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 Lord Beaconsfield has been praised for his integrity in money matters; the praise could have been spared—it does not rise high enough. It is also said to his honour that he “never struck at a little man,” and that was well; but it is explained as readily by pride and calculation as by magnanimity. A man of extraordinary coolness and self-control, his faults in every kind were faults of excess: it is the mark of them all. But whatever offence they gave, whatever mischief they did, was soon exhausted, and has long since been pardoned.

 BEACONSFIELD, a town of Devon county, Tasmania, on the river Tamar, 28 m. direct N.W. of Launceston. Pop. (1901) 2658. From its port at Beauty Point, 3 m. distant, with which it is connected by a steam tramway, communication is maintained with Georgetown and Launceston. It is the centre of the most important gold-field in the island.  BEACONSFIELD, a town of South Africa in Griqualand West, about 3 m. S.W. of Kimberley, of which it is practically a suburb, though possessing a separate municipality. Pop. (1904) 9378, of whom 2780 were whites. Beaconsfield was founded in 1870 near the famous Dutoitspan diamond mine. The land on which the town is built belongs to the De Beers Company. (See .)

 BEACONSFIELD, a town in the Wycombe parliamentary division of Buckinghamshire, England. 23 m. W. by N. of London, on the main road to Oxford, and on the Great Central & Great Western joint railway. Pop. of urban district (1901) 1570. It lies in a hilly well-wooded district above the valley of the small river Wye, a tributary of the Thames. The broad Oxford road forms its picturesque main street. It was formerly a posting station of importance, and had a considerable manufacture of ribbons. The Perpendicular church of St Mary and All Saints is the burial place of Edmund Burke (d. 1797), who lived at Gregories, or as he named it Butler’s Court, near the town. He would have taken his title from Beaconsfield had he survived to enter the peerage. A monument to his memory was erected in 1898. Edmund Waller the poet owned the property of Hall Barn, and died here in 1687. His tomb is in the churchyard. Benjamin Disraeli chose the title of earl of Beaconsfield in 1876, his wife having in 1868 received the title of Viscountess Beaconsfield. The opening of railway communication with London in 1906 resulted in a considerable accretion of residential population.

 BEAD, a small globule or ball used in necklaces, and made of different materials, as metal, coral, diamond, amber, ivory, stone, pottery, glass, rock-crystal and seeds. The word is derived from the Middle Eng. bede, from the common Teutonic word for “to pray,” cf. German beten and English bedesman, the meaning being transferred from “prayer” to the spherical bodies strung on a rosary and used in counting prayers. Beads have been made from remote antiquity, and are found in early Egyptian tombs; variegated glass beads, found in the ground in certain parts of Africa, as Ashantiland, and highly prized by the natives as aggry-beads, are supposed to be of Egyptian or Phoenician origin. Beads of the more expensive materials are strung in necklaces and worn as articles of personal adornment, while the cheaper kinds are employed for the decoration of women’s dress. Glass beads have long been used for purposes of barter with savage tribes, and are made in enormous numbers and varieties, especially in Venice, where the manufacture has existed from at least the 14th century. Glass, either transparent, or of opaque coloured enamel (smalti), or having complex patterns produced by the twisting of threads of coloured glass through a transparent body, is drawn out into long tubes, from which the beads are pinched off, and finished by being rotated with sand and ashes in heated cylinders.

In architecture, the term “bead” is given to a small cylindrical moulding, in classic work often cut into bead and reel.

 BEADLE, also or  (from A.S. bydel, from beodan, to bid), originally a subordinate officer of a court or deliberative assembly, who summoned persons to appear and answer charges against them (see Du Cange, supra tit. Bedelli). As such, the beadle goes back to early Teutonic times; he was probably attached to the moot as its messenger or summoner, being under the direction of the reeve or constable of the leet. After the Norman Conquest, the beadle seems to have diminished in importance, becoming merely the crier in the manor and forest courts, and sometimes executing processes. He was also employed as the messenger of the parish, and thus became, to a certain extent, an ecclesiastical officer, but in reality acted more as a constable by keeping order in the church and churchyard during service. He also attended upon the clergy, the churchwardens and the vestry. He was appointed by the parishioners in vestry, and his wages were payable out of the church rate. From the Poor Law Act of 1601 till the act of 1834 by which poor-law administration was transferred to guardians, the beadle in England was an officer of much importance in his capacity of agent for the overseers. In all medieval universities the bedel was an officer who exercised various executive and spectacular functions (H. Rashdall, Hist. of Universities in the Middle Ages, i. 193). He still survives in many universities on the continent of Europe and in those of Oxford and Cambridge, but he is now shorn of much of his importance. At Oxford there are four bedels, representing the faculties of law, medicine, arts and divinity. Their duties are chiefly processional, the junior or sub-bedel being the official attendant on the vice-chancellor, before whom he bears a silver mace. At Cambridge there are two, termed esquire-bedels, who both walk before the vice-chancellor, bearing maces.

 BEAK (early forms beke and becke, from Fr. bec, late Lat. beccus, supposed to be a Gaulish word; the Celtic bec and beq, however, are taken from the English), the horny bill of a bird, and so used of the horny ends of the mandibles of the octopus, the duck-billed platypus and other animals; hence the (q.v.) or ornamented prow of ancient war vessels. The term is also applied, in classic architecture, to the pendent fillet on the edge of the corona of a cornice, which serves as a drip, and prevents the rain from flowing inwards.

The slang use of “beak” for a magistrate or justice of the peace has not been satisfactorily explained. The earlier meaning, which lasted down to the beginning of the 19th century, was “watchman” or “constable.” According to Slang and its Analogues (J. S. Farmer and W. E. Henley, 1890), the first example of its later use is in the name of “the Blind Beak,” which was given to Henry Fielding’s half-brother, Sir John Fielding (about 1750). Thomas Harman, in his book on vagrants, Caveat or Warening for commen cursitors, Vulgarely called Vagabones, 1573, explains harmans beck as “counstable,” harman being the word for the stocks. Attempts have been made to connect “beak” in this connexion with the Old English béag, a gold torque or collar, worn as a symbol of authority, but this could only be plausible on the assumption that “magistrate” was the earlier significance of the word.

 BEAKER (Scottish bicker, Lat. bicarium, Ger. Becher, a drinking-bowl), a large wide-mouthed drinking-cup or laboratory vessel. See.

BEALE, DOROTHEA (1831–1906), English schoolmistress, was born on the 21st of March 1831 in London, her father being a physician of good family and cultivated tastes. She had already shown a strong intellectual bent and considerable force of character when in 1848 she was one of the first to attend lectures at the newly opened Queen’s College for Ladies, London, and from 1849 to 1856 she herself took classes there. In 1857

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122 "But, to demand the ingredient, with the reason for giving, is the mark of a philosopher; just as the consequence is the penalty of a fool. A sick philosopher is incurable?"

"Why?"

"Because he has no confidence."

"How does that make him incurable?"

"Because either he spurns his powder, or, if he take it, it proves a blank cartridge, though the same given to a rustic in like extremity, would act like a charm. I am no materialist; but the mind so acts upon the body, that if the one have no confidence, neither has the other."

Again, the sick man appeared not unmoved. He seemed to be thinking what in candid truth could be said to all this. At length, "You talk of confidence. How comes it that when brought low himself, the herb-doctor, who was most confident to prescribe in other cases, proves least confident to prescribe in his own; having small confidence in himself for himself?"

"But he has confidence in the brother he calls in. And that he does so, is no reproach to him, since he knows that when the body is prostrated, the mind is not erect. Yes, in this hour the herb-doctor does distrust himself, but not his art."

The sick man's knowledge did not warrant him to gainsay this. But he seemed not grieved at it; glad to be confuted in a way tending towards his wish.

"Then you give me hope?" his sunken eye turned up.

"Hope is proportioned to confidence. How much confidence you give me, so much hope do I give you.

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 as a port must be regarded as partly due to his unceasing exertions.

Vaughan was for many years a fellow of the Royal Society, a fellow of the Linnean Society, and a fellow of the Royal Astronomical Society. He was a member of the New England Corporation, and filled the office of governor till 1829. He was also a member of the Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor, which was instrumental in 1815 in establishing the first savings bank in London, at Leicester Place, Westminster. Vaughan died in London on 5 May 1850, at his residence, 70 Fenchurch Street. He was a governor of Christ's Hospital and an honorary member of the Society of Civil Engineers. A bust of Vaughan was executed by Sir Francis Chantrey in 1811, and was reproduced from a drawing by the Rev. Daniel Alexander in Vaughan's ‘Tracts on Docks and Commerce,’ 1839.

He was the author of: 1. ‘On Wet Docks, Quays, and Warehouses for the Port of London,’ London, 1793, 8vo. 2. ‘Plan of the London Dock, with some Observations respecting the River,’ London, 1794, 8vo. 3. ‘Answers to Objections against the London Docks,’ London, 1796, 8vo. 4. ‘A Letter to a Friend on Commerce and Free Ports and London Docks,’ London, 1796, 8vo. 5. ‘Examination of William Vaughan in Committee of the House of Commons,’ London, 1796, 8vo. 6. ‘Reasons in favour of London Docks,’ London, 1797, 8vo. 7. ‘A Comparative Statement of the Advantages and Disadvantages of the Docks in Wapping and the Isle of Dogs,’ 2nd ed. London, 1799, 8vo. Nos. 1 to 6 were published collectively in 1797 under the title, ‘A Collection of Tracts on Wet Docks for the Port of London, with Hints on Trade and Commerce and on Free Ports.’ They were republished in 1839, with the addition of No. 7, and of several small pieces under the title, ‘Tracts on Docks and Commerce, printed between 1793 and 1800.’

[Memoir prefixed to Tracts on Docks and Commerce, 1839; Gent. Mag. 1850. i. 681; Pantheon of the Age, 1825.]

VAUS or VASCUS, JOHN (1490?–1538?), latinist and the earliest Scottish writer on grammar, was born at Aberdeen about 1490. He appears to have studied at Paris (verses addressed by him to his fellow students in Materia Noticiarum, Paris, 1514), and to have returned to his native town in 1515 or 1516, when he was appointed humanist or professor of Latin in the college of St. Mary (afterwards King's College), succeeding in that post a namesake and probable relative, Alexander Vascus (, Episc. Aberd. Vitæ, ed. Moir, 1894, pp. 90, 96).

Boece, the principal of the college, describes him as ‘in hoc genere disciplinæ admodum eruditus, sermone elegans, sententiis venustus, labore invictus.’ By his pupil and colleague, Robert Gray, he is styled ‘clarissimus vir, optimis literis, amænissimo ingenio, suavissimis moribus, singulari probitate, gravitate, fide et constantia præditus’ (letter to Aberdeen students); and by Ferrerius, ‘vir cum literis tum moribus ornatissimus et de juventute Scotica bene meritus’ (Acad. Dissertat.)

In 1522 Vaus published, for the use of his students, a commentary on the first part of the ‘Doctrinale’ of Alexander de Villa Dei; combined with a more elementary original treatise ‘Rudimenta puerorum in artem grammaticalem’ (Sale Catalogue of D. Laing's library). He revisited Paris to superintend the printing of these books at the Ascensian press; and the former (of which the only known copy is in the University Library, Aberdeen) contains interesting letters to the Aberdeen students from Vaus and from his printer, Jodocus Badius, reprinted by M. L. Delisle in the ‘Bibliothèque de l'École des Chartes’ (vol. lvii.) Of the ‘Rudimenta’ a second edition appeared in 1531; and a third, ‘Rudimenta artis grammaticalis,’ was issued posthumously in 1553, under the editorship of Theophilus Stewart, the successor of Vaus in the professorship of humanity. A fourth edition was printed at Edinburgh by Lekpreuik in 1566 ( and, Annals of Scottish Printing, p. 23). The work is valuable to the student of early Scots, a great part of the book being in that dialect, though devoted only to Latin grammar.

Vaus was in office in 1538 (Off. and Grad. of King's Coll. p. 45), but probably died in that year, as on 17 April 1539 Stewart had succeeded to his professorship.

[Spalding Club's publications, especially Miscellany, vol. v. pref. p. 43; Aberdeen and Banff Collections, p. 65; Fasti Aberdonenses, pref. p. xxi; Ruddiman's Bibliotheca Romana; Delisle's Josse Bade et Jean Vaus, Paris, 1896; Kellas Johnstone's Script. Aberd. Incunabula in Scottish Notes and Queries, vol. xii.]

VAUTOR, THOMAS (fl. 1616), musician, was apparently a household musician in the family of Anthony Beaumont, of Glenfield, Leicestershire; and filled the same post to Sir George Villiers after his marriage with Anne Beaumont in 1592. On


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Rh For this," lifting the box, "if all depended upon this, I should rest. It is nature's own."

"Nature!"

"Why do you start?"

"I know not," with a sort of shudder, "but I have heard of a book entitled 'Nature in Disease.' "

"A title I cannot approve; it is suspiciously scientific. 'Nature in Disease?' As if nature, divine nature, were aught but health; as if through nature disease is decreed! But did I not before hint of the tendency of science, that forbidden tree? Sir, if despondency is yours from recalling that title, dismiss it. Trust me, nature is health; for health is good, and nature cannot work ill. As little can she work error. Get nature, and you get well. Now, I repeat, this medicine is nature's own."

Again the sick man could not, according to his light, conscientiously disprove what was said. Neither, as before, did he seem over-anxious to do so; the less, as in his sensitiveness it seemed to him, that hardly could he offer so to do without something like the appearance of a kind of implied irreligion; nor in his heart was he ungrateful, that since a spirit opposite to that pervaded all the herb-doctor's hopeful words, therefore, for hopefulness, he (the sick man) had not alone medical warrant, but also doctrinal.

"Then you do really think," hectically, "that if I take this medicine," mechanically reaching out for it, "I shall regain my health?"

"I will not encourage false hopes," relinquishing to

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124 him the box, "I will be frank with you. Though frankness is not always the weakness of the mineral practitioner, yet the herb doctor must be frank, or nothing. Now then, sir, in your case, a radical cure—such a cure, understand, as should make you robust—such a cure, sir, I do not and cannot promise."

"Oh, you need not! only restore me the power of being something else to others than a burdensome care, and to myself a droning grief. Only cure me of this misery of weakness; only make me so that I can walk about in the sun and not draw the flies to me, as lured by the coming of decay. Only do that—but that."

"You ask not much; you are wise; not in vain have you suffered. That little you ask, I think, can be granted. But remember, not in a day, nor a week, nor perhaps a month, but sooner or later; I say not exactly when, for I am neither prophet nor charlatan. Still, if, according to the directions in your box there, you take my medicine steadily, without assigning an especial day, near or remote, to discontinue it, then may you calmly look for some eventual result of good. But again I say, you must have confidence."

Feverishly he replied that he now trusted he had, and hourly should pray for its increase. When suddenly relapsing into one of those strange caprices peculiar to some invalids, he added: "But to one like me, it is so hard, so hard. The most confident hopes so often have failed me, and as often have I vowed never, no, never, to trust them again. Oh," feebly wringing his hands, "you do not know, you do not know."

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 11 May 1616 Vautor supplicated for the degree of Mus. Bac. at Oxford, which was granted on condition of his composing a choral hymn for six voices; he was admitted on 4 July. At this time George Villiers, the son of Vautor's patrons, was rising in the king's favour, and in 1619 he was created Marquis of Buckingham, upon which Vautor dedicated to him a collection of twenty-two madrigals, entitled ‘The First Set; being Songs of diverse Ayres and Natures for Five and Sixe parts; Apt for Vyols and Voices.’ Among the pieces are two fa-las, a ‘Farewell to Oriana’ (Queen Elizabeth), an elegy on Prince Henry, and another on Sir Thomas Beaumont of Stoughton, Leicestershire. These had evidently been composed at an earlier period; and Vautor mentions in the dedication that ‘some were composed in your tender yeares, and in your most worthy father's house.’ Nothing further is recorded of Vautor, and no other compositions by him are known, either in print or manuscript. None of Vautor's music has been reprinted; but two specimens of the verses, ‘Blush not rude present’ and ‘Sweet Suffolk Owl,’ are included in Mr. A. H. Bullen's ‘Lyrics from the Songbooks of the Elizabethan Age.’ His collection is very rare. Anthony Wood was not aware that he had published anything; and Hawes, in reprinting Morley's ‘Triumphs of Oriana’ (1814), did not include Vautor's ‘Farewell to Oriana’ among the supplementary numbers. A list of the twenty-two pieces is given in Rimbault's ‘Bibliotheca Madrigaliana.’

[Vautor's collection of madrigals in the British Museum; Boase and Clark's Register of the University of Oxford, vol. ii. pt. i. p. 148, where he is inaccurately called John Vauler; Foster's Alumni Oxon. p. 1539; Davey's History of English Music, pp. 215, 224.]

VAUTROLLIER, THOMAS (d. 1587?), printer, was a Huguenot of learning, who came to London from Paris or Rouen about the beginning of the reign of Queen Elizabeth. He was admitted a brother of the Stationers' Company on 2 Oct. 1564, and probably worked as a servant to some printer till 1570, when he established a press in Blackfriars. His first publication was ‘A Booke containing divers Sortes of Hands,’ 1570. In 1578 he printed ‘Special and Chosen Sermons of D. Martin Luther,’ without a license, and was fined 10s., and in the following year was fined for a similar offence. In the general assembly of the church of Scotland, 1580, a recommendation was made to the king and council that Vautrollier should receive a ‘licence and priviledge’ as a printer in Scotland. The exact date of his arrival in Edinburgh is not known. He brought a large supply of books with him, and traded as a bookseller for several years before he started a press. This appears from a complaint made against him by Charteris and others, so that in 1580 the town council demanded custom for the books he imported (Town Council Records). Vautrollier, when he came to Scotland, brought a letter of introduction from Dr. Daniel Rogers [q. v.], one of the clerks of the privy council, to George Buchanan (1506–1582) [q. v.] During his absence from London the press there was in full operation under the management of his wife. It appears that Vautrollier returned to London, and shortly afterwards had to leave for Edinburgh again, as it is supposed he had incurred the displeasure of the Star-chamber by the publication of Bruno's ‘Last Tromp,’ dedicated to Sir Philip Sidney. On his way to Scotland he was plundered by robbers. Having succeeded in establishing his press in Edinburgh in 1584, Vautrollier was patronised by James VI, and printed the first of the king's published works, ‘The Essayes of a Prentise in the Divine Art of Poesie,’ 1584, and, at the desire of the king, an English translation of Du Bartas's ‘History of Judith,’ 1584—both issued ‘cum privilegio regali.’

In 1584 Vautrollier printed six distinct works, and in the following year only two. In 1586 he returned to London, having obtained his pardon, taking with him a manuscript copy of John Knox's ‘History of the Reformation,’ which he ‘put to press, but all the copies were seized [by the order of Archbishop Whitgift] before the work was completed’ (Works of John Knox, vol. i. p. xxxii). No perfect copy of this edition is extant.

After his return he dedicated to Thomas Randolph (1523–1590) [q. v.], master and comptroller of the queen's posts, a work which he translated and printed, titled ‘An excellent and learned treatise of Apostasi … Translated out of French into English by Vautrollier the printer.’ In this dedication, which is dated ‘from my poor house in the Black ffryers the 9th May 1587,’ he acknowledges to Randolph ‘the great duty wherein I stand bound to your worship for your great favours and assistance in my distresses and afflictions.’ Vautrollier remained in London till the time of his death, which took place some time before 4 March 1587–8, for on that day the Stationers' Company ordered ‘that Mrs. Vautrollier, late wife of Tho. Vautrollier, deceased, shall not hereafter print anye manner of book or books whatsoever, as well by reason that her husband was noe printer at


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Rh "I know this, that never did a right confidence come to naught. But time is short; you hold your cure, to retain or reject."

"I retain," with a clinch, "and now how much?"

"As much as you can evoke from your heart and heaven."

"How?—the price of this medicine?"

"I thought it was confidence you meant; how much confidence you should have. The medicine,—that is half a dollar a vial. Your box holds six."

The money was paid.

"Now, sir," said the herb-doctor, "my business calls me away, and it may so be that I shall never see you again; if then—"

He paused, for the sick man's countenance fell blank.

"Forgive me," cried the other, "forgive that imprudent phrase 'never see you again.' Though I solely intended it with reference to myself, yet I had forgotten what your sensitiveness might be. I repeat, then, that it may be that we shall not soon have a second interview, so that hereafter, should another of my boxes be needed, you may not be able to replace it except by purchase at the shops; and, in so doing, you may run more or less risk of taking some not salutary mixture. For such is the popularity of the Omni-Balsamic Reinvigorator—thriving not by the credulity of the simple, but the trust of the wise—that certain contrivers have not been idle, though I would not, indeed, hastily affirm of them that they are aware of the sad consequences to the public. Homicides and murderers, some call those

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 ; but I do not; for murder (if such a crime be possible) comes from the heart, and these men's motives come from the purse. Were they not in poverty, I think they would hardly do what they do. Still, the public interests forbid that I should let their needy device for a living succeed. In short, I have adopted precautions. Take the wrapper from any of my vials and hold it to the light, you will see water-marked in capitals the word confidence, which is the countersign of the medicine, as I wish it was of the world. The wrapper bears that mark or else the medicine is counterfeit. But if still any lurking doubt should remain, pray enclose the wrapper to this address," handing a card, "and by return mail I will answer."

At first the sick man listened, with the air of vivid interest, but gradually, while the other was still talking, another strange caprice came over him, and he presented the aspect of the most calamitous dejection.

"How now?" said the herb-doctor.

"You told me to have confidence, said that confidence was indispensable, and here you preach to me distrust. Ah, truth will out!"

"I told you, you must have confidence, unquestioning confidence, I meant confidence in the genuine medicine, and the genuine me."

"But in your absence, buying vials purporting to be yours, it seems I cannot have unquestioning confidence."

"Prove all the vials; trust those which are true."

"But to doubt, to suspect, to prove—to have all this

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 prior of St. Martin's in the following October Vaux gives a graphic account of his soft bed, tidy room, excellent fare, and goodly company, adding, ‘So I remain in prison, but well content with my state.’ In another letter, addressed three years later to an old friend and former fellow of Manchester, then confined in Chester Castle, Vaux still writes cheerfully. He was paying indeed 16l. a year for his room, but says, ‘As yet I have found no lack; my friends here be many and of much worship, especially since my catechism [i.e. the third edition] came forth in print.’ It was selling well, and three hundred copies were distributed in the north.

But in 1584 Vaux was transferred to the Clink in Southwark. The irritation against catholics at this time found vent in the banishment of some seventy priests and increased rigour against others. Vaux, obnoxious on account of his catechism, was once more examined by the bishop of London and the commissioners, and was, according to Strype, put ‘in danger of death.’ Burghley interceded for the old man, and probably saved him from the gallows. He died in the course of 1585. ‘Obiit in vinculis martyr,’ writes Bridgewater in 1588; and the rumour reached Louvain that his death was caused by starvation or the hardships of his prison, but of this there is not sufficient evidence.

Vaux's only publication was ‘A Catechism of Christian Doctrine, necessary for Children and Ignorant People,’ Louvain, 1567; Antwerp, 1574. Two editions appeared during the author's imprisonment in 1583, one at Liège, and the other perhaps from some secret press in England. A reprint, edited by the present writer, was issued by the Chetham Society in 1885.

[Introduction to the reprint of the catechism for the Chetham Society, 1885; early notices in Pits, Dodd, Challoner, and Wood are scanty and inaccurate. See also Paquot's Hist. Littéraire des Pays-Bas, 1770; Gibson's Lydiate Hall, pp. 183 seq.; Raines's Lives of the Wardens and Bailey's Church Goods (Chetham Soc.). The testamentary and other documents of Vaux formerly at Louvain, now in the Chetham Library, Manchester, were first printed by Mr. R. Simpson in the Rambler, December 1857.]

VAUX, NICHOLAS, first  (d. 1523), courtier and soldier, was of the family of Vaus or Vaux, settled at Harrowden in Northamptonshire since the time of Henry IV. Vaux's mother is stated in a manuscript at the college of arms to have been ‘Katherina filia Georgii Peniston de Courtowsell Pedemontani’ (Vincent MS. 20). In Bridges's ‘History of Northamptonshire’ this is given as ‘Gregory Peniston of Courtesells in Piedmont.’ The lady's father was doubtless an English political refugee. Vaux's father, Sir William Vaux, was a zealous Lancastrian. He was attainted by Edward IV's first parliament in 1461 and his estates confiscated. It is not improbable that he then fled the country, and his eldest son, Nicholas, may have been the offspring of an Italian alliance, though Anthony Wood says that he was born in Northamptonshire. He probably returned to England at Easter 1471, accompanying Margaret of Anjou from Normandy. He was slain in the disastrous defeat of Tewkesbury on 4 May of that year (Paston Letters;, Chron. p. 18; cf. Rot. Parl. vi. 304; , Materials, &c., ii. 325). One of the ladies taken prisoners in Queen Margaret's company was his wife, ‘Dame Kateryne Vaus’ (, Chron. p. 19). Sir William Vaux's manor of Harrowden was, upon his attainder in 1461 (Rot. Parl. v. 516), given to Ralph Hastynges.

Wood states that Nicholas Vaux ‘in his juvenile years was sent to Oxford.’ But of this there is no evidence (, Regist. Univ. Oxon.) A manuscript pedigree in the college of arms says of him, ‘floruit summa gratia apud Margaretam comitissam Richmundiæ,’ and she, it is known, retained Maurice Westbury, an Oxford man, for the instruction at her residence of ‘certayn yonge gentilmen at her findyng’ (Reg. Oxon. F. Ep. p. 458;, Annals, i. 655; , Life of Bishop Smyth, p. 13). This would account for the favour he evidently enjoyed with Henry VII, for within three months of the victory of Bosworth he obtained from the king a grant for life of the offices of steward of the towns of Olney and Newport Pagnell, dated 2 Nov. 1485 (, Materials, i. 168). Henry VII's first parliament met on 7 Nov. 1485, and a petition was immediately presented by Nicholas Vaux setting forth the attainder and forfeitures of his father, and praying the repeal of the act of 1461 and his restoration to his father's lands (Rot. Parl. vi. 304 b). The royal assent was at once given (ib.; cf., Materials, ii. 325).

In 1487 Vaux was presumably resident upon his restored estates in Northamptonshire. He was mentioned by Polydore Vergil (ed. 1649, p. 728) among the notables who brought their followers to the support of Henry VII against Lambert Simnel in June 1487. After the king's victory on 16 June at Stoke, near Newark, Vaux received knighthood (Coll. Arms Vincent MS.


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 wearing work to be doing continually—how opposed to confidence. It is evil!"

"From evil comes good. Distrust is a stage to confidence. How has it proved in our interview? But your voice is husky; I have let you talk too much. You hold your cure; I leave you. But stay—when I hear that health is yours, I will not, like some I know, vainly make boasts; but, giving glory where all glory is due, say, with the devout herb-doctor, Japus in Virgil, when, in the unseen but efficacious presence of Venus, he with simples healed the wound of Æneas:—

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 The romantic stuff he discounted. That Caplain Ek claimed to have been a young man of twenty-one in 1789, and on his way north with MacKenzie via the Canadian northwest, he viewed as the wanderings of an aged man's mind.

He bade Captain Ek good-bye, and returned to sit on a corner of the table looking at Murphy.

"That check was drawn to my name, and for one and a half million dollars, on the First National Bank of San Francisco," Crayne said, then threw back his head and laughed. "For a bone-dry day, I have a dissipated feeling."

An hour later Commander Crayne was summoned to the telephone and heard a voice announce that the manager of the First National Bank was speaking. He informed Commander Crayne that Captain Christian Ek had placed one and a half million dollars to his credit, and the bank would honor drafts on sight, but requested three days' notice if the drafts were over thirty thousand cash.

Cralne's voice was husky as he thanked the manager and clicked the receiver on its hook.

"Bud," he said to Murphy. "it's true. Kick me, punch me, it'll be your last chance. Nobody is going to lay hands on me if I'm worth that much, after this minute."

"You gotta buy a plane, and get back here to enjoy it," said the unromantic Murphy. "How about sidesteppin' a lotta dinners and celebrations in our honor, and gettin' across after the plane? The sooner we find that bowl up north and the old man dips hisself in glory water, the sooner we come home and settle up. I owe a Post Street tailor for a pearl-gray suit."

Which was one reason the triumphal trip of Commander Crayne was suddenly canceled, and he and Lieutenant Murphy left for England, while Captain Ek's ship, a big auxiliary schooner, started her cruise through the Panama and via New York, where she received word from Crayne that he would be ready to proceed north in a fortnight.

Seven days later Crayne and Murphy watched Captain Ek's ship, the Aurora, dock, and went aboard her for the first time. It was not the build of the schooner, two hundred feet long by forty beam, her oak hull and double oak and pine planking, her thousand-horse-power engine, and canvas for her three masts, which interested Crayne so much as the charts and crude drawings spread on the cabin table. Over these he pored for a long time. Captain Ek had made many attempts to find the vast depression at the earth's northern tip where he said he had found the source of that beautiful and strange illumination known as the Aurora Borealis.

The two weeks stretched into three before the thousand-horse-power Birmingham airplane was stowed safely on the Aurora, and during that interval Murphy had gathered considerable gossip at clubs and gatherings, which he detailed to Crayne over a good-night cigar.

"Course, they smile at him some, but he's certainly got the dough and the oldest sea-captains along the docks admit that their grandfathers knew about

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 CHAPTER XVII.

a kind of ante-cabin, a number of respectable looking people, male and female, way-passengers, recently come on board, are listlessly sitting in a mutually shy sort of silence.

Holding up a small, square bottle, ovally labeled with the engraving of a countenance full of soft pity as that of the Romish-painted Madonna, the herb-doctor passes slowly among them, benignly urbane, turning this way and that, saying:—

"Ladies and gentlemen, I hold in my hand here the Samaritan Pain Dissuader, thrice-blessed discovery of that disinterested friend of humanity whose portrait you see. Pure vegetable extract. Warranted to remove the acutest pain within less than ten minutes. Five hundred dollars to be forfeited on failure. Especially efficacious in heart disease and tic-douloureux. Observe the expression of this pledged friend of humanity.—Price only fifty cents."

In vain. After the first idle stare, his auditors—in pretty good health, it seemed—instead of encouraging

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 accepted. He went to France in 1427, and was then appointed papal legate for Germany, Hungary and Bohemia; and proceeding eastwards, he made a bold but futile effort to rally the crusaders at Tachau. Returning to England to raise money for a fresh crusade, he was received with great state in London; but his acceptance of the cardinalate had weakened his position and Gloucester refused to recognize his legatine commission. Beaufort gave way on this question, but an unsuccessful attempt was made in 1429 to deprive him of his see. Having raised some troops he set out for Bohemia; but owing to the disasters which had just attended the English arms in France, he was induced to allow these soldiers to serve in the French war; and in February 1431 the death of Martin V. ended his commission as legate. Meanwhile an attempt on the part of Gloucester to exclude the cardinal from the council had failed, and it was decided that his attendance was required except during the discussion of questions between the king and the papacy. He accompanied King Henry VI. to Normandy in April 1430, and in December 1431 crowned him king of France. About this time Gloucester made another attempt to deprive Beaufort of his see, and it was argued in the council that as a cardinal he could not hold an English bishopric. The general council was not inclined to press the case against him; but the privy council, more clerical and more hostile, sealed writs of praemunire and attachment against him, and some of his jewels were seized. On his return to England he attended the parliament in May 1432, and asked to hear the charges against him. The king declared him loyal, and a statute was passed freeing him from any penalties which he might have incurred under the Statute of Provisors or in other ways. He supported Bedford in his attempts to restore order to the finances. In August 1435 he attended the congress at Arras, but was unable to make peace with France; and after Bedford’s death his renewed efforts to this end were again opposed by Gloucester, who favoured a continuance of the war. On two occasions the council advised the king to refuse him permission to leave England, but in 1437 he obtained a full pardon for all his offences. In 1439 and 1440 he went to France on missions of peace, and apparently at his instigation the English council decided to release Charles, duke of Orleans. This step further irritated Gloucester, who drew up and presented to the king a long and serious list of charges against Beaufort; but the council defended the policy of the cardinal and ignored the personal accusations against him. Beaufort, however, gradually retired from public life, and after witnessing the conclusion of the treaty of Troyes died at Wolvesey palace, Winchester, on the 10th of April 1447. The “black despair” which Shakespeare has cast round his dying hours appears to be without historical foundation. He was buried in Winchester cathedral, the building of which he finished. He also refounded and enlarged the hospital of St Cross near Winchester.

Beaufort was a man of considerable wealth, and on several occasions he lent large sums of money to the king. He was the lover of Lady Alice Fitzalan, daughter of Richard, earl of Arundel, by whom he had a daughter, Joan, who married Sir Edward Stradling of St Donat’s in Glamorganshire. His interests were secular and he was certainly proud and ambitious; but Stubbs has pictured the fairer side of his character when he observes that Beaufort “was merciful in his political enmities, enlightened in his foreign policy; that he was devotedly faithful, and ready to sacrifice his wealth and labour for the king; that from the moment of his death everything began to go wrong, and went worse and worse until all was lost.”

 BEAUFORT, LOUIS DE (d. 1795), French historian, of whose life little is known. In 1738 he published at Utrecht a Dissertation sur l’incertitude des cinq premiers siècles de l’histoire romaine, in which he showed what untrustworthy guides even the historians of highest repute, such as Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, were for that period, and pointed out by what methods and by the aid of what documents truly scientific bases might be given to its history. This was an ingenious plea, bold for its time, against traditional history such as Rollin was writing at that very moment. A German, Christopher Saxius, endeavoured to refute it in a series of articles published in vols. i.-iii. of the Miscellanea Liviensia. Beaufort replied by some brief and ironical Remarques in the appendix to the second edition of his Dissertation (1750). Beaufort also wrote an Histoire de César Germanicus (Leyden, 1761), and La République romaine, ou plan général de l’ancien gouvernement de Rome (The Hague, 1766, 2 vols. quarto). Though not a scholar of the first rank, Beaufort has at least the merit of having been a pioneer in raising the question, afterwards elaborated by Niebuhr, as to the credibility of early Roman history.

 BEAUFORT SCALE, a series of numbers from 0 to 12 arranged by Admiral Sir Francis Beaufort (1774–1857) in 1805, to indicate the strength of the wind from a calm, force 0, to a hurricane, force 12, with sailing directions such as “5, smacks shorten sails” for coast purposes, and “royals, &c., ‘full and by’ ” for the open sea. An exhaustive report was made in 1906 by the Meteorological Office on the relation between the estimates of wind-force according to Beaufort’s scale and the velocities recorded by anemometers belonging to the office, from which the following table is taken:—

 BEAUFORT WEST, in Cape province, South Africa, the capital of a division of this name, 339 m. by rail N.E. of Cape Town. Pop.(1904) 5481. The largest town in the western part of the Great Karroo, it lies, at an elevation of 2792 ft., at the foot of the southern slopes of the Nieuwveld mountains. It has several fine public buildings and the streets are lined with avenues of pear trees, while an abundant supply of water, luxuriant orchards, fields and gardens give it the appearance of an oasis in the desert. It is a favourite resort of invalids. The town was founded in 1819, and in its early days was largely resorted to by Griquas and Bechuana for the sale of ivory, skins and cattle. The Beaufort West division has an area of 6374 sq. m. and a pop. (1904) of 10,762, 45% being whites. Sheep-farming is the principal industry.

 BEAUGENCY, a town of central France, in the department of Loiret, 16 m. S.W. of Orleans on the Orleans railway, between that city and Blois. Pop. (1906) 2993. It is situated at the foot of vine-clad hills on the right bank of the Loire, to the left bank of which it is united by a bridge of twenty-six arches, many of them dating from the 13th century. The chief buildings are the château, mainly of the 15th century, of which the massive donjon of the 11th century known as the Tour de César is the oldest portion; and the abbey-church of Notre-Dame, a building in the Romanesque style of architecture, frequently restored. Some of the buildings of the Benedictine abbey, to which this church belonged, remain. The hôtel de ville, the façade of which is decorated with armorial bearings of Renaissance carving, and the church of St Étienne, an unblemished example of Romanesque architecture, are of interest. Several old houses, some remains of the medieval ramparts and the Tour de l’Horloge, an ancient gateway, are also preserved. The town carries on trade in grain, and has flour mills.

The lords of Beaugency attained considerable importance in the 11th, 12th and 13th centuries; at the end of the 13th century the fief was sold to the crown, and afterwards passed to the house of Orleans, then to those of Dunois and Longueville and

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 his politeness, appeared, if anything, impatient of it; and, perhaps, only diffidence, or some small regard for his feelings, prevented them from telling him so. But, insensible to their coldness, or charitably, overlooking it, he more wooingly than ever resumed: "May I venture upon a small supposition? Have I your kind leave, ladies and gentlemen?"

To which modest appeal, no one had the kindness to answer a syllable.

"Well," said he, resignedly, "silence is at least not denial, and may be consent. My supposition is this: possibly some lady, here present, has a dear friend at home, a bed-ridden sufferer from spinal complaint. If so, what gift more appropriate to that sufferer than this tasteful little bottle of Pain Dissuader?"

Again he glanced about him, but met much the same reception as before. Those faces, alien alike to sympathy or surprise, seemed patiently to say, "We are travelers; and, as such, must expect to meet, and quietly put up with, many antic fools, and more antic quacks."

"Ladies and gentlemen," (deferentially fixing his eyes upon their now self-complacent faces) ladies and gentle men, might I, by your kind leave, venture upon one other small supposition? It is this: that there is scarce a sufferer, this noonday, writhing on his bed, but in his hour he sat satisfactorily healthy and happy; that the Samaritan Pain Dissuader is the one only balm for that to which each living creature—who knows?—may be a draughted victim, present or prospective. In short:—Oh, Happiness on my right hand, and oh,

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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Beaufort West


text:
Talk:Wakulla

Please provide the scanned source document from which you are working so it may be checked for accuracy by other editors. Thanks, Mattisse (talk) 17:14, 24 September 2010 (UTC)

this book does not have a scan and is from project gutenberg. - Tannertsf (talk) 20:51, 24 September 2010 (UTC)
 * I thought every book had to have a scan, so it could be verified by other editors. How do you know that project gutenberg is a correct transcription in all respects? Mattisse (talk) 21:59, 24 September 2010 (UTC)
 * Not every book has to have a scan...some books do not have scans available. Having scans has become the preferred method, but it is not yet required for the text to be included in Wikisource.

 * I've filled in the source information as completely as possible with the information available. Feel free to include anything that may be missing.--Xxagile (talk) 00:37, 25 September 2010 (UTC)

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 on my left, can ye wisely adore a Providence, and not think it wisdom to provide?—Provide!" (Uplifting the bottle.)

What immediate effect, if any, this appeal might have had, is uncertain. For just then the boat touched at a houseless landing, scooped, as by a land-slide, out of sombre forests; back through which led a road, the sole one, which, from its narrowness, and its being walled up with story on story of dusk, matted foliage, presented the vista of some cavernous old gorge in a city, like haunted Cock Lane in London. Issuing from that road, and crossing that landing, there stooped his shaggy form in the door-way, and entered the ante-cabin, with a step so burdensome that shot seemed in his pockets, a kind of invalid Titan in homespun; his beard blackly pendant, like the Carolina-moss, and dank with cypress dew; his countenance tawny and shadowy as an iron-ore country in a clouded day. In one hand he carried a heavy walking-stick of swamp-oak; with the other, led a puny girl, walking in moccasins, not improbably his child, but evidently of alien maternity, perhaps Creole, or even Camanche. Her eye would have been large for a woman, and was inky as the pools of falls among mountain-pines. An Indian blanket, orange-hued, and fringed with lead tassel-work, appeared that morning to have shielded the child from heavy showers. Her limbs were tremulous; she seemed a little Cassandra, in nervousness.

No sooner was the pair spied by the herb-doctor, than with a cheerful air, both arms extended like a host's, he

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Rh advanced, and taking the child's reluctant hand, said, trippingly: "On your travels, ah, my little May Queen? Glad to see you. What pretty moccasins. Nice to dance in." Then with a half caper sang—

Come, chirrup, chirrup, my little robin!"

Which playful welcome drew no responsive playfulness from the child, nor appeared to gladden or conciliate the father; but rather, if anything, to dash the dead weight of his heavy-hearted expression with a smile hypochondriacally scornful.

Sobering down now, the herb-doctor addressed the stranger in a manly, business-like way—a transition, which, though it might seem a little abrupt, did not appear constrained, and, indeed, served to show that his recent levity was less the habit of a frivolous nature, than the frolic condescension of a kindly heart.

"Excuse me," said he, "but, if I err not, I was speaking to you the other day;—on a Kentucky boat, wasn't it?"

"Never to me," was the reply; the voice deep and lonesome enough to have come from the bottom of an abandoned coal-shaft.

"Ah!—But am I again mistaken, (his eye falling on the swamp-oak stick,) or don't you go a little lame, sir?"

"Never was lame in my life."

"Indeed? I fancied I had perceived not a limp, but

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 a hitch, a slight hitch;—some experience in these things—divined some hidden cause of the hitch—buried bullet, may be—some dragoons in the Mexican war discharged with such, you know.—Hard fate!" he sighed, "little pity for it, for who sees it?—have you dropped anything?"

Why, there is no telling, but the stranger was bowed over, and might have seemed bowing for the purpose of picking up something, were it not that, as arrested in the imperfect posture, he for the moment so remained; slanting his tall stature like a mainmast yielding to the gale, or Adam to the thunder.

The little child pulled him. With a kind of a surge he righted himself, for an instant looked toward the herb-doctor; but, either from emotion or aversion, or both together, withdrew his eyes, saying nothing. Presently, still stooping, he seated himself, drawing his child between his knees, his massy hands tremulous, and still averting his face, while up into the compassionate one of the herb-doctor the child turned a fixed, melancholy glance of repugnance.

The herb-doctor stood observant a moment, then said:

"Surely you have pain, strong pain, somewhere; in strong frames pain is strongest. Try, now, my specific," (holding it up). "Do but look at the expression of this friend of humanity. Trust me, certain cure for any pain in the world. Won't you look?"

"No," choked the other.

"Very good. Merry time to you, little May Queen."

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 And so, as if he would intrude his cure upon no one, moved pleasantly off, again crying his wares, nor now at last without result. A new-comer, not from the shore, but another part of the boat, a sickly young man, after some questions, purchased a bottle. Upon this, others of the company began a little to wake up as it were; the scales of indifference or prejudice fell from their eyes; now, at last, they seemed to have an inkling that here was something not undesirable which might be had for the buying.

But while, ten times more briskly bland than ever, the herb-doctor was driving his benevolent trade, accompanying each sale with added praises of the thing traded, all at once the dusk giant, seated at some distance, unexpectedly raised his voice with—

"What was that you last said?"

The question was put distinctly, yet resonantly, as when a great clock-bell—stunning admonisher—strikes one; and the stroke, though single, comes bedded in the belfry clamor.

All proceedings were suspended. Hands held forth for the specific were withdrawn, while every eye turned towards the direction whence the question came. But, no way abashed, the herb-doctor, elevating his voice with even more than wonted self-possession, replied—

"I was saying what, since you wish it, I cheerfully repeat, that the Samaritan Pain Dissuader, which I here hold in my hand, will either cure or ease any pain you please, within ten minutes after its application."

"Does it produce insensibility?"

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 medicine at Mainz and body-physician to the archbishop-elector; and the same year he was made councillor of commerce (Commerzienrat) at Vienna, where he had gained the powerful support of Albrecht, Count Zinzendorf, prime minister and grand chamberlain of the emperor Leopold I. Sent by the emperor on a mission to Holland, he there wrote in ten days his Methodus Didactica, which was followed by the Regeln der Christlichen Bundesgenossenschaft and the Politischer Discurs vom Auf- und Abblühen der Städte. In 1669 he published his Physica subterranea, and the same year was engaged with the count of Hanau in a scheme for settling a large territory between the Orinoco and the Amazon. Meanwhile he had been appointed physician to the elector of Bavaria; but in 1670 he was again in Vienna advising on the establishment of a silk factory and propounding schemes for a great company to trade with the Low Countries and for a canal to unite the Rhine and Danube. He then returned to Bavaria, and his absence bringing him into ill odour at Vienna, he complained of the incompetence of the council of commerce and dedicated a tract on trade (Commercien-Tractat) to the emperor Leopold. His Psychosophia followed, and “An invitation to a psychological community” (Einladung zu einer psychologischen Societät), for the realization of which Duke Gustavus Adolphus of Mecklenburg-Gustrow (d. 1695) offered him in 1674 a site in his duchy. The plan came to nothing, and next year Becher was again busy at Vienna, trying to transmute Danube sand into gold, and writing his Theses chemicae veritatem transmutationis metallorum evincentes. For some reason he incurred the disfavour of Zinzendorf and fled to Holland, where with the aid of the government he continued his experiments. Pursued even there by the resentment of his former patron, he crossed to England, whence he visited the mines of Scotland at the request of Prince Rupert. He afterwards went for the same purpose to Cornwall, where he spent a year. At the beginning of 1680 he presented a paper to the Royal Society, De nova temporis dimetiendi ratione et accurata horologiorum constructione, in which he attempted to deprive Huygens of the honour of applying the pendulum to the measurement of time. The views of Becher on the composition of substances mark little essential advance on those of the two preceding centuries, and the three elements or principles of salt, mercury and sulphur reappear as the vitrifiable, the mercurial and the combustible earths. When a substance was burnt he supposed that the last of these, the terra pinguis, was liberated, and this conception is the basis on which G. E. Stahl founded his doctrine of “phlogiston.” His ideas and experiments on the nature of minerals and other substances are voluminously set forth in his Physica Subterranea (Frankfort, 1669); an edition of this, published at Leipzig in 1703, contains two supplements (Experimentum chymicum novum and Demonstratio Philosophica), proving the truth and possibility of transmuting metals, Experimentum novum ac curiosum de minera arenaria perpetua, the paper on timepieces already mentioned and also Specimen Becherianum, a summary of his doctrines by Stahl, who in the preface acknowledges indebtedness to him in the words Becheriana sunt quae profero. At Falmouth he wrote his Laboratorium portabile and at Truro the Alphabetum minerale. In 1682 he returned to London, where he wrote the Chemischer Glückshafen oder grosse Concordanz und Collection von 1500 Processen and died in October of the same year.

 BECHUANA, a South African people, forming a branch of the great Bantu-Negroid family. They occupy not only Bechuanaland, to which they have given their name, and Basutoland, but are the most numerous native race in the Orange River Colony and in the western and northern districts of the Transvaal. It seems certain that they reached their present home later than the Zulu-Xosa [Kaffir] peoples who came down the east coast of the continent, but it is probable that they started on their southward journey before the latter. It would appear that the forerunners of the movement were the Bakalahari and Balala, who were subsequently reduced to the condition of serfs by the later arrivals, and who by intermingling to a certain extent with the aborigines gave rise to the “Kalahari Bushmen” (see ). The Bechuana family may be classed in two great divisions, the western or Bechuana proper, and the eastern or Basuto. The Bechuana proper consist of a large number of tribes, whose early history is extremely confused and involved owing to continual inter-tribal wars and migrations, during which many tribes were practically annihilated. Further confusion was produced by subsequent marauding expeditions by the coast “Kaffirs.” An ingenious attempt to disentangle the highly complicated tribal movements which took place in the early 19th century may be found in Stow’s Native Races of South Africa. One migration of particular interest calls for mention. In the early part of the 19th century a number of Basuto, led by the chief Sebituane, crossed the Zambezi near the Victoria Falls, and, under the name Makololo, established a supremacy over the Barotse and neighbouring tribes on the upper portion of the river, imposing their language on the conquered peoples. After the death of Sekeletu, Sebituane’s successor, the vassal tribes arose and exterminated their conquerors. Only a few escaped, whom Sekeletu had sent with David Livingstone to the coast. These established themselves to the south of Lake Nyasa, where they are still to be found. Sesuto speech, however, still prevails in Barotseland. The chief Bechuana tribes were the Batlapin and Barolong (the last including the Baratlou, Bataung, Barapulana and Baseleka), together with the great Bakuena or Bakone people (including the Bahurutsi, Batlaru, Bamangwato, Batauana, Bangwaketse and Bakuena). The clans representing the southern Bakuena were in comparatively recent times welded together to form the Basuto nation, of which the founder was the chief Moshesh (see ). The Basuto have been not only influenced in certain cultural details (e.g. the form of their huts) by the neighbouring Zulu-Xosa [Kaffir] peoples, but have moreover received an infusion of their blood which has improved their physique. They are good riders and make considerable use of their horses in war and the chase.

The Bechuana, though not so tall as Kaffirs, average 5 ft. 6 in. in stature; they are of slender build and their musculature is but moderately developed except where a Kaffir strain is found. Their skin is of a reddish-brown or bronze colour, and their features are fairly regular, though in all cases coarser than those of Europeans. One of their chief peculiarities lies in the fact that each tribe respects (usually) a particular animal, which the members of the tribe may not eat, and the killing of which, if necessary, must be accompanied by profuse apologies and followed by subsequent purification. Many of the tribes take their name from their siboko, as the animal in question is called; e.g. the Batlapin, “they of the fish”; Bakuena, “they of the crocodile.” The siboko of the Barolong, who as a tribe are accomplished smiths, is not an animal but the metal iron; other tribes have adopted as their particular emblem respectively the sun, rain, dew, &c. Certain ceremonies are performed in honour of the tribal emblem, hence an inquiry as to the tribe of an individual is put in the form “What do you dance?” In certain tribes the old and feeble and the sickly children were killed, and albinos and the deaf and dumb exposed; those born blind were strangled, and if a mother died in childbirth the infant was buried alive in the same grave. With the extension of British authority these practices were prohibited. Circumcision is universally practised, though there is no fixed age for it. It is performed at puberty, when the boys are secluded for a period in the bush. The operation is accompanied by whipping and even tortures. Girls at puberty must undergo trials of endurance, e.g. the holding of a bar of heated iron without crying out. The Bechuana inhabit, for the most part, towns of considerable size, containing from 5000 to 40,000. Politically they live under a tribal despotism limited by a council of elders, the chief seldom exercising his individual authority independently, though the extent of his power naturally depends on his personality. They have their public assemblies, but only when circumstances, chiefly in reference to war, require. These are generally characterized by great freedom of speech, and there is no interruption of the speaker. The chief generally closes the meeting with a long speech, referring to the subjects which each

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 20;, Book of Knights, p. 14). Vaux actively devoted himself to agricultural improvement, and was in consequence returned by the commissioners for enclosures in 1517–18 as having violated the acts against enclosure at Stanton Barey in Buckinghamshire in 1490, at Harrowden in 1493, and at Carcewell, Northamptonshire, in 1509. For these and the numerous enclosures of his father-in-law, Sir Thomas Green of Green's Norton, whose daughter and coheiress, Anne, he had married, Vaux (and, after his death, his representatives) was repeatedly summoned before the court of exchequer in 1519 and 1527 (R. O. MSS. Exch. Q. R. Mem. Rolls, 2993, 11 Hen. VIII, M. T. m. 23; ib. 307, E. T. 19 Hen. VIII, 1527, m. 23). Vaux escaped the statutory penalties in the one case in which they seem to have been claimed by the crown during his lifetime by procuring a supersedeas (ib.) After his death a pardon for these and other similar offences was granted (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, iv. 4231).

In 1492 Vaux was among the knights appointed to ride and meet the French ambassadors. Ten years later Vaux became ‘lieutenant’ of Guisnes, three miles inland from Calais (cf. Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, i. 4635). While here an attempt seems to have been made by the Yorkist party to tamper with his fidelity (cf., Letters and Papers of Richard III and Henry VII, i. 231). Henry VII, unlike his successor, was singularly free from uneasy suspicions of the loyalty of his professed friends. Vaux continued when in England to figure at court ceremonies, where his taste for magnificence of dress made him conspicuous (cf., Annals, p. 484; , p. 598, cp. p. 600; Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, ii. 4661).

Vaux augmented his ample patrimony by a second marriage with an heiress of extraordinary wealth. His first wife, Elizabeth Fitzhugh, was the widow of Sir William Parr, and the daughter and coheir of Henry, lord Fitzhugh (d. 1472). She died at some time during the reign of Henry VII, leaving three daughters by Vaux. About 1507 Vaux married Anne, daughter and coheir of Sir Thomas Green, who had died in 1506. This lady and her sister, who married Sir Thomas Parr, inherited lands in Northamptonshire, Lincolnshire, Leicestershire, Buckinghamshire, Yorkshire, Kent, and Nottinghamshire. During her minority an attempt was made by Bishop Foxe, Lord Daubeney, Sir Charles Somerset, and others of Henry VI's court to obtain possession of this vast property for the crown (, Hist. of Northamptonshire, ii. 60; cp. Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, i. 602). This Vaux succeeded in defeating, but both he and Sir Thomas Parr were compelled on 10 July 1507 to enter into indentures for the payment of nine thousand marks (6,000l.) to the king, probably either as a fine for having married, or for license to marry wards of the crown. Of this sum 2,400 marks were paid, and the residue remitted by deed of 26 Oct. 1509, after the accession of Henry VIII (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, i. 600, cp. 3049).

Henry VIII renewed Vaux's appointment at Guisnes under new and somewhat onerous pecuniary conditions (ib. i. 544, 545, 598, 599, 652; Chronicle of Calais, Camden Soc. xxxv. 203; Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, i. 545). Vaux, who had perhaps suffered from the exactions of Sir Richard Empson [q. v.] and Edmund Dudley [q. v.] (ib. Nos. 464, 777, 1026), profited by their fall, receiving a large share of Empson's offices. On 28 Feb. 1511 Vaux was commissioned with five others to make inquisition as to the possessions of Empson, who had been executed in the preceding August (ib. 1518). In July of the same year he entertained the king at his Northamptonshire seat (ib. ii. p. 1452).

During the campaign in France of 1513 Vaux saw much service. In April of that year he, under Lord Lisle [see ], was one of the commanders of the English van of 3,200 men (ib. i. 3885; cf. 4008, 4021). During the siege of Therouenne Vaux and Sir Edward Belknapp convoyed the supplies from Calais, and on 29 June 1513, being surprised by the French, narrowly escaped with their lives after losing three hundred men (Chron. of Calais, p. 12). On 30 June Henry VIII landed at Calais (ib.), and Vaux was attached to the division of 9,466 men immediately under the king's command (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, i. 4307). At the end of the war in August 1514 Vaux, despite signs of loss of royal favour, was still at Guisnes. On 4 Sept. 1514 he was one of those who were selected to meet the Princess Mary, the sister of Henry VIII, and conduct her to Abbeville for her marriage with Louis XII. Lady Vaux was to accompany him (ib. No. 5379). His appointments were characteristically sumptuous—‘forty horses in his train and all with scarlet cloth’ (ib., and 5407). At the end of the year he probably returned to England, for on 1 Dec. 1514 he was placed upon the commission of the peace for Northamptonshire, a position to which he had not been nominated since January 1512 (ib. 5658, cp. 2045). Thenceforth his custom was apparently to spend the summer months at his


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 "By no means. Not the least of its merits is, that it is not an opiate. It kills pain without killing feeling."

"You lie! Some pains cannot be eased but by producing insensibility, and cannot be cured but by producing death."

Beyond this the dusk giant said nothing; neither, for impairing the other's market, did there appear much need to. After eying the rude speaker a moment with an expression of mingled admiration and consternation, the company silently exchanged glances of mutual sympathy under unwelcome conviction. Those who had purchased looked sheepish or ashamed; and a cynical-looking little man, with a thin flaggy beard, and a countenance ever wearing the rudiments of a grin, seated alone in a corner commanding a good view of the scene, held a rusty hat before his face. But, again, the herb-doctor, without noticing the retort, overbearing though it was, began his panegyrics anew, and in a tone more assured than before, going so far now as to say that his specific was sometimes almost as effective in cases of mental suffering as in cases of physical; or rather, to be more precise, in cases when, through sympathy, the two sorts of pain coöperated into a climax of both—in such cases, he said, the specific had done very well. He cited an example: Only three bottles, faithfully taken, cured a Louisiana widow (for three weeks sleepless in a darkened chamber) of neuralgic sorrow for the loss of husband and child, swept off in one night by the last epidemic. For

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 post, and the autumn and winter in England (ib. App. iv. 87). His favour at court continued, for in October 1518 he was nominated with others to settle both the terms of peace and the marriage treaty between Henry VIII's daughter, the Princess Mary, and the dauphin (ib. ii. 4529, 4564). On 14 Dec. 1518 Vaux, as ambassador, together with his colleagues, received the oath of Francis I to the treaty (ib. 4649, 4661, 4669;, Fœdera, xiii. 672). On 10 Feb. 1519 Vaux and his colleagues surrendered Tournay to the French in accordance with the terms of peace (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, iii. 65, 71). In March 1520 he was (Chron. of Calais, p. 18) making preparation at Guisnes (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, iii. 704) for the Field of the Cloth of Gold held between Guisnes and Ardres (ib. 737, 750; cf. Chron. of Calais, pp. 79–85). The interview between the two kings took place on 7 June following (ib. p. 28). Vaux and Sir William Parr represented the knighthood of Northamptonshire (ib. p. 21). On 10 July Henry VIII rode to Gravelines with a large retinue, in a list of which Vaux's name stands first among the knights, to meet the king of the Romans (afterwards the emperor, Charles V) (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, iii. 906; cf. Rutland Papers, Camden Soc. p. 31).

Vaux had maintained his intimacy with some of the Yorkist leaders, and in May 1521 Wolsey suspected him of complicity in the intended treason of Edward Stafford, third duke of Buckingham ( Reign of Henry VIII, i. 379–80). There does not appear to have been any direct evidence against Vaux, and no proceedings were taken against him; but, with a refined cruelty frequently practised by Henry VIII's government upon persons whose sympathies were suspected, he was nominated upon the commission of oyer and terminer in the city of London, which on 8 May 1521 found an indictment against the duke (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, iii. 1284). Vaux shared Buckingham's hatred of Wolsey. He took into his service in France in 1522 a refugee from England, Buckingham's former chaplain, John Coke or Cooke, against whom a warrant was out for seditious preaching at Walden in Essex, and using violent language against the king, cardinal, and the Duke of Norfolk (ib. iii. 1070, iv. 4040).

On 29 May 1522 war was declared against France. Vaux was probably already at his post (ib. iii. 2020). During June he was actively engaged in securing the defence of Guisnes (ib. 2326, 2352, 2878). On 22 Sept. Sandys wrote to Wolsey from the camp at Hesdin giving an account, in a letter which is unfortunately mutilated, of what was probably a quarrel between Sir Richard Wingfield, captain of Calais, and Vaux, ‘touching the castle of Guisnes.’ He adds, ‘Sir N. Vaux lieth very sore,’ as though he had been wounded (ib. p. 2560). Probably as a recognition of his services during the war, Vaux was raised to the peerage in 1523 as Lord Vaux of Harrowden. Dugdale, on the authority of Stow, gives 27 April 1523 (cf. ib. 2982). On 14 May following Vaux was reported, in a letter from an anonymous correspondent in London to the Earl of Surrey, as ‘sick and in great danger’ (ib. 3024); and on 16 May his successor, Sir William Fitzwilliam, was appointed to the command of Guisnes (ib. 3027). Vaux died on 14 May 1523. His will, undated, was proved on 3 July of the same year. He bequeathed 100l. for religious uses, founded a chantry in the parish church of Harrowden, and left 500l. each to his three daughters by his second marriage. He was succeeded in the title by his eldest son, Thomas [q. v.]

[Coll. Arm. MSS. Vincent 20, B. and H. fol. 169 b, Philpot 29 b; Record Office MSS., Exch. Q.R. Mem. Rolls, 299 and 307; Gairdner's Letters and Papers of Richard III and Henry VII, vols. i. iii.; Campbell's Materials for the Reign of Henry VII, vols. i. ii.; Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, vols. i. ii. iii. iv.; Rot. Parl. vols. v. vi.; Domesday of Inclosures (Roy. Hist. Soc. 1897); Chronicle of Calais (Camden Soc. 35); Paston Letters, vol. iii. ed. Gairdner; Warkworth's Chronicle (Camden Soc. 10); Nicolas's Testamenta Vetusta, 1826, ii. 559; Dugdale's Baronage, 1676, ii. 304; Nicolas's Historic Peerage, 1856, p. 487; Clutterbuck's Hist. of Hertfordshire, 1827, iii. 81; Baker's Hist. of Northamptonshire, 1822–36, i. 33; Collins's Peerage, ed. Brydges, iv. 202; Brewer's Reign of Henry VIII, vol. i.]  VAUX, THOMAS, second  (1510–1556), poet, born in 1510, was eldest son of Nicholas Vaux, first baron Vaux [q. v.], by his second wife, Anne Green. He seems to have been educated at Cambridge, and on the death of his father in 1523 he succeeded to the barony. Although he had not completed his thirteenth year, he attended Cardinal Wolsey on his embassy to France in 1527, and in 1532 accompanied the king to Calais and Boulogne. He was first summoned to the House of Lords on 9 Jan. 1530–1. He was created a knight of the Bath at the coronation of Anne Boleyn in May 1533. His only public office seems to have been that of captain of the Isle of Jersey, which he surrendered in 1536. He was


text: The New International Encyclopædia/Milton, John


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 the truth of this, a printed voucher was produced, duly signed.

While he was reading it aloud, a sudden side-blow all but felled him.

It was the giant, who, with a countenance lividly epileptic with hypochondriac mania, exclaimed—

"Profane fiddler on heart-strings! Snake!"

More he would have added, but, convulsed, could not; so, without another word, taking up the child, who had followed him, went with a rocking pace out of the cabin.

"Regardless of decency, and lost to humanity!" exclaimed the herb-doctor, with much ado recovering himself. Then, after a pause, during which he examined his bruise, not omitting to apply externally a little of his specific, and with some success, as it would seem, plained to himself:

"No, no, I won't seek redress; innocence is my redress. But," turning upon them all, "if that man's wrathful blow provokes me to no wrath, should his evil distrust arouse you to distrust? I do devoutly hope," proudly raising voice and arm, "for the honor of humanity hope that, despite this coward assault, the Samaritan Pain Dissuader stands unshaken in the confidence of all who hear me!"

But, injured as he was, and patient under it, too, somehow his case excited as little compassion as his oratory now did enthusiasm. Still, pathetic to the last, he continued his appeals, notwithstanding the frigid regard of the company, till, suddenly interrupting

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, as if in reply to a quick summons from without, he said hurriedly, "I come, I come," and so, with every token of precipitate dispatch, out of the cabin the herb-doctor went.

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 at the disputation at Cambridge before Edward VI on 24 and 25 June 1549. He attended the House of Lords until 6 Dec. 1555. Dying in October 1556, he was buried apparently at Harrowden in Northamptonshire (, Diary).

Vaux married Elizabeth, daughter and heiress of Thomas Cheney, knt., of Irthlingborough. She was five years his junior. By her he had two sons—William (see below) and Nicholas—and two daughters: Anne, wife of Reginald Bray of Stene; and Maud, who died unmarried.

Drawings by Holbein for portraits of both Vaux and his wife are at Windsor, and were engraved by Bartolozzi. Another drawing of Lady Vaux by Holbein is in the Imperial Palace at Prague. Holbein's finished portrait of Vaux's wife, which was executed about 1537, when the lady was apparently thirty-two years old, is at Hampton Court (, Catalogue of Pictures at Hampton Court, p. 196).

Vaux belonged to the cultured circle of the courts of Henry VIII and Edward VI, and emulated the poetic efforts of Sir Thomas Wyatt the elder and the Earl of Surrey. Such of his work as survives and has been identified consists of short lyrics. Most of it breathes an affected tone of melancholy which is unredeemed by genuine poetic feeling; but some of Vaux's poems show metrical facility and a gentle vein of commonplace reflection which caught the popular ear. Puttenham, in his ‘Art of English Poesie’ (1589), noticed Vaux's poetic achievements, in close conjunction with those of Surrey and Wyatt, and carelessly gave Vaux the christian name of his father, Nicholas, thus causing some confusion between the two among biographers and historians of literature. Puttenham wrote (p. 76): ‘The Lord Vaux his commendation lyeth chiefly in the facillitie of his meetre, and the aptnesse of his descriptions such as he taketh upon him to make, namely in sundry of his songs, wherein he sheweth the counterfait action very lively and pleasantly.’ Elsewhere (p. 247) Puttenham described Vaux as ‘a noble gentleman’ who ‘much delighted in vulgar making’ (i.e. vernacular poetry), but ‘a man otherwise of no great learning.’

The two poems by which Vaux is best known were first printed as the work of ‘an uncertain author’ in 1557 in the ‘Songes and Sonettes’ of Surrey, commonly quoted as Tottel's ‘Miscellany.’ In the last century both poems acquired a fresh vogue on being included in Percy's ‘Reliques of Ancient English Poetry.’ That entitled ‘The assault of Cupide upon the fort where the louers hart lay wounded, and how he was taken,’ was quoted by Puttenham, who first assigned it to Vaux, in the ‘Arte of English Poesie’ (p. 247), as an excellent specimen in English of ‘pragmatographia or counterfait action.’ It was widely imitated by Elizabethan poets. The second of Vaux's poems that Tottel printed was called ‘The aged louer renounceth loue.’ George Gascoigne, in a prefatory epistle to his ‘Posies’ (1575), refers to the poem as the work of Vaux, and says it ‘was thought by some to be made upon his deathbed,’ a notion which Gascoigne ridicules. An early manuscript version in the British Museum (Harl. MS. 1703, No. 25) is superscribed, ‘A dyttye or sonet made by the Lord Vaus, in the time of the noble Quene Marye, representing the image of Death.’ Another unprinted version is in Ashmolean MS. No. 48. A license for the publication of this poem in the form of a broadside ballad, with the title ‘The Aged Lover renownceth Love,’ was issued to R. Serle in 1563–4. It obviously enjoyed a very wide popularity at the end of the sixteenth century. Three verses of it are quoted with intentional inaccuracy by Shakespeare in ‘Hamlet,’ where they are sung by the First Gravedigger (act v. sc. i. 69–72, 79–82, 102–5). Other anonymous pieces (‘by uncertain authors’) in Tottel's ‘Miscellany’ may well be by Vaux. A sonnet assigned by Tottel to Surrey (‘The frailtie and hurtfulness of beautie,’ which begins ‘Brittle beautie, that nature made so fraile’) is tentatively assigned to Vaux by Surrey's editor, Dr. Nott.

Thirteen other pieces signed ‘L[ord] Vaux’ appear in the popular poetic anthology entitled ‘The Paradyse of daynty deuises,’ to which Richard Edwards [q. v.] was the chief contributor. A fourteenth poem (‘Being asked of the occasion of his white head’) which bears Vaux's name in a later edition of the ‘Paradyse’ is signed by William Hunnis in the first. A fifteenth piece in the ‘Paradyse,’ signed ‘E. S.’ (No. 33 in 1576 edition), ‘Of sufferance cometh ease,’ is assigned to Vaux by Collier (Bibl. Cat. i. 245). The ‘Paradyse’ was first issued in 1576, and subsequently passed through many editions; it was reprinted in Brydges's ‘British Bibliographer’ (vol. iv.) and in J. P. Collier's ‘Poetical Miscellanies.’ Four of the best of Vaux's authentic contributions to the ‘Paradyse,’ entitled respectively ‘Being disdained he complaineth,’ ‘Of the mean estate,’ ‘Of a contented mind,’ and ‘Of the instability of youth,’ are printed in Hannah's ‘Poems of Raleigh and other courtly Poets’ (1885, pp. 128–34). All Vaux's undoubted contributions to the ‘Paradyse’ and to


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Borolanite

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  ‘Miscellany’—fifteen pieces in all—are included in Dr. Grosart's ‘Fuller Worthies' Library Miscellanies,’ 1872, vol. iv.

Vaux's son and heir,, third (1542?–1595), distinguished himself by his devotion to the catholic faith, and by his zeal in protecting priests and jesuits. He married twice: first, Elizabeth, daughter of John Beaumont of Grace Dieu, Leicestershire; and, secondly Mary, daughter of John Tresham of Rushton, Northamptonshire, and sister of Sir Thomas Tresham. Both his wives (especially his second wife, Mary Tresham) were, with his sons and daughters, as enthusiastically devoted as himself to the cause of the Roman catholic faith. In the summer of 1580 he offered the jesuit Campion an asylum in his houses at Hackney and Harrowden. There Vaux devised means for secretly observing all Roman catholic rites which were imitated in many catholic households. The fact became known to the government, and Vaux and his brother-in-law, Sir Thomas Tresham, were summoned before the Star-chamber on 18 Aug. 1581. On refusing to answer the questions put to them they were straightway committed to the Fleet prison. They were put on their trial on 28 Nov. 1581 for contempt of court, and were recommitted to prison (Harl. MS. 859;, Campion, p. 247; , Records, iii. 657 seq.). Subsequently Vaux confessed that the accusation of harbouring Campion was justified, and flung himself on the queen's mercy (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1581–90, passim;, Annals, i. 180–1). He was set at liberty on paying a heavy fine. On 12 June 1591 a government spy reported that Vaux and his friends, ‘Sir Thomas Tresham, Mr. Talbot, Mr. Owen, and Mr. Townsley, are accounted very good subjects, and great adversaries of the Spanish practices; these are the most markable catholics’ (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1591–4, p. 56). But while Vaux held aloof from Spanish conspiracies, he continued to spend his fortune in the cause of his religion. Writing to Lord Burghley on 18 Feb. 1591–2, he begged to be excused from attendance in parliament on the ground that he had pawned his parliament robes and was suffering the extremes of poverty (, Original Letters, 3rd ser. iv. 108–10). He died on 20 Aug. 1595 (cf. Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1595–7, p. 154). Henry, his son by his first wife, died in his lifetime without issue. George, his son by his second wife, married in 1590 Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John Roper (afterwards Lord Teynham), but died in 1594 (in his father's lifetime), leaving his widow to be guardian of their infant son Edward, who succeeded his grandfather as fourth Baron Vaux.

, fourth (1591–1661), was brought up as a devoted catholic by his mother and her sisters-in-law, Anne Vaux [q. v.], and Eleanor, wife of Edward Brooksby (cf., Narrative of the Gunpowder Plot, ed. Morris, passim; , Records, v. 960). When he was a boy of fourteen suspicion fell on his mother and aunts of encouraging the gunpowder plot, and they were examined by the council. Although he was regularly summoned to the House of Lords during the reign of Charles I, the fourth lord spent much of his time on the continent. He married, in 1632, Elizabeth, daughter of Thomas Howard, earl of Suffolk [q. v.], and widow of William Knollys, earl of Banbury [q. v.] He was believed to have lived with the lady in her first husband's lifetime, and to be the father of the latter's reputed children. Vaux died without lawful issue on 8 Sept. 1661, being buried at Dorking. He settled in 1646 on his wife's son, Nicholas Knollys, called third earl of Banbury, his lands at Harrowden. His title passed to his only surviving brother, Henry, on whose death without issue on 25 Sept. 1662 it fell into abeyance. It was revived on 12 March 1838 in the person of George Charles Mostyn of Kiddington, who traced his descent to Mary Vaux, wife of Sir George Symeon of Britwell, Oxfordshire, and a daughter of George, son of William, third lord Vaux of Harrowden. The House of Lords decided in favour of Mostyn's claim to the title, in preference to that of Edward Bourchier Hartopp, who sought to trace his descent to Katherine Vaux, wife of Henry Neville, lord Abergavenny, another daughter of George, son of the third lord Vaux of Harrowden.

[Dugdale's Baronage, ii. 304–5; Burke's Peerage; Warton's Hist. of English Poetry; Ritson's Bibliographia Poetica, 1802; Bridges's Northamptonshire, ii. 103; House of Lords Report on the Vaux of Harrowden Peerage Case, 1838. A collection of documents dealing with peerage litigation is preserved in the British Museum (press-mark Banks, 3. i. 3.]  VAUX, WILLIAM SANDYS WRIGHT (1818–1885), antiquary, only son of William Vaux (d. 1844), prebendary of Winchester and vicar of Wanborough, Wiltshire, was born on 28 Feb. 1818. He was educated at Westminster school from 1831 to 1836, and matriculated from Balliol College, Oxford, on 18 March 1836, graduating B.A. 1840 and M.A. 1842. In 1841 he entered the department of antiquities of the British Museum, and in January 1861 became the keeper of the department of coins and medals, a post


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" see that fellow again in a hurry," remarked an auburn-haired gentleman, to his neighbor with a hook-nose. "Never knew an operator so completely unmasked."

"But do you think it the fair thing to unmask an operator that way?"

"Fair? It is right."

"Supposing that at high 'change on the Paris Bourse, Asmodeus should lounge in, distributing hand-bills, revealing the true thoughts and designs of all the operators present—would that be the fair thing in Asmodeus? Or, as Hamlet says, were it 'to consider the thing too curiously?' " "We won't go into that. But since you admit the fellow to be a knave—"

"I don't admit it. Or, if I did, I take it back. Shouldn't wonder if, after all, he is no knave at all, or, but little of one. What can you prove against him?"

"I can prove that he makes dupes."

"Many held in honor do the same; and many, not wholly knaves, do it too."

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 which, owing to ill-health, he resigned in October 1870. He was connected with the early development of the Oxford movement in London, and his rooms were a frequent place of meeting for the sub-committees connected with the London Church Union and the foreign chaplaincies. From 1871 to 1876 he was engaged in cataloguing the coins in the Bodleian Library. From 1846 he was a member of the Numismatic Society, and to his friendly care much of the success of that body is due. In 1852 he became one of the secretaries, and for some time assisted John Yonge Akerman [q. v.] in editing the first series of the ‘Numismatic Chronicle,’ in which he himself wrote twenty-five papers. In 1855 he was elected president, and remained in office until 1874. For many years the society met in his rooms in Gate Street, Lincoln's Inn Fields. On 4 June 1868 he became a fellow of the Royal Society. From November 1875 to his death he was the secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society, and for many years secretary to the Royal Society of Literature. He died at 102 Cheyne Walk, Chelsea, London, on 21 June 1885, having married on 11 July 1861 Louisa, eldest daughter of Francis Rivington of Harley Street, London.

Vaux's knowledge was large and varied, more especially in all that related to oriental antiquities. His ‘Nineveh and Persepolis: an Historical Sketch of Ancient Assyria and Persia, with an Account of the recent Researches in those Countries’ (1850; 4th ed. 1855), did much to popularise the discoveries of Layard and other travellers. He also wrote: 1. ‘Handbook to the Antiquities in the British Museum: a Description of the Remains of Greek, Assyrian, Egyptian, and Etruscan Art,’ 1851. 2. ‘Ancient History from the Monuments; Persia from the earliest Period to the Arab Conquest,’ 1875: new edition by Prof. A. H. Sayce, 1893. 3. ‘Ancient History from the Monuments: Greek Cities and Islands of Asia Minor,’ 1877. In 1854 he edited for the Hakluyt Society ‘The World encompassed by Sir F. Drake.’

[Times, 24 June 1885; Proc. of Society of Antiquaries, 1885–7, xi. 145; Proc. of Numismatic Society, 15 Oct. 1885, pp. 18–19; Guardian, 24 June 1885.]

VAVASOUR, JOHN (d. 1506?), judge, was eldest son of John Vavasour of Spaldington in Yorkshire, by his wife Isabell, daughter and coheir of Thomas de la Haye, lord of Spaldington (Misc. Gen. et Herald. i. 194;, Visitation of Yorkshire, ed. Foster, p. 116). He studied law at the Inner Temple. His first employment in court recorded in the year-books took place in Trinity term 1467. In Trinity term 1478 he was invested with the order of the coif; in June 1483, in the last fortnight of the reign of Edward V, he was nominated a king's serjeant, an appointment renewed by Richard III and Henry VII. On 23 Sept. 1485 he was appointed one of the justices of pleas within the duchy of Lancaster. In the first year of Henry's reign the post of recorder of York was contested by candidates nominated by the king and by the Earl of Northumberland, and the corporation took advantage of the rivalry to elect Vavasour. He ingratiated himself with the king during a royal visit to York in April 1486, and afterwards as the bearer of despatches in regard to the complicity of John de la Pole, earl of Lincoln [q. v.], in Simnel's rebellion. He was knighted, and on 10 April 1489 was appointed on the commission to make inquest in the city of York concerning the insurrection. On 14 Aug. 1490 he was appointed puisne justice of the common pleas. From a memorial dated 1505–6 it appears that he was concerned in Sir Richard Empson's lawsuit against Sir Robert Plumpton [see under ], and that he suffered himself to be influenced by Empson. Vavasour died without issue, probably soon after Michaelmas 1506. He married Elizabeth, daughter of Robert Talboys, son of Sir William Talboys [q. v.]

[Foss's Judges of England, v. 78; Gent. Mag. 1851 i. 477–85, ii. 461; Dugdale's Origines, pp. 47, 215; Plumpton Correspondence (Camden Soc.), pp. lxxxix, cvii, 159, 161; Campbell's Materials for Reign of Henry VII (Rolls Ser.), i. 84, 559, ii. 443; Brewer's Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, i. 1097.]

VEDDER, DAVID (1790–1854), Scottish poet, son of a small proprietor, was born in the parish of Deerness, near Kirkwall, Orkney, in 1790. Receiving little or no education, and being ‘pretty well grown before he could read or write’ (, Poet and Poetry of Scotland), he at length read extensively, and seems ultimately to have and seems ultimately to have mastered French, Italian, and German. Early left an orphan, he went to sea, and when twenty-two became captain of a Greenland whaler, which he commanded for several years. In 1815 he was appointed first officer of an armed cruiser, and in 1820 became a tide-surveyor, officiating successively at Montrose, Kirkcaldy, Dundee, and Leith. Retiring on a pension in 1852, he died at Newington, Edinburgh, on 11 Feb. 1854, and was buried in the Grange cemetery, Edinburgh. Vedder was survived by his widow, by a son in the royal navy, and by two daughters, one of whom was married to


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138 "How about that last?"

"He is not wholly at heart a knave, I fancy, among whose dupes is himself. Did you not see our quack friend apply to himself his own quackery? A fanatic quack; essentially a fool, though effectively a knave." Bending over, and looking down between his knees on the floor, the auburn-haired gentleman meditatively scribbled there awhile with his cane, then, glancing up, said:

"I can't conceive how you, in any way, can hold him a fool. How he talked—so glib, so pat, so well."

"A smart fool always talks well; takes a smart fool to be tonguey."

In much the same strain the discussion continued—the hook-nosed gentleman talking at large and excellently, with a view of demonstrating that a smart fool always talks just so. Ere long he talked to such purpose as almost to convince.

Presently, back came the person of whom the auburn-haired gentleman had predicted that he would not return. Conspicuous in the door-way he stood, saying, in a clear voice, "Is the agent of the Seminole Widow and Orphan Asylum within here?"

No one replied.

"Is there within here any agent or any member of any charitable institution whatever?"

No one seemed competent to answer, or, no one thought it worth while to.

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title: Author:Paul Monroe


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Rh "If there be within here any such person, I have in my hand two dollars for him."

Some interest was manifested.

"I was called away so hurriedly, I forgot this part of my duty. With the proprietor of the Samaritan Pain Dissuader it is a rule, to devote, on the spot, to some benevolent purpose, the half of the proceeds of sales. Eight bottles were disposed of among this company. Hence, four half-dollars remain to charity. Who, as steward, takes the money?"

One or two pair of feet moved upon the floor, as with a sort of itching; but nobody rose.

"Does diffidence prevail over duty? If, I say, there be any gentleman, or any lady, either, here present, who is in any connection with any charitable institution whatever, let him or her come forward. He or she happening to have at hand no certificate of such connection, makes no difference. Not of a suspicious temper, thank God, I shall have confidence in whoever offers to take the money."

A demure-looking woman, in a dress rather tawdry and rumpled, here drew her veil well down and rose; but, marking every eye upon her, thought it advisable, upon the whole, to sit down again.

"Is it to be believed that, in this Christian company, there is no one charitable person? I mean, no one connected with any charity? Well, then, is there no object of charity here?"

Upon this, an unhappy-looking woman, in a sort of mourning, neat, but sadly worn, hid her face behind a

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140 meagre bundle, and was heard to sob. Meantime, as not seeing or hearing her, the herb-doctor again spoke, and this time not unpathetically:

"Are there none here who feel in need of help, and who, in accepting such help, would feel that they, in their time, have given or done more than may ever be given or done to them? Man or woman, is there none such here?"

The sobs of the woman were more audible, though she strove to repress them. While nearly every one's attention was bent upon her, a man of the appearance of a day-laborer, with a white bandage across his face, concealing the side of the nose, and who, for coolness' sake, had been sitting in his red-flannel shirt-sleeves, his coat thrown across one shoulder, the darned cuffs drooping behind—this man shufflingly rose, and, with a pace that seemed the lingering memento of the lock-step of convicts, went up for a duly-qualified claimant.

"Poor wounded huzzar!" sighed the herb-doctor, and dropping the money into the man's clam-shell of a hand turned and departed. The recipient of the alms was about moving after, when the auburn-haired gentleman staid him: "Don't be frightened, you; but I want to see those coins. Yes, yes; good silver, good silver. There, take them again, and while you are about it, go bandage the rest of yourself behind something. D'ye hear? Consider yourself, wholly, the scar of a nose, and be off with yourself."

Being of a forgiving nature, or else from emotion not

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Rh daring to trust his voice, the man silently, but not without some precipitancy, withdrew.

"Strange," said the auburn-haired gentleman, returning to his friend, "the money was good money."

"Aye, and where your fine knavery now? Knavery to devote the half of one's receipts to charity? He's a fool I say again."

"Others might call him an original genius."

"Yes, being original in his folly. Genius? His genius is a cracked pate, and, as this age goes, not much originality about that."

"May he not be knave, fool, and genius altogether?"

"I beg pardon," here said a third person with a gossiping expression who had been listening, "but you are somewhat puzzled by this man, and well you may be." "Do you know anything about him?" asked the hooked-nosed gentleman.

"No, but I suspect him for something."

"Suspicion. We want knowledge."

"Well, suspect first and know next. True knowledge comes but by suspicion or revelation. That's my maxim."

"And yet," said the auburn-haired gentleman, since a wise man will keep even some certainties to himself, much more some suspicions, at least he will at all events so do till they ripen into knowledge."

"Do you hear that about the wise man?" said the hook-nosed gentleman, turning upon the new comer. "Now what is it you suspect of this fellow?"

"I shrewdly suspect him," was the eager response,

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Page:Elements of the Differential and Integral Calculus - Granville - Revised.djvu/25

For the convenience of the student we give the following list of elementary formulas from Algebra, Geometry, Trigonometry, and Analytic Geometry. Binomial Theorem ($$\scriptscriptstyle{n}$$ being a positive integer):

$$\scriptstyle{n!=\begin{array}{|c}\scriptscriptstyle{n}\\\hline\end{array}=1\cdot2\cdot3\cdot4\cdots(n-1)n.}$$

In the quadratic equation $$\scriptstyle{ax^2+bx+c=0}$$,

When a quadratic equation is reduced to the form $$\scriptstyle{x^2+px+q=0}$$,

In an arithmetical series,

In a geometrical series,

$$\scriptstyle{\log ab=\log a+\log b}$$.

$$\scriptstyle{\log\frac{a}{b}=\log a-\log b}$$.

$$\scriptstyle{\log a^n=n\log a}$$.

$$\scriptstyle{\log\sqrt[n]{a}=\frac{1}{n}\log a}$$.

$$\scriptstyle{\log 1=0}$$.

$$\scriptstyle{\log_a a=1}$$.

$$\scriptstyle{\log\frac{1}{a}=-\log a}$$.

Circumference of circle$$\scriptstyle{=2\pi r}$$.

Area of circle$$\scriptstyle{=\pi r^2}$$.


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142 "for one of those Jesuit emissaries prowling all over our country. The better to accomplish their secret designs, they assume, at times, I am told, the most singular masques; sometimes, in appearance, the absurdest."

This, though indeed for some reason causing a droll smile upon the face of the hook-nosed gentleman, added a third angle to the discussion, which now became a sort of triangular duel, and ended, at last, with but a triangular result.

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