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704 "Oh, Jacob," Palk would say, "I hope thou hast not been poaching."

"Poaching!" Jacob would exclaim; "Lord, sir, if a hare runs across the road, I may knock un on the head, I reckon, and no one say nort."

"I should like to know just where it was—as a study in nat'ral history."

"Well, if you must know, Cap'n, it were in Buckland-on-the-Moor, Squire Bastard's woods."

"I dare say, friend, it will be all the fatter and better eating."

In these Buckland Woods larch grew finer than almost anywhere else in England, and the timber was obtained thence for Vitifer and Birch Tor mines. Some forty years ago, as much as a hundred and twenty feet of timber was got out of a single tree.

"Well," said Palk, "I've had Squire Bastard's larch wood and obliged him. The trees grew too thick. Hares there too thick. It's a favour to him to thin them out for me. One hand washes the other."

Palk was an assiduous attendant at the Quakers' Annual Meetings, both in Devon and in Cornwall. That of Cornwall was held at S. Austell, and it fell at the time when the hay was cut, and that was frequently wet, so that a rhyme was commonly repeated to caution the farmers:—

At one of these gatherings, when the monthly advices to the members were being read out, and there was one specially enjoining forbearance from "vain sports," up rose a lately-joined member, and with an anxious voice inquired what these vain sports embraced. "Now," said he, "Do'ee reckon that kissing the mydens


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Rh was not suited to the Aryan priest and warrior. Hence they were in the habit of making it over to the autochthonous peoples, and many Rājputs and Brāhmans at the present day will not handle the plough. Buddhists adopted the same rule on account of the danger likely to be caused to animal or vegetable life by ploughing: but they were forced to make an ingenious compromise, to wit, that a man should not till land for his own advantage, but that to do so for the benefit of the Buddhist Sanga, or community, was not opposed to the teaching of the master. In the same way, the Jains are particularly careful not to destroy all animal and some vegetable life. They object to build a house, to till a field, to eat earth-grown vegetables, like potatoes, beet, or onions, but they will eat oranges or mangoes, which, being in the air, do not form a refuge for life (jiva): a pious member of the sect must never sell artificial manure, as it is sometimes made from the bones of dead animals, or take a contract for building houses or digging wells, because an insect may be destroyed in the course of the work: for the same reason the trade of a blacksmith is tabu among them. Hence also arose the custom of having the first ploughing done by one of the menial tribes, like the Kurumbas of southern India, who risked the danger which his masters were afraid to face. The King, being sacrosanct, was also required to do the sacred ploughing.

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 colony in 1871 (see ). In the same year the south-eastern part of Bechuanaland was annexed to Great Britain under the title of Griqualand West. This annexation was a consequence of the discovery there of rich diamond mines, an event which was destined to have far-reaching results.

Development of Modern Conditions.—The year 1870 marks the dawn of a new era in South Africa. From that date the development of modern South Africa may be said to have fairly started, and in spite of political complications, arising from time to time, the progress of Cape Colony down to the outbreak of the Transvaal War of 1899 was steadily forward. The discovery of diamonds on the Orange river in 1867, followed immediately afterwards by the discovery of diamonds on the Vaal river, led to the rapid occupation and development of a tract of country which had hitherto been but sparsely inhabited. In 1870 Dutoitspan and Bultfontein diamond mines were discovered, and in 1871 the still richer mines of Kimberley and De Beers. These four great deposits of mineral wealth are still richly productive, and constitute the greatest industrial asset which the colony possesses. At the time of the beginning of the diamond industry, not only the territory of Cape Colony and the Boer Republics, but all South Africa, was in a very depressed condition. Ostrich-farming was in its infancy, and agriculture but little developed. The Boers, except in the immediate vicinity of Cape Town, were a primitive people. Their wants were few, they lacked enterprise, and the trade of the colony was restricted. Even the British colonists at that time were far from rich. The diamond industry therefore offered considerable attractions, especially to colonists of British origin. It was also the means at length of demonstrating the fact that South Africa, barren and poor on the surface, was rich below the surface. It takes ten acres of Karroo to feed a sheep, but it was now seen that a few square yards of diamondiferous blue ground would feed a dozen families. By the end of 1871 a large population had already gathered at the diamond fields, and immigration continued steadily, bringing new-comers to the rich fields. Among the first to seek a fortune at the diamond fields was Cecil Rhodes.

In 1858 the scheme of Sir George Grey for the federation of the various colonies and states of South Africa had been rejected, as has been stated, by the home authorities. In 1874 the 4th earl of Carnarvon, secretary of state for the colonies, who had been successful in aiding to bring about the federation of Canada, turned his attention to a similar scheme for the confederation of South Africa. The representative government in Cape Colony had been replaced in 1872 by responsible, i.e. self-government, and the new parliament at Cape Town resented the manner in which Lord Carnarvon propounded his suggestions. A resolution was passed (June 11, 1875) stating that any scheme in favour of confederation must in its opinion originate within South Africa itself. James Anthony Froude, the distinguished historian, was sent out by Lord Carnarvon to further his policy in South Africa. As a diplomatist and a representative of the British government, the general opinion in South Africa was that Froude was not a success, and he entirely failed to induce the colonists to adopt Lord Carnarvon’s views. In 1876, Fingoland, the Idutywa reserve, and Noman’s-land, tracts of country on the Kaffir frontier, were annexed by Great Britain, on the understanding that the Cape government should provide for their government. Lord Carnarvon, still bent on confederation, now appointed Sir Bartle Frere governor of Cape Colony and high commissioner of South Africa.

Frere had no sooner taken office as high commissioner than he found himself confronted with serious native troubles in Zululand and on the Kaffir frontier of Cape Colony. In 1877 there occurred an outbreak on the part of the Galekas and the Gaikas. A considerable force of imperial and colonial troops was employed to put down this rising, and the war was subsequently known as the Ninth Kaffir war. It was in this war that the famous Kaffir chief, Sandili, lost his life. At its conclusion the Transkei, the territory of the Galeka tribe, under Kreli, was annexed by the British. In the meantime Lord Carnarvon had resigned his position in the British cabinet, and the scheme for confederation which he had been pushing forward was abandoned. As a matter of fact, at that time Cape Colony was too fully occupied with native troubles to take into consideration very seriously so great a question as confederation. A wave of feeling spread amongst the different Kaffir tribes on the colonial frontier, and after the Gaika-Galeka War there followed in 1879 a rising in Basutoland under Moirosi, whose cattle-raiding had for some time past caused considerable trouble. His stronghold was taken after very severe fighting by a colonial force, but, their defeat notwithstanding, the Basutos remained in a restless and aggressive condition for several years. In 1880 the colonial authorities endeavoured to extend to Basutoland the Peace Preservation Act of 1878, under which a general disarmament of the Basutos was attempted. Further fighting followed on this proclamation, which was by no means successful, and although peace was declared in the country in December 1882, the colonial authorities were very glad in 1884 to be relieved of the administration of a country which had already cost them £3,000,000. The imperial government then took over Basutoland as a crown colony, on the understanding that Cape Colony should contribute for administrative purposes £18,000 annually. In 1880, Sir Bartle Frere, who by his energetic and statesmanlike attitude on the relations with the native states, as well as on all other questions, had won the esteem and regard of loyal South African colonists, was recalled by the 1st earl of Kimberley, the liberal secretary of state for the colonies, and was succeeded by Sir Hercules Robinson. Griqualand West, which included the diamond fields, was now incorporated as a portion of Cape Colony.

Origin of the Afrikander Bond.—The Boer War of 1881, with its disastrous termination, naturally reacted throughout South Africa; and as one of the most important results, in the year 1882 the first Afrikander Bond congress was held at Graaff Reinet. The organization of the Bond developed into one embracing the Transvaal, the Orange Free State and Cape Colony. Each country had a provincial committee with district committees, and branches were distributed throughout the whole of South Africa. At a later date the Bond in the Cape Colony dissociated itself from its Republican branches. The general lines of policy which this organization endeavoured to promote may best be gathered from De Patriot, a paper published in the colony, and an avowed supporter of the organization. The following extracts from articles published in 1882 will illustrate, better than anything else, the ambition entertained by some of the promoters of this remarkable organization.

“The Afrikander Bond has for its object the establishment of a South African nationality by spreading a true love for what is really our fatherland. No better time could be found for establishing the Bond than the present, when the consciousness of nationality has been thoroughly aroused by the Transvaal war.” “The British government keep on talking about a confederation under the British flag, but that will never be brought about. They can be quite certain of that. There is just one obstacle in the way of confederation, and that is the British flag. Let them remove that, and in less than a year the confederation would be established under the Free Afrikander flag.” “After a time the English will realize that the advice given them by Froude was the best—they must just have Simon’s Bay as a naval and military station on the way to India, and give over all the rest of South Africa to the Afrikanders.” “Our principal weapon in the social war must be the destruction of English trade by our establishing trading companies for ourselves.” “It is the duty of each true Afrikander not to spend anything with the English that he can avoid.”

De Patriot afterwards became imperialist, but Ons Land, another Bond organ, continued in much the same strain.

In addition to having its press organs, the Bond from time to time published official utterances less frank in their tone than the statements of its press. Some of the Articles of the Bond’s original manifesto are entirely praiseworthy, e.g. those referring to the administration of justice, the honour of the people, &c.; such clauses as these, however, were meaningless in view of the enlightened government which obtained in Cape Colony, and for the true “inwardness” of this document it is necessary to note Article 3, which distinctly speaks of the promotion of South Africa’s independence (Zelfstandigheid). If the Bond aroused

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 It is needless to discuss the many beliefs implying that Mother Earth in India is regarded as the prime source of Mana. One rite, specially connected with fertility, deserves notice. All over the country, as part of the marriage ceremony, the women of the family go to the village clay-pit, and bring from thence the Matmangarā, or “lucky earth,” which is generally used in building the fireplace on which the materials of the wedding feast are cooked. In southern India this “lucky earth” is brought from an anthill, because ants which swarm in numbers are a type of fertility. Other circumstances enhance the luck of such earth. In Poona seven kinds of “lucky earth” are brought—from a Kings’ palace gate, from a hill, from under the foot of an elephant or of a horse, from a place where four roads meet, from a cowshed, and from under the sacred vāla tree (andropogon muricatum). At a Rājput wedding in Bījāpur, a relative of the bridegroom goes to the bank of a river or a tank and worships Mother-Earth by pouring water on her surface: he daubs the place with sandalwood paste, and throws rice and flowers on it: then he loosens a clod with a pickaxe and brings it to the marriage booth. In the Telugu country, the earth, known as “Golden produce,” is brought from a tank with much ceremony by five women—a lucky number—who are accompanied by a band of music, and they have a cloth held over them as a canopy, probably to protect them from the Evil Eye and from the attacks of malignant spirits; it is added to a pile of earth, decorated with coloured pigments, which is raised in the marriage shed, and beside it the bride and bridegroom sit; the pile is not removed, but left untouched until wind and rain destroy it. At a

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 Thomas lodged in the town in the house of one Spilsbury, ‘a very honest sort of man,’ in whose attic was stored his very extensive baggage. In addition to ‘four large portmantles’ full of scarlet cloaks, buff suits, and other ‘precious commodity,’ his effects comprised three large trunks filled with ‘an hundred manuscripts’ of his own composition, to the amount of 642 ‘quinternions,’ of five sheets each. The royalist army having been routed and Urquhart captured, the Cromwellian soldiers ransacked Spilsbury's house. At first the precious manuscripts had wellnigh escaped, for ‘the soldiers merely scattered them over the floor; but reflecting after they had left the chamber on the many uses to which they might be applied, they returned and bore them out into the street.’ One quinternion only, containing part of the preface to the ‘Universal Language,’ was rescued from the kennel and restored to Sir Thomas, while the portion of another containing the writer's marvellous genealogy was eventually spared ‘the inexorable rage of Vulcan’ and the tobacco-pipes of the musketeers. Urquhart himself was committed to the Tower of London with other Scottish gentlemen taken at Worcester, on 3 Sept. 1651. His imprisonment was almost immediately relaxed, and on 16 Sept. following Urquhart, who seems to have won the good graces of all his gaolers while in the Tower, was removed to Windsor Castle (Cal. State Papers, Dom.). Early next month Cromwell ordered his release on parole de die in diem (ib.) The prisoner speaks highly of the Protector's indulgence, by means of which he was enabled to address himself to repair in some measure the loss of his hundred manuscripts. Hitherto his projects had been devised for the good of mankind and the glory of his country; henceforth his ingenuity was to be exerted in the interests of himself. First, therefore, in 1652, he issued the recovered fragment of his genealogy to convince Cromwell and the parliament that a ‘family which Saturn's scythe had not been able to mow in the course of all former ages, ought not to be prematurely cut off.’ In this he succinctly traces his pedigree back to the ‘red earth from which God framed Adam, surnamed the protoplast.’ The local origin of the name he ignores in order to derive it from Ourqhartos, i.e. ‘the fortunate and well-beloved.’ This Ourqhartos was fifth in descent from Noah, and married the queen of the Amazons. The genealogy showed clearly how Sir Thomas was the hundred and forty-third in direct line (hundred and fifty-third in succession) from Adam, and hundred and thirty-third from Japhet, ‘anno mundi 5598;’ but it did not succeed in its avowed object of convincing Cromwell of its compiler's value to his country (cf., On Family Names, 1860, p. 362; the pedigree, which is correct as far as verifiable—that is, as far back as about 1300—was continued down to the close of the seventeenth century by David Herd, ap. Urquhart Tracts, Edinb. 1774).

Urquhart next published his Ἐκσκυβάλαυρον, better known as ‘The Jewel’ (ἐκσκυβάλαυρον = jewel out of the mire?). Author and printer shut themselves up to see whether head or hand could compose the quicker; and their joint concern issued from the press in the short space of fourteen working days. Urquhart's aim was to convince the government of the signal and unprecedented services which he might be capable of rendering, and he puffed his work with unblushing effrontery. The ‘Jewel’ proper, as rescued from the ‘kennel of Worcester,’ comprised but two and a quarter sheets of small pica, ‘as it lieth in an octavo size,’ forming the introduction to a work of twelve hundred folio pages, irreparably lost, on a ‘Universal Language’ (a kind of ancestor of Volapük). This ‘introduction,’ however, was, in the author's opinion, the cream of the book. Among the numerous merits of his language he remarks that ‘three and sixtiethly, in matters of enthymens, syllogisms, and all manner of illative ratiocination it is the most compendious in the world.’ The main and by far the most interesting portion of the work (hastily composed as a supplement to the ‘Jewel’ proper) is a rhapsodical vindication of the Scots nation (before the presbyterians had ‘loaded it with so much disreputation for covetousness and hypocrisie’), interspersed with notices and characters of the most eminent Scots scholars and warriors who had flourished during the previous half-century. Despite its obvious extravagance, Urquhart's ‘Jewel’ has not only many graphic and humorous touches, but much truth of observation; while its inimitable quaintness justifies its title in the eyes of lovers of recondite literature.

During the May of 1652 Urquhart's papers were ordered to be seized, and their examination by the government very probably contributed to his enlargement. On 14 July following he was allowed to return to Scotland for five months, on condition that he did nothing to the prejudice of the Commonwealth. His three attendants—William, Francis, and John Urquhart—had received passes in the previous March. His leave was subsequently extended, but he does not


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Rh Brāhman wedding in Gujarāt, the earth is used for making the altars used in the rite known as Grihasāntī, or “planet-soothing,” by which the dangerous influence of some planet, which would mar the success of the marriage, is removed. The intention of these ceremonies is probably to convey to the married pair the fertilizing Mana of Mother Earth.

When Mother Earth is thus regarded by the Hindus as a living creature they unconsciously confirm the latest conclusions of science. The well-known French agronomist, M. G. Dumont, has recently shown that the Earth is a living organism, and that the earthy elements are merely the skeleton which holds together its respiratory, digestive and muscular portions. Respiration is the interchange of gases, the digestive apparatus the interspaces supplying nutritive liquids to the plant roots, the muscular action the contractions which excite coagulation, and which are due to the colloidal membranes covering the earth particles. Folklore, as is often the case, is thus justified by the conclusions of science.

Thus far we have been considering Mother Earth in her benign, kindly aspects, as the maintainer and giver of fertility to men, animals, and plants, the patron goddess of agriculture, in which respects she is the counterpart of the Hellenic and other deities of the West. In this aspect she is closely connected with the cult of trees, which force their roots into her bosom, and draw support from her, while by their branches they link her with the spirits of the air. So in Greece, Europa, “the broad-faced,” the equivalent of the Hindu Prithivi, probably a Cretan-Boeotian form of the Earth Goddess, was worshipped at Gortyna in a sacred tree. In India, as we have seen, she is associated with the communal tree, the planting of which is the first act in the foundation of a new village. But, at the same time, the tree acts as a prophylactic, because it

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 seem to have utilised the time to advantage as far as his creditors were concerned, and he surrendered to his parole in 1653, when he published in London his ‘Logopandecteision,’ being a continuation and expansion of his ideas on the subject of a universal language, interspersed with chapters of an autobiographical and declamatory nature, while the volume concludes with a fanciful summary of the author's demands or ‘proquiritations’ from the state.

The same year (1653) saw the appearance of Urquhart's admirable translation of the first book of Rabelais—‘one of the most perfect transfusions of an author from one language into another that ever man accomplished.’ In point of style Urquhart was Rabelais incarnate, and in his employment of the verbal resources, whether of science and pseudo-science or slang, he almost surpassed Rabelais himself. As for his mistakes, they are truly ‘condoned by their magnificence.’ He often met the difficulty of finding the exact equivalent of a French word by emptying all the synonyms given by Cotgrave into his version; thus on one occasion a list of thirteen synonyms in Rabelais is expanded by the inventive Urquhart into thirty-six. Some of the chapters are in this way almost doubled in length.

After 1653 practically nothing is known of Urquhart, but it seems probable that he remained for some years longer in London, going on with his translation of Rabelais (a third book of which appeared after his death), a prisoner in name more than in reality. When he crossed the sea is not known, but tradition states that he died abroad on the eve of the Restoration. The mode of his death, as handed down apparently by family tradition, was that he died in an uncontrollable fit of laughter upon hearing of the Restoration. It is highly probable that he died in the early part of 1660, as on 9 Aug. in that year his brother (Sir) Alexander of Cromarty petitioned the council for a commission to execute the office of sheriff of Cromarty, held for ages by his predecessors, and belonging to him as eldest surviving son of Sir Thomas Urquhart who died in 1642. In 1663 Sir Alexander claimed compensation to the amount of 20,203l. (Scots) for the losses incurred by his brother during 1650, and 39,203l. (Scots) for the losses of 1651–2 (one pound Scots = one shilling and eightpence sterling). Sir Alexander's ‘pretty’ daughter, Christian, married before 1665 (, Diary, 3 Oct.) Thomas Rutherford, Lord Rutherford, elder brother of the third lord, who has been identified with Scott's ‘Master of Ravenswood.’ On Alexander's death the honours of the family and what estates were left passed to Sir John Urquhart, son of John Urquhart of Craigfintray, Laithers, and Craigston, who was the son of John Urquhart, the ‘Tutor of Cromarty,’ by his first marriage. Sir John's son Jonathan sold Cromarty in 1685 to Viscount Tarbat, first earl of Cromarty, and on the death of Jonathan's son James, in 1741, the ‘Tutor's’ descendant, William Urquhart of Meldrum, became the representative of the ancient house of Cromarty (see, Inverurie, 1878, pp. 468–9; , Antiquarian Notes, 1865, pp. 202–3).

Urquhart was a Scottish euphuist, with a brain at least as fertile and inventive as that of the Marquis of Worcester (many of whose hundred projects he anticipated). His sketch of a universal language exhibits rare ingenuity, learning, and critical acumen. Hugh Miller pointed out that the modern chemical vocabulary, with all its philosophical ingenuity, is constructed on principles exactly similar to those which Urquhart divulged more than a hundred years prior to its invention in the preface to his ‘Universal Language.’ His fantastic and eccentric diction, which accurately reflects his personality, obscures in much of his writing his learning and his alertness of intellect. Urquhart's singularities of mind and style found, however, their affinity in Rabelais, and conspired to make his translation of the great French classic a universally acknowledged ‘monument of literary genius.’

Two portraits of Urquhart by Glover, both representing a man with flowing locks, attired in the height of cavalier foppery, were finely engraved by Lizars for the Maitland Club's edition of Urquhart's ‘Works’ in 1834.

Urquhart's works are: 1. ‘Epigrams, Divine and Moral. By Sir Thomas Urchard, Knight, London. Printed by Barnard Alsop and Thomas Fawcet in the yeare 1641, 4to, 34 leaves,’ with an engraved portrait by G. Glover as frontispiece (Brit. Mus.). Another edition for William Leake, 1646, 4to (Brit. Mus., Bodl., Huth). 2. ‘The Trissotetras: or a most Exquisite Table for Resolving all manner of Triangles … with Greater Facility than ever hitherto hath been Practised. … By Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromartie, knight. Published for the benefit of those that are mathematically affected.’ London, printed by James Young, 1645, 4to, with full-length portrait by Glover (Brit. Mus. copy has no portrait). It was reissued in 1650 as ‘The Most Easy


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 disloyalty and mistaken aspirations in one section of the Cape inhabitants, it is equally certain that it caused a great wave of loyal and patriotic enthusiasm to pass through another and more enlightened section. A pamphlet written in 1885 for an association called the Empire League by Mr Charles Leonard, who afterwards consistently championed the cause of civil equality and impartial justice in South Africa, maintained as follows:—

“(1) That the establishment of the English government here was beneficial to all classes; and (2) that the withdrawal of that government would be disastrous to every one having vested interests in the colony England never can, never will, give up this colony, and we colonists will never give up England Let us, the inhabitants of the Cape Colony, be swift to recognize that we are one people, cast together under a glorious flag of liberty, with heads clear enough to appreciate the freedom we enjoy, and hearts resolute to maintain our true privileges; let us desist from reproaching and insulting one another, and, rejoicing that we have this goodly land as a common heritage, remember that by united action only can we realize its grand possibilities. We belong both of us to a home-loving stock, and the peace and prosperity of every home in the land is at stake. On our action now depends the question whether our children shall curse or bless us; whether we shall live in their memory as promoters of civil strife, with all its miserable consequences, or as joint architects of a happy, prosperous and united state. Each of us looks back to a noble past. United, we may ensure to our descendants a not unworthy future. Disunited, we can hope for nothing but stagnation, misery and ruin. Is this a light thing?”

It is probable that many Englishmen reading Mr Leonard’s manifesto at the time regarded it as unduly alarming, but subsequent events proved the soundness of the views it expressed. The fact is that, from 1881 onwards, two great rival ideas came into being, each strongly opposed to the other. One was that of Imperialism—full civil rights for every civilized man, whatever his race might be, under the supremacy and protection of Great Britain. The other was nominally republican, but in fact exclusively oligarchical and Dutch. The policy of the extremists of this last party was summed up in the appeal which President Kruger made to the Free State in February 1881, when he bade them “Come and help us. God is with us. It is his will to unite us as a people”—“to make a united South Africa free from British authority.” The two actual founders of the Bond party were Mr Borckenhagen, a German who was residing in Bloemfontein, and Mr Reitz, afterwards state secretary of the Transvaal. Two interviews have been recorded which show the true aims of these two promoters of the Bond at the outset. One occurred between Mr Borckenhagen and Cecil Rhodes, the other between Mr Reitz and Mr T. Schreiner, whose brother became, at a later date, prime minister of Cape Colony. In the first interview Mr Borckenhagen remarked to Rhodes: “We want a united Africa,” and Rhodes replied: “So do I.” Mr Borckenhagen then continued: “There is nothing in the way; we will take you as our leader. There is only one small thing: we must, of course, be independent of the rest of the world.” Rhodes replied: “You take me either for a rogue or a fool. I should be a rogue to forfeit all my history and my traditions; and I should be a fool, because I should be hated by my own countrymen and mistrusted by yours.” But as Rhodes truly said at Cape Town in 1898, “The only chance of a true union is the overshadowing protection of a supreme power, and any German, Frenchman, or Russian would tell you that the best and most liberal power is that over which Her Majesty reigns.” The other interview took place at the beginning of the Bond’s existence. Being approached by Mr Reitz, Mr T. Schreiner objected that the Bond aimed ultimately at the overthrow of British rule and the expulsion of the British flag from South Africa. To this Mr Reitz replied: “Well, what if it is so?” Mr Schreiner expostulated in the following terms: “You do not suppose that that flag is going to disappear without a tremendous struggle and hard fighting?” “Well, I suppose not, but even so, what of that?” rejoined Mr Reitz. In the face of this testimony with reference to two of the most prominent of the Bond’s promoters, it is impossible to deny that from its beginning the great underlying idea of the Bond was an independent South Africa.

Mr Hofmeyr’s Policy.—In 1882 an act was passed in the Cape legislative assembly, empowering members to speak in the Dutch language on the floor of the House, if they so desired. The intention of this act was a liberal one, but the moment of its introduction was inopportune, and its effect was to give an additional stimulus to the policy of the Bond. It was probably also the means of bringing into the House a number of Dutchmen, by no means well educated, who would not have been returned had they been obliged to speak English. By this act an increase of influence was given to the Dutch leaders. The head of the Afrikander Bond at this time in Cape Colony, and the leader of Dutch opinion, was Mr J. H. Hofmeyr, a man of undoubted ability and astuteness. Although he was recognized leader of the Dutch party in Cape Colony, he consistently refused to take office, preferring to direct the policy and the action of others from an independent position. Mr Hofmeyr sat in the house of assembly as member for Stellenbosch, a strong Dutch constituency. His influence over the Dutch members was supreme, and in addition to directing the policy of the Bond within the Cape Colony, he supported and defended the aggressive expansion policy of President Kruger and the Transvaal Boers. In 1883, during a debate on the Basutoland Dis-annexation Bill, Rhodes openly charged Mr Hofmeyr in the House with a desire to see a “United States of South Africa under its own flag.” In 1884 Mr Hofmeyr led the Bond in strongly supporting the Transvaal Boers who had invaded (q.v.), proclaiming that if the Bechuanaland freebooters were not permitted to retain the territories they had seized, in total disregard of the terms of the conventions of 1881 and 1884, there would be rebellion among the Dutch of Cape Colony. Fortunately, however, for the peace of Cape Colony at that time, Sir Charles Warren, sent by the imperial government to maintain British rights, removed the invading Boers from Stellaland and Goshen—two so-called republics set up by the Boer freebooters—in March 1885 and no rebellion occurred. Nevertheless the Bond party was so strong in the House that they compelled the ministry under Sir Thomas Scanlen to resign in 1884. The logical and constitutional course for Mr Hofmeyr to have followed in these circumstances would have been to accept office and himself form a government. This he refused to do. He preferred to put in a nominee of his own who should be entirely dependent on him. Mr Upington, a clever Irish barrister, was the man he selected, and under him was formed in 1884 what will always be known in Cape history as the “Warming-pan” ministry. This action was denounced by many British colonists, who were sufficiently loyal, not only to Great Britain, but also to that constitution which had been conferred by Great Britain upon Cape Colony, to desire to see the man who really wielded political power also acting as the responsible head of the party. It was Mr Hofmeyr’s refusal to accept this responsibility, as well as the nature of his Bond policy, which won for him the political sobriquet of the “Mole.” Open and responsible exercise of a power conferred under the constitution of the country, Englishmen and English colonists would have accepted and even welcomed. But that subterranean method of Dutch policy which found its strongest expression in Pretoria, and which operated from Pretoria to Cape Town, could not but be resented by loyal colonists. From 1881 down to 1898, Mr Hofmeyr practically determined how Dutch members should vote, and also what policy the Bond should adopt at every juncture in its history. In 1895 he resigned his seat in parliament—an action which made his political dictatorship still more remarkable. This influence on Cape politics was a demoralizing one. Other well-known politicians at the Cape subsequently found it convenient to adapt their views a good deal too readily to those held by the Bond. In justice to Mr Hofmeyr, however, it is only fair to say that after the Warren expedition in 1885, which was at least evidence that Great Britain did not intend to renounce her supremacy in South Africa altogether, he adopted a less hostile or anti-British attitude. The views and attitude of Mr Hofmeyr between 1881 and 1884—when even loyal British colonists, looking to the events which followed Majuba, had almost come to believe that Great Britain had little desire to maintain her supremacy—can scarcely be wondered at.

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 Urquhart and Exact Manner of Resolving all sorts of Triangles, whether Plain or Sphericall … by T. U. Student in the Mathematick, for William Hope,’ London, 4to (Brit. Mus.) 3. ‘Παντοχρονοχανον: or a peculiar Promptuary of Time; wherein (not one instant being omitted since the beginning of motion) is displayed A most exact Directory for all particular Chronologies in what family soever: and that by deducing the true Pedigree and Lineal descent of the most ancient and honorable name of the VRQVHARTS in the house of Cromartie since the Creation of the world until this present year of God,’ 1652. London, printed for Richard Baddeley, Middle Temple Gate, 1652, sm. 8vo (Brit. Mus.; Douce). 4. ‘Ἐκσκυβάλαυρον: Or The Discovery of A most exquisite, more precious than Diamonds enchased in Gold, the like whereof was never seen in any age; found in the kennel of Worcester-street, the day after the fight and six before the Autumnal Equinox, anno 1651. Serving in this place to frontal a Vindication of the honour of SCOTLAND from that Infamy, whereinto the rigid Presbyterian party of that Nation out of their Covetousness and ambition most dissembledly hath involved it. …’ London, printed by James Cottrel … for Richard Baddeley, 1652, 12mo (Brit. Mus.; Bodl.). 5. ‘Logopandecteision; Or an Introdvction to the Vniversal Langvage … digested into these Six several Books. Neaudethaumata, Chrestasebeia, Cleronomaporia, Chryseomystes, Neleodicastes & Philoponauxesis.’ London, 1653, 4to, with an ‘Epistle Dedicatorie to No-Body’ (Grenville Libr., Brit. Mus.).

Though an English version of ‘Gargantua his Prophecie’ was licensed in 1592, and was probably then issued, no translation of Rabelais is extant prior to Urquhart's ‘The First [and ‘The Second Book’] Book of the Works of Mr. Francis Rabelais, Doctor in Physick … now faithfully translated into English by S. T. U. C.,’ London, for Richard Baddeley, 1653 (2 vols. 8vo). Prefixed is a poem addressed ‘to the honoured noble Translatour of Rabelais,’ signed J. de la Salle (i.e. John Hall, 1627–1656, [q. v.]). The first two books, ‘written originally in French and translated into English by Sr Thomas Urchard, knight,’ reappeared in 1664, London, 8vo, and ‘The Third Book … now faithfully translated by the unimitable pen of Sir Thomas Urwhart, Kt. and Bar. The Translator of the Two First Books. Never before printed,’ in 1693, London, 12mo. A ‘second’ edition of the first two books appeared in 1694, with introductory matter by Peter Anthony Motteux [q. v.], who published a complete version in 1708 as ‘by Sir Thomas Urchard, kt., Mr. Motteux, and others,’ 2 vols. 8vo. Motteux's sequel bears the same relation to Urquhart's works as Cotton's completion of Walton's ‘Angler’ does to the original. Subsequent editions, embodying the somewhat blundering ‘amendments’ of Ozell (see Notes and Queries, 5th ser. v. 32–3), appeared in 1737, [Dublin] 1738, 1750, 1784, and 1807. The Urquhart portion alone was edited by (Sir) Theodore Martin in 1838, and by Henry Morley in 1883. The Urquhart and Motteux version has been reissued in 1846 (Bohn), 1871 (illustrated by Gustave Doré), 1882, 1892 (illustrated by Chalon), 1896, and 1897. Another edition with introduction by Charles Whibley appeared in 1900 in ‘Tudor Translations’ (3 vols.). Urquhart's ‘Tracts,’ including his genealogy and the ‘Jewel,’ were published at Edinburgh in two parts 12mo, in 1774, under the careful editorship of David Herd (some remainder copies dated 1782); and his miscellaneous ‘Works,’ exclusive of his translation of Rabelais, were edited by G. Maitland for the Maitland Club in 1834, Edinburgh, 4to.

[Of the very scanty materials for Urquhart's Life good use is made in John Willcock's Sir Thomas Urquhart of Cromartie, 1899. See also the Introduction to the Works in the Maitland Club volume of 1834, and in the memoir in David Irving's Lives of Scottish Writers. Those notices may be supplemented in minor points by reference to the Fasti Aberdonenses, to the Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1651–60, the Registr. Magni Sigilli Scot. 1634–51, and Scotland and the Commonwealth and General Assembly Records, both in the Scottish Hist. Society. See also Hugh Miller's Scenes and Legends of North of Scotland, 1850, pp. 86–104; Spalding's Memorials of the Trubles, 1851; Fraser's Earls of Cromartie; Tytler's Life of Crichton, 1819, pp. 238 sq.; Burton's Scot Abroad, pp. 255 sq.; Bruce's Eminent Men of Aberdeen, p. 254; Davidson's Inverurie, 1878, passim; Fraser Mackintosh's Antiquarian Notes, Inverness, 1865, and Invernessiana, 1875; Charles Whibley's introduction in Tudor Translations, 1900, and his Literary Portraits, 1904; Hazlitt's Handbook and Collections and Notes; Lowndes's Bibl. Man. (Bohn); Urquhart and Motteux's Rabelais, ed. Wallis, 1897; Rabelais, translated by W. F. Smith, 1893, i. pp. ix, xv, xvii; Quarterly Review, lxxxvi. 415; Edinburgh Review, xcii. 334; Retrospective Review, vi. 177–206; Blackwood's Mag., vols. v. xxxii. and lxii.]  URY or HURRY, JOHN (d. 1650), soldier, was the son of John Urry of Pitfichie in the parish of Monymusk, Aberdeenshire, by his wife, Mariora Cameraria


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 (Marian Chamberlain), of Coullie in the same parish. His early life was spent in foreign service, probably in Germany, but he returned to Scotland about 1641 and received the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the Scottish army. In October 1641 he was solicited to join in the mysterious plot against Hamilton and Argyll, usually known as the ‘Incident’ [see, sixteenth ], and revealed all he knew of it to Alexander Leslie, first earl of Leven [q. v.] (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1641–3, p. 137; Hist. MSS. Comm. 4th Rep. pp. 163–70). On the outbreak of the civil war he espoused the cause of parliament, and in June 1642 was nominated lieutenant-colonel of the fourth troop of horse appointed for Ireland under Philip, lord Wharton. He took part in the battle of Edgehill, and at the combat at Brentford on 12 Nov. 1642 ‘for his stoutness and wisdom was much cryed up by the Londoners’ (, Letters and Journals, Bannatyne Club, 1841, ii. 56). At the beginning of 1643 he was nominated a major of cavalry under the Earl of Bedford; but in June, on some personal pique, he deserted to the royalists, to whom his information was of great service. He had a large share in the royalist success at Chalgrove on 18 June, and was knighted at Oxford for his services on the same day (, Hist. of Rebellion, 1888, iii. 53–9). On 25 June he sacked West Wycombe, and on 1 Jan. 1643–4 he was reported dead at Oxford, of an old wound; but on 18 Feb. he had gone northward with Rupert (, ii. 127, 141). He fought at Marston Moor in the cavalry of the royalist right wing. But in August 1644, judging that the royalist cause was lost, he fled to the parliamentary army at Shaftesbury, under Sir William Waller, desiring leave to return to Scotland (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1644, p. 545;, iii. 432). Waller sent him to London, and the committee of both kingdoms ordered him into custody. On Waller vouching for his good faith, and on the representations of the army committee that his knowledge would be useful, he was suffered to rejoin the army on 30 Oct. on parole (ib. 1644–5 passim). He held out hopes of bringing after him ‘a greater sojour’ than himself, probably the Earl of Brentford, whom he unsuccessfully attempted to seduce in November after the second battle of Newbury (, ii. 238;, iii. 437). A little later he joined the Earl of Leven in the north of England, and on 8 March 1644–5 was despatched to the highlands to oppose Montrose, with the rank of major-general and the command of the cavalry under Lieutenant-general William Baillie (fl. 1648) [q. v.] In April they divided forces, Urry going north with twelve hundred foot and a hundred and sixty horse to act with Marischal, Seaforth, Sutherland, and other covenanters beyond the Grampians. On 9 May, after beguiling Montrose into a hostile country, he attempted to surprise him, but was completely defeated at Auldearn, near Nairn (Memoirs of Montrose, ed. 1893, pp. 88–103). He rejoined Baillie at Strathbogie with a hundred horse, the remnant of his army, but shortly afterwards withdrew from his command on the plea of ill-health, and returned to his allegiance to Charles. Baillie had a poor opinion of his ability (, ii. 417–19). In August 1646 Middleton offered to permit him to leave Scotland, but, distrusting his faith, he escaped to Moray with Montrose. In 1648 he, against the express desire of the Scottish committee of estates, joined in the train of the Prince of Wales, and, accompanying Hamilton's army to England, was wounded and taken prisoner on 18 Aug., after the battle of Preston. He escaped to the continent, acted as major-general to Montrose in his last descent in 1650, commanded the van on 27 April at the fatal combat of Carbisdale, and was taken prisoner. He was beheaded at Edinburgh on 29 May 1650, redeeming to some extent the vacillations of his life by the intrepid constancy of his death. His frequent desertions were rather due to the indifference to political principle of a professional soldier than to deliberate treachery. He left five children, who, on 31 Oct. 1658, received a certificate from Charles II testifying to the gentility of their birth (Brit. Mus. Addit. MS. 15856, f. 89 b).

[Ruthven Corresp. (Roxburghe Club), 1868; Gardiner's Great Civil War, i. 150, 155, ii. 34, 204, 216, 221–6, 277–8, iii. 143, iv. 189; Gardiner's Hist. of the Commonwealth, i. 234, 242, 260; Gardiner's Charles II in Scotland (Scottish Hist. Soc.), 1894, p. 68; Ludlow's Memoirs, ed. Firth, i. 240; Firth's Account of Marston Moor in Trans. Royal Hist. Soc. 18 Nov. 1898; Hamilton Papers (Camden Soc.), p. 233; Miscellanea Aulica, 1702, p. 138; Sir James Turner's Memoirs (Bannatyne Club), pp. 56, 65; Napier's Memoirs of Montrose, 1856, vol. ii. passim; Gordon's Short Abrigement of Britane's Distemper (Spalding Club), pp. 111, 112, 114, 120, 122, 127; Warburton's Memoirs of Prince Rupert, 1849, ii. 203; Spalding's Memorials of Trubles in Scotland and England (Spalding Club), vol. ii. passim; Several Passages concerning the declared King of Scots both by Sea and Land, London, 1650, p. 2; A True Relation of Sir William Waller's Advance into the King's Quarters, and of his taking of Colonell Renegado Hurrey, 1644.]


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294 gives shelter to all sorts of malevolent spirits which beset the inhabitants. A curious instance of this belief comes from Poona. When his parents murdered the Marātha Peshwa, Nārāyanrāv in 1772, his successor, after two intervening members of the house, Bājīrāv, who believed himself to be haunted by Nārāyanrāv’s ghost, planted several hundred thousand mango trees round the city to afford a shelter to the angry spirit. In connexion with the fertility cult, the value of the tree is improved if it be ceremonially wedded to another tree.

Near every village of the Pāvrās, a forest tribe in Khāndesh, is a sacred tree, round which, before harvest, the villagers prostrate themselves before the rising Sun, offer grain, and sacrifice goats and flowers. This tree god, known as Bāvā, or “Father,” Kumbā, has a consort. Rānī, “Queen,” Kājhal, who lives in another sacred tree not far off. Hence, the Mother Goddess, like Sijū, the Kāchāri god, often lives in a tree. The Rājput legend tells that their patron goddess Āsāpūrnā, “Fulfiller of desires,” appeared out of a tree to protect the princess Surabhī, when, a fugitive, she lay almost at the point of death under its shade.

Particularly among races who bury their dead, the Earth Mother is apt to assume a chthonic and malignant character. In India, as in Greece, the snake forms the link between the benign spirits, ancestral or other, and the malevolent earth genii. In Bundelkhand certain snakes known as Bhiarānī, a word interpreted to mean, “Dwellers in the Earth,” are regarded as forms of Devī, the Mother Goddess: coconuts are offered to them by priests drawn from the menial castes, while a Brāhman generally lives close by and receives a share of the offerings. In the

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 Rhodes and Dutch Sentiment.—Recognizing the difficulties of the position, Cecil Rhodes from the outset of his political career showed his desire to conciliate Dutch sentiment by considerate treatment and regard for Dutch prejudices. Rhodes was first returned as member of the House of Assembly for Barkly West in 1880, and in spite of all vicissitudes this constituency remained loyal to him. He supported the bill permitting Dutch to be used in the House of Assembly in 1882, and early in 1884 he first took office, as treasurer-general, under Sir Thomas Scanlen. Rhodes had only held this position for six weeks when Sir Thomas Scanlen resigned, and in August of the same year he was sent by Sir Hercules Robinson to British Bechuanaland as deputy-commissioner in succession to the Rev. John Mackenzie, the London Missionary Society’s representative at Kuruman, who in the previous May had proclaimed the queen’s authority over the district. Rhodes’s efforts to conciliate the Boers failed—hence the necessity for the Warren mission. In 1885 the territories of Cape Colony were farther extended, and Tembuland, Bomvanaland and Galekaland were formally added to the colony. In 1886 Sir Gordon Sprigg succeeded Sir Thomas Upington as prime minister.

South African Customs Union.—The period from 1878 to 1885 in Cape Colony had been one of considerable unrest. In this short time, in addition to the chronic troubles with the Basutos—which led the Cape to hand them over to the imperial authorities—there occurred a series of native disturbances which were followed by the Boer War of 1881, and the Bechuanaland disturbances of 1884. In spite, however, of these drawbacks, the development of the country proceeded. The diamond industry was flourishing. In 1887 a conference was held in London for “promoting a closer union between the various parts of the British empire by means of an imperial tariff of customs.” At this conference it is worthy of note that Mr Hofmeyr propounded a sort of “Zollverein” scheme, in which imperial customs were to be levied independently of the duties payable on all goods entering the empire from abroad. In making the proposition he stated that his objects were “to promote the union of the empire, and at the same time to obtain revenue for the purposes of general defence.” The scheme was not at the time found practicable. But its authorship, as well as the sentiments accompanying it, created a favourable view of Mr Hofmeyr’s attitude. In the year 1888, in spite of the failure of statesmen and high commissioners to bring about political confederation, the members of the Cape parliament set about the establishment of a South African Customs Union. A Customs Union Bill was passed, and this in itself constituted a considerable development of the idea of federation. Shortly after the passing of the bill the Orange Free State entered the union. An endeavour was also made then, and for many years afterwards, to get the Transvaal to join. But President Kruger, consistently pursuing his own policy, hoped through the Delagoa Bay railway to make the South African Republic entirely independent of Cape Colony. The endeavour to bring about a customs union which would embrace the Transvaal was also little to the taste of President Kruger’s Hollander advisers, interested as they were in the schemes of the Netherlands Railway Company, who owned the railways of the Transvaal.

Diamonds and Railways.—Another event of considerable commercial importance to the Cape Colony, and indeed to South Africa, was the amalgamation of the diamond-mining companies, chiefly brought about by Cecil Rhodes, Alfred Beit and “Barney” Barnato, in 1889. One of the principal and most beneficent results of the discovery and development of the diamond mines was the great impetus which it gave to railway extension. Lines were opened up to Worcester and Beaufort West, to Graham’s Town, Graaff Reinet and Queenstown. Kimberley was reached in 1885. In 1890 the line was extended northwards on the western frontier of the Transvaal as far as Vryburg in Bechuanaland. In 1889 the Free State entered into an arrangement with the Cape Colony whereby the main trunk railway was extended to Bloemfontein, the Free State receiving half the profits. Subsequently the Free State bought at cost price the portion of the railway in its own territory. In 1891 the Free State railway was still farther extended to Viljoen’s Drift on the Vaal river, and in 1892 it reached Pretoria and Johannesburg.

Rhodes as Prime Minister: Native Policy.—In 1889 Sir Henry Loch was appointed high commissioner and governor of Cape Colony in succession to Sir Hercules Robinson. In 1890 Sir Gordon Sprigg, the premier of the colony, resigned, and a Rhodes government was formed. Prior to the formation of this ministry (see table at end of article), and while Sir Gordon Sprigg was still in office, Mr Hofmeyr approached Rhodes and offered to put him in office as a Bond nominee. This offer was declined. When, however, Rhodes was invited to take office after the downfall of the Sprigg ministry, he asked the Bond leaders to meet him and discuss the situation. His policy of customs and railway unions between the various states, added to the personal esteem in which he was at this time held by many of the Dutchmen, enabled him to undertake and to carry on successfully the business of government.

The colonies of British Bechuanaland and Basutoland were now taken into the customs union existing between the Orange Free State and Cape Colony. Pondoland, another native territory, was added to the colony in 1894, and the year was marked by the Glen Grey Act, a departure in native policy for which Rhodes was chiefly responsible. It dealt with the natives residing in certain native reserves, and in addition to providing for their interests and holdings, and in other ways protecting the privileges accorded to them, the principle of the duty of some degree of labour devolving upon every able-bodied native enjoying these privileges was asserted, and a small labour tax was levied. This is in many respects the most statesmanlike act dealing with natives on the statute-book; and in the session of 1895 Rhodes was able to report to the Cape parliament that the act then applied to 160,000 natives. In 1905 the labour clauses of this act, which had fallen into desuetude, were repealed. The clauses had, however, achieved success, in that they had caused many thousands of natives to fulfil the conditions requisite to claim exemption.

In other respects Rhodes’s native policy was marked by combined consideration and firmness. Ever since the granting of self-government the natives had enjoyed the franchise. An act passed in 1892, at the instance of Rhodes, imposed an educational test on applicants for registration, and made other provisions, all tending to restrict the acquisition of the franchise by “tribal” natives, the possible danger arising from a large native vote being already obvious (see section Constitution).

Rhodes opposed the native liquor traffic, and at the risk of offending some of his supporters among the brandy-farmers of the western provinces, he suppressed it entirely on the diamond mines, and restricted it as far as he was able in the native reserves and territories. Nevertheless the continuance of this traffic on colonial farms, as well as to some extent in the native territories and reserves, is a black spot in the annals of the Cape Colony. The Hottentots have been terribly demoralized, and even partially destroyed by it in the western province.

Another and little-known instance of Rhodes’s keen insight in dealing with native affairs—an action which had lasting results on the history of the colony—may be given. After the native territories east of the Kei had been added to Cape Colony, a case of claim to inheritance came up for trial, and in accordance with the law of the colony, the court held that the eldest son of a native was his heir. This decision created the strongest resentment among the people of the territory, as it was in distinct

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 URRY, JOHN (1666–1715), editor of Chaucer, born in Dublin in 1666, was the son of William Urry, by his wife, Jane Scott. William Urry was appointed major of the royal guards in Scotland at the Restoration. He was of Scottish family, and his brother, Sir John Urry or Hurry [q. v.], was a prominent officer in the civil war. The younger John Urry matriculated from Christ Church, Oxford, on 30 June 1682, was elected to a studentship, and graduated B.A. in 1686. He was a man of strong loyalist principles, and bore arms against Monmouth during the rising. On the accession of William III he refused the oath of supremacy and lost his studentship. About the end of 1711 a new edition of Chaucer was projected, and Urry, much against his inclination, was persuaded to undertake it, chiefly through the urgency of the dean of Christ Church, Francis Atterbury [q. v.], afterwards bishop of Rochester. On 25 July 1714 he obtained a patent for the exclusive right of printing Chaucer's works for fourteen years, and on 17 Dec. assigned it to Barnaby Bernard Lintot [q. v.], who issued proposals for publishing the undertaking in January 1714–15 (cf. Gent. Mag. 1779, p. 438). Before the work was completed, Urry died unmarried on 18 March 1714–15, and was buried in the cathedral at Oxford. After his death Thomas Ainsworth of Christ Church, who had already been employed under Urry in transcribing part of the text of Chaucer, was thought the best qualified to proceed with the edition. He died in August 1719, and the work was finally revised by Timothy Thomas, another graduate of Christ Church, and appeared in 1721 under the title ‘The Works of Geoffrey Chaucer compared with the former editions and many valuable MSS.’ (London, fol.). The life of Chaucer prefixed to the volume was the work of the Rev. John Dart, corrected and revised by Timothy Thomas. The glossary appended was also mainly compiled by Thomas. The text of the edition is probably the worst ever prepared on account of Urry's unpardonable habit of lengthening and shortening Chaucer's words, and even introducing words of his own to suit his views of the metre. Urry was a friend of Thomas Hearne, who styles him a ‘thorough pac'd scholar’ and a ‘truly worthy and virtuous, as well as ingenious, gentleman.’ A portrait of Urry, engraved by N. Pigné, is prefixed to the work.

[Pref. to Urry's Works of Chaucer; Nichols's Lit. Anecd. i. 196–9, viii. 304; Noble's Continuation of Granger's Biogr. Hist. of England, ii. 294; Foster's Alumni Oxon. 1500–1714; Notes and Queries, 5th ser. ii. 381, iii. 73; Hearne's Collections (Oxford Hist. Soc.), passim; Reliquiæ Hearnianæ (Library of Old Authors), i. 314–18.]

URSE (fl. 1086), sheriff of Worcestershire, derived his name from St. Jean d'Abbetot, near Tancarville (Seine Inférieure). He appears in ‘Domesday’ as a tenant-in-chief in the counties of Gloucester, Worcester, Hereford, and Warwick, being also styled in it ‘Urso de Wirecestre’ (f. 169 b) from his office as sheriff of Worcestershire. William of Malmesbury, describing him as ‘Vicecomes Wigorniæ a rege constitutus,’ tells the story of his encroaching on the cemetery of Worcester Abbey to make his castle ditch, and of his stern rebuke for it by Archbishop Ealdred: ‘Hightest thou Urse, have thou God's curse’ (Gesta Pontificum). He figures largely in Worcestershire as a despoiler of the church, especially of the monks of Worcester (, Cartulary, pp. 257, 261, 267, 269), in one case seizing on a manor as an endowment for his daughter (ib. p. 251). Evesham and Pershore also suffered at his hands. On the other hand, he was traditionally the founder of Malvern Priory (Monasticon, iii. 477). On the revolt of the Earl of Hereford in 1074 he joined the bishop of Worcester and the abbot of Evesham in defeating the earl's forces Freeman states that he was sheriff of Gloucestershire as well as Worcestershire (Norm. Conq. iv. 173), but this seems to be an error.

Throughout the reign of William Rufus, Urse is found as a witness to royal charters, and the charter of Henry I, for holding the local courts, issued between 1108 and 1112, is addressed to him as sheriff of Worcestershire (Select Charters, p. 99).

He was succeeded in this reign by his son Roger, who offended Henry I by slaying one of his officers ( ut supra). There can be little doubt (though the fact has escaped notice) that this was the Roger ‘Vicecomes de Wirecestria’ to whom is addressed a writ of Henry I (, p. 30 a), and the Roger de Worcester whose lands were granted by Henry I to Walter de Beauchamp in a charter entered in the Warwick cartulary. With him Urse's male issue seems to have become extinct, though members of the house of Abetot continued in the county (Liber Rubeus, p. 266), giving name to Croome d'Abitot and Redmarley d'Abitot. The ‘Evesham Chronicle’ speaks of them as ‘Ursini.’ Freeman speaks, at the battle of Lincoln, of ‘Richard, the son of Urse, a descendant, it would seem, of the old enemy, Urse of Abetott, whose exploits that day might be taken as some atonement for the


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Rh Chambā State, on the borders of Kashmīr, the Devīs are goddesses who have power to cure diseases in man and beast; they are not, like the Nāgs, or true serpent deities, associated with springs, but it is common to find Nāg and Devī temples side by side, and similar attributes are assigned to both. On the other hand, these Devīs, as promoters of fertility, are worshipped in Bashahr in the forms of little girls.

This chthonic aspect of the Mother Goddess may be illustrated by the custom of burying in the earth portions of the victims dedicated to her. When a careful Athenian went to gather a certain medicinal root, he used to place in the hole a honeyed cake as an offering to Gaia, the Earth Mother. For the same reason, at the Thesmophoria festival, live pigs were thrown into the underground sanctuaries of the goddess. The pig, possibly on account of its habit of rooting up the ground to obtain food, was the sacred animal of Demeter and Kore. In southern India, at the worship of the Grāmadevatā, or village goddess, a buffalo, which is also possibly on account of its black colour and brutish appearance a chthonic animal, the beast upon which Yama, god of death, rides, is buried in a pit close to the boundary stone which is occupied by the goddess. In the same part of the country we find the custom of burying a live pig in the village street, where the cattle pass in and out on their way from and to the fields, probably as a prophylactic propitiation of the Earth Mother: in some cases the pig is buried up to the neck

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 may be remarked is ha in Manx and is pronounced in Donegal with h for ch, as is also chuaidh went.

In other positions broad ch is seldom changed or lost. Drochaid, bridge, is drothaid in West Ross, and dro’id in North Inverness and Sutherland In Arran deachaidh, went, and meille-chartan, chilblain, pronounced meileartan there, show loss of ch. The pronunciation chc, which is given, as has been noticed, to non-initial c in many districts, is the regular sound of chd. In Arran ch has been lost from this combination in a few instances. Iochdar, lower part, uachdar, upper part, currachd, cap, and ònrachd, solitude, are there respectively ì’car, uacar, currac, and òrac (ò nasal). ‘Currac is heard sometimes in one or two other dialects. Slachd, to beat, which is slacair in Arran and slacairim in Irish, ought to be, and is sometimes, written slac, and so also slachdan, a beetle, rod, ought to be slacan.

In contrast with that the Irish casachtach, coughing, which is casadaich or casdaich in Scottish Gaelic generally, is casachdaich in Arran and in Islay. We may note also the Arran frasachdach, showery, and fùchadaich, rummaging, pushing heavily. The former suggests connection with MacAlpine’s frasachd, showery weather; the latter appears to be a form of fùcadh, from Scots powk, English poke, to thrust.

ch slender

There is one instance of the change of slender ch into th in initial positions. In Arran, chì, will see, is pronounced thìbh, with related forms, thìbhinn for chithinn, I would see, ma thìbh for ma chì, if (I) see, thibhear for chither, shall be seen, thibhteadh for chiteadh, would be seen, etc. Chibh occurs in the Gaelic translation of Pope’s Messiah, given in Shaw’s Analysis, vv. 67–70:—

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 contradiction to native tribal law, which recognized the great son, or son of the chief wife, as heir. The government were threatened with a native disturbance, when Rhodes telegraphed his assurance that compensation should be granted, and that such a decision should never be given again. This assurance was accepted and tranquillity restored. At the close of the next session (that of 1894), after this incident had occurred, Rhodes laid on the table a bill drafted by himself, the shortest the House had ever seen. It provided that all civil cases were to be tried by magistrates, an appeal to lie only to the chief magistrate of the territory with an assessor. Criminal cases were to be tried before the judges of supreme court on circuit. The bill was passed, and the effect of it was, inasmuch as the magistrates administered according to native law, that native marriage customs and laws (including polygamy) were legalized in these territories. Rhodes had retrieved his promise, and no one who has studied and lived amongst the Bantu will question that the action taken was both beneficent and wise.

During 1895 Sir Hercules Robinson was reappointed governor and high commissioner of South Africa in succession to Sir Henry Loch, and in the same year Mr Chamberlain became secretary of state for the colonies.

Movement for Commercial Federation.—With the development of railways, and the extension of trade between Cape Colony and the Transvaal, there had grown up a closer relationship on political questions. Whilst premier of Cape Colony, by means of the customs union and in every other way, Rhodes endeavoured to bring about a friendly measure of at least commercial federation among the states and colonies of South Africa. He hoped to establish both a commercial and a railway union, and a speech which he made in 1894 at Cape Town admirably describes this policy:—

“With full affection for the flag which I have been born under, and the flag I represent, I can understand the sentiment and feeling of a republican who has created his independence, and values that before all; but I can say fairly that I believe in the future that I can assimilate the system, which I have been connected with, with the Cape Colony, and it is not an impossible idea that the neighbouring republics, retaining their independence, should share with us as to certain general principles. If I might put it to you, I would say the principles of tariffs, the principle of railway connexion, the principle of appeal in law, the principle of coinage, and in fact all those principles which exist at the present moment in the United States, irrespective of the local assemblies which exist in each separate state in that country.”

To this policy President Kruger and the Transvaal government offered every possible opposition. Their action in what is known as the Vaal River Drift question will best illustrate the line of action which the Transvaal government believed it expedient to adopt. A difficulty arose at the termination of the agreement in 1894 between the Cape government railway and the Netherlands railway. The Cape government, for the purposes of carrying the railway from the Vaal river to Johannesburg, had advanced the sum of £600,000 to the Netherlands railway and the Transvaal government conjointly; at the same time it was stipulated that the Cape government should have the right to fix the traffic rate until the end of 1894, or until such time as the Delagoa Bay–Pretoria line was completed. These rates were fixed by the Cape government at 2d. per ton per mile, but at the beginning of 1895 the rate for the 52 m. of railway from the Vaal river to Johannesburg was raised by the Netherlands railway to no less a sum than 8d. per ton per mile. It is quite evident from the action which President Kruger subsequently took in the matter that this charge was put on with his approval, and with the object of compelling traffic to be brought to the Transvaal by the Delagoa route, instead of as heretofore by the colonial railway. In order to compete against this very high rate, the merchants of Johannesburg began removing their goods from the Vaal river by waggon. Thereupon President Kruger arbitrarily closed the drifts (fords) on the Vaal river, and thus prevented through waggon traffic, causing an enormous block of waggons on the banks of the Vaal. A protest was then made by the Cape government against the action of the Transvaal, on the ground that it was a breach of the London Convention. President Kruger took no notice of this remonstrance, and an appeal was made to the imperial government; whereupon the latter entered into an agreement with the Cape government, to the effect that if the Cape would bear half the cost of any expedition which should be necessary, assist with troops, and give full use of the Cape railway for military purposes if required, a protest should be sent to President Kruger on the subject. These terms were accepted by Rhodes and his colleagues, of whom Mr W. P. Schreiner was one, and a protest was then sent by Mr Chamberlain stating that the government would regard the closing of the drifts as a breach of the London Convention, and as an unfriendly action calling for the gravest remonstrance. President Kruger at once reopened the drifts, and undertook that he would issue no further proclamation on the subject except after consultation with the imperial government.

On the 29th of December 1895 (q.v.) made his famous raid into the Transvaal, and Rhodes’s complicity in this movement compelled him to resign the premiership of Cape Colony in January 1896, the vacant post being taken by Sir Gordon Sprigg. As Rhodes’s complicity in the raid became known, there naturally arose a strong feeling of resentment and astonishment among his colleagues in the Cape ministry, who had been kept in complete ignorance of his connexion with any such scheme. Mr Hofmeyr and the Bond were loud in their denunciation of him, nor can it be denied that the circumstances of the raid greatly embittered against England the Dutch element in Cape Colony, and influenced their subsequent attitude towards the Transvaal Boers.

In 1897 a native rising occurred under Galeshwe, a Bantu chief, in Griqualand West. Galeshwe was arrested and the rebellion repressed. On cross-examination Galeshwe stated that Bosman, a magistrate of the Transvaal, had supplied ammunition to him, and urged him to rebel against the government of Cape Colony. There is every reason to suppose that this charge was true, and it is consistent with the intrigues which the Boers from time to time practised among the natives.

In 1897 Sir Alfred Milner was appointed high commissioner of South Africa and governor of Cape Colony, in succession to Sir Hercules Robinson, who had been created a peer under the title of Baron Rosmead in August 1896.

Mr Schreiner’s Policy.—In 1898 commercial federation in South Africa advanced another stage, Natal entering the customs union. A fresh convention was drafted at this time, and under it “a uniform tariff on all imported goods consumed within such union, and an equitable distribution of the duties collected on such goods amongst the parties to such union, and free trade between the colonies and state in respect of all South African products,” was arranged. In the same year, too, the Cape parliamentary election occurred, and the result was the return to power of a Bond ministry under Mr W. P. Schreiner. From this time, until June 1900, Mr Schreiner remained in office as head of the Cape government. During the negotiations (see ) which preceded the war in 1899, feeling at the Cape ran very high, and Mr Schreiner’s attitude was very freely discussed. As head of a party, dependent for its position in power on the Bond’s support, his position was undoubtedly a trying one. At the same time, as prime minister of a British colony, it was strongly felt by loyal colonists that he should at least have refrained from openly interfering between the Transvaal and the imperial government during the course of most difficult negotiations. His public expressions of opinion were hostile in tone to the policy pursued by Mr Chamberlain and Sir Alfred Milner. The effect of them, it was believed, might conceivably be to encourage President Kruger in persisting in his rejection of the British terms. Mr Schreiner, it is true, used directly what influence he possessed to induce President Kruger to adopt a reasonable course. But however excellent his intentions, his publicly expressed disapproval of the Chamberlain-Milner policy probably did more harm than his private influence with Mr Kruger could possibly do good. On the 11th of June 1899, shortly after the Bloemfontein conference, from which Sir Alfred Milner had just returned, Mr Schreiner asked the high

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 commissioner to inform Mr Chamberlain that he and his colleagues agreed in regarding President Kruger’s Bloemfontein proposals as “practical, reasonable and a considerable step in the right direction.” Early in June, however, the Cape Dutch politicians began to realize that President Kruger’s attitude was not so reasonable as they had endeavoured to persuade themselves, and Mr Hofmeyr, accompanied by Mr Herholdt, the Cape minister of agriculture, visited Pretoria. On arrival, they found that the Transvaal Volksraad, in a spirit of defiance and even levity, had just passed a resolution offering four new seats in the Volksraad to the mining districts, and fifteen to exclusively burgher districts. Mr Hofmeyr, on meeting the executive, freely expressed indignation at these proceedings. Unfortunately, Mr Hofmeyr’s influence was more than counterbalanced by an emissary from the Free State, Mr Abraham Fischer, who, while purporting to be a peacemaker, practically encouraged the Boer executive to take extreme measures. Mr Hofmeyr’s established reputation as an astute diplomatist, and as the trusted leader for years of the Cape Dutch party, made him as powerful a delegate as it was possible to find. If any emissary could accomplish anything in the way of persuading Mr Kruger, it was assuredly Mr Hofmeyr. Much was looked for from his mission by moderate men of all parties, and by none more so, it is fair to believe, than by Mr Schreiner. But Mr Hofmeyr’s mission, like every other mission to Mr Kruger to induce him to take a reasonable and equitable course, proved entirely fruitless. He returned to Cape Town disappointed, but probably not altogether surprised at the failure of his mission. Meanwhile a new proposal was drafted by the Boer executive, which, before it was received in its entirety, or at least before it was clearly understood, elicited from Mr Schreiner a letter on the 7th of July to the South African News, in which, referring to his government, he said:—

“While anxious and continually active with good hope in the cause of securing reasonable modifications of the existing representative system of the South African Republic, this government is convinced that no ground whatever exists for active interference in the internal affairs of that republic.”

This letter was precipitate and unfortunate. On the 11th of July, after seeing Mr Hofmeyr on his return, Mr Schreiner made a personal appeal to President Kruger to approach the imperial government in a friendly spirit. At this time an incident occurred which raised the feeling against Mr Schreiner to a very high pitch. On the 7th of July 500 rifles and 1,000,000 rounds of ammunition were landed at Port Elizabeth, consigned to the Free State government, and forwarded to Bloemfontein. Mr Schreiner’s attention was called to this consignment at the time, but he refused to stop it, alleging as his reason that, inasmuch as Great Britain was at peace with the Free State, he had no right to interdict the passage of arms through the Cape Colony. The British colonist is as capable of a grim jest as the Transvaal Boer, and this action of Mr Schreiner’s won for him the nickname “Ammunition Bill.” At a later date he was accused of delay in forwarding artillery and rifles for the defence of Kimberley, Mafeking and other towns of the colony. The reason he gave for delay was that he did not anticipate war; and that he did not wish to excite unwarrantable suspicions in the minds of the Free State. His conduct in both instances was perhaps technically correct, but it was much resented by loyal colonists.

On the 28th of July Mr Chamberlain sent a conciliatory despatch to President Kruger, suggesting a meeting of delegates to consider and report on his last franchise proposals, which were complex to a degree. Mr Schreiner, on the 3rd of August, telegraphed to Mr Fischer begging the Transvaal to welcome Mr Chamberlain’s proposal. At a later date, on receiving an inquiry from the Free State as to the movements of British troops, Mr Schreiner curtly refused any information, and referred the Free State to the high commissioner. On the 28th of August Sir Gordon Sprigg in the House of Assembly moved the adjournment of the debate, to discuss the removal of arms to the Free State. Mr Schreiner, in reply, used expressions which called down upon him the severest censure and indignation, both in the colony and in Great Britain. He stated that, should the storm burst, he would keep the colony aloof with regard both to its forces and its people. In the course of the speech he also read a telegram from President Steyn, in which the president repudiated all contemplated aggressive action on the part of the Free State as absurd. The speech created a great sensation in the British press. It was probably forgotten at the time (though Lord Kimberley afterwards publicly stated it) that one of the chief reasons why the Gladstone government had granted the retrocession of the Transvaal after Majuba, was the fear that the Cape Colonial Dutch would join their kinsmen if the war continued. What was a danger in 1881, Mr Schreiner knew to be a still greater danger in 1899. At the same time it is quite obvious, from a review of Mr Schreiner’s conduct through the latter half of 1899, that he took an entirely mistaken view of the Transvaal situation. He evinced, as premier of the Cape Colony, the same inability to understand the Uitlanders’ grievances, the same futile belief in the eventual fairness of President Kruger, as he had shown when giving evidence before the British South Africa Select Committee into the causes of the Jameson Raid. Actual experience taught him that President Kruger was beyond an appeal to reason, and that the protestations of President Steyn were insincere. War had no sooner commenced with the ultimatum of the Transvaal Republic on the 9th of October 1899, than Mr Schreiner found himself called upon to deal with the conduct of Cape rebels. The rebels joined the invading forces of President Steyn, whose false assurances Mr Schreiner had offered to an indignant House of Assembly only a few weeks before. The war on the part of the Republics was evidently not to be merely one of self-defence. It was one of aggression and aggrandisement. Mr Schreiner ultimately addressed, as prime minister, a sharp remonstrance to President Steyn for allowing his burghers to invade the colony. He also co-operated with Sir Alfred Milner, and used his influence to restrain the Bond.

The War of 1899–1902. —The first shot actually fired in the war was at Kraipan, a small railway station within the colony, 40 m. south of Mafeking, a train being derailed, and ammunition intended for Colonel Baden-Powell seized. The effect of this was entirely to cut off Mafeking, the northernmost town in Cape Colony, and it remained in a state of siege for over seven months. On the 16th of October Kimberley was also isolated. Proclamations by the Transvaal and Free State annexing portions of Cape Colony were actually issued on the 18th of October, and included British Bechuanaland and Griqualand West, with the diamond fields. On the 28th of October Mr Schreiner signed a proclamation issued by Sir Alfred Milner as high commissioner, declaring the Boer annexations of territory within Cape Colony to be null and void.

Then came the British reverses at Magersfontein (on the 11th of December) and Stormberg (on the 10th of December). The effect of these engagements at the very outset of the war, occurring as they did within Cape Colony, was to offer every inducement to a number of the frontier colonial Boers to join their kinsmen of the republics. The Boers were prolific, and their families large. Many younger sons from the colony, with nothing to lose, left their homes with horse and rifle to join the republican forces.

Meanwhile the loyal Cape colonists were chafing at the tardy manner in which they were enrolled by the imperial authorities. It was not until after the arrival of Lord Roberts and Lord Kitchener at Cape Town on the 10th of January 1900 that these invaluable, and many of them experienced, men were freely invited to come forward. So strongly did Lord Roberts feel on the subject, that he at once made Colonel Brabant, a well-known and respected colonial veteran and member of the House of Assembly, a brigadier-general, and started recruiting loyal colonists in earnest. On the 15th of February Kimberley was relieved by General French, and the Boer general, Cronje, evacuated Magersfontein, and retreated towards Bloemfontein. Cecil Rhodes was shut up in Kimberley during the whole of the siege, and his presence there undoubtedly offered an additional

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Rh (maidens) in the hye (hay) be a vain sport?—vor my part I can't see it."

There was unquestionably a vast amount of roguery in the mining business in Devon and Cornwall. Salting a mine, so as to induce capitalists to embark their money in one, was by no means an uncommon practice. But occasionally a specialist was too sharp to be taken in. "Ah!" said one, handling the ore that professed to have been raised in a new mine on Dartmoor, "Carnbrea tin. How the dickens did that find its way up here?"

Originally the tin was worked by a small company of adventurers with very simple machinery, and the adventurers shared the profits among themselves. The tin lodes on Dartmoor are thin, and in my opinion and in that of those who know best, will never pay for expensive working with costly plant. But little men, working for themselves, have made mining pay there. The abandoned engine-houses, huge wheels, and stamping pans show where large ventures have everywhere proved to be failures.

Chaw Gully, that runs up between Birch Tor and Challacombe Down, is one of the most interesting examples of "old men's workings" that there are upon Dartmoor. It extends about half a mile. In places it is some forty feet deep, and two or three hundred feet wide. In the bottom are several circular shafts, lined with stones dry-laid, which communicate with a dip formerly used for drainage purposes. There are no "jumper" marks on the rocks in Chaw Gully. In following the shallow lode of tin the old adventurers must have torn out the rock with wedges. Sometimes fire was applied to the rock and then water was dashed on it to crack it; as softened by the heat it was more easily worked. Another system of splitting the granite


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 incentive to the Boers to endeavour to capture the town, but his unique position and influence with the De Beers workmen enabled him to render yeoman service, and infused enthusiasm and courage into the inhabitants. The manufacture of a big gun, which was able to compete with the Boer “Long Tom,” at the De Beers workshops, under Rhodes’s orders, and by the ingenuity of an American, Mr. Labram, who was killed a few days after its completion, forms one of the most striking incidents of the period.

With the relief of Mafeking on the 17th of May, the Cape rebellion ended, and the colony was, at least for a time, delivered of the presence of hostile forces.

On the 20th of March Mr (afterwards Sir James) Rose-Innes, a prominent member of the House of Assembly, who for several years had held aloof from either party, and who also had defended Mr Schreiner’s action with regard to the passage of arms to the Free State, addressed his constituents at Claremont in support of the annexation of both republics; and in the course of an eloquent speech he stated that in Canada, in spite of rebellions, loyalty had been secured from the French Canadians by free institutions. In South Africa they might hope that a similar policy would attain a similar result with the Boers. In June, Mr Schreiner, whose recent support of Sir Alfred Milner had incensed many of his Bond followers, resigned in consequence of the refusal of some of his colleagues to support the disfranchisement bill which he was prepared, in accordance with the views of the home government, to introduce for the punishment of Cape rebels. The bill certainly did not err on the side of severity, but disfranchisement for their supporters in large numbers was more distasteful to the Bond extremists than any stringency towards individuals. Sir Gordon Sprigg, who after a political crisis of considerable delicacy, succeeded Mr Schreiner and for the fourth time became prime minister, was able to pass the Bill with the co-operation of Mr Schreiner and his section. Towards the end of the year 1900 the war entered on a new phase, and took the form of guerilla skirmishes with scattered forces of marauding Boers. In December some of these bands entered the Cape Colony and endeavoured to induce colonial Boers to join them. In this endeavour they met at first with little or no success; but as the year 1901 progressed and the Boers still managed to keep the various districts in a ferment, it was deemed necessary by the authorities to proclaim martial law over the whole colony, and this was done on the 9th of October 1901.

On the 4th of January 1901 Sir Alfred Milner was gazetted governor of the Transvaal and Orange River Colony, being shortly afterwards created a peer as Lord Milner, and Sir Walter Hely-Hutchinson, governor of Natal, was appointed his successor as governor of the Cape Colony. The office of high commissioner in South Africa was now separated from the governorship of the Cape and associated with that of the Transvaal—an indication of the changed conditions in South Africa. The division of the colonists into those who favoured the Boer states and those firmly attached to the British connexion was reflected, to the detriment of the public weal, in the parties in the Cape parliament. Proposals were made to suspend the constitution, but this drastic course was not adopted. The Progressive party, the name taken by those who sought a permanent settlement under the British flag, lost their leader, and South Africa its foremost statesman by the death, in May 1902, of Cecil Rhodes, a few weeks before the end of the war.

After the War.—The acknowledgment of defeat by the Boers in the field, and the surrender of some 10,000 rebels, did not weaken the endeavours of the Dutch to obtain political supremacy in the colony. Moreover, in the autumn of 1902 Sir Gordon Sprigg, the prime minister, nominally the leader of the Progressives, sought to maintain his position by securing the support of the Bond party in parliament. In the early part of 1903 Mr Chamberlain included Cape Town in his visit to South Africa, and had conferences with the political leaders of all parties. Reconciliation between the Bond and British elements in the colony was, however, still impossible, and the two parties concentrated their efforts in a struggle for victory at the coming election. Mr Hofmeyr, who had chosen to spend the greater part of the war period in Europe, returned to the Cape to reorganize the Bond. On the other side Dr Jameson came forward as the leader of the Progressives. Parliament was dissolved in September 1903. It had passed, since the war, two measures of importance—one (1902) restricting alien immigration, the other (1903) ratifying the first customs convention between all the South African colonies. This convention was notable for its grant of preferential treatment (in general, a rebate of 25% on the customs already levied) to imports from the United Kingdom.

The election turned on the issue of British or Bond supremacy. It was fought on a register purged of the rebel voters, many of whom, besides being disfranchised, were in prison. The issue was doubtful, and each side sought to secure the support of the native voters, who in several constituencies held the balance of power. The Bondsmen were more lavish than their opponents in their promises to the natives and even invited a Kaffir journalist (who declined) to stand for a seat in the Assembly. In view of the agitation then proceeding for the introduction of Chinese coolies to work the mines on the Rand, the Progressives declared their intention, if returned, to exclude them from the colony, and this declaration gained them some native votes. The polling (in January and February 1904) resulted in a Progressive majority of five in a house of 95 members. The rejected candidates included prominent Bond supporters like Mr Merriman and Mr Sauer, and also Sir Gordon Sprigg and Mr A. Douglass, another member of the cabinet. Mr W. P. Schreiner, the ex-premier, who stood as an Independent, was also rejected.

The Jameson Ministry.—On the 18th of February Sir Gordon Sprigg resigned and was succeeded by Dr L. S. Jameson, who formed a ministry wholly British in character. The first task of the new government was to introduce (on the 4th of March) an Additional Representation Bill, to rectify—in part—the disparity in electoral power of the rural and urban districts. Twelve new seats in the House of Assembly were divided among the larger towns, and three members were added to the legislative council. The town voter being mainly British, the bill met with the bitter opposition of the Bond members, who declared that its object was the extinction of their parliamentary power. In fact, the bill was called for by the glaring anomalies in the distribution of seats by which a minority of voters in the country districts returned a majority of members, and it left the towns still inadequately represented. The bill was supported by two or three Dutch members, who were the object of violent attack by the Bondsmen. It became law, and the elections for the additional seats were held in July, after the close of the session. They resulted in strengthening the Progressive majority both in the House of Assembly and in the legislative council—where the Progressives previously had a majority of one only.

At the outset of its career the Jameson ministry had to face a serious financial situation. During the war the supplying of the army in the field had caused an artificial inflation of trade, and the Sprigg ministry had pursued a policy of extravagant expenditure not warranted by the finances of the colony. The slow recovery of the gold-mining and other industries in the Transvaal after the war was reflected in a great decline in trade in Cape Colony during the last half of 1903, the distress being aggravated by severe drought. When Dr Jameson assumed office he found an empty treasury, and considerable temporary loans had to be raised. Throughout 1904, moreover, revenue continued to shrink—compared with 1903 receipts dropped from £11,701,000 to £9,913,000. The government, besides cutting down official salaries and exercising strict economy, contracted (July 1904) a loan for £3,000,000. It also passed a bill imposing a graduated tax (6d. to 1s. in the £) on all incomes over £1000. A substantial excise duty was placed on spirits and beer, measures of relief for the brandy-farmers being taken at the same time. The result was that while there was a deficit on the budget of 1904–1905 of £731,000, the budget of 1905–1906 showed a surplus of £5161. This small surplus was obtained notwithstanding a further shrinkage in revenue.

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 crimes of his kindred’ (Norm. Conq. v. 300). But there seems to have been no connection between the two.

Walter de Beauchamp, who married Urse's daughter Emmeline, obtained from Henry I a confirmation of the lands given him by Adelisa, Urse's widow, together with the shrievalty of Worcestershire and the office of constable. These grants, which are recorded in the Warwick cartulary, founded the greatness of the Beauchamps, whose descendants, it is said, preserved the memory of Urse in the well-known ‘bear’ cognisance of the earls of Warwick.

It is well ascertained that Robert the Despencer, another tenant-in-chief, was brother to Urse (, Cartulary, p. 253;, p. 314), and his office of despencer was obtained by Walter de Beauchamp. It is usually stated that the Marmions were the heirs of Robert, but it is certain that much of his property passed to the Beauchamps (Ancient Charters, p. 2;, pp. 313–15; Feudal England, pp. 170–76, 179–80, 194–5).

[Domesday Book; Will. Malmesbury's Evesham Chronicle and Red Book of the Exchequer (Rolls Ser.); Heming's Cartulary, ed. Hearne; Dugdale's Baronage; Hale's Cartulary of St. Mary's, Worcester (Camd. Soc.); Flor. Wig. (Engl. Hist. Soc.); Monasticon Anglicanum; Stubbs's Select Charters; Round's Ancient Charters (Pipe Roll Soc.), Geoffrey de Mandeville, and Feudal England; Warwick Cartulary (Addit. MS. 28024).]

URSULA, reputed saint and martyr of Cologne, whose date of death is variously given as 238, 283, and 451, was, according to the earliest form of the developed legend, a British maiden, the only daughter of the pious Christian king Deonotus. She was christened Ursula (a diminutive of ‘Ursa,’ a she bear), because she was to slay ‘the bear’—i.e. the devil. She resolved to become a nun, but was sought in marriage by the heathen son of a ‘certain most ferocious tyrant,’ who threatened to waste the land with fire and sword if she refused. As the result of a vision, in which was revealed her future martyrdom, Ursula consented on condition that she was allowed as companions ten noble virgins who, like Ursula, were to have each a thousand attendant virgins and a ship. The prince was, moreover, to become a Christian. The eleven ships, with Pinnosa, Ursula's chief companion, as admiral, after cruising for three years round the British coasts, sailed up the Rhine to Cologne and to Basel, whence Ursula and her companions went on foot to Rome. Returning to Cologne, which had meanwhile been seized by the Huns, they were massacred in 238, Ursula being slain by an arrow. The inhabitants after the withdrawal of the Huns buried them with more than mortal honours, and built a church outside the walls, which was rebuilt on a grander scale long afterwards at the bidding of one Clematius, a wise man from the east.

From an early period traces of this legend are found at Cologne. There existed in late Roman times a church outside the walls dedicated to some unknown virgin martyrs, which, on the authority of a fourth or fifth century inscription walled up in the modern church of St. Ursula, was restored by Clematius on the scene of their martyrdom. A charter of Lothair II (d. 869) and other charters dated 922, 927, and 941 refer to the ‘monastery of the eleven thousand virgins’ at Cologne. The earliest details of the story of these martyrs occur in a ‘Sermo in Natali SS. Virginum XI Millium,’ dating from between 751 and 839, which declares that few names of these martyrs are known, and that they were driven from Britain by the persecution of Diocletian and Maximian. Soon afterwards allusions to the virgin martyrs became common (see, Die Sage von der heiligen Ursula, pp. 11 sqq.). The metrical martyrology of Wandelbert of Prüm, written about 850, already mentions ‘thousands’ of virgin-martyrs. After this, numerous references to the number eleven thousand and the names of individual virgins begin to appear. An Essen calendar of the ninth or tenth century, however, gives eleven virgins and mentions their names. Another litany of the same century gives the same names in a different order, Martha and Saula heading the list, as they do in the martyrology of Usuardus (d. 877).

The prominence of Ursula's name in connection with the story dates from the twelfth century. At Cologne, where Cathari and others had expressed some scepticism, the legend received fresh impetus by a series of discoveries beginning in 1106, when a large number of bones were found during the excavation required by the new walls for the city. These bones were given out to be the relics of the virgin martyrs, and the locality became known as the ‘Ager Ursulinus.’ St. Norbert of Prémontré came to search for them, but the most enthusiastic investigator was the archbishop of Cologne, Rainald of Dassel, Barbarossa's chief minister, whose principal agent was Gerlach, abbot of Deutz. Gerlach discovered a body labelled ‘Ursula Regina,’ and bones were found with inscriptions attached declaring them to be the bones of bishops, cardinals, and even


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706 was to cut a groove on the surface of the rock, fill that with quicklime, and then throw on water. The swelling of the lime rent the rock. The old works in Chaw Gully were taken in hand by Captain Palk, who deepened and successfully worked a shaft there. A good deal of money was made, but "the eyes of the mine were picked out," and it is now, like nearly all the Dartmoor mines, a "knacked bal," a picture of desolation, and the ravens now build in the chasm, on a ledge of the rock. Palk was intimate with Jonas Coaker, the "Poet of the Moor," as he styled himself. His poetry was, however, only rhyme, and that often bad. "What's the difference between poetry and blank verse?" asked one miner of another. "Why, the difference be this," was the reply. "Ef you say, that, I reckon, be poetry. But ef you say instead, that's blank verse. Knaw now, do 'ee?" This was Jonas Coaker's conception of poetry. He was born at Hartland, Post Bridge, on 23 February, 1801, as he sang:— As a young man he worked on the Moor building new-take walls, and he esteemed himself almost as highly in this capacity as in knocking out verse. Later