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8 recipients of the royal generosity. By established custom every bishop, every superior of a religious house, on entering upon the emoluments of his see was bound, "ratione novæ creationis" to allow a fitting pension to any clerk recommended by the crown until such time as he had provided a suitable benefice for him. So, in the same way, founders and their descendants claimed and exercised the right of billeting poor relations or needy dependents for maintenance, and often for lodging, on the religious houses of which they were patrons.

In their endeavour to meet the demands upon their revenue, the abbots and superiors of the religious houses endeavoured to accommodate their farming arrangements to the requirements of the time. Like the nobles and other landowners, they tried to turn their estates to the most profitable account by forming large enclosures, and devoting land hitherto cultivated to the pasture of sheep. This was regarded with great disfavour by the people, who were no longer required in the same numbers as before to make the monastic estates profitable to their owners. In the parliament of 1529 this, and the fact that the religious kept "tan houses and sold wool and cloth," &c., were causes of complaint against them by the Commons.

It is difficult for the popular mind to resist the influence of attractive pictures presented to it. The advantages to be derived from a redistribution of the worldly wealth of the Church, and in particular of the religious bodies in England, were constantly insisted upon. And the poison instilled into the people by scurrilous tales and descriptions of clerical and monastic life, circulated by their authors for the purpose of bringing discredit upon the Church, was no doubt insidious. These generally were not indigenous, but imported, venerable stories, Eastern in their origin and adapted from Mahometan life to suit the Christian character; but even they could not deprive the religious bodies of popular respect.

The most celebrated and perhaps most dangerous attack against the religious orders made in the early sixteenth century was in the "Supplication of Beggars," written by one Simon Fish. It was answered by Sir Thomas More, step by step, in his "Supplication of Poor Souls;" but, like all such stories, the answer probably reached only a


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 few of those who had accepted the wild statements of Fish's fables. Although aimed chiefly against the mendicant friars, the "Supplication of Beggars" involved in one sweeping condemnation the whole of the spirituality, described as "bishops, abbots, priors, deacons, archdeacons, suffragans, priests, monks, canons, friars, pardoners, and summoners."

Still, even these and similar falsehoods, although appealing to the cupidity of the people, do not seem to have alienated from the monks the affections of the general population. The insurrections in their favour furnish some indication of the opinion of the people, in spite of all that had been said and written. Henry Brinklow, a mendicant friar who had thrown off his frock, and was therefore on two accounts little likely to favour the monasteries, bears testimony to the way in which they discharged their duties to the people. "And when they," he writes, "had gifts of any (churches) not impropriated, they gave them unto their friends, of which always some were learned; for the monks found of their friends children at school. And though they were not learned, yet they kept hospitality, and helped their poor friends. And if the parsonages were impropriated, the monks were bound to deal alms to the poor, and to keep hospitality, as the writings of the gifts of such parsonages and lands do plainly declare, in these words: ' in puram eleemosinam ' And as touching the alms that they dealt, and the hospitality that they kept, every man knoweth that many thousands were well relieved of them, and might have been better if they had not had so many great men's horses to feed, and had not been overcharged with 'such idle gentlemen as were never out of the abbeys. And if they had any vicarage in their hands, they set in sometimes some sufficient vicar (though it were but seldom) to preach and to teach." He goes on to say that the land was given to the monastic houses for education, hospitality, and to give alms to the poor, and that they were pulled down on the "pretence" of amending what was amiss. "But see," he

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, "how much that was amiss is amended, for all the godly pretence. It is amended, even as the devil amended his dame's leg (as it is in the proverb): when he should have set it right he broke it quite in pieces. The monks gave too little alms, but now, where 20l. was given yearly to the poor in more than a hundred places in England, is not one meal's meat given. This is fair amendment."

It will be necessary to examine more particularly the general state of moral discipline to be found within the monasteries of England at the beginning of the sixteenth century in considering the charges brought against them by those who thus sought to justify their dissolution. It may be here stated, however, that the most authentic evidence upon the subject is to be found in the episcopal registers of the various dioceses. These contain records, more or less minute, of the visitations made by the bishops to the monasteries within the limits of their special jurisdiction. Their injunctions and other acts prove the care with which the duty of supervision was exercised. Many monasteries, and even orders, were, of course, altogether exempted from episcopal control; but such exemptions were by no means as common as is generally stated. There is no reason whatever to suppose that the condition of the exempt religious was in any way worse than the rest. On the contrary, they were, as a rule, the larger monastic houses which enjoyed the privilege, and in these, as the preamble of the Act of Parliament which suppressed the lesser houses expressly declares, "thanks be to God religion is right well kept." It is not too much, therefore, to regard the evidence furnished in the pages of these episcopal registers as giving a faithful picture of the state of the religious houses.

It would be affectation to suggest that the vast regular body in England was altogether free from grosser faults and immoralities. But it is unjust to regard them as existing to any but a very limited extent. Human nature in all ages of the world is the same. The religious habit, though a


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, gives no absolute immunity from the taint of fallen nature. The religious of the sixteenth century had passed through many difficulties dangerous to their spiritual no less than to their temporal welfare. Yet, while their moral tone had probably been lowered by the influence of the spirit of the times, the graver falls were certainly confined to individual cases. Anything like general immorality was altogether unknown among the religious of England. This much is clearly proved by the testimony of the acts of episcopal visitations, as well as by the absence of any such sweeping charge till it became necessary for Henry and his agents to blast the fair name of the monastic houses in order the more easily to gain possession of their property.

The reports of Crumwell's visitors no doubt represented the religious houses as being in the worst possible state of moral degradation. Subsequent authors have improved upon the picture, and have drawn to a great extent upon their imagination. It is to be hoped that a better knowledge of the methods employed by Henry's agents to blacken the character of those they were about to despoil may lead to a truer appreciation of the value to be attached to their testimony.


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 seated at table, his mother told him of the horrible letters, according to her, that the Kergarouëts and the Portenduères had written to her.

“There is no more family nowadays, mother,” answered Savinien, “there are only individuals! The nobles are no longer a solid party. To-day no one asks you if you are a Portenduère, if you are brave, if you are a statesman; everybody asks you, ‘What taxes do you pay?’”

“And the King?” asked the old lady.

“The King is caught between the two chambers like a man between his lawful wife and his mistress. And so I too must marry a rich girl, no matter what family she belongs to, a peasant’s daughter, if she has a dowry of a million and if she is sufficiently well educated, that is to say, if she comes from a school.’”

“That is another thing!” said the old lady.

Savinien frowned at hearing these words. He knew this granite will, called Breton obstinacy, for which his mother was well-known, and he wanted at once to know her opinion about this delicate matter.

“So then,” he said, “if I were to love a young girl, like our neighbor’s ward, for instance little Ursule, you would oppose my marriage?”

“As long as I live,” she said. “After my death, you alone will be responsible for the honor and blood of the Portenduères and the Kergarouëts.”

“Then you would let me die of hunger and despair for the sake of an idle fancy which nowadays only becomes a reality through the lustre of wealth?”


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 “You would serve France and trust in God!”

“You would postpone my happiness until after your death?”

“It would be horrible of you, that’s all.”

“Louis XIV. nearly married the niece of Mazarin, a parvenu.”

“Mazarin himself opposed it.”

“And Scarron’s widow?”

“She was a d’Aubigne! Besides, the marriage was secret. But I am very old, my son,” she said, tossing her head. “When I am no more, you will marry as you please.”

Savinien both loved and respected his mother; he immediately, but silently, opposed the old Kergarouët’s obstinacy with an equal stubbornness, and resolved never to have any other wife than Ursule, who, by this opposition, as always happens in similar occurrences, acquired the merit of a forbidden thing.

When, after vespers, Doctor Minoret and Ursule, dressed in white and pink, entered this chilly parlor, the child was seized with nervous trembling as if she were in the presence of the Queen of France, and had some favor to ask of her. Since her explanation with the doctor, this little house had assumed the proportions of a palace, and the old lady all the social weight that a duchess must have had in the middle ages, in the eyes of a bondsman’s daughter. Never had Ursule so desperately compared as at this moment the distance that divided a Vicomte de Portenduère from the daughter of a


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 bandmaster, once a singer at the Italiens, an organist’s natural son, and her existence depended upon a doctor’s kindness.

“What is the matter, my child?” said the old lady, making her sit down beside her.

“Madame, I am confused at the honor you deign to show me—”

“Eh! little one,” replied Madame de Portenduère in her most sour tone, “I know how much your guardian loves you and I want to please him, for he brought me back the prodigal son.”

“But, my dear mother,” said Savinien, wounded to the heart at seeing Ursule’s quick flush and the terrible contraction with which she repressed her tears, “even were we under no obligation to Monsieur le Chevalier Minoret, it seems to me that we could always feel happy at the pleasure mademoiselle gives us by accepting your invitation.”

And the young nobleman squeezed the doctor’s hand significantly, adding:

“You wear, monsieur, the order of Saint-Michel, the oldest order in France and that always confers nobility.”

Ursule’s exceeding beauty, to which her almost hopeless love had for several days lent that depth which great painters have imparted to those of their portraits in which the soul is markedly conspicuous, had suddenly struck Madame de Portenduère, whilst causing her to suspect an ambitious calculation beneath the doctor’s generosity. And so the sentence which Savinien had then answered was said


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 with an intention which wounded the doctor in all that he held most dear; but he could not suppress a smile at hearing himself called Chevalier by Savinien, and recognized in this exaggeration the audacity of lovers who never flinch before any ridicule.

“The order of Saint-Michel, to obtain which so many follies were formerly committed, has gone out, Monsieur le Vicomte,” replied the former royal physician, “as so many privileges have gone out! Nowadays it is only given to doctors and poor artists. Therefore kings have done well to combine it with that of Saint-Lazare, a saint who was, I believe, a poor devil restored to life by a miracle! On that score, the order of Saint-Michel and Saint-Lazare should be, for us, a symbol.”

After this reply, which was tinged with both mockery and dignity, silence reigned without anybody trying to break it, and it was becoming irksome, when someone knocked.

“Here is our dear curé,” said the old lady, rising, leaving Ursule alone, and advancing to meet the Abbé Chaperon, an honor she had shown to neither Ursule nor the doctor.

The old man smiled in looking alternately at his ward and Savinien. To complain of Madame de Portenduère’s manner or to take offence at it was a reef upon which a small-minded man would have run aground; but Minoret had learnt too much not to avoid it; he began to chat with the viscount of the danger Charles X. was running, after having


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 entrusted the management of his policy to the Prince de Polignac. When time enough had elapsed in talking over matters for the doctor to have no appearance of revenging himself, he presented the old lady, almost jestingly, with the notes of proceedings and the receipted bills that verified the account made by his notary.

“Has my son acknowledged it?” she said, giving Savinien a look which he answered by a bow of the head. “Well, then, that returns to Dionis,” she added, pushing away the papers and treating this matter with the scorn that in her eyes money deserved.

To disparage wealth was, in Madame de Portenduère’s opinion, to exalt the nobility and rob the bourgeoisie of its importance. A few minutes after, Goupil came, on behalf of his employer, to ask for the accounts between Savinien and Monsieur Minoret.

“And why?” said the old lady.

“To form the basis of the bond; there is no payment in specie,” replied the head clerk, casting impudent looks around him.

Ursule and Savinien, who for the first time exchanged glances with this horrible person, experienced the same sensation that is caused by a toad, but aggravated by a sinister presentiment. Both had that indefinable, confused vision of the future, which is nameless, but which could be explained as an action of the inner being of which the Swedenborgian had spoken to the doctor. The conviction


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 that this venomous Goupil would be fatal to them made Ursule tremble; but she recovered from her trouble by feeling an unspeakable pleasure in seeing Savinien sharing her emotion.

“He is not handsome, Monsieur Dionis’s clerk!” said Savinien when Goupil had shut the door.

“And what does it matter whether those people are handsome or ugly?” said Madame de Portenduère.

“I do not owe him a grudge for his ugliness,” rejoined the curé, “but for his malice, which is unbounded; there is villainy in it.”

In spite of his desire to be pleasant, the doctor became stately and cold. The two lovers were uneasy. But for the good nature of the Abbé Chaperon, whose gentle gaiety enlivened the dinner, the situation of the doctor and his ward would have been almost intolerable. At dessert, seeing Ursule turn pale, he said:

“If you do not feel well, my child, you have only to cross the road.”

“What is it, my love?” said the old lady to the young girl.

“Alas! madame,” rejoined the doctor, severely, “her soul is chilled, accustomed as she is to meet nothing but smiles.”

“A very bad education, Monsieur le Docteur,” said Madame de Portenduère. “Is it not so, Monsieur le Curé?”

“Yes, madame,” rejoined Minoret giving the curé a look which silenced him. “I see that I have made


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 life impossible for this angelic nature, if she had to go out into the world; but I shall not die without having secured her from coldness, indifference and hatred.”

“Godfather!—I beg of you—enough. I do not suffer here,” she said, braving Madame de Portenduère’s look rather than give too much meaning to her words by looking at Savinien.

“I do not know, madame,” then said Savinien to his mother, “whether Mademoiselle Ursule suffers, but I know that you torture me.”

Upon hearing this remark forced from this generous young man by his mother’s manners, Ursule turned pale and begged Madame de Portenduère to excuse her; she rose, took her guardian’s arm, curtsied, went out, returned home, hastily rushed into her godfather’s salon, where she sat down near the piano, buried her head in her hands and burst into tears.

“Why did you not leave the guidance of your feelings to my old experience, cruel child?” cried the doctor in despair. “The nobility never think themselves indebted to us bourgeois. By serving them, we do our duty, that is all. Besides, the old lady saw that Savinien was looking at you with pleasure, she is afraid that he may love you.”

“After all, he is saved!” she said, “but to try to humiliate a man like you—”

“Wait for me, little one.”

When the doctor returned to Madame de Portenduère’s he found Dionis there, accompanied by


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 Messieurs Bongrand and Levrault, the mayor, the witnesses required by law for the validity of deeds drawn up in parishes where there is only one notary. Minoret took Monsieur Dionis aside and whispered a word in his ear, after which the notary read out the acknowledgment; in it Madame de Portenduère was to give a mortgage on all her property to the extent of repaying the hundred thousand francs the doctor had lent the viscount, and the interest was stipulated at five per cent. At the reading of this clause, the curé looked at Minoret, who answered the abbé by a slight nod of approval. The poor priest went to whisper a few words to his penitent, to which she replied, half-aloud:

“I will not be under any obligation to those people.”

“My mother, monsieur, leaves me the best part,” said Savinien to the doctor, “she will return you all the money, and entrusts the gratitude to me.”

“But you will have to find eleven thousand francs the first year, on account of the costs of the deed,” rejoined the curé.

“Monsieur,” said Minoret to Dionis, “as Monsieur and Madame de Portenduère are unable to pay the registration, add the costs of the deed to the capital, I will pay them.”

Dionis made some references, and the capital was then fixed at one hundred and seven thousand francs. When all was signed, Minoret pleaded fatigue as an excuse for retiring at the same time as the notary and the witnesses.


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 “Madame,” said the curé, who alone remained with the viscount, “why wound that excellent Monsieur Minoret, who has nevertheless saved you at least twenty-five thousand francs in Paris, and who has had the delicacy to leave your son twenty thousand for his debts of honor?”

“Your Minoret is a sneak,” she said, taking a pinch of snuff, “he knows very well what he is about.”

“My mother thinks that he wants to force me to marry his ward by gobbling up our farm, as if a Portenduère, son of a Kergarouët, could be forced to marry against his will.”

An hour afterward, Savinien called at the doctor’s, where the heirs chanced to be, brought there by curiosity. The young viscount’s appearance produced a sensation that was all the keener as, in each of the company, it roused different emotions. Mesdemoiselles Crémière and Massin whispered while looking at Ursule, who was blushing. The mothers said to Désiré that Goupil might be right with regard to this marriage. The eyes of all present then turned upon the doctor, who did not rise to receive the nobleman, but was pleased to greet him with an inclination of the head without leaving the dice-box, for he was playing a game of backgammon with Monsieur Bongrand. The doctor’s coolness surprised everybody.

“Ursule, my child,” he said, “give us a little music.”

Seeing the young girl, happy to be noticed, fly to


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 the instrument and begin rummaging the volumes bound in green, the heirs accepted the torture and silence which were about to be inflicted upon them, with demonstrations of pleasure, so anxious were they to know what was hatching between their uncle and the Portenduères.

It often happens that a piece, poor in itself, but played by a young girl under the influence of deep feeling, makes more impression than a grand overture pompously rendered by a skilled orchestra. In all music, besides the composer’s idea, there exists the soul of the player, who, through a license acquired only in this art, may give meaning and poetry to phrases that have no great value. Chopin to-day proves the truth of this fact on the thankless piano, as has been already demonstrated by Paganini on the violin. This grand genius is not so much a musician as a soul that becomes alive and which would transmit itself through every kind of music, even through simple harmonies. From her sublime and perilous organization Ursule belonged to this school of rare genius; but old Schmucke, the master who used to come every Saturday, and who, during Ursule’s stay in Paris, saw her every day, had brought his pupil’s talent to the height of its perfection. Rousseau’s Dream, the piece chosen by Ursule, one of the youthful compositions of Herold, is, moreover, not lacking in a certain depth which can be developed in the playing; she threw into it the feelings that were agitating her and thoroughly justified the title of


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 caprice that this fragment bears. By a touch both sweet and dreamy, her soul was speaking to the young man’s soul and enwrapt it with almost visible ideas as with a cloud. Seated at the end of the piano, his elbow leaning upon the lid and his head in his left hand, Savinien was admiring Ursule, whose eyes, fixed upon the woodwork, seemed to be searching into a mysterious world. One might have fallen deeply in love for less. Genuine feeling has its magnetism, and Ursule wanted in some way to show her mind, as a coquette adorns herself in order to please. So Savinien penetrated into this delicious kingdom, led away by the heart, that, to interpret itself, borrowed the power of the only art which speaks to thought by thought itself, without the help of words, color or form. Sincerity has the same power over man as childhood, it has the same charm and the same irresistible fascination; now Ursule had never been more sincere than at this moment when she was just beginning a new life. The curé came to tear the nobleman from his dream by asking him to make the fourth at whist. Ursule continued playing, the heirs left, with the exception of Désiré, who was trying to find out the intentions of his great-uncle, of the viscount and of Ursule.

“You have as much talent as soul, mademoiselle,” said Savinien when the young girl shut her piano to come and sit beside her godfather. “Who is your master?”


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 “A German, living quite close to the Rue Dauphiné, on the Quai Conti,” said the doctor. “Had he not given Ursule a lesson every day during our visit to Paris, he would have come this morning.”

“He is not only a great musician,” said Ursule, “but an adorably simple man.”

“The lessons must be very expensive!” cried Désiré.

The players exchanged an ironical smile. When the game was finished, the doctor, who had been gloomy up till then, assumed, in looking at Savinien, the look of a man who is grieved at having to fulfil an obligation.

“Monsieur,” he said to him, “I am very grateful for the feeling that has led you to pay me so prompt a visit; but your mother attributes very ignoble after-thoughts to me, and I should be giving her the right to a genuine belief in them did I not beg you never to come again to see me, in spite of the honor your visits do me and of the pleasure I should have in cultivating your society. My honor and my peace require that all neighborly relations should cease between us. Tell your mother that, if I do not beg her to do us the honor, my ward and I, of accepting an invitation to dinner on Sunday next, it is because of the certainty I have that she would be indisposed on that day.”

The old man held out his hand to the young viscount, who pressed it affectionately and said:

“You are right, monsieur!”


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 Then he withdrew, but not without making a bow to Ursule, a bow that expressed melancholy rather than disappointment.

Désiré left at the same time as the nobleman; but he found it impossible to exchange a word with him, as Savinien rushed home.


text: The Salticidae (Spiders) of Panama/Introduction


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Author:Charles Buckles Falls

Works

 * (illus.) Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs

title: Author:Charles Buckles Falls


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Author:Edmond William Rickett

Works

 * (music) Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs

title: Author:Edmond William Rickett


text:
Author:William Wyatt Gill

Works

 * Life in the Southern Isles (1876)
 * Myths and Songs from the South Pacific (1876)
 * "The Exploits of Tamaro-the-Terrible; a myth from Manihiki" The International Folk-Lore Congress of the World's Columbian Exposition, Chicago, July, 1893
 * Historical Sketches of Savage Life with Illustrative Clan Songs
 * Life and Adventures in New Guinea (1884)
 * Jottings from the Pacific (1885)

title: Author:William Wyatt Gill


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Author:Edvard Alexander Westermarck

Works

 * The History of Human Marriage. London: Macmillan, 1891.
 * Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas (1906-1908)
 * Marriage ceremonies in Morocco, 1914

title: Author:Edvard Alexander Westermarck


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 Romance of Ibistors Series EDITED BY JOHN LANG MEXICO

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 ROMANCE OF HISTORY

BY

MARGARET DUNCAN COXHEAD

WITH TWELVE REPRODUCTIONS IN COLOUR OF ORIGINAL DRAWINGS BY J. H. ROBINSON

ROHM D011 Black and white inner cover.jpg

NEW YORK

FREDERICK A. STOKES COMPANY PUBLISHERS

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courage and the power of endurance have a fascination even for the weak and timid, and in these qualities the dare-devil Spanish adventurers who conquered the mighty empire of Mexico have never been surpassed. Gold-greedy and cruel they were, and many a dark deed dims the glory of their great achievement, but they bore through all an unswerving faith in the justice of their cause, and an indomitable self-confidence which no peril, no disaster could entirely destroy. Thus armoured they were indeed wellnigh invincible.

In the pages of the old chronicler, Bernal Diaz, this spirit breathes in every line, for was he not himself one of the conquerors? And did he not know by grim experience the dangers braved, the toils endured, the cost of victory? "Let the wise and learned read my history from beginning to end," he says with quaint frankness, "and they will then confess that there never existed in the world men who by bold achievements have gained more

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 for their Lord and King than we the brave conquerors; amongst the most gallant of whom I was considered as one, and am the most ancient of all. I say again that I,—I myself,—I am a true conqueror and the most ancient of all."

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 {|align="center" width="450px" cellpadding="4" style="font-size:100%; text-align:left;"
 * colspan="2" |LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
 * colspan="2"|PAGE
 * Portrait of Cortés
 * Frontispiece
 * He fought boldly in the front rank
 * 48
 * Montezuma
 * 70
 * "To Mexico! To Mexico!"
 * 99
 * The whole army knelt in the mud and confessed their sins
 * 170
 * The army entered Mexico to the sound of martial music
 * 174
 * Return to your homes. Lay down your arms
 * 182
 * All sense of order and discipline was lost
 * 194
 * There is our mark! Follow and support me!
 * 204
 * Again and again they returned to the attack
 * 238
 * Cortés and his men at the gap
 * 242
 * You will deal with me, Malintzin, as you list
 * 260
 * colspan="2" |
 * 194
 * There is our mark! Follow and support me!
 * 204
 * Again and again they returned to the attack
 * 238
 * Cortés and his men at the gap
 * 242
 * You will deal with me, Malintzin, as you list
 * 260
 * colspan="2" |
 * You will deal with me, Malintzin, as you list
 * 260
 * colspan="2" |
 * colspan="2" |
 * colspan="2" |

MAP
 * }
 * }

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ages have their pervading spirit. In the fifteenth century it was, in Western Europe, a spirit of unrest, of curiosity, of adventure. Twice before in the history of the world had the same phenomenon been seen on a gigantic scale, and on all three occasions the sea had been the path along which men had passed in their craving to o'erleap the baffling bounds of the world they knew. It had tempted the Greeks to sift the fabled wonders of their day, from Colchis in the stormy east to the pillars of Hercules in the stormy west, to face the rising sun in their search for the golden fleece, and to pursue him as he set behind the garden that glowed with the golden apples of the Hesperides. It had allured the wild Northmen along its frozen margin, westward and southward to a land where the grape ripened in the open air, eastward to the outpost of European civilisation, to take service in the Emperor's Varangian guard at Constantinople. And now again, when all memory of the New World discoveries of these hardy rovers I

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 had faded from the minds of men, this same spirit, thrilling through Western Europe, led the venturesome to yet greater quests on the broad bosom of the ocean. Has this mighty sea no bourne, they questioned, save the bottomless abyss? Does the sunset hold no mystery? Or is there, perchance, as the creators of Atlas declared, far out in the gleaming West a new Atlantis inestimably rich with the gifts of Mother Nature?

To seek an answer the sailor left the safe shores of Europe and perilled his life on the dangerous deep. Foremost in this quest for the unknown were the Portuguese, driven to the sea by their narrow land. In his castle near Cape St. Vincent, whence he could gaze on the Atlantic, Prince Henry, the Navigator, gathered round him the most learned geographers and skilled seamen of his day. Sunny Madeira, green and fertile, was discovered by his ships, which, venturing farther voyage by voyage, explored the coasts of Africa itself even to the torrid zone. For long the Portuguese feared to sail south of the river Senegal, for might not the vertical rays of a flaming sun consume them in their wooden boats? But they steered boldly westwards into the open sea, and came to the Azores, nine hundred miles from any continent. The death of Prince Henry checked for a time the ardour for exploration, but in the reign of his grand-nephew John II., Portuguese vessels dared to cross the line, and followed the coast in its eastern bend, until at last Cabo Tormentoso, the Stormy Cape, was sighted far away in the south. Like wildfire through Europe flew the story of this great achievement, and in all 2

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 {|align="center" width="400px" cellpadding="2" 281
 * Aguilar, J. de, 43, 44, 45, 46, 52, 206
 * Alderete, J. de, 228, 230, 242, 243, 245
 * Alexander VI. (Pope), 15
 * Alhambra, 12, 13
 * Alvarado, 33, 39, 41, 55, 98, 113, 125, 149, 167, 172, 174, 175, 188, 194, 195, 196, 198, 199, 204, 231, 232, 234, 235, 236, 237, 238, 244, 245, 254, 261, 268
 * America, Central, 18
 * Anahuac, 58, 59, 60, 61, 63, 69, 72, 109, 157, 190, 202, 208, 213, 215, 220, 222
 * Avila A. de, 48, 49, 172, 193, 204, 212, 266, 267
 * Azores, the, 2, 15
 * Aztec religion, 75-81, 268
 * Aztec women, 72-74
 * Aztecs, or Mexicans, the, 32, 52, 55, 57, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 67, 69, 70, 71, 72, 146, 156, 157, 160, 166, 175, 176, 177, 178, 180, 182, 183, 187, 188, 195, 196, 202, 204, 221, 226, 234, 235, 236, 237, 239, 242, 244, 246, 249, 250, 251, 254, 258
 * Aztlan, 60
 * Botello, 192, 199
 * Cacama, 83, 123, 154, 155, 177, 195, 219
 * California, 280
 * Cape of Good Hope, 3, 18
 * Casas, B. de las, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 49, 51
 * Catalan, J., 239
 * Cempoalla, 89, 91, 168
 * Cervantes, 27
 * Chalco Lake, 123, 222, 227, 228
 * Chapoltepec, 137, 214, 235
 * Charles V., Emperor, 26, 96, 157, 267, 274, 275, 276
 * Chichimecs, the, 59, 60
 * Cholula, 80, 102, 113, 114
 * Cid Campeador, 8-10
 * Cofre de Perote, 100
 * Cojohuacan, 234, 235, 261
 * Columbus, C., 3, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 81
 * Columbus, D., 23
 * Cordova, 30
 * Cortés, H., 19, 21, 23, 28, 29, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 98, 102, 103, 105, 106, 107, 110, 113, 114, 116, 118, 119, 122, 124, 126, 128, 137, 138, 139, 142, 143, 145, 147, 148, 150, 154, 156, 160, 161, 165, 166, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 177, 179, 180, 182, 184, 185, 188, 189, 192, 193, 194, 195, 197, 198, 199, 202, 204, 205, 206, 207, 210, 211, 213, 216, 218, 220, 222, 228, 229, 231, 234, 235, 236, 238, 239, 241, 242, 243, 247, 249, 254, 255, 259, 260, 262, 264, 265, 267, 269, 272, 274, 276
 * Cortés, M., 19, 20, 273
 * Cortés, Don M., 276, 277, 278
 * }
 * Cape of Good Hope, 3, 18
 * Casas, B. de las, 24, 25, 26, 27, 29, 49, 51
 * Catalan, J., 239
 * Cempoalla, 89, 91, 168
 * Cervantes, 27
 * Chalco Lake, 123, 222, 227, 228
 * Chapoltepec, 137, 214, 235
 * Charles V., Emperor, 26, 96, 157, 267, 274, 275, 276
 * Chichimecs, the, 59, 60
 * Cholula, 80, 102, 113, 114
 * Cid Campeador, 8-10
 * Cofre de Perote, 100
 * Cojohuacan, 234, 235, 261
 * Columbus, C., 3, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 81
 * Columbus, D., 23
 * Cordova, 30
 * Cortés, H., 19, 21, 23, 28, 29, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 98, 102, 103, 105, 106, 107, 110, 113, 114, 116, 118, 119, 122, 124, 126, 128, 137, 138, 139, 142, 143, 145, 147, 148, 150, 154, 156, 160, 161, 165, 166, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 177, 179, 180, 182, 184, 185, 188, 189, 192, 193, 194, 195, 197, 198, 199, 202, 204, 205, 206, 207, 210, 211, 213, 216, 218, 220, 222, 228, 229, 231, 234, 235, 236, 238, 239, 241, 242, 243, 247, 249, 254, 255, 259, 260, 262, 264, 265, 267, 269, 272, 274, 276
 * Cortés, M., 19, 20, 273
 * Cortés, Don M., 276, 277, 278
 * }
 * Cid Campeador, 8-10
 * Cofre de Perote, 100
 * Cojohuacan, 234, 235, 261
 * Columbus, C., 3, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 81
 * Columbus, D., 23
 * Cordova, 30
 * Cortés, H., 19, 21, 23, 28, 29, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 98, 102, 103, 105, 106, 107, 110, 113, 114, 116, 118, 119, 122, 124, 126, 128, 137, 138, 139, 142, 143, 145, 147, 148, 150, 154, 156, 160, 161, 165, 166, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 177, 179, 180, 182, 184, 185, 188, 189, 192, 193, 194, 195, 197, 198, 199, 202, 204, 205, 206, 207, 210, 211, 213, 216, 218, 220, 222, 228, 229, 231, 234, 235, 236, 238, 239, 241, 242, 243, 247, 249, 254, 255, 259, 260, 262, 264, 265, 267, 269, 272, 274, 276
 * Cortés, M., 19, 20, 273
 * Cortés, Don M., 276, 277, 278
 * }
 * Cordova, 30
 * Cortés, H., 19, 21, 23, 28, 29, 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 41, 42, 47, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 84, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 96, 98, 102, 103, 105, 106, 107, 110, 113, 114, 116, 118, 119, 122, 124, 126, 128, 137, 138, 139, 142, 143, 145, 147, 148, 150, 154, 156, 160, 161, 165, 166, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 176, 177, 179, 180, 182, 184, 185, 188, 189, 192, 193, 194, 195, 197, 198, 199, 202, 204, 205, 206, 207, 210, 211, 213, 216, 218, 220, 222, 228, 229, 231, 234, 235, 236, 238, 239, 241, 242, 243, 247, 249, 254, 255, 259, 260, 262, 264, 265, 267, 269, 272, 274, 276
 * Cortés, M., 19, 20, 273
 * Cortés, Don M., 276, 277, 278
 * }
 * Cortés, M., 19, 20, 273
 * Cortés, Don M., 276, 277, 278
 * }
 * }


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and night the Spanish general studied with anxious care the possibilities and dangers of his strange position. Well he knew that on his action depended the lives of all his men. While in Cholula bad news had come to him from the settlement on the coast, but fearing to dishearten the soldiers on the very eve of their entrance into Mexico, he had until now concealed the painful story.

Juan de Escalante, whom he had left as commandant of the garrison at Vera Cruz, had received, soon after the departure of Cortés, a message from an Aztec chief named Quauhpopoca, begging that four Spaniards might be sent to escort him to the Spanish settlement. He wished to give in his allegiance to the white men, but feared to venture to their town without protection. The four soldiers were despatched, and found to their horror that the request was but a treacherous ruse. Two of them were murdered in cold blood, but the other two managed to escape to Vera Cruz.

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 Three ushers with golden wands walked in advance to clear the way. Then barefooted and bareheaded came princes of the blood carrying on their proud shoulders the royal palanquin glittering with gold and surmounted by a canopy of green feathers sprinkled with precious stones. Behind, with reverent mien and downcast eyes walked an escort of nobles richly dressed in green and silver.

The procession halted, and a carpet of white cloth was spread on the ground. Then leaning on the arms of Cuitlahuac, his brother, and the lord of Tezcuco, his nephew, the emperor descended from his palanquin and advanced on foot to meet his guests. His cloak and tunic were embroidered with jewels, and the dark-green feathers which floated from his headdress were powdered with emeralds and pearls. The very soles of his sandals were of pure gold, and the leather thongs were rimmed with gems. He was tall and thin, with regular features, pale complexion, and scanty black beard, and his manner as he greeted the Spanish general was dignified and kingly. Cortés presented Montezuma with a chain of coloured crystals, and advanced to embrace him, but Cuitlahuac, with a look of horror, flung back the outstretched arm of the impious stranger who presumed to touch the sacred person of the emperor. Greetings exchanged, Montezuma, leaving his nobles to escort the visitors to their quarters, re-entered his palanquin and was borne back to his palace. Along a broad paved avenue, which stretched in a straight line right through the centre of the capital 126


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 adventurous souls stirred a like passion for discovery. With some, greed was the master motive; of these was the King of Portugal himself, who dreamed night and day of a sea-passage round Africa to the Indies, which would bring to his treasury the untold wealth of the East. To this end he toiled unceasingly to prepare an expedition which should double the Stormy Cape, re-christened the "Cape of Good Hope." Yet in his feverish striving he flung to the winds a chance of gaining the glory and riches for which his soul was athirst.

To the Court of Portugal, whence all men's eyes turned so eagerly to the East, came the Genoese Christopher Columbus, with his strange creed"—Look to the unknown West if you would reach the golden East!" John listened, but was not convinced. There might be land, as Columbus urged, beyond the great Atlantic, and it might be part of the Indies, but it was after all only a vague possibility, and he could not at such a moment, when he needed every resource for his own project, support so wild a scheme.

Denied by Portugal, Columbus turned to Spain, where reigned Ferdinand of Aragon and his wife, Isabella of Castile. He chanced on an unlucky time, when the joint sovereigns of Christian Spain were straining every nerve to capture Granada, and to wrest from the Moslem his last foothold in their land. Cold and distrustful, the king would have naught to say to the mad dreamer; but Isabella, more generous in nature, was fired by the splendour of the dream. She would help this Genoese, for 3

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 might she not thus win countless heathen hordes to the faith she loved so well? "I will assume the undertaking," said she, "for my own crown of Castile, and am ready to pawn my jewels to defray the expenses, if the funds in the treasury shall be found inadequate." So it was Spain at last which sent Columbus forth on the broad and perhaps boundless ocean. And to Spain, therefore, fell the lion's share of the treasures of the New World.

To the Englishman of to-day Spain is not a land of energy or of progress. It is not to her that he turns to mark history in the making, nor to seek guidance in his heavy task of world-wide dominion. She is to him the land of rugged mountain and of silver stream, of castle-crowned rock and of old-world city, of races mediæval in feeling or Eastern in thought, a land attuned to the music of the guitar, to the strains of which the mind wanders dreamily back over the vanished pageantry of a glorious past. For Spain, most westerly of European countries, lies under the blight which has for centuries sapped the energies of the East. Her glance, like that of the Orient, is directed backwards, and drugged with indolent pride in what has gone, she has lost zest to strive for what is to come. But on the day that Isabella, first queen of united Spain, turned from receiving the submission of Granada, the last strong-hold of her country's age-long oriental foes, to give to the ardent Genoese her mandate to explore the Occident, no people of Europe faced the widening future with higher hope or loftier courage.

Of a strange nature was the vigour which Spain 4

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 was destined to display, singularly unlike the vigour of the modern world, except, perhaps, in its greed for riches. So marked it was in its outline, that to this day we associate with the word "Spaniard" the dominant qualities of the heroes of her golden age. To understand the conquerors of Mexico, it may help if we look at the stock and circumstances from which they sprang.

Nearly seventeen centuries before the fall of Granada, restless warring tribes, hemmed in by the sea before them and the Pyrenees behind, possessed the land of Spain. Pure Celt, or pure Iberian, or blended Celtiberian, these men had retained in their mountain fastnesses, through centuries of conflict, a fierce and untamed spirit. Nowhere within her boundaries had all-conquering Rome to face a more determined foe, just as nowhere within her boundaries did her intellectual supremacy bear finer fruit. The courage, the love of adventure, and the intelligence of the Spaniard are qualities ingrained in his stock.

With the decay of the Roman empire, Hispania, enfeebled by Roman luxury, fell almost without a blow when Frank and Sueve, Vandal and Goth, bursting unopposed through the Pyrenees, traversed her from end to end. Three hundred years did Gothic kings hold turbulent sway over a conquered and sullen people. Christians the conquerors were, but arrogant and luxurious; though rude and ignorant they were not deterred by their faith from living in their rock-castles like brigand chiefs. Sudden was their downfall. In the days of King Roderic there 5

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 swept like a storm-cloud across the straits of Gibraltar the Moors or Saracens. Swift were the steeds and keen the scimitars of these fierce soldiers of Islam, and strange and bewildering their way of fighting. For seven days did Roderic and his knights wage desperate battle against the infidel invaders. Each day the Saracens triumphed, and on the eighth, when the king himself was slain, the banner of Spain was torn to shreds, and the standard of the Cross was trodden under foot. Thenceforth the Moslem ruled supreme in Spain, for broken and scattered was the Gothic chivalry, and the mass of the people, ground down by years of oppression, cared little for a change of masters.

A few brave spirits there were who refused thus tamely to submit. To the mountains of the Asturias fled "old Pelayo," beloved of Spanish song. There he dwelt with his followers in the dark recesses of a cave which could only be approached by a ladder of ninety steps. Wild honey at first was almost their only food, and many died of hunger, until they numbered at last but thirty men and ten women.

"What are thirty barbarians, perched up on a rock?" said the Moors contemptuously; "they must inevitably die!" But in spite of incredible hardships the refugees lived on, growing year by year in numbers and in strength, until they became a terror to all the country-side. Their life of peril and isolation, with every man their foe, made them savage and ruthless, wild and ignorant. No chance had they to acquire the refinement and civilisation with which the Moors were endowing Spain. In the fertile 6

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Rh at the hands of his superiors. His highest ambition was that his loved State should be properly represented in the great struggle for liberty, honor and home rule. No inducement that would separate him from this great purpose was for a moment considered. As a Marylander he entered the army of the Confederacy associated with Maryland troops. Their fame was his fame; the honor of their record was his honor; and the perpetuation of the story of their privations and the glories of their triumphs was to him the ever-prevailing object of his efforts. To them he gave his loving care, and for them he made the sacrifices of the four years' war. Thus it can be readily understood why, then and since, Bradley T. Johnson has been recognized as the typical Marylander in the Confederate army, and the love and devotion so freely bestowed on the men of the Maryland line have in return followed him to this day, and make glad his declining years.

He was without the great advantages of military education, his early efforts being given to that more prosaic profession, the law. In this he attained a degree of success and was becoming prominently known when the disruption of the Democratic party occurred and the fatal struggle of 1860 was precipitated. When the dire alternative was presented of taking sides against conviction and kindred, or against the Federal government, and the crisis was accentuated by the passage of troops through Baltimore, Johnson, in command of a company of Frederick volunteers, was among the first to unhesitatingly tender his services to defend the city and State. When futility of opposition by the State to the Federal power became apparent he moved his company to Point of Rocks, and declining a commission as lieutenant-colonel in the Virginia service from Governor Letcher, endeavored to organize a distinctively Maryland command. His hopes were realized in the organization of the First regiment, whose record, which cannot be disassociated from the history of his own gallant career, has been eloquently


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122 then annoyed his rear guard, and when the flank movement was being made against Jones, cut his way through a Federal regiment and apprised the Confederate commander of his danger. While the captain was absent on this duty, a detachment under Lieutenants McNeill and Dolan remained near Moorefield, severely punished a raiding party sent against them in June, and about the 18th attacked their mortal enemies, the Swamp Dragons, who were escorting a train of provisions furnished them by the Federals. The fight that resulted was a hot one, and Lieutenant Dolan was mortally wounded. This officer was a native of Ireland and a citizen of Wheeling, and a man of remarkable bravery. The "old captain" now rejoined his men, and a few weeks later they rode into a camp of 300 Federals at Springfield, and captured 80 prisoners and 145 horses. He had with him 70 men. He learned from his prisoners that they were a part of a picked body sent out by General Kelley against McNeill, with orders to kill, capture or drive him from the valley. The horses taken enabled him to remount not only his own men but a company of Missourians under Captain Woodson, who had been permitted to join him. The 4th of July, 1864, he celebrated by driving the Federal garrison from Patterson Creek station and burning the rail-road bridge. Immediately after this the Rangers joined General Early's expedition through Maryland to Washington, and were under the orders of the general as scouts. In the cavalry fight at Frederick they resisted the onset of the enemy until McCausland came up, and at Urbana they again checked the pursuit. Subsequently they were active in scouting and collecting supplies in their region, until after the battle of Winchester between Early and Sheridan, when the band went into the valley to assist the defeated Confederates. In this service Captain McNeill came to his death. One foggy morning in October, 1864, while leading a charge on a cavalry camp on Meems bottom, at a bridge over the Shenandoah,


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64 and in a few minutes the command was formed on the crest of a gentle eminence and the banners of the Southern Confederacy floated over the soil of invaders. As our flag was unfurled in the splendors of an evening sun, cheers upon cheers arose from the men, and their enthusiasm was excited to the highest pitch."

General Jenkins made a considerable march in Ohio, and surprised the inhabitants, who begged in abject terror that their homes might be spared from the torch, by committing no depredations, assuring the people that though many of his soldiers were homeless and their families in exile because of such warfare in Virginia, he did not represent barbarians, but a civilized people struggling for their liberties. On more than one occasion, also, he was gratified by the friendly waving of handkerchiefs, and "shouts for Jeff Davis and the Southern Confederacy." Recrossing the Ohio at Racine, he made a demonstration against Point Pleasant, proceeded to Buffalo, crossed the Kanawha, advanced to Barboursville, and thence returned down the Guyandotte valley to Wyoming.

Lightburn's command in the valley consisted of two Ohio regiments at Raleigh Court House, two companies of West Virginia cavalry at Camp Ewing, 10 miles in advance of Gauley bridge, four West Virginia companies at Summersville, and the remainder of the Ninth and Fourth infantry and Second cavalry, West Virginia Federal troops, at different points from Gauley to Charleston. He soon began concentrating upon hearing of Jenkins' movements, and the force at Raleigh fell back to Fayette. Loring advanced with a little army of about 5,000 men, organized as follows:

ARMY OF WESTERN VIRGINIA.

Maj.-Gen. W. W. Loring commanding. Maj. H. Fitzhugh, chief of staff; Col. C. E. Thorburn, chief of ordnance; Capt. R. L. Poor, chief engineer; Surg. John A. Hunter, medical director.


text:
Author:James Wilson

 * James Wilson (1730–1789), Edinburgh poet
 * James Wilson (1742–1798), US judge of the Supreme Court
 * James Wilson (1760–1814), British maritime explorer
 * James Grant Wilson (1832–1914), American author
 * James Wilson (1861–1941), Scottish agriculturist and academic

title: Author:James Wilson


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28 Co. A. Capt. Bradley T. Johnson. Co. B. Capt. C. C. Edelin, at Harper's Ferry. Co. C. Capt. Frank S. Price. Co. D. Capt. James R. Herbert. Co. E. Capt. Harry McCoy. Co. F. Capt. Thomas G. Holbrook. Co. G. Capt. Wilson Carey Nicholas. Co. H. Capt. Harry Welmore.

They were mustered into the service of the Confederate States on May 21st and 22d by Lieut.-Col. George Deas, inspector-general on the staff of Gen. Jos. E. Johnston, who in the meantime had superseded Colonel Jackson in command at Harper's Ferry. Captain Johnson, as senior captain, refused to recognize the Virginia authorities. Relying on the promise of Mr. Mason, he insisted that the Marylanders should be received into the army of the Confederate States, and not into the army of Virginia. On May 21, 1861, Virginia was not one of the Confederate States. He believed that Maryland ought to be represented in the army by men bearing arms and her flag. It was impossible for her to be represented in the political department of the government; therefore it was of vital importance that the flag of Maryland should always be upheld in the armies of the Confederate States. In these eight companies there were about five hundred men. They effected a temporary organization among themselves under their senior captain, and sent up through the regular channels to President Davis their application to have their battalion organized into the army of the Confederate States, with Charles S. Winder, late captain Ninth infantry, U. S. A., as colonel, and Bradley T. Johnson as lieutenant-colonel.


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Author:James Wilson (1760-1814)

Works

 * A Missionary Voyage to the Southern Pacific Ocean 1799.

title: Author:James Wilson (1760-1814)


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18 While the Virginians were thus preparing to defend the Cheat river line, McClellan, having entered Virginia in person, was promising the Washington authorities, as early as June 23d, an attack which should turn the Confederate position. He had issued proclamations and called for abundant reinforcements; had stationed eleven companies on the railroad at Cheat river bridge, a regiment at Grafton, another at Clarksburg, another at Weston, six companies at Parkersburg, six companies at Wirt Court House, had four companies out against a Confederate reconnoissance, had ordered four regiments into the Kanawha valley, and besides all this, "of his active army fifty-one companies and one battery" were at Philippi, under General Morris, "amusing the enemy," while McClellan had with him at Buckhannon six entire regiments of infantry, six detached companies, two batteries and two companies of cavalry, and more than two regiments expected. He repeated on July 5th his promise to advance, adding that he expected to "repeat the movement of Cerro Gordo," and on July 6th he positively promised that his advance guard would move the next day. Official figures of the numerical strength of his army are lacking, but the statement just made from his reports sufficiently indicates its overwhelming character as compared with the troops waiting on the hills under command of Garnett.

General Garnett, a soldier of twenty years' experience in the United States army, had no false confidence in the strength of his position, and gave the government at Richmond no reason to expect anything but disaster if he should be attacked by the enemy in force. He did not greatly fear such an attack, as he believed McClellan had possession of as much of western Virginia as was desired. In this vein General Garnett wrote, and General Lee, in response, expressed his belief that McClellan would attack and endeavor to penetrate Virginia as far as Staunton, a project that Garnett's object should


text: The Disappearance of Useful Arts/Front matter


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IV


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Rh CHAPTER V.

CAMPING AMONG THE SIOUX.

march took us through the grounds set apart by the Government for the use of the Sioux Indians at peace with our country. We had not made much progress before we began to see their graves. They do not bury their dead, but place them on boards lashed to the limbs of trees, or on high platforms raised from the ground by four poles perhaps twenty feet. The body is wound round and round with clothing or blankets, like a mummy, and inside the layers are placed fire-arms, tobacco, and jerked beef, to supply them on the imaginary journey to the happy hunting-grounds. In the early morning, when it was not quite light, as we filed by these solitary sepulchres, it was uncanny and weird, and the sun, when it came, was doubly welcome. Our first visitor from Agency Indians was Fool-dog, a Sioux chief. He was tall, commanding, and had really a fine face. When he was ready to go home he invited us to come to his village before we left on our next march. At twilight my husband and I walked over. The village was a collection of tepees of all sizes, the largest being what is called the Medicine Lodge, where the councils are held. It was formed of tanned buffalo-hides, sewed together with buckskin thongs, and Rh

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50 stretched over a collection of thirty-six poles. These poles are of great value to the Indians, for in a sparsely timbered country like Dakota it is difficult to find suitable trees. It is necessary to go a great distance to procure the kind of sapling that is light and pliable and yet sufficiently strong for the purpose. The poles are lashed together at the tops and radiate in a circle below. The smoke was pouring out of the opening above, and the only entrance to the tepee was a round aperture near the ground, sufficiently large to allow a person to crawl in. Around the lodge were poles from which were suspended rags; in these were tied their medicines of roots and herbs, supposed to be a charm to keep off evil spirits. The sound of music came from within; I crept tremblingly in after the general, not entirely quieted by his keeping my hand in his, and whispering something to calm my fears as I sat on the buffalo robe beside him. In the first place, I knew how resolute the Indians were in never admitting one of their own women to council, and their curious eyes and forbidding expressions towards me did not add to my comfort. The dust, smoke, and noise in the fading light were not reassuring. Fool-dog arose from the circle of what composed their nobility, and solemnly shook hands with the general; those next in rank followed his example. The pipe was then smoked, and the general had to take a whiff when it came his turn. Fortunately we escaped the speeches, for we had not brought an interpreter.

Coming out of the light into this semi-darkness, with the grotesque figures of the plebeians, as they danced around their chiefs and contorted their bodies to the

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Rh sound of the Indian drum and minor notes of the singers, made it something unearthly in appearance; their painted faces, grunts and grins of serious mirth as they wheeled around the tepee, made me shiver. How relieved I felt when the final pipe was smoked and the good-bye said! The curious eyes of the squaws, who stood in the vicinity of the lodge, followed us, as they watched me clinging to the general's arm while we disappeared, in the direction of camp, through the thickening gloom.

As we went farther north the twilights became longer, and I was greatly deceived by having so much daylight. Every morning, when the reveille sounded, in attempting to obey its summons I found myself actually mystified from excessive drowsiness, and I announced my resolve to go to bed at dark—as was often my custom on previous marches—when I was informed that we had marched into a land where daylight continues into the night hours. The general, who was always looking at the curious effects in the heavens, delighted in the clearness of the atmosphere and the myriads of stars that seemed to far outnumber all we had ever seen in other skies. All the strange phenomena of northern climes revealed themselves to us day by day. The sun and moon dogs, the lunar rainbows, and sometimes three perfect arcs of brilliant color formed directly above us in the heavens as we made our day's march through spring showers. The storms came down in great belts of rain sometimes, and if the country were level enough we could look ahead on the plain and see where the storm was crossing. This enabled us to halt in time to escape

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52 a perfect sheet of pouring rain which fell like a wall of water directly before us. Once we found ourselves in the midst of it, and not knowing then the peculiarities of such storms, we took our drenching philosophically, and believed that it was like too many others that had kept us soaked to the skin for hours. Seeing the sun shining in advance on the plain, the general and I put spurs to our horses and rode out of the storm to perfectly dry ground. The sun came down on us so hotly that we were soon enveloped in a halo of steam from our drying clothes.

The history of one day's march was that of many; they were varied by small misfortunes over which we amused ourselves, but which were very serious affairs to the melancholy Ham. He had cooked by fireplaces in Kentucky, but never having lived out-doors before, he gained his experience by hard trials. The little sheet-iron cooking-stove which we considered such a treasure, was placed in the kitchen-tent on stormy nights, and the bit of pipe, put through a hole in the canvas, had an elbow so that it could be turned according to the direction of the wind.

One day, after camp was re-established, the general saw the smoke pouring out of the opening of the kitchen-tent, and hurried to see what was the matter. It was one of those days when the Dakota winds, like those of Kansas, blow in all directions; poor Ham was barely visible in the dense smoke inside the tent. "Why don't you turn the pipe?" the general called, above the tempest; and Ham shouted back, "Giniril, I did; see whar she's p'intin' now?" His master's sides shook

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text: Talk:In the Bleak Midwinter

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Rh with laughter, for sure enough the pipe would have been right if there had been any uniformity in the course of the wind. The general was hungry, but he did not stop to complain; he found a place somewhat sheltered, and digging a hole in the ground, taught the discouraged darkey how to build a fire outside. At last we sat down to a burned, smoky meal, and had to go to bed hungry.

Another day, when there was a small tornado, we began to wonder why dinner was delayed; we looked out, to find the cook-tent blown flat to the ground. The general ran to the rescue, and found Ham interred, as the old-time child stories buried their heroes, "in a pot of grease." He had been thrown among skillets and kettles, and the half-cooked dinner was scattered over him. The general helped him out, and was too much exhausted with laughter over the old fellow's exasperated remarks about "such a low-down country," to mind the delay of the dinner. Indeed, he soothed him by telling him to wait and begin again when the wind went down, as it usually does when the sun sets.

One day we caught sight of our American flag on the other side of the river, floating over a little group of buildings inside a stockade. When they told me that it was a military post, I could hardly believe it possible; it seemed that no spot could be more utterly desolate. Then I remembered having met an officer at Yankton who had told me that was his station. As I looked at his fine face and figure, I could not help thinking how thoroughly some woman would appreciate him. Thinking aloud, I said that I hoped he had "improved each

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text: English Folk-Carols/Come all you true good Christians


text: English Folk-Carols/As I sat on a Sunny Bank (1)


text: User:AmyRosePwnsU

title: User:AmyRosePwnsU


text:
Observations on Man

 * (1749) Observations on Man, 1st edition
 * (17xx) Observations on Man, 2nd edition
 * (1xxx) Observations on Man, 3rd edition
 * (1xxx) Observations on Man, 4th edition
 * (1xxx) Observations on Man, 5th edition
 * (1834) Observations on Man, 6th edition

title: Observations on Man


text: English Folk-Carols/Wassail Song

title: English Folk-Carols/Wassail Song


text:
User talk:59.94.209.149

Welcome

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text: Category:Wassails

title: Category:Wassails


text:
User talk:65.96.200.18

Welcome

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title: User talk:65.96.200.18


text:
Author:John Greig

Works

 * (illus.) Views in Suffolk, Norfolk, and Northamptonshire

title: Author:John Greig


text: English Folk-Carols/The Ten Joys of Mary


text: English Folk-Carols/The Sinner's Redemption


text: English Folk-Carols/Introduction

title: English Folk-Carols/Introduction


text: Three Books of Occult Philosophy/Index

title: Three Books of Occult Philosophy/Index


text:
Page:Henry VIII and the English Monasteries.djvu/25

MONASTIC ENGLAND

ruined abbeys of England are evidences of a past which, however diversely it may be judged in other respects, all will agree was great. To some the crumbling wall or broken arch speaks eloquently of the rapacity of an English king and indicates the completeness of his spoliation. Alas! it is to be feared that to the minds of most Englishmen the desecrated sanctuary calls up one thought above all else the thought of wasted, wanton or vicious lives, and of the sad necessity which compelled King Henry to proceed to drastic measures of reform. The oft-repeated story proverbially gains in strength; and for many generations anecdotes about the wickedness of monk and nun have been listened to and accepted as simple truth; whilst even well-wishers to the monastic institute have thought it best friendliness to observe or counsel silence.

Undoubtedly it is no inviting task to attack a tradition so long implanted. A horror of monk and monastery has been imparted with early knowledge at many an English mother's knee,—the teaching first imbibed and latest lost. It would almost seem that in this regard the national character of honesty and fairness had been permanently warped. Englishmen have been wont to extend consideration even to a fallen enemy. In this case, they appear to have had neither mercy nor pity for those who were among the most honoured and cherished of their own household for many centuries. The truth is, that Henry's scheme for


text:
User talk:87.126.189.167

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title: User talk:87.126.189.167


text: Category:Norfolk

title: Category:Norfolk


text: Category:Suffolk

title: Category:Suffolk


text: Category:Northamptonshire

title: Category:Northamptonshire


text:
Page:Henry VIII and the English Monasteries.djvu/26

 xx lowering monks in the popular estimation, though it did not impose on a people who knew them by experience, has served its purpose with subsequent generations. "All that men of the stamp of John Bale," says a modern writer, "could do in the way of defiling the memory of cænobites in general has been done, and though Bale is a discredited man, he and others like him have completed a work which can now scarcely be undone, and the memory of those who indubitably preserved religion and increased learning in the land is almost hopelessly besmirched."

That the state of religious life in England, as described in the letters and reports of Henry's chosen visitors, was bad, is true. But even these reports do not by any means bear out the popular impression. The real question, moreover, that needs consideration is: what is the worth of the visitors' word? Edmund Burke speaks in accord with the dictates of mere common sense when he writes:—"I rather suspect that vices are feigned or exaggerated when profit is looked for in the punishment. An enemy is a bad witness, a robber is a worse."

For three centuries the only voices raised in defence of the English monasteries have been those of antiquaries, who might be supposed to have a natural sympathy for a great, a romantic past. And even these, from Camden downwards, have found it well to make excuse for their weakness, and have not failed to add the general sentence of condemnation, however incongruously it might run with the context. Burnet fixed, so far as history is concerned, what it had to say on the subject, and the "History of the Reformation" was deemed sufficient to dispense with all need for further inquiry. In the last resort the utterance of the words Comperta and Black Book was enough to warn the curious or the adventurous off dangerous Around. It is only of late


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32 white stones, therefore, can never be surrounded, and form an impregnable position.

This is the principle of the two "Me," and when a player's group of stones is hard pressed, and his adversary is trying to surround them, if he can so place the stones that two disconnected complete "Me" are left, they are safe forever. It makes no difference whether the vacant "Me" are on the edges or in the corners of the board, or how far from each other they may be.

Plate 3, Diagram, shows a group of stones containing two vacant "Me" on the edge of the board. This group is perfectly safe against attack. A beginner might ask why the white group shown on Plate 3, Diagram, is not safe. The difficulty with that group is, that when Black has played at S 9, there are no "Me" in it at all as the word is used in this connection, not even a "Kageme" as shown in Plate 3, Diagram, because a "Me," in order to be available for the purpose of defense, must be a vacant intersection that is surrounded on four sides, just as a captured stone must be surrounded and therefore on the sides of the board it can be made by three stones, and in the corner of the board by two stones, but it is absolutely necessary, in addition to the minimum number of surrounding stones, to have helping stones to guard the surrounding stones against attack. This brings us to what the Japanese call "Kageme."

In actual play there are many groups of stones that at first glance seem to have two vacant "Me" in them, but which on analysis, will be found vulnerable to attack. A "Me" that looks somewhat as if it were complete, but is, nevertheless, destructible is called "Kageme." "Kage"

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Rh 3

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 Rh years that the subject has come within the scope of ordinary historical investigation, and some earnest and truthful writers have paved the way for a juster estimate of the case. Among these, stands pre-eminent Canon Dixon, who justly claims—strange as the claim may seem in regard to a subject about which so much has been written—"to have laid before the student of history for the first time a connected and particular account of the suppression of the English monasteries." The present work is an attempt to carry the investigation yet a step farther forward; and, utilising the mass of scattered material "still unpublished and unconsulted," to treat the suppression not as an episode of a greater subject, but as an object of special inquiry.

That the monasteries in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were all that could be desired in discipline and vigour would be maintained by no one who has studied the subject. The circumstances of the troubled times in many instances no doubt exerted a baneful influence on the interior spirit of the cloister, as it did on the Church at large.

It must be remembered, however, that denunciations as to laxity of life, even when made about the monasteries of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, rest, as a rule, on a comparison with primitive fervour. Whatever may be said as to the lives of the monks at this period, it must be confessed that the common and ordinary routine of their houses raised them immeasurably above the level of life around them. The Episcopal visitations of religious houses prove conclusively that, whatever failings, or even graver delinquencies required censure and correction in the case of individuals, the method of life for the community remained the same, and that in no sense could it with truth be called a life of ease and sloth.

In the chronicles and memorials of the various abbeys


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36 4

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User talk:Jewgenia

— billinghurst  sDrewth  16:12, 19 December 2010 (UTC)

title: User talk:Jewgenia


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Rh 7

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Rh 8

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50 9

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34 means "chipped" or "incomplete." Plate 3, Diagram, is an illustration of this. A beginner might think that the white group was safe, but Black can kill the upper six white stones by playing at E 3, and then on the next move can kill the remainder by playing at G 2. Therefore, E 3 is not a perfect "Me," but is "Kageme." G 2 is a perfect "Me," but one is not enough to save the group. In this group if the stone at F 4 or D 2 were white, there would be two perfect "Me," and the group would be safe. In a close game beginners often find it difficult to distinguish between a perfect "Me" and "Kageme."

Groups of stones which contain vacant spaces, can be lost or saved according as two disconnected "Me" can or cannot be formed in those spaces, and the most interesting play in the game occurs along the sides and especially in the corners of the board in attempting to form or attempting to prevent the formation of these "Me." The attacking player often plays into the vacant space and sacrifices several stones with the ultimate object of reducing the space to one "Me"; and, on the other hand, the defending player by selecting a fortunate intersection may make it impossible for the stones to be killed. There is opportunity for marvelous ingenuity in the attack and defense of these positions. A simple example of defense is shown in Plate 3, Diagram, where, if it is White's turn, and he plays in the corner of the board at T 19, he can save his stones. If, on the other hand, he plays anywhere else, the two "Me" can never be formed. The beginner would do well to work out this situation for himself.

The series of diagrams commencing at Plate 3, Diagram, show the theoretical method of reducing vacant spaces

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Template to give a link to a topic in Hoyt's New Cyclopedia Of Practical Quotations (1922). Useful because relative links like ../Topic/ don't work in the Page: namespace.

title: Template:Hoyt topic link/doc


text: Hoyt's New Cyclopedia Of Practical Quotations (1922)/Abhorrence


text: Hoyt's New Cyclopedia Of Practical Quotations (1922)/Ability


text:
Page:Romance of History, Mexico.djvu/27

 valleys beneath them were rich cities where art, literature, and science were springing to a glorious life, but to the Christians who broke forth from their strongholds in the mountains to ravage with fire and sword the prosperous land around, one art alone was known—a truceless warfare with the infidel Moor.

Curiously intermingled with their fierce joy in battle was an equally fierce passion for the Christian faith. Bereft of pleasure in their life on earth they had ever before them the thought of a heaven in the life to come, where they would reap a rich reward while their enemies writhed in the everlasting flames of hell. Even in their mountain caverns they practised with scrupulous piety the rites and ceremonies of their religion, and they rushed to battle fortified by the belief that God and the saints were fighting on their side.

"He who shall perish here with his face to the foe," said one of their priests as he "shrived them clean" before a battle, "his sins I take upon me, and God will receive his soul." Thus armed, the Christians of Asturias by perpetual forays drove the Moors farther and farther south, and won back step by step their lost dominions. With their conquests they spread over Spain the fervent but fanatic faith bred by the frowning mountains. This dark bigotry, lying like a pall o'er the sunny land, was to prove in the years to come a blight upon their race. It left on the Spanish character an impress which time has never effaced. It explains not only the hold which the Inquisition with its hideous tortures had on Spain, but the callous 7

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 cruelty which the Spaniard wreaked on the heathen Indians in the New World across the seas.

As happens with all ignorant peoples dwelling among the wild and lonely mountains, the imagination of the Spanish Christians was vivid and had a strong superstitious bias. The saints often appeared in bodily form to aid them in their conflict with the Moors. A pious bishop, who was wont to rebuke his flock for calling St. James, or Santiago, a knight, for he was "a fisher who never rode, or even mounted a horse," fell one day into a trance, when there appeared to him, in shining armour, the apostle himself, bearing in his hands the key of a Moorish city besieged by the Spaniards. As the bishop gazed in wonder, Santiago mounted a snow-white horse and rode like "a goodly knight" three times round his own church. Ere he vanished he revealed to the bishop the day and hour at which the gate of the Moorish city would open to the Christians. The prophecy came true, and Santiago became thenceforth the patron saint of Spain, whom many a time and oft the conquerors of Mexico beheld in the forefront of a fight.

When the Spaniards were strong enough to wage war against the Moors on equal terms, their uncouth barbarity was tempered by the Moorish chivalry, and they gleaned almost insensibly something of the skill and knowledge of the Moslem. But beneath the knightly veneer they remained at heart still savage, rapacious, fanatical.

In the Cid Campeador, the national hero, half-legendary, half-historic, we find embodied the distinctive spirit of the Spaniard. By his valour in 8

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 single combats he won the title of Campeador, or Challenger, and many is the story told of his heroic courage, the quality valued above all others. When the king of Morocco encamped before Valencia with "fifty times a thousand men-at-arms right well equipped," the Cid led his wife and daughters up into a tower and exclaimed, "Great gladness has come to me from lands beyond the sea. My daughters and my wife shall see me in the fray; they shall see how homes are won in this heathen land, yea, well shall they behold how their daily bread is gained!"

"The Moors of Morocco," says the old Poema del Cid, "ride right bravely; in through the garden-grounds boldly they come. Ready are the hosts of the Christian folk. . . . Wisely did my Cid admonish his men. . . . Right willingly they go to smite the fifty thousand. So it pleased God that they routed them. My Cid wielded his lance and laid hand to his sword. So many of the Moors did he slay that they could not be counted, and from his elbow down the blood kept dripping. . . . Thence returned he who was born in happy hour. Well was he pleased with the hunting of that day. Dearly did he prize Babieca, his horse, from head to tail. . . . Joyful is my Cid and all his vassals that God had showed such favour to them that they had conquered in the field."

The cupidity and cruelty of the Spaniard which in after years ripened so terribly beneath the tropical sun in the New World is not absent from the character of this gallant national hero. The Cid, the pattern of chivalry, was not ashamed to torture a 9

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 on the battling multitudes below as they gazed on the monarch they had so long revered.

For a moment Montezuma was speechless with emotion, then, in a tone of kingly dignity, he said: "Why are you here in arms against the palace of my fathers? Is it that you think your sovereign a prisoner? If so, you have acted rightly. But you are mistaken. The strangers are my guests. I remain with them only from choice, and can leave them when I list. Have you come to drive them from the city? They will depart of their own accord if you will open a way for them. Return to your homes, lay down your arms, and the white men shall go back to their own land, and all shall be well again within the walls of Tenochtitlan."

But when the people heard their emperor declare that the ruthless invaders of their city were his guests and friends, a frenzy of patriotic wrath swept through the multitude. "Base Aztec!" they cried, "coward! woman! fit only to weave and spin!" and, before the Spaniards could shield him, Montezuma was struck senseless to the ground by a shower of stones and arrows. A sudden horror at their own deed instantly smote the Aztecs, who scattered in every direction with groans of bitter mourning, leaving the great square silent and deserted. The emperor, restored to consciousness, lay speechless in his apartments, refusing steadfastly to eat, and when his attendants strove to heal his wounds he tore away the bandages. His one longing was for death.

The Aztec warriors soon rushed back to their posts, thirsting for vengeance. The great teocalli of 183


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Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Carlyle, Thomas

CARLYLE, THOMAS, an English author, born in Ecclefechan, Dumfriesshire, Scotland, Dec. 4, 1795. He was the eldest son of James Carlyle, a mason, afterward a farmer, and was intended for the Church, with which object he was carefully educated at the parish school and afterward at the burgh school of Annan. In his 15th year he was sent to the University of Edinburgh, where he developed a strong taste for mathematics. Having renounced the idea of becoming a minister, after finishing his curriculum (in 1814) he became a teacher for about four years, first at Annan, afterward at Kirkcaldy. In 1818 he removed to Edinburgh, where he supported himself by literary work, devoted much time to the study of German, and

went through a varied and extensive course of reading in history, poetry, romance, and other fields.

THOMAS CARLYLE

His first literary productions were short biographies and other articles for the “Edinburgh Encyclopædia.” His career as an author may be said to have begun with the issue in monthly portions of his “Life of Schiller” in the London Magazine, in 1823, this work being enlarged and published separately in 1825. In 1824 he published a translation of Legendre's “Geometry,” with an essay on proportion by himself prefixed. The same year appeared his translation

of Goethe's “Wilhelm Meister's Apprenticeship.” He was next engaged in translating specimens of the German romance writers, published in four volumes in 1827. In 1827 he married Miss Jane Bailie Welsh, daughter of a doctor at Haddington, and a lineal descendant of John Knox. After his marriage he resided for a time in Edinburgh, and then withdrew to Craigenputtock, a farm in Dumfriesshire belonging to his wife. Here he wrote a number of critical and biographical articles for various periodicals, and here was written “Sartor Resartus,” the most original of his works. The writing of “Sartor Resartus” seems to have been finished in 1831, but the publishers were shy of it, and it was not given to the public till 1833-1834, through the medium of “Fraser's Magazine.”

The publication of “Sartor” soon made Carlyle famous, and on his removal to London early in 1834 he became a prominent member of a brilliant literary circle embracing John Stuart Mill, Leigh Hunt, John Sterling, Julius Charles and Augustus William Hare, F. D. Maurice, etc. He fixed his abode at Cheyne Row, Chelsea, where his life henceforth was mainly spent. His next work of importance was on the “French Revolution,” published in 1837. About this time and in one or two subsequent years, he delivered several series of lectures, the most important of these, “On Heroes and Hero-worship,” being published in 1840. “Chartism,” published in 1839, and “Past and Present,” in 1843, were small works bearing more or less on the affairs of the time. In 1845 appeared his “Oliver Cromwell's Letters and Speeches, with Elucidations,” a work of great research, and brilliantly successful in vindicating the character of the great Protector. In 1850 came out his “Latter-day Pamphlets.” This work was very repulsive to many from the exaggeration of its language, and its advocacy of harsh and coercive measures. He next wrote a life of his friend, John Sterling, published in 1851, and regarded as a finished and artistic performance.

The largest and most laborious work of his life, “The History of Friedrich II. of Prussia, called Frederick the Great,” next appeared, the first two volumes in 1858, the second two in 1862, and the last two in 1865, and after this time little came from his pen. In 1866, having been elected Lord Rector of Edinburgh University, he delivered an installation address to the students “On the Choice of Books.” While still in Scotland the sad news reached him that his wife had died suddenly in London. This was a severe

blow to Carlyle. Mrs. Carlyle, besides being a woman of exceptional intellect, was a most devoted and affectionate wife. From this time his productions were mostly articles or letters on topics of the day. Toward the end of his life he was offered a government pension and a baronetcy, but declined both.

He left the estate of Craigenputtock to the University of Edinburgh, settling that the income from it should form ten bursaries to be annually competed for — five for proficiency in mathematics and five for classics (including English). He had appointed James Anthony Froude his literary executor, who, in conformity with his trust, published “Reminiscences of Thomas Carlyle” (1881); “Thomas Carlyle: the First Forty Years of His Life” (1882); “Letters of Jane Welsh Carlyle” (1883); and “Thomas Carlyle: Life in London” (1884). Carlyle died in Chelsea, Feb. 5, 1881.


text:
Collier's New Encyclopedia (1921)/Carmagnole

CARMAGNOLE (kär-man-yō'la), a dance accompanied by singing. Many of the wildest excesses of the French revolution of 1792 were associated with this dance. It was afterward applied to the bombastic reports of the French successes in battle. The name was also given to a sort of jacket worn as a symbol of patriotism.