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Rh2, 1830.] that a loose and careless conversation, reaching Mr. Jefferson through circuitous channels, may have been entirely misunderstood > A familiar, a pleasant conversation, between Mr. Bayard and his friend General Smith, on the political prospects of the latter gentleman, (then as bright as those of any man in the country) repeated by him carelessly, or probably in jest, may have for a short time made an impression on the minds of Mr. Livingston and Wilson Cary Nicholas, which these gentlemen, or one of them, assuredly conveyed to Mr. Jefferson. Sir, a very few days probably cleared up the mystery, and put all matters right, and therefore it was immediately forgotten by the parties concerned. This explanation is to my mind entirely satisfactory. I do not make these remaks because I suppose any vindication of the reputation of Mr. Jefferson to be necessary. That rests on a foundation that cannot be shaken. The time was, sir, when a large portion of the people were taught to believe that Mr. Jefferson was destitute of every principle, political, moral, and religious: while, by bis political friends, no man was ever so much admired, respected, and beloved, he was feared, and hated, slandered, and reviled, by his enemies. In one respect, how. ever, he was certainly the most fortunate of men. Not having out-lived the gratitude and affection of his friends, he lived down the hostility of his enemies. Time and opportunity convinced all parties, that, in that great and good man were found, in happy combination, all those extraordinary endowments, and rare virtues, which made him an honor to the age in which he lived. Sir, he descended to the tomb, not only "full of years and full of honors," but occupying, at the moment when he closed his mortal career, the very first place in the hearts of millions of freemen.

Mr. CLAYTON said that he had already announced his intention in regard to this matter to have been entirely exculpatory; but he was willing to avail himself of another opportunity of making the same declaration, to prevent any misapprehension. On Thursday, while this resolution was under consideration, and before the Senator from Missouri [Mr. Bbxtos] had commenced his reply to the Senator from Massachusetts, he desired pel-mission to put a question to the gentlemen from Maryland and Louisiana, for the purpose of correcting an error in a volume cited in the debate, which, on account of the extraordinary imputation it cast upon the memory of one now in his grave, who held a distinguished rank among the statesmen of this country, had become the subject of general conversation here, and to which liis attention had been repeatedly called by other gentlemen. He at that time saw the gentlemen from Maryland and Louisiana in their seats; and as so favorable an opportunity then offered of removing the effects of an error, which, without their evidence, could never be so satisfactorily corrected, he chose to avail himself of it. My object [said Mr. C] was fully obtained. The Senator from South Carolina [Mr. H.] did not understand me as saying aught against Mr. Jefferson; but the Senator from Missouri chose to work himself up into a most patriotic excitement, denouncing the proceeding as an attack upon Mr. Jefferson. It is true, as he has stated, that I did not consult him in regard to the proceeding. I chose to follow my own course: I would pursue the same course again, and it is now to me a matter of no very great importance whether he approves it or not. As to the charge of an attack upon Mr. Jefferson, as the Senator sat at some distance from me, he may have misapprehended my observation; and whether he did or not, it is not my purpose now to inquire, but protest against all his inferences on the subject, if drawn from my remarks, as unfounded and gratuitous. Every honorable man will appreciate my motives. I think that the gentleman might have put a charitable construction upon the error into which Mr. Jefferson had fallen. I entertain as high an opinion of the reputation of tuat great statesman as others who make much greater professions, and would not pluck a flower from the chaplet of his fame. But at every hazard—let the consequences fall where they may—I will repel every imputation, like that contained in the memoir, upon the memory of Mr. Bayard, who, at the very period referred to, held the vote of my native State in his hand, and whose honor in that transaction cannot be touched without a reflection upon the State herself. Her maxim will ever be, whether she speaks here by me as her Representative, or by any other—' " To thine own telf be true; " Anil ii must follow, u the night the day " Thou eam't not then be faiie to any man." And now, having repudiated the inference drawn from this occurrence by the Senator from Missouri, let this subject henceforth and forever sleep with the illustrious dead who have formed the topic of this desultory discussion.

THE RESOLUTION OF Mr. FOOT.

Mr. BENTON then rose, and proceeded to address the Senate about an hour, in continuation of his remarks on Mr. FOOT'S resolution.

Tuesday, February 2, 1830,

Mr. BENTON again rose, and spoke more than two hours, in conclusion of his speech, commenced on a former day.

Mr. SPRAGUE next rose to address the Senate on the subject, and had proceeded near half an hour, when he gave way for a motion to adjourn.

[The following speech of Mr. BENTON was commenced January 20th, and continued for some time, when Mr. Webster having come in, Mr. Bextox gave way to Mr. Hatke, by whom and Mr. W. the floor was occupied four days. It was not till the discussion between them was over, that Mr. Be*tox proceeded with his speech, in doing which he replied to many things said by Mr. W. in Ins debate with Mr. Hatne. In reporting Mr. B's speech, it was deemed best to keep it united, and it is here given entire, as it was delivered from day to day.] Mr. BENTON said be could not permit the Senate to adjourn, and the assembled audience of yesterday to separate, without seeing an issue joined on the unexpected declaration then made by the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Webster]—-the declaration that the Northeast section of the Union had, at all times, and under all circumstances, been the uniform friend of the West, the South inimical to it, and that there were no grounds for asserting the contrary. Taken by surprise, as I was, [said Mr. Bestos] by a declaration so little expected, and so much in conflict with what I had considered established history, I Jc-It it to be due to all concerned to meet the declaration upon the instant—to enter my earnest dissent to it, and to support my denial by a rapid review of some great historical epochs. This I did upon the instant, without a moment's preparation, or previous thought; but 1 checked myself in an effusion,* in which feeling was at least as predominant as judgment, with the reflection that issues of fact, between Senators, were not to be decided by bandying contradictions across this floor; that it was due to the dignity of the occasion to proceed more teinperatelv, and with proof in hand for every thing that I should urge, 'ithen sat down with the view of recommencing coolly and regularly as soon as I could refresh my memory with dates and references. The warmth of the moment prevented me from observing what was most obvious—namely, that the resolution under discussion was itself the most pregnant illustration of my side of the issue. It is a resolution of direst import to the new States in the West, involving in its four foldaspect, the stoppage of emigration to that region, the limitation of its settlement, the suspension of

Tue "ulMtanc' uf Urn effuiion beins; Incorporated with thoiuecch began the neat day, it luu not been published.


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Rh5, 8, 1830.] to them, than he did; but he had seen letters from several Indian agents, recommending the measure now under discussion, though the gentleman from Missouri might have received information of a contrary nature; and from these and other information which had been before the Committee, he was perfectly satisfied with its expediency.

Mr. BENTON observed that it was, perhaps, unnecessary for him to say any thing on the subject, after the explanation that had been given by the chairman of the Committee on Indian Affairs, (Mr. White.] Mr. B. said that there was no doubt but agents would be opposed to the present arrangement; that they were opposed to living among the Indian tribes, and this was one of the greatest causes of jealousy and hatred. One band of the Osages separated from their nation on the last day of receiving their donation, charging the agent with partiality. Evils of a similar character were constantly occurring; besides, one tribe, in passing to and from the agency, comes in collision with another tribe, and thus irritations and quarrels were continued. He, Mr. B., knew of no plan by which these evils woidd be more effectually prevented than by ihe operation of the proposed measure. He observed that the bill does not authorize the President to divide the Indian tribes, but merely, when a divi sion already exists, to appoint a separate agent. He thought that a division of salary corresponding with the division of labor would ha vc a salutary tendency, both with regard to the Indians themselves, and the agents appointed to regulate their concerns.

The bill was then ordered to be engrossed, and read a third time—yeas 30, nays 9.

Mr. FOOT'S RESOLUTION.

The Senate resumed the consideration of the motion of Mr. FOOT.

Mr. ROWAN rose and addressed the Senate about two hours, when he gave way for a motion for adjourmcut.

Friday, Feduuaiit 5, 1830. The Senate were this day principally occupied in discussing the bill to incroasejthe compensation ofecrtain Judges. Adjourned to Monday.

Monday, February 8, 1830.

The Senate again resumed the consideration of

MR. FOOT'S RESOLUTION.

Mr. ROWAN addressed the Senate about an hour and a half, in continuation and conclusion of the remarks which he commenced on Thursday last.

The entire speech follows:

Mr. R. said that, in the share which he proposed to take in the debate, he shoidrt enter into no sectional comparisons. He should not attempt to detract from the just claims of any one of the States, nor would he disparage his own by any attempt to eulogize it. A State should be alike uninfluenced by eulogy and detraction. In his opinion, she could not be justly the subject of eitiier. There existed, necessarily, among the States of the Union, very great diversities. It would be strange if there did not. The habits, manners, customs, and pursuits of people would be different, as they should be found to be differently situated, inreferencetoclimate, soil, and various other causes, which exerted a powerful influence over their condition: for he held that we were more influenced by pride, than reason or philosophy, when we asserted that it was competent to any people to shape their condition according to their will. We were all more or less affected by the force of circumstances; and while we seemed to be under the direction of our will, were under the influence of the causes which, though they were imperceptible, were unceasing in their operation upon our inclinations. The fluids which sustain the life of man [said Mr. R.] arc not less of atmospheric or solar concoction, than those which sustain life in other Voi. VI.—17 animals, and even in vegetables. Can any man say, upon any other hypothesis, why the tropical fruits do not grow in the New England States; why certain animal and vegetable growths are peculiar to certain climates, and found in no other; and why the stature and complexion of man is different in different climates; and why there is a corresponding difference in his temper and appetencies? Now, would it not be as reasonable for men to taunt each other with these differences, which are obviously the effect of physical causes, as to indulge in the jeers and taunts which have characterized this debate? I would not ascribe to physical causes all the differences which are found to exist in the political, moral, and religious sentiments of people situated in different climates; but I would not deny to the heavens their legitimate influence upon people differently situated in reference to that influence. I suppose that an infinity of causes combine to diversify the human condition. The pursuits of a people possessing commercial facilities, will be very different from those of a people remote from the ocean, or any navigable stream. Their manners will take their hue from their pursuits; nor will their sentiments escape a tincture from the same cause. The truth is, that, with every people, their first and great object is their own happiness. To that object all their thoughts and all their exertions are directed. For those who inhabit a fertile country and a temperate or warm climate, nature has more than half accomplished this great object. The manners, habits, and notions, (to use a phrase of our Eastern brethren) of such a people will be very different from those of a people who have to win, by strenuous and unintermitted industry, a meagre subsistence from a sterile soil, in a rigorous climate. We all know that the soil of a southern is more prolific than that of a northern climate; that in the first the people are almost literally fed by the bounty of nature; while in the latter, a subsistence has to be conquered from her parsimony, by the most unceasing toil. The climate of the North imposes upon those who inhabit it the duty of obtaining, by much labor, a competent subsistence. It invigorates, by its rigors, the power of the muscular exertion, which it requires. That of the South inflicts languor, and with it an aversion from that labor which its prolific influence has rendered almost unnecessary. Frugality and economy, as the consequence of their necessary industry, characterize the Northern people: Those of the South are almost as profuse as their soil is prolific. In a Northern climate the labor of all is necessary to their sustenance and comfort. In the Southern the labor of a few will sustain all comfortably; and hence the labor of the South has fallen to the lot of slave.". Yes, sir, that slavery which the gentleman from Boston [Mr. Webster] has, in a spirit of implied rebuke, ascribed to Kentucky, in the contrasted view which he took of that State and the State of Ohio, has, if it be an evil, been thrown upon Kentucky by the destinies. That Kentucky has been somewhat retarded in its advances by the perplexity of its land titles, and its toleration of slavery, is, in liis estimation, the misfortune, of that State; and the exemption of Ohio from those evils has accelerated her march to the high destiny which awaits her. That she may be prosperous, great, and happy, is, I am sure, .the wish of the people of Kentucky. They do not repine at their own condition, nor envy that of Ohio. The two States arc neighbors, and have much intercourse, social and commercial. Nothing that can be said in relation to either of the States, by that or any other gentleman on this floor, can in the least affect ttic subsisting relations between them, or the internal police of either. The Senators from Ohio may have been gratified with the eulogy which he bestowed upon their State. Those of Kentucky were not in the least chagrined by his animadversions upon the condition of their State. They make no complaint that they were not assisted by the East in their wars with

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196.] minority for greater tranquillity, and, as in other monarchies and despotisms, sec how admirably minorities can govern. One accidental instance of such a government, by way of illustration, may possibly have been given to us this session, in respect to the printing of the public documents; and, I must confess, it has not diminished my aversion to such kind of governments, and especially to their practical doctrines on public economy. If the gentleman from Missouri, on my right, [Mr. Bartos] seeks by such measures to pull down this administration, he may not find it so "downhill a business" as he represented the pulling down administrations in this country usually to be. Perhaps it would be well, before further taunts of this kind are repeated, to set history right, and to recollect that pulling down administrations in this country has never proved quite so easy and downhill a business as seems to be supposed, when the administrations have been democratic—not a very downhill concern when it was attempted on either Mr. Jefferson's, Mr. Madison's, or Mr. Monroe's administration; but rather easier to be sure—rather more of a downhill concern—in the two four-year administrations in this country, suspected, at least, of no very great devotion to some of the leading principles of democracy.

But I shall neither vaunt nor prophesy; but only express a doubt that, if the present administration may yet be as easily pulled down, it will not be pulled down by such measures as the printingresolution, nor exactly by such politicians as now lead in the attack on that administration. If beaten ever in that way for a few days, the friends of it probably have Antxan vigor enough to rise stro nger from the fall, if the administration, relying upon its real friends, and on the true principles of democracy, is still occasionally beaten^ whether in fact, or only on paper and in party credulity, the opposition may find it will not long stay beaten. And this "downhill business" may prove, an uphill job to the undertakers. At least if this administration is ever, by such leaders, and in this way, rolled to the bottom of the hill, 1 may, as a Yankee, be allowed to guess, that those leaders, like Sisyphus, will find it must speedily be rolled back again.

I have thus finished [said Mr. ] what my sense of duty, painpdly, in some respects, has urged me to say on this occasion; and if, in the cause of my political friends, I may have flung myself on the spears of my enemies to perish, I shall be content to perish in a cause which my heart loves, and my judgment approves. [Here the debate closed for this day.]

TllfltSDAT, FEBRUARY 25, 185U.

The Senate resumed the consideration of the resolution offered by Mr. FOOT.

Mr. SMITH, of South Carolina, addressed the Senate until three o'clock, when he gave way for a motion to adjourn.

FmoAr, Fkbiu-abt 26, 1830.

Mr. SMITH, of South Carolina, addressed the Senate in continuation and conclusion of the speech which he commenced yesterday.

He remarked that the debate had assumed a wide range, and encircled almost every political subject that had aritatcd the Government for the last forty years, and more. Although about to give my own views to the Senate, [said Mr. S.] I do not aspire to ornament, but to illustrate what I may say. This debate has been one of -feeling; and especially as it related to the disposition, by the General Government, of the public lands. And if I am to judge from tile niauncr in which it bas been treated by gentlemen who liave aaid a great deal concerning it, I should suppose they h:ul examined but superficially its extent and importance to the people of the United States. If your treasure is worth preserving for the use of the Government, why should you sport away your public land more than your public moneys? For the manner in which it is proposed to get rid of it, if not sporting it away, is probably as bad.

I do not intend to limit my remarks to the subject of the public lands, entirely, but," after 1 shall have done with that, will take a cursory view of several other topics that have excited much interest; which, perhaps, I may not treat precisely as other gentlemen have done, yet, 1 will endeavor to treat them fairly. I have always found that matters of fact give a fairer view of party subjects than your abstract speeches. A gentleman who speaks abstractedly generally docs little more than give you what is best suited to his purpose. But if these topics arc discussed for public use, the public are entitled to hear all; otherwise the public arc imposed upon; they arc misguided by seeing but one side of the question. The public are always prepared to judge rightly, and, if correctly informed, will aluuys do so. On the subject of party politics—a subject from which there is more to fear than from any other that agitates your Government—the truth lias not been half told; and when I reach it, 1 may perhaps differ from other gentlemen in the view that I may take of it.

On the subject of the public lands, their importance, which seems to be overlooked, and the manner in which the gentleman from New Hampshire [Mr. Voo»BCBi]aud my colleague [Mr. IlAYNt:]proposeiodisposeof them, their views arc so totally different from my own, as to require my first attention. And believing, as l"do, that they have not treated that subject as its importance requires, I will first notice what they have respectively said on that question, and then give my reasons, founded on facts, why I differ from them.

The gentleman from New Hampshire says, in addition to doing justice to the people of the Western States, it is necessary to accelerate the sales of your public lands, as fast as possible, lest you drive your citizens to foreign countries, to seek for lands and comfortable homes. In support of this opinion, that gentleman informs us that the British Government is now selling lands at reduced prices, not only in their colonies in New Holland, but in the Canadas, and are thereby holding out inducements to jour citizens to emigrate thither. That other European nations have adopted the same seductive policy. Even Persia holds out inducements to emigrants, by selling her lands at reduced prices. In consequence of your own delays, and this liberal policy of other nations, your citizens, we are told, are actually departing from the United States; by which we arc to understand, your States are to be depopulated, and your physical strength transferred to ether countries, and to foreign enemies. This would be an injudicious policy, indeed, on the part of our* Government, could we assent to the premises. But what possible inducement could an American citizen have to break up his household, sell off every thing, and transport himself to New Holland—a country that not one American in twenty thousand ever heard of—there to speculate upon a quarter s.ction of land, when there are millions of acres lying at his own door, at one dollar and twenty -five cents per acre? Or can we imagine that any motive whatever could induce an American to forego all the comforts held out at home, to look for better times in Persia'

What is the fact [Mr. S. inquired] as regards the Canadas' In 1825 I visited that country, and whilst at Quebec, and elsewhere, was informed, from high authority, that their Government imported from Ireland, annually, ten thousand people, and that another ten thousand, at least, came of their own accord, or were brought from that country by their wealthy friends. That most cf these people went to Upper Canada, being esteemed the best portion of the British possessions in America, and there received a bounty in lands, farming utensils, and provisions, by the Government, and were there kept un


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224.] Island had taken no lot nor part in the debate; she had accused no man nor combination of men, nor had given cause of offence; why should she be accused? Why this attack upon her?

Sir, my object only is to repel the imputations cast on that State, which has so long and so often honored me with its confidence, and on the yeomanry of that State, whose immediate Representative I am: for their occupation is my occupation; we are tillers of the gTOund from our youth up; with them I meet upon the level; republicans in fact and in deed; not only in profession, but practice; no landlord and tenant, no master nor slave, but all of us independent freemen and freeholders, cul. tivating our own soil with our own hands. We care but little who administers this Government, if it is done with wisdom, discretion, and on the principles of the constitution. We preferred Mr. Adams, but we do not oppose General Jackson; we are his friends, but not his partisans; we will give him our support when he is right, but will not when wrong; and if deserved, will bail him with the plaudit of " well done, thou good and faithful servant," as readily and as willingly as any others. It does not follow that, if we are friendly to one, we must therefore oppose another without reason. These, sir, arc the men in common with all others of my State that I mean to defend from all unjust imputations; and these are the persons accused here of severing husband and wife, mother and child, and rending asunder all the ties that bind man to man. Perhaps the gentleman did not intend bis accusation as censure, but as praise: for he asserted that slavery was justified by the principles of Christianity. If so, I have misapprehended the allegation: for I hold whatever is commanded and supported by Christianity is for the happiness and well being of man here and hereafter. If the forcible separation of husband and wife, mother and child, and keeping them in ignorance and bondage, is justified by the divine law, then 1 confess my error; but until he shows this, I shall cherish my own opinion, and call it slavery still. Sir, the gentleman exclaimed, " go to the East, go to Rhode Island: she can tell you how slaves came here." Sir, if slaves are found in the West, I know not how they came there, nor does Rhode Island know; they must have been carried there by force, and held by force, otherwise they would not be slaves. The native Indian roamed the wilderness as he pleased; he was as free as the mountain air he breathed; he acknowledged no master; he had no master. If slavery exists there, it was not found there. Sir, when we are told to go to a State for information, we understand it to mean the State in its sovereign capacity; or at least a majority of that State. [Mr. GRUNDY desired to explain. Sir, [said Mr. G.] I did not say that Rhode Island had done it; but that certain individuals of that State, tempted by their cupidity, had brought slaves here. The moral sense of that community is against it.] Sir, [said Mr. K.] had I so understood the gentleman before, I should not have made the remarks I now have; and will not now say what I intended to have done; and only add, that if the gentleman knows any individuals in Rhode Island who have aided him in making slaves in the West, he may arraign them, try them, and, if found guilty, punish three of the ringleaders under the " second section," so much alluded to here and elsewhere; not forgetting those who tempted, those who held forth the provoking gold, not in a bag, but in the open palm, and set them on. But, sir, it is hoped the gentleman will extend his mercy so far as to let them have the benefit of the statute of limitation. I repeat, it was the State I intended to defend; and if the gentlemen does not accuse, I have no defence to make. Mr. CLAYTON then rose, and addressed the Senate until after three o'clock. Wsdsesdat, March 3, 1830. The Senate was principally occupied this day in the consideration of Executive business.

Thubsday, March 4, 1830.

MR. FOOT'S RESOLUTION. .

Mr. CLAYTON concluded the observations on this subject which he commenced on Tuesday. They were as follow:

If I need an apology [Mr. C. remarked] for discussing topics not strictly relevant to the subject of the resolution before us, I shall find it in the example of honorable gentlemen, who, in going before me, have availed themselves, by general consent, of an opportunity to debate, on this motion, the full merits of other questions of momentous interest to our country. While the argument was of a sectional character, and chiefly calculated to excite personal and local feeling, I desired no participation in it. But, although generally averse to any deviation from the ordinary rules of parliamentary proceeding, and unwilling to originate any new subject of controversy even in the boundless latitude given to this discussion, I cannot be silent while principles are boldly advanced and pressed upon us, (no matter how inapplicable or inappropriate they may appear) which, in my judgment, are subversive of the interests of this nation, or hostile to the spirit of the Federal constitution.

The resolution of the honorable Senator from Connecticut has nothing imperative in its character. It lays down no new principle, and proposes no new course of legislation; but simply asks an inquiry into the expediency of either hastening the sales of the public domain, or of stopping the surveys for a limited period. The committee to whom the inquiry is proposed to be entrusted is composed of five members,* all of whom are Representatives of States within whose limits are contained large portions of the public lands. Seeing in this fact a sufficient refutation of the objection that this inquiry may create unnecessary alarm in the West; entertaining the same confidence in the honorable members of that committee which others have professed; believing that the subject proposed to be referred to them is important to the country, and that, by the adoption of the resolution, we may be furnished with an interesting document in their report, my own vote will be given against the motion for indefinite postponement. I agree with my honorable friend from Massachusetts, [Mr. Widstkb] that the committee may investigate the whole subject without any express instructions. By the rules of the Senate, they already have full jurisdiction over the matter. But, after all the discussion which ha3 been elicited by the mere proposition to instruct them to inquire, it is not probable that the committee will do so without some further intimation from the Senate that a report on this subject would be acceptable. I cannet agree with the honorable Senator from New Hampshire, [Mr. Woodbubt] that the motion to postpone is calculated or intended to prevent a distinct expression of opinion on the subject; on the contrary, the postponement of the resolution, after discussion, would announce to the committee our indisposition to have the inquiry made during the present session. The Senator from Connecticut, [Mr. Foot] who desires this information, and whose deportment here is distinguished for courtesy to others, may be indulged, without any apprehension of exciting unnecessary alarm in the West, while our refusal to adopt any measure to throw light on the subject may, possibly, create suspicion in other parts of our country', that we are wasting this portion of the nation's treasure, and arc afraid that our profligacy may be exposed by this investigation.

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Rh9 15 The question was then taken on Mr. FORSYTH'S amendment to the amendment of Mr. FRELINGHUYSEN, and agreed to—21 to 20.

The question on the amendment to the resolution as amended, was then put, and decided in the affirmative; and the resolution, as amended, was agreed to.

Tuesday, March 9, 1830.

On motion of Mr. LIVINGSTON, the Senate resumed the consideration of the resolution heretofore offered by Mr. FOOT, and Mr. L. addressed the Senate till 3 o'clock, when he gave way for a motion to adjourn.

Wednesday, March 10, 1830.

The Senate were this day principally occupied in the consideration of Executive business.

TnrmDAT, Mabch 11, 1830.

HEIRS OF ROBERT FULTON. The bill to recompense the heirs of Robert Fulton, deceased, was read the third time. The question being on the passage of this bill, which proposed the grant of a township of land to the heirs of Robert Fulton, in consideration of benefits rendered by him to the country, the yeas and nays thereon were required by Mr. FORSYTH, with the view that the decision, involving a question of much importance on constitutional grounds, should be a solemn one. Whereupon arose a debate of much interest, and, in a constitutional view, of much importance. The gentlemen who engaged in the debate, were, Mr. FORSYTH, Mr. LIVINGSTON, Mr. BROWN, Mr. BARTON, Mr. TAZEWELL, Mr. SMITH, of Md. Mr. JOHNSTON, of Lou. Mr. HAYNE, Mr. SMITH, of S. C. Mr. SANFORD, and Mr. NOBLE. The question being finally taken on ordering the bill to be engrossed for a third reading, it was decided as follows: YEAS—Messrs. Barton, Chambers, Dudley, Johnston, Knight, Livingston, Bobbins, Sanford, Willey—9. NAYS—Messrs. Adams, Barnard, Bell, Benton, Brown, Burnet, Chase, Dickerson, Ellis, Foot, Forsyth, Frelinghuysen, Grundy Hayne, Hendricks, Holmes, Iredell, Kane, King, McKinley, McLean, Marks, Naudain, Noble, Buggies, Seymour, Smith, of S. C. Sprague, Tazewell, Troup, Tyler, White, Woodbury—33. So the bill was rejected. Fbidat, Mabch 12, 1830. LOUISVILLE AND PORTLAND CANAL. The bill to authorise a subscription of stock on the part of the United States, in the Louisville and Portland Canal Company, was token up, and, after considerable debate, in which the bill was advocated by Messrs. HENDRICKS, JOHNSTON, and ROWAN, and was opposed by Messrs. TAZEWELL and HAYNE, it was ordered to be engrossed for a third reading by the following vote: YEAS—Messrs. Barnard, Barton, Benton, Burnet, Chambers, Chase, Dudley, Foot, Grundy, Hendricks, Johnston, Kane, Livingston, McLean, Marks, Naudain, Bobbins, Rowan, Buggies, Seymour, Silsbce, Smith, of Md. Willey—33. NAYS.—Messrs. Adams, Bell, Brown, Dickerson, Ellis, Forsyth, Frelinghuysen, Hayne, Holmes, Iredell, Knight, Smith, of S. C. 8prag»e, Tazewell, Troup, Tyler, White; Woodbury—18. IThe bill directed an additional subscription, on the part of the United States, to the stock <rf the company, for one thousand shares, at one hundred dollars each.] Adjourned to Monday.

Mosdat, Mabch 15, 1830.

MB. FOOT'S RESOLUTION. The Senate resumed the consideration of the resolution offered by Mr. FOOT; when Mr. LIVINGSTON concluded his speech, commenced on the 9th instant.

[The following is a foil report of it]

The important topics that have been presented to our consideration, f said Mr. I. ] «i»d the ability with which the questions arising out of them have been hitherto discussed, cannot but have excited a very considerable interest; ' which I regret exceedingly that I shall be obliged to interrupt, and greatly disappoint those who look for a continuance of "the popular harangue, the tart reply, the logic, and the wisdom, and the wit," with which we have been entertain*^. For, sir, you can expect nothing from me but » rery plain, and, I fear, a very dull exposition of my views on some of the subjects comprised in this excursive debate, unembellished by eloquence, unseasoned by the pungency of personal allusions. For I have no accusations to make of sectional hostility to the State I represent, and, of consequence, no recriminations to urge in its behalf, no personal animosity to indulge, and but one—yes, sir, I have one personal defence to make; a necessary defence against a grave accusation; but that will be as moderate as I know it will be complete, satisfactory, and, I had almost said, triumphant.

The multiplicity and nature of the subjects that have been considered in debating a resolution with which none of them seem to have the slightest connexion, and the addition of new subjects, with which every speaker has thought it proper to increase the former stock, has given me, 1 confess, some uneasiness. I feared an irruption of the Cherokces, and was not without apprehensions that we should be called on to terminate the question of Sunday mails, or, if the Anti-Masonic Convention should take offence at the secrecy of our executive session, or insist on the expulsion of all the initiate^ from our councils, that we should be obliged to conten« with them for our seats. Indeed, I badmyselfseriouf'houghtsofintroducing the reformation of our nations' code, and a plan for the gradual increase of the navy, ^nd am not yet quite decided whether, before I sit dov«» 1 shall not urge the abolition of capital punishments In truth, the whole brought forcibly to my recollecti"' Bn anecdote told in one of the numerous memoirs written during the reign of Louis (XIY. too trivial, perhaps, to be introduced into this grave debate, but which, perhaps, may be excused. A young lady had been educated in all the learning of the times, and her progress had been so much to the satisfaction of the princess who had directed her studies, that, on her first introduction, her patroness used to address her thus: "Come, Miss, discourse with these ladies and gentlemen on the subject of theology. So, that will do. Now talk of geography; after that, you will converse on the subjects of astronomy and metaphysics, and then give your ideas on logic and the belle lettres." And thus the poor girl, to her great annoyance, and the greater of her auditors, was put.through the whole circle of the sciences in which she had been instructed. Sir, might not a hearer of out debates, for some days past, have concluded that we, too, had been directed in a similar way, and that you had said to each of the speakers, "Sir, please to rise and speak on the disposition of the public lands; after that you may talk of the tariff; let us know all you think on the subject of internal improvement; and before yon sit down, discuss the powers of the Senate in relation to appointments, and the right of a State to recede from the Union; and finish by letting us know whether you approve or oppose the measures of the present or the six preceding administrations." The approximation, sir.of so many heterogeneous materials for discuasion, must provoke a smile; and most of those who have addressed you, while they lamented that subjects un


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 obscure notion of the reason of the odd formation of the planet Saturn. that it is as a miniature picture, or model of the το παν. for we must conceive that the plane of suns and systems of planets concomitant, which make the lacteal circle, have a vast space left between it & the several stars which we behold in a clear night. Therefore these stars which we behold in a clear night we may liken taken altogether to the globe of Saturn: the plane of those stars beyond, which appear to us like the lacteal circle, may be assimilated, taken all together, to the ring of Saturn." most certain in the world; p. 68 incompatible with the divine nature, always will create new worlds the antients had some notion of this sort, for Democritus affirmed infinite worlds always creates new worlds that the fountain of his  bounty may flow for ever; & all the streams of it, may not only flow, but increase eternally, both in number, & quantity.

"when we indevor to form in our minds an apt idea of God almighty we are to stretch our imagination to the utmost pitch, that we may view somewhat of the largest scope of infinite wisdom, power, & goodness, which we can possibly reach to. & extend happiness beyond all compass & imagination. I must needs affirm, this is exactly consonant to the idea we ought to have of God.


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 for one star differeth from another star in glory. so also is the resurrection of the dead.

abovementiond, which went into France. Sir Godfry painted two for Mr Conduit, one in his wig, as usual; another in his own hair.

Mr Folks has another of Sr. Isaac, painted by Vanderbank, in his wig.


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 the pall supported by Lord chancellor Dukes of Montrose & Roxburgh, Earls of Pembroke, Sussex & Macclesfield. the bishop of Rochester read the service.

his stature was midling, strong & sinewy.

his substance amounted to £32000.


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 he try'd his fancys, with the late Dr. Mortimer, in a closet in my house here. but I could see no reason to assent to his notions. there are


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 ingular prudence, with


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UNITED STATES ARMY: Unit Histories and Heraldries

Lineage Terms and Devices

 * Unit Lineage and Honors information is posted in subordinate directories based on the type of unit (branch or functional area). The Armor directory contains all of the entries for units in that basic branch; Signal the signal units, etc. Cavalry contains information on units with a cavalry designation no matter how they are organized (i.e., as ground reconnaissance, armor, infantry, or aviation). Other directories are self-evident from their titles.

Glossary of Lineage Terms

 * Activate. To transfer a constituted Regular Army or Army Reserve unit from the inactive to the active rolls of the United States Army. The unit is usually stationed at a specific location and assigned personnel and equipment at this time; however, a unit may be active at zero strength -- that is, without personnel or equipment.

 * Allot. To allocate a unit to one of the components of the United States Army. The present components are the Regular Army (RA), the Army National Guard (ARNG), and the Army Reserve (AR), formerly known as the Organized Reserves and Organized Reserve Corps. During World War I units were also allotted to the National Army, and during World War II t the Army of the United States. An Army National Guard unit is usually further allotted to a particular state or group of states. A unit may be withdrawn from any component except the Army National Guard and allotted to another; the new allotment, however, does not change the history, lineage, and honors of the unit.

 * Assign. To make a unit part of a larger organization and place it under that organization's command and control until it is relieved from the assignment. As a rule, only assignments to divisions and separate combined arms brigades are shown in unit lineages.

 * Consolidate. To merge two or more units into a single unit. The unit may retain the designation of one of the former units or it may have a new designation, but it inherits the history, lineage, and honors of all of the former units. In the nineteenth century, consolidation was frequently a merger of several under-strength units to form one full-strength unit. At the present time, in the Regular Army and the Army Reserve, units are usually consolidated when they are inactive or when only one of the units is active; therefore, personnel and equipment are seldom involved. In the Army National Guard, on the other hand, active units are often consolidated and their personnel are combined in the new unit.

 * Constitute. To place the designation of a new unit on the official rolls of the United States Army.

 * Convert. To transfer a unit from one branch of the Army to another -- for example, from infantry to armor. Such a change always requires a redesignation; however, there is no break in the historical continuity of the unit. Active as well as inactive units may be converted, but if the unit is active, it must also be reorganized under a new table of organization and equipment (TOE).

 * Demobilize. To remove the designation of a unit from the official rolls of the Army. If the unit is active, it must also be inactivated. This term is used in unit lineages only when referring to the period during and immediately after World War I.

 * Designation. The official name of a unit, consisting usually of a number, a branch or function, and a command echelon, e.g., 145th Medical Battalion, 353d Civil Affairs Command, 1st Cavalry Division. Additional descriptive terms may appear in parentheses, but such parenthetical identifications are not part of the unit's official designation.

 * Disband. To remove the designation of a Regular Army or Army Reserve unit from the official rolls of the United States Army. If the unit is active, it must also be inactivated. Disbandment is intended to be permanent and irreversible, except in extraordinary circumstances.

 * Element. A unit that is assigned to or is part of a larger organization.

 * Federally recognize. To accept an Army National Guard unit into the force structure of the United States Army after the unit has been inspected by a federal representative and found to be properly stationed, organized, and equipped in accordance with Army requirements.

 * Inactivate. To place a Regular Army or Army Reserve unit that is not currently needed in the force structure in an inoperative status without assigned personnel or equipment for a limited period of time. The unit is transferred to the inactive rolls of the United States Army, but it can be activated again whenever needed. Its personnel and equipment are reassigned to one or more active units, but its historical records and properties are placed in storage. Upon reactivation, the unit retains its former history, lineage and honors, and it may retrieve its records and properties from storage. The term "inactivate" has been used only since 1921. Before that time, units either remained active or were removed from the rolls of the Army.

 * Order into active federal service. To place an Army National Guard unit on full-time active duty under the control of the United States government. The unit remains in federal service until released by the federal government, at which time it reverts to the control of its home state or states.

 * Order into active military service. To place an Army Reserve unit on full-time active duty, usually during a war or a major crisis, such as the Berlin crisis of 1961-62. After completing its active duty, the unit may be inactivated or it may be released from active military service, reverting to reserve status. This phrase does not apply to Army Reserve units on annual active duty for training.

 * Organic element. A unit that is an integral part of a larger organization -- for example, a lettered company of a battalion or regiment.

 * Organize. To assign personnel and equipment to a unit and make it operative -- that is, capable of performing its mission. For Army National Guard units, this term is used instead of activate (see above).

 * Reconstitute. To restore to the official rolls of the United States Army a unit that has been disbanded, demobilized, or had its federal recognition withdrawn. The reconstituted unit may have a new designation, but it retains its former history, lineage, and honors.

 * Redesignate. To change a unit's official name. Active as well as inactive units may be redesignated, but personnel and equipment of an active unit are not changed unless the unit is reorganized at the same time. Redesignation is a change of name only; the unit's history, lineage, and honors remain the same. (See also convert.)

 * Reorganize. To change the structure of a unit in accordance with a new table of organization and equipment (TOE) within the same branch of the Army -- for example, from mechanized to light infantry. When referring to the Army National Guard, this term also means to organize an active unit again.

 * Withdraw federal recognition. To remove the designation of an Army National Guard unit from the official rolls of the United States Army. Federal recognition is withdrawn when the unit no longer meets Army requirements or is no longer needed in the force structure.

Heraldic Achievements

 * Heraldic items for Army organizations reflect history, tradition, ideals, mission, and accomplishments. Shoulder sleeve insignia and distinctive unit insignia have been designed so that each is distinctive to the organization for which approved. Both serve as identifying devices and contribute to unit cohesiveness.

 * While the custom of bearing various symbols on shields, helmets, and flags existed in antiquity, heraldry was not introduced until the Middle Ages. The use of heraldic devices became more prevalent with the increased use of armor and the requirements for insignia to assist in distinguishing friend from foe on the battlefield. The designs included mythological beasts, symbols commemorative of incidents of valor, and other identifying marks to which specific symbolism was ascribed. Gradually a formal system of heraldry evolved, complete with rules for design, use, and display.

 * The currently authorized embroidered shoulder sleeve insignia had their origin during World War I . They serve the same purpose as the Corps symbols (badges) in use during the Civil War and the War with Spain. The Corps badges were of simple design; most could be cut from a single piece of cloth, e.g., a four-leaf clover, a heart, a star, a winged horsefoot, a caltrop, and a spearhead. Such devices were easily remembered and readily identified. Not only were they worn by the soldiers on their headgear, but also they were incorporated in the organizations' flags.

 * The first shoulder sleeve insignia is believed to have been worn by the men of the 81st Division during World War I. On their voyage to France they adopted as their insignia the figure of a wildcat that was in use as a distinctive marking for the division's equipment. Wear of the insignia was officially approved October 19, 1918, by a telegram from the Adjutant General, American Expeditionary Forces, to the division's commanding general. Insignia for other organizations of the American Expeditionary Forces were later authorized and designs were officially approved. Designs varied greatly. Many had their origin in designs already in use for organizational and equipment markings; others were based on monograms and geometric figures alluding to designations. Symbols associated with traditions, geographical locations, and missions of the organizations were also in some designs.

 * Since World War I, the authorization of shoulder sleeve insignia has expanded along with organizational and other changes within the Army. Most soldiers now wear shoulder sleeve insignia. Many designs are more elaborate than those of World War I. The more complex designs came into being because of an increase in the number of authorized insignia and the availability of embroidery machinery for production of various types of textile insignia. During the Vietnam era the policy governing the wear of subdued insignia as well as full-color items was established.

 * Distinctive insignia of metal and enamel are authorized for those organizations authorized shoulder sleeve insignia. These insignia may be traced to the use of metal and enamel badges authorized to be worn instead of the cloth badges during the War with Spain. The type of distinctive insignia currently in use was first authorized during the 1920s for regiments and some other units. As in the case of shoulder sleeve insignia the authorization was expanded as changes in organization of the Army took place. The designs are based on symbols reflecting the organization's lineage, battle honors, traditions, and mission. Usually they incorporate the organization's motto, which is often of an idealistic nature.

 * Shoulder sleeve and distinctive insignia worn on the uniform and the distinguishing flags incorporating the shoulder sleeve insignia designs are highly visible items of identification. They are significant factors in Army esprit de corps.

Units

 * United States Army: Adjutant General Unit Histories and Heraldries
 * United States Army: Armies
 * United States Army: Artillery Units
 * United States Army: Armor and Cavalry Units
 * United States Army: Aviation Units
 * United States Army: Branch Immaterial Units
 * United States Army: Chaplain Units
 * United States Army: Chemical Units
 * United States Army: Civil Affairs Units
 * United States Army: Corps Units
 * United States Army: Engineer Units
 * United States Army: Finance Units
 * United States Army: Infantry Units
 * United States Army: Judge Advocate General Units
 * United States Army: Medical Department Units
 * United States Army: Military History Units
 * United States Army: Military Intelligence Units
 * United States Army: Military Police Units
 * United States Army: Ordnance/Maintenance Units
 * United States Army: Psychological Operations Units
 * United States Army: Public Affairs Units
 * United States Army: Quartermaster Units
 * United States Army: School Units
 * United States Army: Signal Units
 * United States Army: Support/Sustainment Units
 * United States Army: Transportation Units
 * United States Army: Training Regiments


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United States Army: Adjutant General Unit Histories and Heraldries

Units

 * 46th Adjutant General Battalion
 * 129th Adjutant General Company
 * 147th Adjutant General Company
 * 369th Adjutant General Battalion
 * 394th Adjutant General Company
 * 413th Adjutant General Company
 * 448th Adjutant General Company
 * 566th Adjutant General Company
 * 729th Adjutant General Company
 * 751st Adjutant General Company
 * 795th Adjutant General Company
 * 877th Adjutant General Company
 * 81st Adjutant General Detachment


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369th Adjutant General Battalion

Blazon

 * Shield: Azure, a torch Or enflamed Or and Gules, overall a Globe Celeste grid-lined Argent surmounted by a sword and quill in saltire of the like hilted Or.
 * Crest: On a wreath of the colors (Or and Azure, a mullet of the first surmounted on a torteau issuing from a mount and between two palmettos proper.
 * Motto: ARMY PRIDE.

Symbolism

 * Shield:
 * 1) Dark blue is theprimary branch color of the Adjutant General's Corps.
 * 2) The torch represents the training mission of the Battalion and the globe symbolizes the world wide service of its graduates.
 * 3) The quill refers to the administrative responsibilities of the unit's mission and the sword represents the U.S. Army.
 * Crest:
 * 1) The star symbolizes the unit's Meritorious Unit Commendation; the mount and palms allude to the Pacific and the unit's World War II area of service.
 * 2) The demi-torteau forms the illusion of the setting sun and represents victory over Japan in the Pacific.
 * 3) Palms are also a traditional symbol of victory.
 * 4) They are portrayed as "palmettos,"the state tree of South Carolina, and reflect the unit's home location at Fort Jackson.

Background

 * 1) The coat of arms was originally approved on December 9, 1987.

Description

 * 1) A silver color metal and enamel device 1 1/8 inches in height overall consisting of a shield blazoned: Azure, a torch Or enflamed Or and Gules, overall a globe Celeste grid-lined Argent surmounted by a sword and quill in saltire of the like hilted Or.
 * 2) Attached below the shield a silver and red scroll inscribed "ARMY PRIDE" in silver letters.

Symbolism

 * 1) Dark blue and scarlet are the branch colors of the Adjutant General's Corps.
 * 2) The torch represents the training mission of the Battalion and the globe symbolizes the worldwide service of its graduates.
 * 3) The quill refers to the administrative responsibilities of the unit's mission and thesword represents the United States Army.

Background

 * 1) The Distinctive Unit Insignia was originally approved on December 12, 1987.

Description

 * a. Size:
 * 1) Hoist:Three Feet.
 * Fly:Four Feet.

Battalion Flag

 * a.Size:
 * 1) Hoist: Three Feet.
 * Fly: Four Feet.
 * 1) Fringe: 2½”

 * b.Description.
 * 1) The flag has a solid background with an embroidered American eagle displayed centered thereon.
 * 2) In its right talon the eagle holds an olive branch; in its left talon, a bundle of 13 arrows, all in proper colors.
 * 3) Its beak grasps a scroll inscribed with the unit motto.
 * 4) Below the eagle is a scroll inscribed with the designation of the organization.
 * 5) On the eagle’s breast is embroidered the shield of the coat of arms and the crest is above the eagle’s head.

 * c. Organizational colors:
 * 1) Organization: Adjutant General
 * 2) Background: Dark Blue
 * 3) Fringe: Scarlet
 * 4) Letters and Numbers: Dark Blue
 * 5) Scrolls.
 * 6) Outline: Scarlett
 * 7) Background: White

 * d. Design
 * 1) Flags are alike on both sides.
 * 2) Design elements appear on both sides as if printed through the material except as stated below:
 * 3) Letters and numerals will read from left to right on both sides.

Lineage

 * Pending Publiction

Honors

 * Pending Publication

title: 369th Adjutant General Battalion


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Executive Order 2090

Under the provisions of the act of Congress approved August 1, 1914, making appropriations for the sundry civil expenses of the Government for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1915, the two customs collection districts in the State of Vermont (Nos. 2 and 3) are hereby abolished and a new district created, to be known as district No. 2, and to include all of the State of Vermont, with district headquarters at St. Albans, in which St. Albans, Burlington, Richford, Alburg, Swanton, Highgate, Newport, North Troy, Derbyline, Island Pond, and Beecher Falls shall be ports of entry, and the salary of the collector shall be $5,000 per annum.

This order will become effective January 1, 1915.

., 21 November, 1914.

title: Executive Order 2090


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Translation:Davood the Hunchback

Davood the Hunchback

By Sadegh Hedayat

Translated by Mohammad Rajabpur

“Oh, no, I’ll never do this. I’ve to forget about it. It brings luck for other people, but for me it’s just pain and misery. Oh, no, never …” whispered Davood to himself while he was tapping his yellow walking stick on the ground and was walking with difficulty as if he could hardly keep his balance. His big face had sunk into his thin shoulders on his swollen chest. He had a dry, rough and gaudy expression on his face: thin tight lips, narrow round eyebrows, fallen eyelids, pale yellow color, and swollen bony cheeks. From a distance, one could see his white jacket which had been raised in the back. His hands were long and disproportionate. He wore a loose hat and maintained a serious countenance. All this and the way he tapped his walking stick with difficulty made him more ridiculous to people on the streets.

He had turned from Pahlavi Street into the street leading outside the city and was going towards Darvazeh Dowlat. It was near the sunset, but it was a bit warm. On the left, under the dim light of the dusk, clay and brick walls had thrust their heads into the sky.

On the right, the brook had recently been filled and here and there one could see half-built brick houses. The street was quiet and just every now and then, a car or a coach passed by which raised dust into the air, though water had been sprinkled on the ground. On both sides along the gutter, young trees had been planted.

Davood was thinking he had been mocked or pitied by other people since he was a child. He remembered when for the first time his history teacher said that Spartans killed deformed babies, everybody had turned and looked at him. This had filled him with strange feelings. But now he wished this law was practiced all over the world or at least malformed people were banned from marriage, because he knew all this was his father’s fault.

He remembered his father’s expression while he was dying. His face was pale, his cheeks were bony, his eyes had become black and had sunk in and his mouth was half-open. His syphilitic father had married a young girl and all his children had been born either blind or paralyzed. Just one of his brothers had survived dumb and crazy who had died two years earlier. “Perhaps they were happy”, he whispered to himself.

He was the only one who had stayed alive. He despised himself and all people. Everybody shunned him, but to some extent he had learned to lead a solitary life. Since childhood he had been deprived of all the sports and games played at school. He had been deprived of all the things which made his peers happy. During the recess, he sat in a corner in the school yard, kept his book before his face and slyly peeped at his peers. Sometimes he tried to do his best and wanted to gain superiority over his classmates by studying hard. Some students wanted to befriend him, but he knew that it was because they wanted to copy the answers to math problems from his notebook. He knew that they just pretended to be friends with him and in fact most of them wanted to befriend Hassan Khan who was good-looking, in shape and wore beautiful clothes. Just two or three teachers paid him some attention which was just out of pity and they even couldn’t help him finish his studies.

Now he was poor and penniless. All people avoided him; even his so-called friends felt ashamed of accompanying him. “Look at the Hunchback” the girls said which made him lose his temper. Some years ago, he had proposed to two girls, but both of them had mocked him. Incidentally one of them lived nearby in Fisher Abad. He had seen her, a couple of times and once had talked to her. Her name was Zibandeh. In the afternoon when the school was over, he used to come to the vicinity to see her from a distance. He just remembered she had a beauty-spot near her lips. He had sent his aunt to propose to her on his behalf, but she had made fun of him and had said, “Are we running short of men that you expect me become the Hunchback’s wife”. Though her parents had beaten her hard to accept the proposal, she had just resisted and said, “Are we running short of men”? Still Davood loved her and she was the best thing he remembered from his youth. Now consciously or unconsciously he came here most of the time to refresh his memories. He really felt frustrated with everything. He walked alone and avoided the crowd, because whoever laughed he thought it was at him and whoever whispered to his friend, he thought the guy was mocking him. With his brown gazing eyes and his rough countenance he would turn half of his body stiffly and look at them with contempt. On the way, all his attention was towards other people and tensing the muscles of his face, he wanted to know their opinion about himself.

He was walking slowly along the gutter and sometimes he dipped his walking stick into the water. His thoughts were wild and disorderly. Hearing the sound of his walking stick hitting a stone, a white dog raised its head feebly. It looked sick or dying. It couldn’t move and dropped down its head. He bended down with difficulty and in the moonlight, their eyes met. Strange thoughts struck his head. He thought it was the first sincere look he had ever seen. Both of them were unhappy and like rubbish had been socially outcast. He wanted to sit next to the dog, embrace it and push its head to his chest. But he thought someone might see him and ridicule him even more.

The sun had just set, when he passed through Yousef Abad Gate. He looked at the full-moon which had risen in the dark sky of this nostalgic night. He looked at the half-built houses, the pile of bricks, the layout of the sleepy city, trees, the attics of the houses and the black mountain. They passed before his eyes like dim gray screens.

Nobody was around. He could hear the stifled voice of a man singing far away. He raised his head with difficulty. He was tired and full of agony. His eyes were burning and he felt the weight of his head on his body. He put aside his stick and sat on the pebbles near a brook running there. All of a sudden, he noticed a woman wearing a chador sitting beside the brook near him. His heart started to beat fast. With no greetings, she turned her head towards him. “Houshang! Why are you late? Where were you”? she said.

Davood was surprised how she had seen her and had not run away. He was so happy. He felt she wanted to talk to him, but what was she doing there at this time? Was she a chaste girl? Was she in love? After all, he had found someone to whom he could talk. Perhaps she could calm her down. “Are you lonely, Miss? I’m lonely too. I’ve always been, all my life” he dared say.

Just then the girl who was wearing sunglasses turned her head again towards him. “Who are you? I thought you were Houshang. He always toys with me”.

Davood didn’t understand what she meant by her last sentence. It was a long time no girl had talked to him and he was surprised. He saw that she was very beautiful.

Cold sweat was running down his body. “No, I’m not Houshang, Miss. My name’s Davood” he said with difficulty.

“I don’t see you. I have sore eyes. Oh, … Davood. Oh! The Hunch…” she said biting her lips. “That’s why your voice looked quite familiar to my ears. I’m Zibandeh. Remember me”?

Her plaited hair which had hidden her profile moved and Davood saw the black beauty-spot near her lips. He felt pain in his body, he was perspiring on the forehead. He looked around. There wasn’t a soul there. But he could hear the singing man more clearly. His heart was throbbing so quickly that he couldn’t breathe. Without a word, he got up. All his body was trembling. He was about to weep. He picked up his walking stick and with heavy steps and drawing his body, he set off back. “She was Zibandeh! She couldn’t see me … Houshang might be her fiancé or her husband … who knows? … Oh, no … never … I must forget her forever … oh, no … I can’t stand it any longer”, he whispered with a harsh voice.

He drew himself next to the dog he had seen on his way. He sat down, held the dog and embraced it in his arms. But the dog was dead!

September 7, 1930 Tehran

title: Translation:Davood the Hunchback


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 VII

THE END GAME

on the game of Go would not be complete without a chapter especially devoted to the subject of the end game.

On the average a game of Go consists of about two hundred and fifty moves, and we might say that about twenty of these moves belong to the opening, about one hundred and fifty to the main part of the game, and the remaining eighty to the end game. The moves which may be regarded as belonging to the end game are those which connect the various groups of stones with the margin, and which fill up the space between the opposing groups of stones. Of course, there is no sharp distinction between the main game and the end game. Long before the main game is finished moves occur which bear the characteristics of end game play, and as the game progresses moves of this kind become more and more frequent, until at last all of the moves are strictly part of the end game.

Toward the end of the game it becomes possible to calculate the value of a move with greater accuracy than in the middle of the game, and in many cases the number of points which may be gained by a certain move may be ascertained with absolute accuracy. Therefore, when the main game is nearing completion, the players survey the board in order to locate the most advantageous end plays; that is to say, positions where they can gain the greatest Rh

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Rh number of "Me." In calculating the value of an end position, a player must carefully consider whether on its completion he will retain or lose the "Sente." It is an advantage to retain the "Sente," and it is generally good play to choose an end position where the "Sente" is retained, in preference to an end position where it is lost, even if the latter would gain a few more "Me."

The player holding the "Sente" would, therefore, complete in rotation those end positions which allowed him to retain it, commencing, of course, with those involving the greatest number of "Me." He would at last come to a point, however, where it would be more advantageous to play some end position which gained for him quite a number of points, although on its completion the "Sente" would be lost. His adversary, thereupon gaining the "Sente," would, in turn, play his series of end positions until it became advantageous for him to relinquish it. By this process the value of the contested end positions would become smaller and smaller, until at last there would remain only the filling of isolated, vacant intersections between the opposing lines, the occupation of which results in no advantage for either player. These moves are called "Dame," as we have already seen.

This is the general scheme of an end game, but, of course, in actual play there would be many departures therefrom. Sometimes an advantage can be gained by making an unsound though dangerous move, in the hope that the adversary may make some error in replying thereto. Then again, in playing against a player who lacks initiative, it is not so necessary to consider the certainty of retaining the "Sente" as when opposed by a more aggressive adversary.

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188 Frequently also the players differ in their estimate of the value of the various end positions, and do not, therefore, respond to each other's attacks. In this way the possession of the "Sente" generally changes more frequently during the end game than is logically necessary.

The process of connecting the various groups with the edge of the board gives rise to end positions in which there is more or less similarity in all games, and most of the illustrations which are now given are examples of this class. The end positions which occur in the middle of the board may vary so much in every game that it is practically impossible to give typical illustrations of them.

Of course, in an introductory work of this character it is not practicable to give a great many examples of end positions, and I have prepared only twelve, which are selected from the work of Inouye Hoshin, and which are annotated so that the reasons for the moves may be understood by beginners. The number of "Me" gained in each case is stated, and also whether the "Sente" is lost or retained. To these twelve examples I have added eight positions from Korschelt's work.

I

Plate 35 (A)

The following stones are on the board: White, S 15, R 14, P 14, L 17; Black, R 16, Q 16, N 15, N 17.

If White has the "Sente," he gains eight "Me," counting together what he wins and Black loses.

1. S 17. This is White's only good move; S 16 does not take ad- advantage of the opportunity, and he cannot risk S 18.

2. S 16. If Black had had the move or "Sente," he could have avoided White's invasion by playing here.

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User talk:Mohammad Rajabpur

I notice you created a Davood the Hunchback, please add information of the source of the text and its author and translator. cygnis insignis 11:30, 23 December 2010 (UTC)

Davood the Hunchback
I have nominated this for deletion as it possibly is not in the public domain. A work published in 1930, with author dying in 1950s would not usually be in the public domain. If you have evidence that the work is in the public domain please participate in the conversation. — billinghurst  sDrewth  01:15, 26 December 2010 (UTC)

Hi! This story is currently banned in Iran & no publisher can publish Hedayat's works. All his stories have been put in public domain by Hedayat's family and one can download most of them in Persian on his official website at http://www.sadeghhedayat.info/article.aspx?id=6. This story is included on this page.

Please remove this story from deletion list

According to Circular 38a of the U.S. Copyright Office, Iran has no official copyright relations whatsoever with the United States. Published works originating in Iran thus are not copyrighted in the United States, regardless of the local copyright laws of these countries. Source: Copyright in Iran

stop
A question has been raised on the year of publication, which seems to be 1932. DO NOT remove the copyvio tag. cygnis insignis 16:32, 26 December 2010 (UTC)
 * If your next edit is not at this WS:COPYVIO you will be blocked. cygnis insignis 17:02, 26 December 2010 (UTC)

title: User talk:Mohammad Rajabpur


text: On the Magnet/II-34

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Rh whose poverty was attached the stigma of crime; the division of class from class, the rich mounting up to place and power, the poor sinking to lower depths; destruction of custom as a check upon the exactions of landlords; the loss by the poor of those foundations at schools and universities intended for their children, and the passing away of ecclesiastical tithes into the hands of lay owners.

It has become habitual with many persons to regard the greatness of the Elizabethan era as in some way rendered possible only by the dissolution of the monasteries. By this the national energies are vaguely supposed to have now first obtained a fair field and fair play. That society should have re-settled itself, and a new and great day should have dawned is nothing wonderful. The constitution of human society appears to be such as never to lose the power of re-creating itself on a new basis, however desperate the condition to which it may be for a time reduced. Out of revolution order once more will surely be evolved, however much may have been irretrievably lost in the cataclysm which suddenly arrested a natural and normal development. It is in no spirit of concession to a sentimental and sterile feeling of regret for a dead past that it is desired to bring home the fact that the dissolution of the monasteries did inflict a terrible blow on the social state and made life harder for the nation at large. It is always an advantage to know the truth and to learn how to face it. Besides, the past has ever its lesson for the present, and to know how grievous was the deception in the bright promises of national happiness and individual prosperity which the distribution of so noble a prize was to secure, may have its lessons even in our own day.


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Possible parameters
Thinking aloud. Might be worth adding some named parameters to the link, so that we can add the detail about the contributor and the volume of the work for which the entry appeared. At the moment, an idea parked for reflection. — billinghurst  sDrewth  11:57, 23 December 2010 (UTC)

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text: On the Magnet/III-2

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User talk:86.161.158.251

Welcome

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title: User talk:86.161.158.251


text: On the Magnet/III-3

title: On the Magnet/III-3


text:
User talk:67.197.151.72

Welcome

Hello, and welcome to Wikisource! Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers:

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You are welcome to continue editing articles without logging in, but you may wish to  [ create an account] . Doing so is free, requires no personal information, and provides several benefits. For one thing, if you continue to edit without a username, your IP address is used to publicly identify you.

In any case, I hope you enjoy donating your time to grow the Wikisource library that is free for everyone to use! In discussions, please sign your comments using four tildes ( ~ ); this will automatically produce your IP address (or username if you're logged in) and the date. If you need help, ask me on my talk page, or ask your question here (click  [ edit] ) and place  before your question. Again, welcome! — billinghurst  sDrewth  12:02, 23 December 2010 (UTC)

title: User talk:67.197.151.72


text: On the Magnet/III-4

title: On the Magnet/III-4


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Page:Englishmen in the French Revolution.djvu/2

 Toronto University Library

Presented by

Messr Sampson Low & Gomfrey

through the Committee formed in The Old Country to aid in replacing the loss caused by The disastrous Fire of February the 14th 1890.


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Page:Englishmen in the French Revolution.djvu/7

 ENGLISHMEN

FRENCH REVOLUTION.

JOHN G. ALGER,

LONDON: SAMPSON LOW, MARSTON, SEARLE & RIVINGTON,, St. Dunstan's House, 1889.


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 Ballantyne Press


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Page:Englishmen in the French Revolution.djvu/9

 PREFACE.

history of the French Revolution has been written with greater fullness and from a greater variety of standpoints than any other event on the globe, yet this book takes up untrodden ground. It is well known, indeed, that the Revolution attracted to Paris men from all parts of the world, and of almost all categories—enthusiasts, adventurers, sensation-hunters; some of the best specimens of humanity and some of the worst; some of the most generous minds and some of the most selfish; some of the busiest brains and some of the idlest. Not a few of these moths perished in the flame which they had imprudently approached; others escaped with a singeing of their wings; others, again, were fortunate enough to pass unscathed. Some died in their beds just before the Terror ended, but without any assurance of its ending; others only just saw the end.

The foreigners, like the natives, who fairly survived the Revolution, had very various fortunes. Some were thoroughly disillusioned, became vehement reactionaries, or abjured politics and were transformed into sober or enterprising men of business. Others crossed or recrossed the Atlantic, and lived to a green and honoured old age, or gave way


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32.] propositions connected with the public lands; more than half of our acts embrace provisions growing out of this fruitful source. Day after day the changes are rung on this topic, from the grave inquiry into the right of the new States to the absolute sovereignty and property in the soil, down to the grant of a pre-emption of a few quarter sections to actual settlers. In the language of a great orator in relation to another “vexed question,” we may truly say, “that year after year we have been lashed round the miserable circle of occasional arguments and temporary expedients.” No gentleman can fail to perceive that this is a question no longer to be evaded; it must be met—fairly and fearlessly met. A question that is pressed upon us in so many ways; that intrudes in such a variety of shapes; involving so deeply the feelings and interests of a large portion of the Union; insinuating itself into almost every question of public policy, and tinging the whole course of our legislation, cannot be put aside, or laid asleep. We cannot long avoid it; we must meet and overcome it, or it will overcome us. Let us, then, be prepared to encounter it in a spirit of wisdom and of justice, and endeavor to prepare our own minds and the minds of the people, for a just and enlightened decision. The object of the remarks I am about to offer is merely to call public attention to the question, to throw out a few crude and undigested thoughts, as food for reflection, in order to prepare the public mind for the adoption, at no distant day, of some fixed and settled policy in relation to the public lands. I believe that, out of the Western country, there is no subject in the whole range of our legislation less understood, and in relation to which there exists so many errors, and such unhappy prejudices and misconceptions.

There may be said to be two great parties in this country, who entertain very opposite opinions in relation to the character of the policy which the Government has heretofore pursued, in relation to the public lands, as well as to that which ought, hereafter, to be pursued. I propose, very briefly, to examine these opinions, and to throw out for consideration a few ideas in connexion with them. Adverting first, to the past policy of the Government, we find that one party, embracing a very large portion, perhaps at this time a majority of the people of the United States, in all quarters of the Union, entertain the opinion, that, in the settlement of the new States and the disposition of the public lands, Congress has pursued not only a highly just and liberal course, but one of extraordinary kindness and indulgence. We are regarded as having acted towards the new States in the spirit of parental weakness, granting to froward children, not only every thing that was reasonable and proper, but actually robbing ourselves of our property to gratify their insatiable desires. While the other party, embracing the entire West, insist that we have treated them, from the beginning, not like heirs of the estate, but in the spirit of a hard taskmaster, resolved to promote our selfish interests from the fruit of their labor. Now, sir, it is not my present purpose to investigate all the grounds on which these opposite opinions rest; I shall content myself with noticing one or two particulars, in relation to which it has long appeared to me, that the West have had some cause for complaint. I notice them now, not for the purpose of aggravating the spirit of discontent in relation to this subject, which is known to exist in that quarter—for I do not know that my voice will ever reach them—but to assist in bringing others to what I believe to be a just sense of the past policy of the Government in relation to this matter. In the creation and settlement of the new States, the plan has been invariably pursued, of selling out, from time to time, certain portions of the public lands, for the highest price that could possibly be obtained for them in open market, and, until a few years past, on long credits. In this respect, a marked difference is observable between our policy and that of every other nation that has ever attempted to establish colonies or create new States. Without pausing to examine the course pursued in this respect at earlier periods in the history of the world, I will come directly to the measures adopted in the first settlement of the new world, and will confine my observations entirely to North America. The English, the French, and the Spaniards, have successively planted their colonies here, and have all adopted the same policy, which, from the very beginning of the world, had always been found necessary in the settlement of new countries, viz: A free grant of lands, “without money and without price.” We all know that the British colonies, at their first settlement here, (whether deriving title directly from the crown or the lords proprietors) received grants for considerations merely nominal.

The payment of “a penny,” or a “pepper corn,” was the stipulated price which our fathers along the whole Atlantic coast, now composing the old thirteen States, paid for their lands, and even when conditions, seemingly more substantial, were annexed to the grants; such for instance as “settlement and cultivation.” These were considered as substantially complied with, by the cutting down a few trees and erecting a log cabin—the work of only a few days. Even these conditions very soon came to be considered as merely nominal, and were never required to be pursued, in order to vest in the grantee the fee simple of the soil. Such was the system under which this country was originally settled, and under which the thirteen colonies flourished and grew up to that early and vigorous manhood, which enabled them in a few years to achieve their independence; and I beg gentlemen to recollect, and note the fact, that, while they paid substantially nothing to the mother country, the whole profits of their industry were suffered to remain in their own hands. Now, what, let us inquire, was the reason which has induced all nations to adopt this system in the settlement of new countries? Can it be any other than this; that it affords the only certain means of building up in a wilderness, great and prosperous communities? Was not that policy founded on the universal belief, that the conquest of a new country, the driving out “the savage beasts and still more savage men,” cutting down and subduing the forest, and encountering all the hardships and privations necessarily incident to the conversion of the wilderness into cultivated fields, was worth the fee simple of the soil? And was it not believed that the mother country found ample remuneration for the value of the land so granted in the additions to her power and the new sources of commerce and of wealth, furnished by prosperous and populous States? Now, sir, I submit to the candid consideration of gentlemen, whether the policy so diametrically opposite to this, which has been invariably pursued by the United States towards the new States in the West has been quite so just and liberal, as we have been accustomed to believe. Certain it is, that the British colonies to the north of us, and the Spanish and French to the south and west, have been fostered and reared up under a very different system. Lands, which had been for fifty or a hundred years open to every settler, without any charge beyond the expense of the survey, were, the moment they fell into the hands of the United States, held up for sale at the highest price that a public auction, at the most favorable seasons, and not unfrequently a spirit of the wildest competition, could produce, with a limitation that they should never be sold below a certain minimum price; thus making it, as it would seem, the cardinal point of our policy, not to settle the country, and facilitate the formation of new States, but to fill our coffers by coining our lands into gold.

Let us now consider for a moment, [said Mr. H.] the effect of these two opposite systems on the condition of a new State. I will take the State of Missouri, by way of example. Here is a large and fertile territory, coming into the possession of the United States without any


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Rh19, 1830.] but Indians and wild beasts—a territory which is to be converted into a sovereign and independent State. You commence your operations by surveying and selling out a portion of the lands, on long credits, to actual settlers; and, as the population progresses, you go on, year after year, making additional sales on the same terms; and this operation is to be continued, as gentlemen tell us, for fifty or a hundred years at least, if not for all time to come. The inhabitants of this new State, under such a system, it is most obvious, must have commenced their operations under a load of debt, the annual payment of which must necessarily drain their country of the whole profits of their labor, just so long as this system shall last. This debt is due, not from some citizens of the State to others of the same State, (in which case the money would remain in the country) but it is due from the whole population of the State to the United States, by whom it is regularly drawn out, to be expended abroad. Sir, the amount of this debt has, in every one of the new States, actually constantly exceeded the ability of the people to pay, as is proved by the fact that you have been compelled, from time to time, in your great liberality, to extend the credits, and in some instances even to remit portions of the debt, in order to protect some land debtors from bankruptcy and total ruin. Now, I will submit the question to any candid man, whether, under this system, the people of a new State, so situated, could, by any industry or exertion, ever become rich and prosperous. What has been the consequence, sir? Almost universal poverty; no money; hardly a sufficient circulating medium for the ordinary exchanges of society; paper banks, relief laws, and the other innumerable evils, social, political, and moral, on which it is unnecessary for me to dwell. Sir, under a system by which a drain like this is constantly operating upon the wealth of the whole community, the country may be truly said to be afflicted with a curse which it has been well observed is more grievous to be borne “than the barrenness of the soil, and the inclemency of the seasons.” It is said, sir, that we learn from our own misfortunes how to feel for the sufferings of others; and perhaps the present condition of the Southern States has served to impress more deeply on my own mind, the grievous oppression of a system by which the wealth of a country is drained off to be expended elsewhere. In that devoted region, sir, in which my lot has been cast, it is our misfortune to stand in that relation to the Federal Government, which subjects us to a taxation which it requires the utmost efforts of our industry to meet. Nearly the whole amount of our contributions is expended abroad: we stand towards the United States in the relation of Ireland to England. The fruits of our labor are drawn from us to enrich other and more favored sections of the Union; while, with one of the finest climates and the richest products in the world, furnishing, with one-third of the population, two-thirds of the whole exports of the country, we exhibit the extraordinary, the wonderful, and painful spectacle of a country enriched by the bounty of God, but blasted by the cruel policy of man. The rank grass grows in our streets; our very fields are scathed by the hand of injustice and oppression. Such, sir, though probably in a less degree, must have been the effects of a kindred policy on the fortunes of the West. It is not in the nature of things that it should have been otherwise.

Let gentlemen now pause and consider for a moment what would have been the probable effects of an opposite policy. Suppose, sir, a certain portion of the State of Missouri had been originally laid off and sold to actual settlers for the quit rent of a “peppercorn” or even for a small price to be paid down in cash. Then, sir, all the money that was made in the country would have remained in the country, and, passing from hand to hand, would, like rich and abundant streams flowing through the land, have adorned and fertilized the whole. Suppose, sir, that all the sales that have been effected had been made by the State, and that the proceeds had gone into the State treasury, to be returned back to the people in some of the various shapes in which a beneficent local government exerts its powers for the improvement of the condition of its citizens. Who can say how much of wealth and prosperity, how much of improvement in science and the arts, how much of individual and social happiness, would have been diffused throughout the land! But I have done with this topic.

In coming to the consideration of the next great question, What ought to be the future policy of the Government in relation to the Public Lands? we find the most opposite and irreconcileable opinions between the two parties which I have before described. On the one side it is contended that the public land ought to be reserved as a permanent fund for revenue, and future distribution among the States, while, on the other, it is insisted that the whole of these lands of right belong to, and ought to be relinquished to, the States in which they lie. I shall proceed to throw out some ideas in relation to the proposed policy, that the public lands ought to be reserved for these purposes. It may be a question, Mr. President, how far it is possible to convert the public lands into a great source of revenue. Certain it is, that all the efforts heretofore made for this purpose have most signally failed. The harshness, if not injustice of the proceeding, puts those upon whom it is to operate upon the alert, to contrive methods of evading and counteracting our policy, and hundreds of schemes, in the shape of appropriations of lands for Roads, Canals, and Schools, grants to actual settlers, &c. are resorted to for the purpose of controlling our operations. But, sir, let us take it for granted that we will be able, hereafter, to resist these applications, and to reserve the whole of your lands, for fifty or for a hundred years, or for all time to come, to furnish a great fund for permanent revenue, is it desirable that we should do so? Will it promote the welfare of the United States to have at our disposal a permanent treasury, not drawn from the pockets of the people, but to be derived from a source independent of them? Would it be safe to confide such a treasure to the keeping of our national rulers? to expose them to the temptations inseparable from the direction and control of a fund which might be enlarged or diminished almost at pleasure, without imposing burthens upon the people? Sir, I may be singular—perhaps I stand alone here in the opinion, but it is one I have long entertained, that one of the greatest safeguards of liberty is a jealous watchfulness on the part of the people, over the collection and expenditure of the public money—a watchfulness that can only be secured where the money is drawn by taxation directly from the pockets of the people. Every scheme or contrivance by which rulers are able to procure the command of money by means unknown to, unseen or unfelt by, the people, destroys this security. Even the revenue system of this country, by which the whole of our pecuniary resources are derived from indirect taxation, from duties upon imports, has done much to weaken the responsibility of our federal rulers to the people, and has made them, in some measure, careless of their rights, and regardless of the high trust committed to their care. Can any man believe, sir, that, if twenty-three millions per annum was now levied by direct taxation, or by an apportionment of the same among the States, instead of being raised by an indirect tax, of the severe effect of which few are aware, that the waste and extravagance, the unauthorized imposition of duties, and appropriations of money for unconstitutional objects, would have been tolerated for a single year? My life upon it, sir, they would not. I distrust, therefore, sir, the policy of creating a great permanent national treasury, whether to be derived from public lands or from any other source. If I had,