Such was that good parish priest who asked, when an old woman of his flock insisted that she had been in his house with the company of "the Good Lady," and had seen him naked and covered him up, "How, then, did you get in when all the doors were locked?" "We can get in," she said, "even if the doors are locked." Then the priest took her into the chancel of the church, locked the door, and gave her a sound thrashing with the pastoral staff, calling out, "Out with you, lady witch." But as she could not, he sent her home, saying, "See now how foolish you are to believe in such empty dreams." But as the Church


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7 At the present time, it is probable that not more than one sixth of the whole population are permitted to vote. Consequently, so far as voting is concerned, the other five-sixths can have given no pledge that they will support the Constitution.

2. Of the one-sixth that are permitted to vote, probably not more than two-thirds (about one-ninth of the whole population) have usually voted. Many never vote at all. Many vote only once in two, three, five, or ten years, in periods of great excitement.

No one, by voting, can be said to pledge himself for any longer period than that for which he votes. If, for example, I vote for an officer who is to hold his office for only a year, I cannot be said to have thereby pledged myself to support the government beyond that term. Therefore, on the ground of actual voting, it probably cannot be said that more than one-ninth, or one-eighth, of the whole population are usually under any pledge to support the Constitution.

3. It cannot be said that, by voting, a man pledges himself to support the Constitution, unless the act of voting be a perfectly voluntary one on his part. Yet the act of voting cannot properly be called a voluntary one on the part of any very large number of those who do vote. It is rather a measure of necessity imposed upon them by others, than one of their own choice. On this point I repeat what was said in a former number, viz:

  "In truth, in the case of individuals, their actual voting is not to be taken as proof of consent, even for the time being. On the contrary, it is to be considered that, without his consent having even been asked, a man finds himself environed by a government that he cannot resist; a government that forces him to pay money, render service, and forego the exercise of many of his natural rights, under peril of weighty punishments. He sees, too, that other men practise this tyranny over him by the use of the ballot. He sees further, that, if he will but use the ballot

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8  himself, he has some chance of relieving himself from this tyranny of others, by subjecting them to his own. In short, he finds himself, without his consent, so situated that, if he use the ballot, he may become a master; if he does not use it, he must become a slave. And he has no other alternative than these two. In self-defence, he attempts the former. His case is analogous to that of a man who has been forced into battle, where he must either kill others, or be killed himself. Because, to save his own life in battle, a man attempts to take the lives of his opponents, it is not to be inferred that the battle is one of his own choosing. Neither in contests with the ballot—which is a mere substitute for a bullet—because, as his only chance of self-preservation, a man uses a ballot, is it to be inferred that the contest is one into which he voluntarily entered; that he voluntarily set up all his own natural rights, as a stake against those of others, to be lost or won by the mere power of numbers. On the contrary, it is to be considered that, in an exigency into which he had been forced by others, and in which no other means of self-defence offered, he, as a matter of necessity, used the only one that was left to him.

 "Doubtless the most miserable of men, under the most oppressive government in the world, if allowed the ballot, would use it, if they could see any chance of thereby meliorating their condition. But it would not, therefore, be a legitimate inference that the government itself, that crushes them, was one which they had voluntarily set up, or ever consented to.

 "Therefore, a man's voting under the Constitution of the United States, is not to be taken as evidence that he ever freely assented to the Constitution, even for the time being. Consequently we have no proof that any very large portion, even of the actual voters of the United States, ever really and voluntarily consented to the Constitution, even for the time being. Nor can we ever have such proof, until every man is left perfectly free to consent, or not, without thereby subjecting himself or his property to be disturbed or injured by others."

As we can have no legal knowledge as to who votes from choice, and who from the necessity thus forced upon him, we can have no legal knowledge, as to any particular individual, that he voted from choice; or, consequently, that by voting, he consented, or pledged himself, to support the government. Legally

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 speaking, therefore, the act of voting utterly fails to pledge any one to support the government. It utterly fails to prove that the government rests upon the voluntary support of any body. On general principles of law and reason, it cannot be said that the government has any voluntary supporters at all, until it can be distinctly shown who its voluntary supporters are.

4. As taxation is made compulsory on all, whether they vote or not, a large proportion of those who vote, no doubt do so to prevent their own money being used against themselves; when, in fact, they would have gladly abstained from voting, if they could thereby have saved themselves from taxation alone, to say nothing of being saved from all the other usurpations and tyrannies of the government. To take a man's property without his consent, and then to infer his consent because he attempts, by voting, to prevent that property from being used to his injury, is a very insufficient proof of his consent to support the Constitution. It is, in fact, no proof at all. And as we can have no legal knowledge as to who the particular individuals are, if there are any, who are willing to be taxed for the sake of voting, or who would prefer freedom from taxation to the privilege of voting, we can have no legal knowledge that any particular individual consents to be taxed for the sake of voting; or, consequently, consents to support the Constitution.

5. At nearly all elections, votes are given for various candidates for the same office. Those who vote for the unsuccessful candidates cannot properly be said to have voted to sustain the Constitution. They may, with more reason, be supposed to have voted, not to support the Constitution, but specially to prevent the tyranny which they anticipate the successful candidate intends to practise upon them under color of the Constitution; and therefore may reasonably be supposed to have voted against the Constitution itself. This supposition is the more reasonable, inasmuch as such voting is the only mode allowed to them of expressing their dissent to the Constitution.

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10 6. Many votes are usually given for candidates who have no prospect of success. Those who give such votes may reasonably be supposed to have voted as they did, with a special intention, not to support, but to obstruct the execution of, the Constitution; and, therefore, against the Constitution itself.

7. As all the different votes are given secretly (by secret ballot), there is no legal means of knowing, from the votes themselves, who votes for, and who against, the Constitution. Therefore voting affords no legal evidence that any particular individual supports the Constitution. And where there can be no legal evidence that any particular individual supports the Constitution, it cannot legally be said that anybody supports it. It is clearly impossible to have any legal proof of the intentions of large numbers of men, where there can be no legal proof of the intentions of any particular one of them.

8. There being no legal proof of any man's intentions, in voting, we can only conjecture them. As a conjecture, it is probable that a very large proportion of those who vote, do so on this principle, viz., that if, by voting, they could but get the government into their own hands (or that of their friends), and use its powers against their opponents, they would then willingly support the Constitution; but if their opponents are to have the power, and use it against them, then they would not willingly support the Constitution.

In short, men's voluntary support of the Constitution is doubtless, in most cases, wholly contingent upon the question whether, by means of the Constitution, they can make themselves masters, or are to be made slaves.

Such contingent consent as that is, in law and reason, no consent at all.

9. As every body who supports the Constitution by voting (if there are any such) does so secretly (by secret ballot), and in a way to avoid all personal responsibility for the acts of his agents or representatives, it cannot legally or reasonably be

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11 said that anybody at all supports the Constitution by voting. No man can reasonably or legally be said to do such a thing as to assent to, or support, the Constitution, unless he does it openly, and in a way to make himself personally responsible for the acts of his agents, so long as they act within the limits of the power he delegates to them.

10. As all voting is secret, (by secret ballot,) and as all secret governments are necessarily only secret bands of robbers, tyrants, and murderers, the general fact that our government is practically carried on by means of such voting, only proves that there is among us a secret band of robbers, tyrants and murderers, whose purpose is to rob, enslave, and, so far as necessary to accomplish their purposes, murder, the rest of the people. The simple fact of the existence of such a band does nothing towards proving that "the people of the United States," or any one of them, voluntarily supports the Constitution.

For all the reasons that have now been given, voting furnishes no legal evidence as to who the particular individuals are (if there are any), who voluntarily support the Constitution. It therefore furnishes no legal evidence that any body supports it voluntarily.

So far, therefore, as voting is concerned, the Constitution, legally speaking, has no supporters at all.

And, as matter of fact, there is not the slightest probability that the Constitution has a single bona fide supporter in the country. That is to say, there is not the slightest probability that there is a single man in the country, who both understands what the Constitution really is, and sincerely supports it for what it really is.

The ostensible supporters of the Constitution, like the ostensible supporters of most other governments, are made up of three classes, viz.: 1. Knaves, a numerous and active class, who see in the government an instrument which they can use for their own aggrandizement or wealth. 2. Dupes—a large class, no

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12 doubt—each of whom, because he is allowed one voice out of millions in deciding what he may do with his own person and his own property, and because he is permitted to have the same voice in robbing, enslaving, and murdering others, that others have in robbing, enslaving, and murdering himself, is stupid enough to imagine that he is a "free man," a "sovereign"; that this is "a free government"; "a government of equal rights," "the best government on earth," and such like absurdities. 3. A class who have some appreciation of the evils of government, but either do not see how to get rid of them, or do not choose to so far sacrifice their private interests as to give themselves seriously and earnestly to the work of making a change.

III.

The payment of taxes, being compulsory, of course furnishes no evidence that any one voluntarily supports the Constitution.

It is true that the theory of our Constitution is, that all taxes are paid voluntarily; that our government is a mutual insurance company, voluntarily entered into by the people with each other; that each man makes a free and purely voluntary contract with all others who are parties to the Constitution, to pay so much money for so much protection, the same as he does with any other insurance company; and that he is just as free not to be protected, and not to pay any tax, as he is to pay a tax, and be protected.

But this theory of our government is wholly different from the practical fact. The fact is that the government, like a highwayman, says to a man: Your money, or your life. And many, if not most, taxes are paid under the compulsion of that threat.

The government does not, indeed, waylay a man in a lonely place, spring upon him from the road side, and, holding a pistol

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Rh CONCLUSION.

We have now only to consider the men and women of these Tales, and then our task is done. It will be sooner


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HERE exist but a limited number of terms wherewith to describe an infinite variety of natural objects that possess one common character, but differ from one another in every other particular. Needle, spike, pinnacle, spire, obelisk have to serve for all rocks that start up from the soil and terminate in a point. Ravine, gorge, fissure, chasm, canon have to be employed indiscriminately for those clefts in the surface, rents formed by the contraction on cooling of the earth's crust, or by the erosion of water. And yet all the difference in the world exists between spires of tufa and trap and those of granite or of limestone. The gorge down which swirls the river between calcareous walls is one thing, that which is cleft into a street lined


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clx sword" which the Princess lays by her side every night, will they fail to recognise Sigurd's sword Gram, which he laid between himself and Brynhildr when he rode through the flame and won her for Gunnar. These mythical deep-rooted germs, throwing out fresh shoots from age to age in the popular literature of the race, are far more convincing proofs of the early existence of these traditions than any mere external evidence.


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 to his head, proceed to rifle his pockets. But the robbery is none the less a robbery on that account; and it is far more dastardly and shameful.

The highwayman takes solely upon himself the responsibility, danger, and crime of his own act. He does not pretend that he has any rightful claim to your money, or that he intends to use it for your own benefit. He does not pretend to be anything but a robber. He has not acquired impudence enough to profess to be merely a "protector," and that he takes men's money against their will, merely to enable him to "protect" those infatuated travellers, who feel perfectly able to protect themselves, or do not appreciate his peculiar system of protection. He is too sensible a man to make such professions as these. Furthermore, having taken your money, he leaves you, as you wish him to do. He does not persist in following you on the road, against your will; assuming to be your rightful "sovereign," on account of the "protection" he affords you. He does not keep "protecting" you, by commanding you to bow down and serve him; by requiring you to do this, and forbidding you to do that; by robbing you of more money as often as he finds it for his interest or pleasure to do so; and by branding you as a rebel, a traitor, and an enemy to your country, and shooting you down without mercy, if you dispute his authority, or resist his demands. He is too much of a gentleman to be guilty of such impostures, and insults, and villanies as these. In short, he does not, in addition to robbing you, attempt to make you either his dupe or his slave.

The proceedings of those robbers and murderers, who call themselves "the government," are directly the opposite of these of the single highwayman.

In the first place, they do not, like him, make themselves individually known; or, consequently, take upon themselves personally the responsibility of their acts. On the contrary, they secretly (by secret ballot) designate some one of their number

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14 to commit the robbery in their behalf, while they keep themselves practically concealed. They say to the person thus designated:

Go to A━━ B━━, and say to him that "the government" has need of money to meet the expenses of protecting him and his property. If he presumes to say that he has never contracted with us to protect him, and that he wants none of our protection, say to him that that is our business, and not his; that we choose to protect him, whether he desires us to do so or not; and that we demand pay, too, for protecting him. If he dares to inquire who the individuals are, who have thus taken upon themselves the title of "the government," and who assume to protect him, and demand payment of him, without his having ever made any contract with them, say to him that that, too, is our business, and not his; that we do not choose to make ourselves individually known to him; that we have secretly (by secret ballot) appointed you our agent to give him notice of our demands, and, if he complies with them, to give him, in our name, a receipt that will protect him against any similar demand for the present year. If he refuses to comply, seize and sell enough of his property to pay not only our demands, but all your own expenses and trouble beside. If he resists the seizure of his property, call upon the bystanders to help you (doubtless some of them will prove to be members of our band). If, in defending his property, he should kill any of our band who are assisting you, capture him at all hazards; charge him (in one of our courts) with murder; convict him, and hang him. If he should call upon his neighbors, or any others who, like him, may be disposed to resist our demands, and they should come in large numbers to his assistance, cry out that they are all rebels and traitors; that "our country" is in danger; call upon the commander of our hired murderers; tell him to quell the rebellion and "save the country," cost what it may. Tell him to kill all who resist, though they should be hundreds of

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15 ; and thus strike terror into all others similarly disposed. See that the work of murder is thoroughly done, that we may have no further trouble of this kind hereafter. When these traitors shall have thus been taught our strength and our determination, they will be good loyal citizens for many years, and pay their taxes without a why or a wherefore.

It is under such compulsion as this that taxes, so called, are paid. And how much proof the payment of taxes affords, that the people consent to support "the government," it needs no further argument to show.

2. Still another reason why the payment of taxes implies no consent, or pledge, to support the government, is that the tax payer does not know, and has no means of knowing, who the particular individuals are who compose "the government." To him "the government" is a myth, an abstraction, an incorporeality, with which he can make no contract, and to which he can give no consent, and make no pledge. He knows it only through its pretended agents. "The government" itself he never sees. He knows indeed, by common report, that certain persons, of a certain age, are permitted to vote; and thus to make themselves parts of, or (if they choose) opponents of, the government, for the time being. But who of them do thus vote, and especially how each one votes (whether so as to aid or oppose the government), he does not know; the voting being all done secretly (by secret ballot). Who, therefore, practically compose "the government," for the time being, he has no means of knowing. Of course he can make no contract with them, give them no consent, and make them no pledge. Of necessity, therefore, his paying taxes to them implies, on his part, no contract, consent, or pledge to support them—that is, to support "the government," or the Constitution.

3. Not knowing who the particular individuals are, who call themselves "the government," the tax payer does not know whom he pays his taxes to. All he knows is that a man comes to

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16 him, representing himself to be the agent of "the government"—that is, the agent of a secret band of robbers and murderers, who have taken to themselves the title of "the government," and have determined to kill every body who refuses to give them whatever money they demand. To save his life, he gives up his money to this agent. But as this agent does not make his principals individually known to the tax payer, the latter, after he has given up his money, knows no more who are "the government"—that is, who were the robbers—than he did before. To say, therefore, that by giving up his money to their agent, he entered into a voluntary contract with them, that he pledges himself to obey them, to support them, and to give them whatever money they should demand of him in the future, is simply ridiculous.

4. All political power, as it is called, rests practically upon this matter of money. Any number of scoundrels, having money enough to start with, can establish themselves as a "government;" because, with money, they can hire soldiers, and with soldiers extort more money; and also compel general obedience to their will. It is with government, as Cæsar said it was in war, that money and soldiers mutually supported each other; that with money he could hire soldiers, and with soldiers extort money. So these villains, who call themselves governments, well understand that their power rests primarily upon money. With money they can hire soldiers, and with soldiers extort money. And, when their authority is denied, the first use they always make of money, is to hire soldiers to kill or subdue all who refuse them more money.

For this reason, whoever desires liberty, should understand these vital facts, viz.: 1. That every man who puts money into the hands of a "government" (so called), puts into its hands a sword which will be used against himself, to extort more money from him, and also to keep him in subjection to its arbitrary will. 2. That those who will take his money, without his

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HE story of the Tavern of Peyrabeille is, perhaps, the most ghastly in the annals of crime, but I give it here partly because it has been so overladen and altered by fiction that the facts have disappeared in a cloud of fable; mainly because that story reveals, in a manner nothing else could, some of the characteristics of the Cevenol peasant.

The facts have been gathered from the archives of the Court of Justice at Privas, and published there by M. Paul d'Albigny. But the book is very scarce, long out of print, and I had great difficulty in procuring a copy. It is a book of 495 pages, and I shall have to compress the contents into one chapter.

In the valley of the Ardèche, above Aubenas, at Pont de la Baume, is a Roman milestone now bearing a cross on its summit. Above the road tower the ruins of the castle of Ventadour commanding the valley.


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, in the first place, will use it for his further robbery and enslavement, if he presumes to resist their demands in the future. 3. That it is a perfect absurdity to suppose that any body of men would ever take a man's money without his consent, for any such object as they profess to take it for, viz., that of protecting him; for why should they wish to protect him, if he does not wish them to do so? To suppose that they would do so, is just as absurd as it would be to suppose that they would take his money without his consent, for the purpose of buying food or clothing for him, when he did not want it. 4. If a man wants "protection," he is competent to make his own bargains for it; and nobody has any occasion to rob him, in order to "protect" him against his will. 5. That the only security men can have for their political liberty, consists in their keeping their money in their own pockets, until they have assurances, perfectly satisfactory to themselves, that it will be used as they wish it to be used, for their benefit, and not for their injury. 6. That no government, so called, can reasonably be trusted for a moment, or reasonably be supposed to have honest purposes in view, any longer than it depends wholly upon voluntary support.

These facts are all so vital and so self-evident, that it cannot reasonably be supposed that any one will voluntarily pay money to a "government," for the purpose of securing its protection, unless he first makes an explicit and purely voluntary contract with it for that purpose.

It is perfectly evident, therefore, that neither such voting, nor such payment of taxes, as actually takes place, proves anybody's consent, or obligation, to support the Constitution. Consequently we have no evidence at all that the Constitution is binding upon anybody, or that anybody is under any contract or obligation whatever to support it. And nobody is under any obligation to support it.

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 Pierre Martin affected to be penitent, made loud professions of remorse. Rochette was sullenly penitent, but Marion literally kicked the prison chaplain out of the cart in which he purposed attending her to the gallows, was resentful and hardened to the last, and when, on the scaffold, another priest held up the crucifix before her eyes as she was being bound to be placed under the fatal knife, she turned away her face from it with a scowl.

Vast crowds attended the execution, and when the bloody scene was over and the scaffold removed, the crowd spent the rest of the day till late into the night dancing over the spot where the blood had flowed, to the strains of a piper, whilst the old folks got fuddled over the liquor from the cellar of the inn, sold to them by the nearest relatives of the Martins, who had inherited it through the execution a few hours previously. To Peyrabeille may be applied the words of Jules Claretie, relative to Paris after the Terror: "Il y avait encore dans Paris une odeur de sang, et Paris cependant s'ammusait; folle de joie."


text: No Treason/6

title: No Treason/6


text:
Bible (Bishops')/Abdi

The vision of Abdi, thus sayth the lord God against Edom: We haue hearde a rumor from the Lorde, & an ambassadour is sent among the heathen: arise, and let vs ryse vp against her to battayle.

title: Bible (Bishops')/Abdi


text: Folk-Lore/Volume 5/The Problem of Diffusion: Rejoinders


text: Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 06.djvu/487


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18 IV.

The Constitution not only binds nobody now, but it never did bind anybody. It never bound anybody, because it was never agreed to by any body in such a manner as to make it, on general principles of law and reason, binding upon him.

It is a general principle of law and reason, that a written instrument binds no one until he has signed it. This principle is so inflexible a one, that even though a man is unable to write his name, he must still "make his mark," before he is bound by a written contract. This custom was established ages ago, when few men could write their names; when a clerk—that is, a man who could write—was so rare and valuable a person, that even if he were guilty of high crimes, he was entitled to pardon, on the ground that the public could not afford to lose his services. Even at that time, a written contract must be signed; and men who could not write, either "made their mark," or signed their contracts by stamping their seals upon wax affixed to the parchment on which their contracts were written. Hence the custom of affixing seals, that has continued to this time.

The law holds, and reason declares, that if a written instrument is not signed, the presumption must be that the party to be bound by it, did not choose to sign it, or to bind himself by it. And law and reason both give him until the last moment, in which to decide whether he will sign it, or not. Neither law nor reason requires or expects a man to agree to an instrument, until it is written; for until it is written, he cannot know its precise legal meaning. And when it is written, and he has had the opportunity to satisfy himself of its precise legal meaning, he is then expected to decide, and not before, whether he will agree to it or not. And if he do not then sign it, his reason is supposed to be, that he does not choose to enter into such a contract. The fact that the instrument was written for him to sign, or with the hope that he would sign it, goes for nothing.

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19 Where would be the end of fraud and litigation, if one party could bring into court a written instrument, without any signature, and claim to have it enforced, upon the ground that it was written for another man to sign? that this other man had promised to sign it? that he ought to have signed it? that he had had the opportunity to sign it, if he would? but that he had refused or neglected to do so? yet that is the most that could ever be said of the Constitution. The very judges, who profess to derive all their authority from the Constitution—from an instrument that nobody ever signed—would spurn any other instrument, not signed, that should be brought before them for adjudication.

Moreover, a written instrument must, in law and reason, not only be signed, but must also be delivered to the party (or to some one for him), in whose favor it is made, before it can bind the party making it. The signing is of no effect, unless the instrument be also delivered. And a party is at perfect liberty to refuse to deliver a written instrument, after he has signed it. He is as free to refuse to deliver it, as he is to refuse to sign it. The constitution was not only never signed by anybody, but it was never delivered by anybody to anybody, or to anybody's agent or attorney. It can therefore be of no more validity as a contract, than can any other instrument, that was never signed or delivered.

V.

As further evidence of the general sense of mankind, as to the practical necessity there is that all men's important contracts especially those of a permanent nature, should be both written and signed, the following facts are pertinent.

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text:
Bible (Bishops')

Old Testament:
 * Genesis
 * Exodus
 * Leviticus
 * Exodus
 * Numbers
 * Deuteronomy
 * Joshua
 * Judges
 * Ruth
 * 1 Kings (1 Samuel)
 * 2 Kings (2 Samuel)
 * 3 Kings (1 Kings)
 * 4 Kings (2 Kings)
 * 1 Paralipomenon (1 Chronicles)
 * 2 Paralipomenon (2 Chronicles)
 * 1 Esdras (Ezra)
 * 2 Esdras (Nehemiah)
 * Esther
 * Job
 * Psalms
 * Proverbs
 * Ecclesiastes
 * Song of Songs (Song of Solomon)
 * Isaiah
 * Jeremiah
 * Lamentations
 * Ezechiel (Ezekiel)
 * Daniel
 * Osee (Hosea)
 * Joel
 * Amos
 * Abdi (Obadiah)
 * Jonah
 * Micah
 * Nahum
 * Habakkuk
 * Zephaniah
 * Haggi
 * Zechariah
 * Malachi

New Testament:
 * Matthew
 * Mark
 * Luke
 * John
 * Acts
 * Romans
 * 1 Corinthians
 * 2 Corinthians
 * Galatians
 * Ephesians
 * Philippians
 * Colossians
 * 1 Thessalonians
 * 2 Thessalonians
 * 1 Timothy
 * 2 Timothy
 * Titus
 * Philemon
 * Hebrews
 * James
 * 1 Peter
 * 2 Peter
 * 1 John
 * 2 John
 * 3 John
 * Jude
 * Revelation

title: Bible (Bishops')


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Zionism

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Zionism


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HE baby Beaver is the miracle of the whole animal world. He is the only youngster I know of who has a natural desire for hard work. This unusual little fellow is industrious from the time he gets control of his muscles. While he is as full of fun as young chipmunk, the habits of his forefathers and his natural instinct for work mark him as a rather serious-minded youngster.

In appearance, the baby Beaver is a soft reddish-brown ball of fur, instead of being covered with the coarse chestnut hairs as the old beavers are. He is about the size of a rat. His eyes are as bright as new shoe-buttons, and his little paws are very active for a baby's.

Usually five are born in a litter. Before the nursing period is over, the mother brings them twigs about the size of a lead pencil. They sit

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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Zirkel, Ferdinand


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x He wanted to make friends with everybody and everything from the huge hulking hippo down to a stray bull pup. They were alive and lovable and the little fellow did his best to show his appreciation. A ball of twine set him into ecstasies. He would roll over and over, curling the twine ball until he was completely and hopelessly entangled. Then he would whine plaintively, begging to be helped. After I had released him he would run back and forth and do all his cute little tricks to show his gratitude. I had a gold topped hand bag that Pompey especially liked, and it was always an issue between us to whom that bag rightfully belonged, him or me. We'd have a tug of war every day with that bag. His milk teeth grew rapidly and once he got a grip on the bag, it was all I could do to hold my own with him. Once he got it and ran round and round holding his head proudly as much as to say: "There you see, I beat you to it." I succeeded in regaining the bag by strategy. However, Pompey forgave me. He held my hand between his big paws and licked it long and caressingly. I smoothed his

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Rh furry head and talked softly to him. He watched me closely as you sometimes see a dog look into the eyes of his master while he is speaking, as though he understood every word.

One day I found the little fellow sick. I looked at him stretched out before me and realised for the first time that my little roly-poly pet had grown into a long, lean, lanky, young lion.

We had been such close friends I hadn't noticed the great change until I saw him under different conditions. I won't linger over the tragedy. One morning we found him cold and stiff lying in his hammock and a little sparrow chirping on the window sill beside him. His dear spirit had gone back to God that gave it and I was alone with my dead. Sometimes I take from the drawer a handbag worn and rusty from which half the beads are gone, with the golden clasps bitten and bent. The twilight playtime comes back to me and I see a tawny little lion playing tug o' war with me. The tears rush to my eyes as I lay it gently away and through the mist I see his kingly little head

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