text:
Page:History of West Australia.djvu/550

 In 1886 Mr. Finnerty received an appointment in the Government service as Inspector of Police for the northern part of the colony. The area under his charge stretched from Kimberley to Roebourne, a distance of several hundred miles. His adventures here in the bush and on the desert befit the romancist better than the biographer. For six months he struggled to fulfil the laborious duties incumbent on his office, and was not a little relieved when after a service of six months he was appointed Warden for the Kimberley Goldfields. So sudden a promotion, though in mere keeping with his merits and distinction, surprised him a little. He set out for Kimberley to assume the new duties of his office, and arrived there soon after the richest discoveries were made.

For two and a half years he dispensed justice where required, and decided questions of law when invoked. Impartial, stern, yet clement, he earned a reputation as an excellent judge, lawyer, and friend. Round his little tent, where he sat in magisterial array, probing into the alleged worth of this, and assigning a lease for that, there gathered a large crew, burning in their feverish haste to report to him their luck. His period of well-nigh three years' office in Kimberley was one of signal success. By his stern and warranted reprimands to, and judgments on, offenders, he succeeded in maintaining peace and order in a naturally disturbed community, and safety and security among the miners. The tropical climate of Kimberley, with its moist and humid heat, its abundant rainfalls in the summer, made it a paradise in comparison with Coolgardie and Kalgoorlie. But the rush and excitement of Kimberley was destined soon to fade, and with the decadence of the field the Warden made his exit.

Now fire seemed to issue all along the goldfields' line. Discoveries in quick succession, swollen into big reports, came thundering from every quarter. They first surprised, then astonished, and gradually, through a series of emotional changes, paralysed the slumbering colony. His presence was immediately requested at Yilgarn, Southern Cross, and there he repaired as fast as the uncertainties of the route would permit. He had not been long established in Southern Cross before Arthur Bayley came down to report his famous find. Mr. Finnerty set out at once with Mr. Bayley for the scene of the discovery, and carefully inspected it. Satisfied with its auriferous qualities, he granted Bayley a lease, now known as the Reward Area. On completing his task he returned to Southern Cross, only to go back again to the regions surrounding Bayley's find. The duties of his sphere now alternated between Coolgardie and Yilgarn, and soon the latter must retire before the growing importance of the former. When Coolgardie was proclaimed on the 6th of April, 1894, he proceeded there as Warden and Resident Magistrate.

His labours now reached a maximum. The very atmosphere was charged with golden electricity, and he with all the energy his body could furnish, must struggle to serve the multitude of requests made on his presence and his pen. Gradually the constitution of several centres relaxed the strain of overwhelming labour. Other Wardens appeared to share the work, so that now Mr. Finnerty got breathing-room.

But as can be easily supposed, his office of Police Magistrate was no sinecure. Occasionally turbulent and riotous youths found their way into Coolgardie, and theft and robberies were not infrequent. By a judicious severity at first he soon diminished the number of lawbreakers, and that peace and equilibrium which he had effected at Kimberley were repeated in Coolgardie. The house of legal procedure was not in 1894 a palatial-looking mansion. His little tent was made to serve as Post Office, Registrar's Office, Warden's Office, and Police Court. It was situated at the railway end of Ford Street, at that time the prominent part of the town. We can easily picture the stream of mortals rushing every hour to the tent which, though small, held within its flapping canvas the legislative machinery that controlled the fields. Here was centralisation effected, not in a vast and spacious edifice like the provincial Roman legates' dwellings on the distant fields of Armenia, but in an unpretentious tent, modest, substantial, and rustic. Every question of legality was referred to him as judge, every point of morality decided by him on the bench.

Not far from his tent he mapped out the future site of the town, and all agree that his choice and judgment were good. A little tale as to the origin of the name Coolgardie is interesting etymologically. About 100 yards from the Warden's residence is the spot from which Coolgardie derives its name. There is a large tank there now, but previously there was a round natural "gnamma" hole, which used to hold 4,000 gallons of water, and this hole was always known among the natives as Coolgardie, and it was from this that the town derived its name. As to the disappearance of this historic hole, the Warden says:—"I went away for a few days from Coolgardie, and you can imagine my chagrin when, on my return, I found this hole blasted beyond recognition."

Mr. Finnerty can tell many an interesting episode of his experiences on the fields. One time, when Coolgardie was just coming into being, he stopped at a certain place and asked for two gallons of water for himself and his camel. That long-suffering and much despised animal had sauntered on for nine days without a drop of water to cool his sides. The Warden obtained his request, but had to pay for the luxury of a few gallons the sum of 15s. In the early days of the goldfields he shared the rough fate of the pioneer. To obtain the bare necessaries of life was often impossible, and many a meal had to be made on that old indigestible concoction, "tinned dog." In a land destitute of food, wealth or wisdom could not get what did not exist.

Speaking with the authority of a magistrate, Mr. Finnerty's words of praise and commendation of the good conduct of the men are welcomed. Still he cannot forget, nor will the citizens forget, that he has cemented this high ethical standard among the inhabitants. His judicial sentences ably coped with dangerous evils, and brought on a reign of security and harmony. Only once did it behove him to send out two official parties to quell murderous and riotous bands of natives, and this was in the Kimberley field. The Coolgardie Goldfield, over which he is Warden, has an area of 11,800 square miles. It comprises Londonderry, Mount Burges, Twenty-Five Mile, Wealth of Nations, Forty-Five Mile, Bardoc, Siberia, Lake Lefroy, Mount Morgan, and Hampton Plains Estate. When we consider the vastness of this area and its auriferous capabilities, we may well recognise its territorial importance and the consequent responsibilities of the Warden. Mr. Finnerty has, in the execution of his duties, proved himself a man of remarkable ability, and a careful and successful tactician. His gift of administration ranks second to his judgment, which is clear, synthetic, and logical. Never has his philanthropic aim of benefiting surrounding humanity been realised commensurably with his desire. Pressure of duties, official and in their nature public, always bridle his

title: Page:History of West Australia.djvu/550


text:
SSM to Information Systems: A Wittgensteinian Approach

Publishing History: This paper was published by the Warwick Business School Research Bureau, University of Warwick, as Research Paper No. 65, ISSN 0265-5976, in October 1992. With revisions and additions it was published in Journal of Information Systems (1993) 3, pp. 149-168 (now called Information Systems Journal).

ABSTRACT
Subjectivist theories of meaning inhibit the use of axiomatic systems in information system design. Wittgenstein held that language and meaning were primarily public and that a private, purely subjective, language was impossible. The iterative debate among stake-holders that takes place in the practice of Soft Systems Methodology (SSM) can be understood as a Wittgensteinian language game in which meaning is created not just discovered. The conceptual models used in SSM can be developed into Logico-linguistic Models which express stipulative definitions. These definitions can be taken as a logical basis for information system design.

Keywords: axiomatic system; conceptual model; information system design; language game; Logico-linguistic Model; meaning; private language; Soft Systems Methodology.

INTRODUCTION
An account of meaning must play a vital role in any analysis of information and in any form of information system design. In the information systems literature much current writing on the nature of meaning fails to take into consideration the philosophical work that has already been done on this subject. Subjectivist theories of meaning are beginning to appear in the information systems literature (Stamper, 1987). These theories assume that meaning is primarily determined privately by a subject and that public languages are built up out of private meaning. Wittgenstein's private language argument is widely recognized as having shown that such theories are false. In the following it is argued that the iterative debate in SSM is a a public event that creates meaning and, therefore, the SSM method is essentially Wittgensteinian in character. A consequence of this is that SSM can be used to create a model that will open the way for the formal derivation of an information system.

The paper begins with the background to the subjectivist account. Russell's Logical Atomism, which attempted to give a rigorous logical foundation to the subjectivist theory of meaning, and the Wittgensteinian arguments that refuted it are briefly explained. Stamper's recent work (1987) seems to have revived the subjectivist account without producing any new arguments in its favour. It is shown how this conflicts with Wittgenstein's language game theory.

The second section argues that one of the products of the SSM iterative debate is a consensus about how the problem situation should be described. Understood as a language game the debate is not merely a mechanism for the analyst to learn what the clients think but creates an agreed framework of stipulative definitions. SSM conceptual models are not ideal for the logical expression of these definitions as they are limited by the fact that they employ only a single type of logical connective. However, more logical connectives can be added and a more powerful model, a Logico-linguistic Model, can be built using the same type of iterative debate. The Logico-linguistic model can be formally expressed in the propositional calculus.

In the third section of the procedure for converting a conceptual model into a Logic-linguistic Model is described. The final section explains how a Logico-linguistic Model can be used as the starting point of information system design.

Logical Atomism
To find an irrefutable foundation for human understanding has been the ambition of countless philosophers throughout history. Bertrand Russell was no exception. In the early part of this century he began developing a set of ideas that became known as "Logical Atomism" (Russell 1918, 1924). Russell began with the standard empiricist idea that all knowledge comes through the senses. His next move was to say that the only thing we can be certain of is sense experience. Knowledge is, he argued, built up entirely out of atomic units of sense experience. These units he called "sense data". The standard analysis of knowledge, which some attribute to Plato (Gettier 1967), is that it is true, justified belief. Russell was saying that only sense data justify belief and thereby turn it into knowledge. This was nothing particularly new, the sense datum theory can be traced back at least as far as John Stuart Mill.

Russell's next move was rather unusual. He went on to say that not only was knowledge built up out of sense data but that meaning was also built up out of sense data. This was quite profound because if sense data are required for meaning they are also required for the formulation of belief. For Russell it was not possible to even believe anything that was not based on sense data. This, therefore, was a unified theory of knowledge and meaning.

In the 1905 paper "On Denoting" Russell developed his theory of descriptions. This claimed that most names are in fact disguised descriptions. Names apparently refer to individuals but "On Denoting" hoped to show that names can be unpacked into logically equivalent descriptions which have sense but no individual reference. Russell (1918) went on to say that the only "logically proper names" have individual reference and these only refer to sense data.

The elegance of this theory was very appealing. Wittgenstein's Tractatus (1922) with its "picture theory of meaning" is firmly in this tradition. Rudolf Carnap and the Vienna Circle were working on similar ideas which were popularized in Britain by A. J. Ayer (1936) in his best selling book Language, Truth and Logic. More than any other text this book represents the views that people began to call "Logical Positivism".

Empiricism, phenomenalism and phenomenology
Taken independently of the theory of meaning, the sense datum theory is just one species of the philosophical position known as "phenomenalism". This comes from J. S. Mill who held that objects were just "permanent possibilities of sensation" (Ayer 1969 p. 224-5). The empiricist says that all knowledge comes from what we have experience of. The phenomenalist takes this further and says  all knowledge is made up of experiences, for the phenomenalist what these experiences are experiences of is something we cannot know.

The position known as "phenomenology" ends up being similar to phenomenalism in its account of the external world. However, phenomenologists, such as Edmund Husserl, get there by a different route. This is the route of rationalism which claims that knowledge is a priori, a result of thought rather than a result of experience.

The trouble with phenomenalists and phenomenologists it that they board up the window to the outside world leaving the subject completely alone.

Language games
By the 1940s Wittgenstein had changed his mind completely about the nature of language. In the Philosophical Investigations, which was not published until 1953, he produced an argument that was fatal to Logical Atomism, Logical Positivism and many of the ideas in his own Tractatus. This became known as "the private language argument". The private language argument shows that it is not possible for a language to refer to objects that only one person can, as a matter of logic, know about. Sense data are logically private because only one person can know his own sense data.

The private language argument is a complex one and the exposition here will be limited to an outline. Kenny (1973) considers that the crux of the argument is that the terms of a private language could not be defined. He identifies three prongs to the attack. First, it contends that a private object, a sense datum such as a pain, cannot be ostensively defined. That is, a person cannot merely fix his attention on a sensation and name it "so and so".

"...what does it mean to say that he has `named his pain'? - How has he done this naming of pain?! And whatever he did, what was its purpose? - When one says "He gave a name to his sensation" one forgets that a great deal of stage-setting in the language is presupposed if the mere act of naming is to make sense." (Investigations, 257)

Secondly, a private sensation cannot be defined in terms of a previous sensation. "We are supposing that I wish to justify my calling a private sensation 'S' by appealing to a mental table in which memory-samples of private objects of various kinds are listed in correlation with symbols... To make use of such a table one must call up the right memory-sample: e.g. I must make sure to call up the memory-sample that belongs alongside 'S' and not the one that belongs alongside `T'. But as this table exists only in the imagination, there can be no real looking up to see which sample goes with 'S', i.e. remembering what 'S' means. But this is precisely what the table was meant to confirm. In other words the memory of the meaning of 'S' is being used to confirm itself." (Kenny p. 192-3)

Thirdly, a private sensation cannot be defined in terms of public events. "Let us now imagine a use for the entry of the sign 'S' in my diary. I discover that whenever I have a particular sensation a manometer shews that my blood-pressure rises. So I shall be able to say that my blood-pressure is rising without using any apparatus. This is a useful result. And now it seems quite indifferent whether I have recognized the sensation right or not. Let us suppose that I regularly identify it wrong, it does not matter in the least. And that alone shews that the hypothesis that I make a mistake is a mere show. (We as it were turned a knob which looked as if it could be used to turn on some part of the machine; but it was a mere ornament, not connected with the mechanism at all.). (Investigations, 270)

To replace the idea of language as something based on reference to logically private objects and events, Wittgenstein developed the idea of language as consisting essentially of rules. In the Investigations the notion of a language game is developed. A language is like a game. You cannot play the game if don't obey the rules but the rules are no more that an agreement among the putative players about how to play the game. There are many games that you can play and new ones are being made up all the time. For the later Wittgenstein language is public, and the references in any language are learned from publicly observable objects and events.

Private languages revived
The private language argument is just as fatal to phenomenology as it is to phenomenalism. However, while phenomenalism largely disappeared from the the Anglo-American philosophical scene in the 60s and 70s, phenomenology continued to be popular on the continent. The phenomenological tradition also remained active in British sociology. This has now resulted in subjectivist theories of knowledge and meaning being put forward as a theoretical basis for information system design. Advocates of these ideas include ronald Stamper who has done extensive work on the connections between semiotics and computerised information systems.

"Meanings express personal views of reality. When there is a firmly established consensus, and only then, we can pretend that meanings are independent of people. Many semantic problems cannot be solved until one has established who is responsible for the meanings expressed." (Stamper, 1987)

What Stamper seem to be implying here is that the subject alone determines meaning - that public languages are a sort of Esperanto built up out of private languages.

If we agree with Wittgenstein then it is clear that Stamper has the boot on the wrong foot. Language is public and refers primarily to public events. References to subjective sensations are derived from a public language. I don't make up my own word for my pains and then translate it into English. I learn the use of the English word "pain" by observing public events and then apply the word to my own pains. This does not prevent people from giving different meanings to the same utterance or symbol, this is because the same utterance or symbol is used in different language games. There can be symbols that mean a certain thing in computer jargon but mean something completely different in prison slang. This is because computer scientists and prisoners play different language games.

Stamper appears to assume that meaning must be entirely objective or entirely subjective. He reasons that meaning cannot be entirely objective because words do not have meanings in themselves, and, therefore, meaning must be entirely subjective. But his assumption is wrong. Meaning is public and as such it is dependent upon the existence of at least two knowing individuals and dependent upon the existence of independent and observable objects and events.

There are a number of practical consequences that follow from the subjectivist account of meaning. One is that meaning must always be discovered in hidden subjective worlds. Following from this is Stamper's contention that formal system are of little use in connection with meaning because they do not help us discover meaning (Stamper, 1987, p. 51-52). The second concerns the meaning of “meaning” and how we wish to distinguish between semantics and syntactics. Semantics is concerned with “reference”, the interpretation of terms. Syntactics is concerned with “sense”, the relation between terms and rules about terms. Stamper follows linguistics and considers that the study of “meaning” is part of semantics (Stamper, 1973). However, in the philosophy of logic “meaning” is used as a synonym for “sense” or “connotation” (see Haack, 1978) and is, therefore, part of the study of syntactics. (In this paper “meaning” is used to stand for the sense and reference of a term).

For Wittgenstein reference was not possible outside a rule based language game and so reference as well as sense required a syntax. A new game can be devised and played by a group of people agreeing to a set of rules. In the same way a language game will produce syntactic rules and these rules can be formalised. In the following section it is argued that the SSM conceptual model building process, is, in part, a language game. As such it offers a viable alternative to attempts to design information systems on the basis of a subjectivist theory of meaning. The remainder of the paper is largely concerned with a way in which conceptual models can be formalized.

These consequences can be avoided if we adopt a Wittgensteinian approach where meaning need not always be discovered but can be created in a language game. Also, as will be shown in the following, axiomatic systems can be part of a language game.

Conceptual model building
For the purposes of the present argument a succinct account of the SSM model building process can be given as follows: After learning about the background of the problem the analyst/facilitator produces a number of models that are considered to be appropriate to the problem situation. The models are presented to the stake-holders of organisation who inevitably find them unsatisfactory. The least unsatisfactory model is revised in an iterative debate. The debate ends when the stake-holders reach a consensus that the model is both relevant and desirable. The model either resolves the problem itself or will form a basis for a solution.

This process could be interpreted as a way in which the analyst makes discoveries about stake-holders' beliefs and values and how those beliefs and values are expressed. While this one of the things that goes on during the debate it is not the only thing that goes on, nor is it the most important. Checkland & Scholes (1990) emphasise that the iterative debate can change the way the stake-holders think about the problem situations. The iterative debate is not just a passive process whereby the analyst gains knowledge, it is dynamic and creative.

The changes that can occur during the debate can be changes in values and changes in beliefs. Also there will be changes in the expression of beliefs, and it is this that is interesting in the context of language games. Through the conceptual model building process a consensus is built up about the way the problem situation can be described. This is a language game in which the stake-holders come to an agreement about what certain key terms will mean. The final conceptual model can be taken as an extended definition of a desired state of affairs. This has considerable implications for information system design.

The development of Logico-linguistic Models
Logico-linguistic models have been developed in a number of theoretical papers (Gregory 1991, 1992a, 1992b) in an attempt to resolve a number of logical difficulties found in SSM conceptual models.

The SSM conceptual models, such as the hypothetical one shown in Figure 1, consist of commands linked by arrows. The arrows are intended to represent logical contingency (Checkland & Scholes, 1990, p. 36). In Figure 1, activity 5 is logically contingent on activity 4. A logically equivalent way of expressing this is to say that 4 is a necessary condition of 5. The hypothetical soft systems methodology conceptual model Gregory (1991) made the point that necessary conditions are not enough to describe a causal sequence. Conceptual models, therefore, lack the power to fully describe physical transformations and cannot form an adequate basis for an information system design intended to support physical transformations. A description of a causal sequence requires sufficient conditions. A sufficient condition can be made up of a number of necessary conditions to form a necessary and sufficient condition (an N&S condition). Thus if P is necessary for R, Q is necessary for R, R is necessary for P and R is necessary for Q then "P and Q" will be an N&S condition of R and R will be a N&S condition of "P and Q". A second paper (Gregory 1992a) pointed out that some causal relations are sufficient without being necessary. These sufficient but unnecessary conditions (SUN conditions) also need to be represented.

The second level of difficulty concerns the phrase "logically contingent". This is because strictly speaking logical connections are between declarative statements, or elements of declarative statements, not between activities or other real world events. Normal logics cannot operate on SSM conceptual models because the elements are expressed as commands rather than as declaratives. This leads some to the conclusion is that SSM models are not "logical" but some sort of representation of a causal sequence (see Probert, 1991).

The first stage of the solution is to convert the commands into propositional form. The next stage is to convert statements of causal relations into logical relations. If we say that event P is necessary for event Q then what we are saying is that if Q has occurred P must have occurred. Let us take "p" to be the statement "P has occurred" and "q" to be the statement "Q has occurred". Given this the statement "P is necessary for Q" will be equivalent to "q cannot be true unless p is true" or simply "q implies p". This is expressed in the propositional calculus as $$ q \to p $$. If P is a SUN condition of Q this will be expressed as $$p \to q $$.

Taking "r" to be the statement "R has occurred" we can now express an N&S condition. P and Q being necessary for R will be expressed as $$r \to (p \And q) $$ and P and Q being sufficient for R can be expressed as $$(p \And q) \to r $$. A state of affairs where $$r \to (p \And q) $$ is true and $$(p \And q) \to r $$ is true is known as mutual implication and is expressed as $$r \leftrightarrow (p \And q) $$. The symbol "$$\leftrightarrow $$" is known as the biconditional.

In the early days of the propositional calculus mutual implication was indicated by a symbol consisting of three parallel lines. This was sometimes known as "logical equivalence" or "identity". The term "logical equivalence" is justified by the fact that the formulae on either side of the biconditional will have the same truth value. Equating the biconditional with "identity" is much more contentious and few present day logicians would be inclined to do so. Identity is considered to be a stronger relation than mutual implication. Any case in which identity holds will be a case in which mutual implication will hold, but the reverse is not true, not every case of mutual implication will be a case of identity. Modal logics extend this distinction to implication, they distinguish between "material  implication" denoted by "$$ \to $$" and "entailment". Entailment is the stronger relation that includes, but is not included in, material implication.

This brings us back to Probert. If the conceptual models are essentially causal in nature then material implication and mutual implication are the strongest relations we can use. If conceptual models are essentially definitional, as is contended in this paper, then the stronger relations of entailment and identity can be used.

In the model given as an example in the next section implication and the biconditional will be used to stand for the strong relations of entailment and identity. However, the notation used will be that of a simple propositional calculus which does not reveal the distinction. A modal logic could be used but a such logics must be treated with caution because there are many systems of modal logic. The explanation of a suitable modal system is beyond the scope of the present paper.

The model looks like a cause and effect diagram and there is nothing in its logical expression that indicates that it is not. However, the manner of its construction shows that it is not a representation of a process of cause and effect but that it is a process definition.

Most things are defined by their qualities. A chair can be defined as an object with a seat, a back support and more than two legs. Other things are defined by the process of their production. Whiskey is a spirit distilled from fermented malted grain. This means that if you take some grain, malt it, ferment it and then distill it you end up with whiskey - no matter what it tastes like. By the same token something that has the same taste, alcohol content"and colour as whiskey is not a whiskey unless it is produced by the defining process. For example, in Thailand there is a popular liquor called "Mehkong" which is made as a substitute for Scotch. Originally Mehkong was made from rice, which is a grain, and Mehkong was, correctly, called a whiskey. These days it is made from molasses, which is not a grain, and so Mehkong is now described as a "liqueur" despite the fact that it has the same alcoholic content and looks and tastes the same as it always did.

Stake-holder construction
A Logico-linguistic Model is an expanded version of a traditional SSM conceptual model and it is intended that it should be developed in the same way as a conceptual model. That is, the analyst/facilitator determines the logical form of the model and makes suggestions as to the content. The content is then debated and amended by the stake-holders until agreement is reached through the iterative process.

The example given here is a model produced as a case study for a seminar held by the United Kingdom Systems Society at the University of Warwick (see Systemist, Vol 14, No. 3, 1992). It is a model for an information system to support the activities of a program committee involved in arranging a working conference. It must be stressed that conceptual models and Logico-linguistic Models are intended to be built by stake-holders in the client organization not by analysts. As there was no client organization for the case study the model must be regarded as hypothetical. It is intended to show what the Logico-linguistic Model might have looked like if there had been stake-holders available to build it. Figure 1 gives an example of a conceptual model that could have been built by traditional SSM methods. An imaginary Logico-linguistic Model, that could have been built out of Figure 1, is shown in Figure 2. The development has followed a number of rules, these are briefly as follows:

Rules of conversion and expansion
Rule 1. Convert commands into statements. Figure 1 is expressed in the language of commands. In order to use traditional logics, such as the propositional calculus, we require statements. A command such as "make a call for papers" can be expressed as a parallel statement as follows: "the command make a call for papers is, was or will be, obeyed". For the sake of brevity and elegance this is rendered as "a call for papers is made" in Fig 2. Rule 2. Include conditions that are sufficient but not necessary (SUN conditions). The arrows in SSM Conceptual models indicate necessary conditions. So, in Fig 1, we find that 5 is a necessary condition of 6, and 4 is a necessary condition of 5. In causal terms this would mean that 6 cannot happen unless 5 happens and 5 cannot happen unless 4 happens. However, if we take the relations to be definitional then we will say that the truth of 6 entails (logically implies) the truth of 5, and that the truth of 5 entails the truth of 4. To these relations of necessity we can add relations of sufficiency. These are indicated by broken lines in Figure 2. Here 10 is sufficient for 1, which, in causal terms, means that if 10 happens 1 must happen. However, 10 is not necessary for 1 because 1 can happen without 10 happening; in the case in point this would be when 11 (which is also sufficient for 1) happens. Therefore, 11 and 10 are individually sufficient but unnecessary for 1, i.e. they are SUN conditions. SUN conditions are not mutually exclusive, that is both 10 and 11 can happen. In the language of causation we would say that 1 can be caused by 10 or 11 or both. Taking the relations to be definitional we can say that the truth of 10 entails the truth of 1 and that the truth of 11 also entails the truth of 1.

Rule 3. Make sure that all possible SUN conditions are included. There are two ways of defining a class: extensive definition and intensive definition. An extensive definition specifies all the members of the class while an intensive definition gives the criteria for class inclusion. If we think of 1 as a class, the class of calls for papers, 10 and 11 can be regarded as members of that class. If they are the only logically possible members of the class, then they will constitute an extensive definition. This can be expressed in the propositional calculus as follows:

$$1 \leftrightarrow (10 \lor 11) $$

Taking the biconditional here in the strong sense of "identity" this formula states that 1 is the logical equivalent of 10 or 11 (or 10 and 11). In in other words they are the same thing. In terms of the development of the model what has happened is that the stakeholders' have defined 1 as being 10 or 11 (or 10 and 11). Put another way, what "a call for papers is made" means is that "a call for papers is published in a periodical or experts are individually requested to produce papers or both".

It must be noted that if all the logically possible SUN conditions cannot be specified then we cannot have an extensive definition. If is possible for there to be SUN conditions that we do not know about then the class must be defined intensively.

Rule 4. Make sure that the set of necessary conditions is sufficient. Figure 2 shows that 2 is a necessary condition of 3. But it is not sufficient for 3, it possible for 2 to happen without 3 happening. To make sure that 3 happens we must add more necessary conditions (Gregory 1991) namely 25 and 22. Now the set comprising 2, 25, 22 is sufficient for 3. As 2, 25, and 22 are each also necessary for 3, we can say that the set comprising 2, 25, 22 is a necessary and sufficient (N&S) condition of 3. In symbols:

$$1 \leftrightarrow (2 \And 25 \And 22) $$

Again taking the biconditional here in the strong sense of "identity" this formula is a complete intensive definition of 3. It states that if anything is to count as a paper distributed to referees then that paper must have been received, it must have had competent referees selected for it and it must have been distributed to the referees. Any paper that does not meet these three criteria cannot, by definition, count as a paper distributed to referees.

Establishing what is definitional
The words used to express definitions do not always, or even usually, indicate that what is being expressed is in fact a definition. Looking at a defining statement in isolation we will find that it could just as easily be a statement of fact i.e. an inductive hypothesis or a statement based on an inductive hypotheses. For example, "Manx cats do not have tails" could be part of the definition of a certain breed of cat, or it could be an empirical statement about the cat population on the Isle of Man. The problem is compounded by using process definitions and extensive definition. People tend to think that a statement about a process is always a statement of contingent fact. Likewise statements that specify all the members of a class are usually factual rather than definitional. People are, therefore, likely to think that they are never definitional. They are apt to find unconvincing the definition of "a call for papers" as "something published in a periodical or individual requests to experts". However, we easily imagining a case where the stake-holders would give the term "a call for papers" this unusually narrow meaning. For example, it might be that this is specified in the constitution of the organization concerned. One of the main tasks of the facilitator in the construction of a Logico-linguistic Model will be to distinguish definitions from contingent statements of fact.

Logical expression
Figure 2 can be expressed in the propositional calculus as follows:

Formula 1

$$6 \leftrightarrow ((29 \And 5 \And 28) \And (5 \leftrightarrow (4 \And 27))\And (4 \leftrightarrow (26 \And 3))\And (3 \leftrightarrow (2 \And 25 \And 22)) $$ $$\And (22 \leftrightarrow (24 \And 23)) \And (2 \leftrightarrow (19 \And 21)) \And (19 \leftrightarrow (9 \And 15 \And (17 \lor 18 \lor 20)))$$ $$ \And (15 \leftrightarrow (13 \And (14 \lor 16))) \And (13 \leftrightarrow (12 \And 1)) \And (1 \leftrightarrow (10 \lor 11)))$$

This enables us to make a number of inferences. We can derive the following:

Formula 2

$$6 \leftrightarrow (29 \And 28 \And 27 \And 26 \And 23 \And 24 \And 25 \And 21 \And 9 \And 12 $$ $$\And (10 \lor 11) \And (14 \lor 16) \And (17 \lor 18 \lor 20))$$

Formula 2 states that if all the necessary conditions and one from each of the three sets of SUN conditions from Figure 2 are fulfilled we will have a state of affairs in which papers are grouped into sessions and chairmen for each session are selected. These types of formula can have direct practical application. They can be used as the basis for system control algorithms (Gregory 1991) and a logical account of system efficiency can be expressed as the choice between SUN conditions (Gregory 1992a). However, the most important application is likely to be in information system design.

The general and the particular
The elements in the Logico-linguistic Model are universal terms. The expansion of the model using universal terms and the rules given above can only go so for. Eventually general statements will have to be broken down into particulars. For example, a break down of "Experts exist" would have to be statements of the form "Adrian Adams is an expert" or "Betty Brown is an expert" which have reference to particular states of affairs and are true or false depending upon whether that state of affairs obtains or not. This marks a profound change in status with regard to meaning, logic and epistemology. Hither to, the truth of the statements in the model could be established by deduction and definition. This is no longer possible, and the truth of the particular statements must be established empirically. Also the universal statements in the model, those expressed in Formulas 1 & 2, are necessarily true (because the stake-holders have set it up that way) while the particular statements are contingent. This is evident if we consider time. The model comprising Formulas 1 & 2 will be true for all time but the particular fact that Adrian Adams is an expert will indubitably become false at some time in the future. The definitional universal statements which the model expressed could be taken as the axioms of a formal system while the particular statements could be taken as instantiations of the system. Parallels to computerized information systems can now be drawn. A correspondence can be seen between universal statements with their logical connections and the structure and processes of a computerized information system. Particular statements have a correspondence to data items. This is most evident in declarative language programs such as Prolog. The Logico-linguistic Model can be expressed in the predicate calculus and in this form the universal statements have the same structure as Prolog rules while particular statements have the same form as Prolog facts (Gregory 1992b). In data base design particular statements correspond to records while fields correspond to the subject predicate structure of the particulars.

Similarities to "holons"
It seems that in information systems circles the term "interpretivist" is now being used to denote methods that imply that a social situation is open to more than one interpretation, while the term "positivist" is used to denote methods that imply that there is only one valid account of a social situation. In this sense SSM is interpretivist, as opposed to positivist, in its account of social events. This might lead one to believe that it must be subjectivist in its account of meaning, but this does not follow. A subjectivist account of meaning entails an interpretivist account of social events and this is why they tend to be found together. However, a rejection of the subjectivist account of meaning does not entail that there is only one valid account of a social event. This is clear if we consider the similarities between Logico-linguistic Models and holons.

Checkland & Scholes (1990) use the term "holon" to denote a system of thought. As such a holon can be distinguished from a system in the real world. A similar distinction can be drawn with regard to Logico-linguistic Models. A Logico-linguistic Model is an extended definition and as such need not have any correspondence with the real world; the model could just as easily be that of the family tree of a Greek God as anything in the real world. A second important point about the notion of a "holon" is that there is no single holon that is correct in regard to a given situation. There can be a number of equally valid holons relating to the same situation. The same is true of Logico-linguistic Models; the same situation could be described using a different set of definitions. There is also a similarity with axiomatic systems here. The mere fact that an axiomatic system has been formulated is no guarantee that it has any correspondence with the real world. We also find that the same system, such as the propositional calculus, can be formulated using different sets of axioms. Expanded into Logico-linguistic Models the SSM conceptual modeling method can be a way of producing axiomatic systems. This stands to be very useful because one of the problems with axiomatic systems is that there is no logical reason for anyone to accept them. If there are reasons for accepting a statement then that statement must be some form of inference not an axiom. Generally it is said that axioms are self evident, but this is just another way of saying that they are accepted without reason. Admittedly some axiomatic systems, such as arithmetic, seem to be very useful whereas others do not. Nevertheless, before an axiomatic system can be shown to be useful it must be accepted, if only tentatively, and there is no reason to do this. SSM solves this problem pragmatically; as the stake-holders make up their own axioms the question of their acceptability does not arise. However, the question of their usefulness does arise. In Some forms of activity all that seems to be required is a holon or Logico-linguistic framework. For example, we can invent a game. All we need for a new game is a group of players who will agree to a set of rules and abide by them. The case is quite different with the tidal wave that recently killed over 100,000 people In Bangladesh. This happened quite independently of our holons or Logico-linguistic framework. However, the disaster could have been prevented or at least mitigated if we had had a Logico-linguistic Model that corresponded to the way the weather behaves. In some, but not all applications there is this need for models that will map onto the real world. This will include any information system that is concerned, in any way, with predicting any physical events.

The problem of reference
Holons, Logico-linguistic Models and axiomatic systems are of limited use unless they can map onto the real world. This mapping or isomorphism, as Hofstadter (1980) calls it, will only take place if there are particular instances of the general statements. Unfortunately there are logical difficulties here because what is to count as an instantiation will be determined by the structure of the Logico-linguistic Model or axiomatic system. There is good reason to think that Logic-linguistic Models will be able to establish reference if they are expanded to include inductive hypotheses as well as definitions (Gregory 1993). However, preliminary research indicates that the solution is not simple and may require the use of non-monotonic logic as well as modal logic.

CONCLUSIONS
Logical Atomism and Logical Positivism are the most forceful attempts at a ideational account of meaning. The leaders of these movements all abandoned this idea in their later writing. The ideational account of meaning takes us back to the beginnings of Logical Atomism. There is, therefore, a danger that the information systems literature will start to rerun a futile debate that began in the 20s and finished in the 60s. This will not be necessary if due attention is given to the legacy of Wittgenstein. Understood as a language game the SSM iterative debate provides both a firm theoretical foundation and a powerful practical tool for the development of information systems. Computer systems are rule bound and formal. It has been argued above that there are rules implicit in SSM conceptual models, these rules can be developed and formalized in Logico-linguistic Models. This opens the way for the rigorous development of computerized information systems that need not be limited by the subjective ideas of professional analysts and designers.

LOGICAL NOTATION
$$ \neg p $$ means not p (negation). It is true when p is false.

$$ p \And q $$ means p and q (conjunction). p & q is true only if p and q are true.

$$ p \lor q $$ means p or q or both (alternation). p v q is true if p is true or if q is true or if p and q are true.

$$ p \to q $$  means if p then q (the conditional). p ® q is only false when p is true and q is false, otherwise it is true. Sometimes known as implication.

$$ p \leftrightarrow q $$  means p if and only if q (the biconditional, sometimes known as logical equivalence or identity). $$ p \leftrightarrow q $$  is true if p and q are both true or if p and q are both false, otherwise it is false.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The findings in this paper were the result of research funded by the Science and Engineering Research Council (SERC).

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Page:Essays and phantasies by James Thomson.djvu/219

Rh sailors with the rhythm of the ocean-tides in their blood, can hear this undertone of the cosmic harmony, and see this light transfiguring the world, and enter with these true Poets into the mysterious trance; and are thus, even though they know it not, real members of this high confraternity. For the best interpretation of its mysteries in our language, let me refer the reader to Shelley's Defence of Poetry.

Lastly (for this brief essay), there is the Open Secret Society of the Mystics. These are the very flower and crown of the four already touched upon, Saints of Saints, Heroes of Heroes, Philosophers of Philosophers, Poets of Poets; the identity of the masculine ideal of Hero and Philosopher and the feminine ideal of Poet and Saint. Their mysteries have been published to all the world in the choicest visions and actions, thoughts and strophes, of the choicest members of these other fraternities; yet not only do they remain utterly obscure and illegible to the common world of men, they are dark to all of even those fraternities who have not been initiated to the supreme degree.

This Society has been less parodied than any of the others; firstly, because (as I have heard) its mysteries are so awful that whoever long strives to parody them becomes insane; secondly, because its most common and public passwords and signs are incredibly difficult for the vulgar to distinguish. Its members may be unfolding the profoundest secrets in talking of dogs and cats, pans and kettles; they may be transmitting the most pregnant signals in doing the most ordinary daily work. As George Herbert has written (The Elixir):—


text:
Page:Essays and phantasies by James Thomson.djvu/220

208

But it is probable that we must go to the East for the purest fountain and the most copious river of the element which bathes the souls of this brotherhood. In Sir William Jones's Dissertation on the Mystical Poetry of the Persians and Hindus, Asiatic Researches, vol. iii. In the same dissertation, Sir William Jones gives examples of the occult meanings which many zealous admirers insist upon attributing to the most common words in these mystical poems. Thus wine means devotion; idolaters, infidels, and libertines are men of the purest religion; a tavern is a retired oratory; kisses and embraces are the raptures of piety, &c. &c. I do not doubt that orthodox Mussulmans are satisfied with such interpretations; nor would I argue that such interpretations are not in any sense right, for occult or spiritual meanings certainly abound in these poems. But had the poets meant the same kind of religion, devotion, &c., as the orthodox, they would have used the orthodox terms. No serious writer, and especially no poet, casts away venerable words rich in solemn and tender associations, until. he finds that they are altogether inadequate to convey his thought. Had the religion of Ismat been nothing more or higher than the best religion of those around him, would he have spoken with such contempt of the glass of piety, the square temple, the mosque, the cloak of a dervise? would he have celebrated with enthusiasm wine and paganism, the two things most abhorred by the devout among his people? The fact is, that mysticism, being intimate with the soul of the world in its own right, knows that it is beyond the law, proves its prerogative by dignifying the most despised objects (as a Sultan who makes a slave his Vizier), and cannot help now and then riotously shocking the formalists. For mysticism is the identity of the purest faith and the purest scepticism; the extremes not only meet, they intermingle and grow veritably one. There are in Christianity germs of this spirit which few Christians have ever dared to cultivate, and which few of those who have dared have been fit to cultivate: see the Epistle to the Romans, passim. The Anabaptists, Antinomians, &c. &c, made a miserable mess of it. he translates an ode by a sufi of Bokhara, who assumed the poetical name of Ismat, which is so transcendent an expression of the spirit of this fraternity, that I must cite it in its completeness.

"Yesterday, half-inebriated, I passed by the quarter


text:
Page:Essays and phantasies by James Thomson.djvu/221

 Rh where the vintners dwell, to seek the daughter of an infidel who sells wine.

"At the end of the street there advanced before me a damsel, with a fairy's cheeks, who, in the manner of a pagan, wore her tresses dishevelled over her shoulders like the sacerdotal thread. I said: 'O thou, to the arch of whose eyebrow the new moon is a slave, what quarter is this, and where is thy mansion?'

"She answered: 'Cast thy rosary on the ground; bind on thy shoulder the thread of paganism; throw stones at the glass of piety; and quaff wine from a full goblet:

"'After that come before me, that I may whisper a word in thine ear; thou wilt accomplish thy journey, if thou listen to my discourse.'

"Abandoning my heart, and rapt in ecstasy, I ran after her, till I came to a place, in which religion and reason forsook me.

"At a distance I beheld a company, all insane and inebriated, who came boiling and roaring with ardour from the wine of love.

"Without cymbals, or lutes, or viols, yet all full of mirth and melody; without wine, or goblet, or flask, yet all incessantly drinking.

"When the cord of restraint slipped from my hand, I desired to ask her one question, but she said: 'Silence!

"'This is no square temple, to the gate of which thou canst arrive precipitately; this is no mosque to which thou canst come with tumult, but without knowledge. This is the banquet-house of infidels, and within it all are intoxicated; all from the dawn of eternity to the day of resurrection, lost in astonishment.

"'Depart then from the cloister, and take the way to the tavern; cast off the cloak of a dervise and wear the robe of a libertine.'


text:
Page:Essays and phantasies by James Thomson.djvu/222

 210 "I obeyed; and, if thou dcsirest the same strain and colour with Ismat, imitate him, and sell this world and the next for one drop of pure wine."

Similar passages, I believe, abound in Hafiz:—

"Stain with wine thy prayer-carpet if the old man of the tavern commands thee: for the traveller is not ignorant of the ways and customs of the inn."

And Sir William Jones cites a fine sentence from the Bustan; wherein, characteristically, thorough sameness of the spirit is couched in contradiction of the letter: "Through remembrance of God they shun all mankind; they are so enamoured of the cup-bearer, that they spill the wine from the cup."

In our own poetry sublime expression of some of their subtlest mysteries may be read by who can read in the Epipsychidion of Shelley.

But there are those informed by this spirit who cannot read its letter. For it is to be remarked that every talent and ability, and all scientific and other "useful" knowledge, are apt to be hindrances and veils to the purest manifestations of this mystery in humanity. "He has hidden these things from the wise and prudent, and revealed them unto babes."—"Suffer little children to come unto me, for of such is the kingdom of heaven."—"To the Jews a stumbling-block, and to the Greeks foolishness." A man of great talents and acquirements may have also this celestial genius; but such a one, be sure, employs his talents and acquirements simply as hewers of wood and drawers of water in the menial household service thereof Every one who elevates them to be his ambassadors and ministers in


text:
Page:History of West Australia.djvu/551

 efforts to enter unresignedly on councils whose aim and end is or should be the greatest happiness. From the judge's bench he must hasten to the warden's chair to settle disputes and grant what is right. As chairman of the Quarter Sessions, as Sub-Collector of Revenues, obligations and duties of an extraordinary nature are imposed on his already taxed bodily and mental frame. No fewer than 6,000 leases have been granted from his offices in Coolgardie and Southern Cross.

He is Worshipful Master of the Coolgardie Lodge of Freemasons, and takes a supreme interest in the Masonic welfare. His personality is striking. Beneath his partially acquired sternness—the prevailing atmosphere characteristic of the bench—there flows an undercurrent of sympathy and good fellowship. And for his scrupulous dispensation of justice on the warden's bench, and for his unfailing attention to his magisterial duties, he is respected and admired. Justice and fairness are two virtues which the wiliest miner can never wrench from his grasp. Citizens of Coolgardie and its suburbs are one in their expressions of gratitude to the oldest-known name in the district.

EUGENIO VANZETTI

OME time ago, when the attention of the whole world was first turned to Western Australia the group of scientific thinkers studying local conditions of mining was very small. Some of these men accepted Government employment, and some returned to the colonies which they had left. determined rather to stand by the positions they had temporarily abandoned than to throw in their lot with the large gang of speculators by whom Western Australia was then populated. One of this small group, however, Eugenio Vanzetti continued to carefully examine the country, and by hard and steady work he has now obtained a name and reputation second to none in the colony.

The subject of this sketch was born in Verona, Italy, some forty years ago; and having there successfully passed his University examinations in chemistry and metallurgy, proceeded, after a few years sojourn in France and Spain, to Australia. He landed some eighteen years ago in Sydney, New South Wales, and practised medicine and chemistry for many years in the towns of Forbes, Parkes, Mount Hope, and Cobar. During his residence in those centres he took an active interest in mining, and gained an extensive and varied knowledge of both copper and gold mines. richer mines which he had lately acquired.

In 1894, attracted by the magnificent prospects of Western Australia, he came hither to further study mining conditions as representative of several important commercial interests. At this time the boom had just commenced in earnest, and thousands of people were rushing to the fields. Mr. Vanzetti devoted all his leisure to observation of the country, but did not allow himself to be carried away by the excitement prevalent everywhere. Making Perth his headquarters, he paid visits of inspection to the fields at intervals. Watching the fortune of others who had arrived with him, he saw some few succeed, but many fail; he himself was enabled to bide the time now arrived, when mining would no longer be a mere gamble, when fortunes would not be made by finding a pocket of gold, and lost almost as quickly, and when large financial corporations, convinced of the permanency of the fields, determined to undertake commercial operations in connection with mining, which will shortly place Western Australia on a level with the older established fields of California and South Africa.

Mr. Vanzetti has, perhaps, been more instrumental than most people in bringing about sound enterprise on the fields, and introducing large capital. The arid nature of the country convinced him that, though rich in gold, the fields would never be the success they should be unless some sound scheme for treating the large quantities of ore available was devised in connection with an adequate water supply. Recognising at once that the difficulties he had to contend with were very different to those at Broken Hill, where the mines are consolidated, he determined, instead of attempting to take water to the mines, to adopt the system of bringing the ore, by means of railways, to the water for treatment, at the same time utilising the trucks on the return journey for supplying the mining people with sufficient water for domestic purposes. With this intention he procured the most permanent water supplies in Western Australia, most of which are situated in the agricultural tracts of country round Northam and Newcastle. Having secured the "Golden Pig" Mine at Southern Cross, and obtained large concessions in the matter of freight from the Government, who viewed his scheme with favour, he floated the Water Trust Mining and Public Crushing Company, with a capital of £250,000, for the purpose of treating stone at Seabrook, near Northam, where a splendid permanent water supply had been selected, from the Golden Pig and other richer mines which he had lately acquired. Some of the most

title: Page:History of West Australia.djvu/551


text:
Page:Essays and phantasies by James Thomson.djvu/223

 Rh the high and solemn businesses of life does so in destitution of this genius plenipotential.

The loftiest member of this Open Secret Society familiar to us, familiar to us if we can read the story of his actions and his words aright, was a poor carpenter's son who seems to have had no other learning than such knowledge of the sacred books of his people as any frequenter of the synagogues of his people might easily have acquired, who we are told could read (Luke iv. 16, 20), but who perhaps could not write. When the theological scaffolding which has been reared around the image of this man shall have altogether fallen away, and the lineaments can be seen in broad daylight, we shall discover that he reigns over us by the power and prerogative of his divine mysticism.

Such are a few of the loftiest Open Secret Societies, these organisations of Nature so perfect and enduring, so superior to the most subtle organisations elaborated by man. And in all of them, I think, we find that the poor and the mean and the ignorant and the simple have their part no less—nay, have their part even more—than the rich and the great and the learned and the clever. Let us praise the impartiality of our Mother Nature, the most venerable, the ever young, the fountain of true democracy, the generous annunciator of true liberty and equality and fraternity; who bestoweth on all her children alike all things most necessary to true health and wealth, the sunshine, the air, the water, the fruits of the earth; and opens to rich and poor alike the golden doors of enfranchisement and initiation into the mysteries of heroism, purity, wisdom, beauty, and infinite love.

Were I required to draw a practical moral, I should say that all proselytism is useless and absurd. Every human being belongs naturally, organically, unalterably, to a certain species or society; and by no amount of repeating


text:
Page:Essays and phantasies by James Thomson.djvu/224

 212 strange formulas, ejaculations, or syllogisms, can he really apostatise from himself so as to become a genuine member of a society to which these are not strange but natural. A penny whistle doesn't become a cathedral organ by being made to whistle the Old Hundredth; a church mouse doesn't grow a lion by straying into a Secular Hall.


text: Essays and phantasies/Open Secret Societies


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/429

 THE INTERNATIONAL FOLK-LORE CONGRESS, 1891.

HE arrangements for the Congress are now practically complete, and promise well for its success. The functions of such a meeting are twofold, social and scientific, and both sides of the Congress have been efficiently cared for. Some ridicule has of late years been cast upon the social side of Congresses. Yet the idea of bringing into friendly contact the common adherents of a doctrine, or the fellow-students of a particular branch of knowledge, is obviously a sound one. It only ceases to be sound when carried on for too long a period, when the habitués of a Congress have become well known to one another. This is obviously not the case with the International Folk-lore Congress of 1891, which is only the second that has been held, and is the first gathering of British folk-lorists yet held. For the first time since the science has taken a position among the organised methods of studying the past, its adherents meet for the purpose of becoming known to one another and putting their heads together to discover the best methods of promoting their favourite study.

Not alone will British folk-lorists meet their fellow-students in Congress assembled, but they will have an opportunity of meeting several of the most eminent students of the science from abroad. Among the distinguished visitors from the continent may be mentioned M. Cosquin, the learned editor of Contes de Lorraine, and the greatest "storyologist" living, unless we have to except Professor Reinhard Köhler, who is unfortunately prevented from attending the Congress by ill-health. From France,


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/392

 THE

FOLK-LORE OF MALAGASY BIRDS.

URING previous furloughs in England—from twelve to eight years ago—I had the pleasure of contributing several papers on Madagascar folk-lore to the Record and to the Journal of this society, my latest contributions being a series of articles on "The Oratory, Songs, Legends, and Folk-tales of the Malagasy", with translations of numerous specimens of these productions of the native mind. In these papers a few references were made to Malagasy superstitions about the birds of their country; but as I have recently paid some attention to Madagascar ornithology, and have written several articles on the subject for an annual publication which I have edited for several years past, and which is printed at Antanànarìvo, the capital of the island, I have collected together much additional information on the folk-lore of Malagasy birds. My papers will be given in full, with further additions, in the quarterly numbers of the Ibis for this year; but I thought it might be interesting to select from them what is most noteworthy as regards the bird-lore of the people, including the legends, popular notions, and proverbs relating to this subject, together with a few references to the very significant native names for many of the birds of Madagascar. I shall now proceed to do this, noticing the birds in the order of their present classification by the best ornithologists, especially that followed by Mr. R. Bowdler Sharpe, F.Z.S.


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/393

 Rh Before, however, giving the results of my researches on these various points, I will venture to indicate in half-a-dozen sentences what it is that gives great interest to the study of Madagascar ornithology.

The avi-fauna of the island comprises, as at present ascertained, about 240 species, including sea-birds, among which there are naturally numerous wide-ranging forms common to many other countries; and among these latter there is, of course, little that is peculiar or of any special interest. It is among the land-birds proper, numbering 150 species—and omitting many shore and water birds, as well as several of powerful flight and therefore of wide distribution—that we find some of those peculiar and isolated types of bird which, as Mr. Alfred R. Wallace remarks, "speak to us plainly of enormous antiquity, of long-continued isolation, and not less plainly of a lost .... continental island [or archipelago of large islands], in which so many, and various, and peculiarly organised creatures could have been gradually developed in a connected fauna, of which we have here but the fragmentary remains".

Madagascar possesses a considerable number of genera and species of birds peculiar to itself; 35 genera and 129 species, distributed among 55 families, one of which is also peculiar and confined to the island. The result of a detailed study of the Malagasy avi-fauna is, says M. Grandidier, "that it has a very specialised character, and that, notwithstanding the small distance which separates Madagascar from the African continent, its affinities are much greater with the extreme East than with Africa; since, if we leave on one side all the birds of powerful flight, there are about twice as many more allied to Oriental than to African species, besides which, the greater part of the characteristic African genera are entirely wanting."

Madagascar is indeed a kind of museum of antiquities as regards its animal life as a whole, and this is eminently the case with respect to many of its birds. For, while on the continents innumerable ancient forms of life have


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/394

 338 become extinct, either from changes of climate, or from the introduction of other and more powerful forms, better fitted to hold their own in the struggle for existence, here, in this great island, on the contrary, freed from the incursion of other creatures, they have maintained their ground, and thus are still living witnesses to a very antique fauna, extinct everywhere else. And so it comes to pass that many Malagasy birds stand alone, isolated from all other living forms, and have thus been a puzzle to naturalists, being extremely difficult to class, so that in some cases a special family has had to be formed for their reception. It is not that the Madagascar birds are remarkably beautiful or large, or striking in appearance—although there are plenty of beautiful forms among them—it is the remote affinities of many of them which gives such an interest to the avi-fauna of the island.

I.—There are twenty-two species of in Madagascar, the majority being various kinds of hawks, kites, and buzzards, but including several owls and two eagles.

The most common bird of this order is the Papàngo, or Egyptian Kite (Milvus Ægypticus), a large bird of almost world-wide distribution, and found all over the island. It is the dread and detestation of the country-dwelling Malagasy, for it swoops down upon their chickens and pigeons and is only scared away by their loud cries and execrations. From these habits comes one of its provincial names, Tsimalàho, i.e., " The-one-who-does-not-ask", but takes without saying "By your leave". Several Malagasy proverbs refer to the Papango, e.g., to its rapacity and boldness, in the following: "Acting like a kite's claws: not taking gently, but greedily"; and "The wild-cat is weary, for the fowl (it was seeking) is carried off by the kite". Occasionally it seems that it catches more than it can eat, for another proverb says: "The kite that caught a tortoise: it certainly got it, but it did not get much after all." And its occasional food of locusts is mentioned in this: "Not (like) a little


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/395

 Rh swarm of locusts and afraid of a kite." One of the native Hain-tèny or "oratorical flourishes" says: "The kite is an arrant thief, the crow is blear-eyed, and the brown stork is long-necked: all are rogues and abuse one another."

Another very widely-spread rapacious bird is the little lively and noisy Hìtsikìtsika, or Kestrel, which is found in or about every village, often perched upon the gable "horns" of the houses, or even on the extreme point of the lightning-conductors. Its widely-spread name is probably an imitation of its peculiar querulous cry. Several native proverbs refer to the kestrel's quick restless flight and its frequent habit of hovering aloft, poised almost motionless, or with an occasional quivering of the wings; and this, as it is very like the Malagasy so-called dancing, which consists rather of a graceful posturing and movement of the hands than of the feet, is also called by the people "dancing" (mandìhy). E.g., "The kestrel is at home in dancing, and the little-grebe is at home in the water"; "The kestrel is not hovering (lit. 'dancing') without reason, for there below is something (in the shape of prey)"; and again: "Dance, O kestrel, that we may also learn (to do it) in harvest-time." And its habit of driving away the robber Papàngo, but itself appropriating the kite's intended prey, is referred to in a proverb applied to one who was expected to be a benefactor, but turns out an oppressor, thus: " He was thought to be a kestrel to be honoured (or, to protect the birds), but becomes a falcon (Vòromahèry) carrying off the chickens." Among some tribes, or, perhaps, only certain families, the kestrel is a sacred or tabooed bird. M. Pollen says: "Being one day hunting in the neighbourhood of Anòrontsànga, I killed one of these kestrels, when a farmer came to meet us, saying that I had committed sacrilege in killing, as he said, a sacred bird. He begged me to leave it to him, so that he might bury it in a sacred place. I hesitated, except to grant him the beak of the kestrel, which had been broken by the shot. The good man, accompanied by a slave carrying a load of sugar-cane, and happy to take away


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/396

 340 any part of the sacred bird, tried to express his gratitude by offering me half the load. I have, however, observed that this bird is not sacred among the Antankàrana, the Bétsimisàraka, and other tribes." It seems pretty certain that the kestrel was formerly worshipped, and a small piece of the legs or wings or body was given by the diviners to be used as a charm, or presented as a sort of sacrifice when praying to the ody, or idol. Many of the ignorant Malagasy still venerate the bird and make supplication to it.

Another noticeable Malagasy hawk, although much less common than the two previously mentioned ones, is the Vòromahèry, or Lesser Falcon, a small but very courageous bird, which has long attracted the attention of the Malagasy for its swiftness and fearlessness. Its native name, which means "Powerful bird", is also that of the tribe of Hova Malagasy who inhabit the capital and its near neighbourhood; and probably from that circumstance this falcon has been adopted as a kind of crest or emblem by the central Government, and it is engraved on some of the official seals. Large metal figures of a bird, popularly supposed to be this Vòromahèry, are fixed on the ridge of the roofs of the two largest royal palaces, and also over the palace gateway. One of the proverbs referring to this falcon has already been quoted. Another says: "Falcon's eggs on the face of the cliff: that which screams out is its young."

The voracious tearing up of their prey is noticed in the names given to several of the Malagasy hawks, those in which the words Firàsa or Fandràsa, the "Tearer" or "Divider", or, more freely, the " Butcher", appear either in these simple forms or combined with other words. This is the name of the Madagascar Sparrow-Hawk, which is also called Vandraskibo, "Quail-eater". Another hawk is termed Parìafòdy, "Disperser-of-cardinal-birds", as it feeds largely on these brightly-coloured little birds; and it is also named Ampamàkalòhanikìbo, "Quails'-head-breaker". Fandràsalàmbo, "Wild-boar-butcher", is the name of other


text:
The Falcon

 * The Falcon (86 U.S. 75), US Supreme Court case (86 U.S. 75)
 * The Falcon, a metrical tale from The Golden Violet by Letitia Elizabeth Landon
 * "The Falcon", versions of a poem by James Russell Lowell (1843)
 * The Falcon, a play by Alfred Tennyson
 * The Falcon, a poem by Elinor Wylie

title: The Falcon


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/397

 Rh hawks. Others, again, are known by the name of Hìndry or Fanìndry, words derived from roots meaning "to press down", "to pounce on", and doubtless referring to their swooping down upon their prey. The long pinions of the Grey Hobby, projecting even beyond the tail, are noticed in its name of Làvèlatra, i.e., "Long-wings". These birds appear in Madagascar only in the rainy season, coming from Africa in pursuit of the clouds of locusts which frequently cross the Mozambique Channel, and on which they principally feed. Their flight is rapid, like that of a swallow, and they may be seen pursuing the locusts as the swallows do gnats. A Sàkalàva name of this bird is Tsiasàra, i.e., "Not-found-in-the-dry-season". It will be seen that this group of rapacious birds presents good examples of the Malagasy power of giving striking and appropriate names to the living creatures of their country.

Two species of eagle are found in Madagascar, of one of which, the Ankoày, a fishing or sea eagle, much that is interesting has been observed as regards its habits; but I know of nothing yet as to any native superstitions connected with it, as the western tribes are still little known and this bird is only found on the west side of the island.

Six or seven species of owl are known in Madagascar two of which, the Scops and the Barn Owl, are very plentiful. The last mentioned appears to be exactly identical with the almost world-wide bird of that name. As among most other peoples, the owl is regarded by the Malagasy as a bird of ill-omen; they call it Vòrondòlo, i.e., "Spirit-bird", or "Ghost-bird", thinking it an embodiment of the spirits of the wicked; and when its startling screech is heard in the night, they believe it to be a presage of misfortune to someone. There are numerous fables and stories about the owl, illustrating the popular dread of and dislike to the bird. M. Grand idler says the provincial name of the Scops Owl, Atòroko, means "I am going to say" (more exactly, "to point out"), and that some Malagasy consider it as a menace when they hear it. Like the


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/398

 342 owls in all other parts of the world, the Madagascar species are really public benefactors, by keeping down the large numbers of rats and mice; but their nocturnal habits, their large staring eyes, the "uncanny" ear-like feathers of some, and especially their unearthly screech, have all combined to make them objects of dread. These and other popular notions, as well as observation as to the habits of the bird, are shown in the following proverbs: "Don't act like an owl: sulky in another person's house"; "A wild-cat laughing at an owl: the one that creeps ridicules the one that flies." (Wild-cats—Kàry—are as much objects of dislike as owls, and are frequently classed with them by the Malagasy.) And again: " Bent down in grief and dejection, although nothing has befallen you, like an owl"; "It is the tufted umber (Scopus umbretta) that finishes a nest, but it is the owl who swells out and gives itself airs"; "An owl appearing in the daytime, so all who see it swoop down upon it."

The last-mentioned proverb is illustrated by the following Malagasy fable: —


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/399

 Rh

II.—The second Order of birds comprises those which in some points resemble the woodpeckers in their habits, although the woodpeckers proper have no representative in Madagascar. Of the seven families of the first sub-order, the Climbing-birds, two only are represented in the island, viz., the Parrots and the Cuckoos, as to each of which there are some interesting points to be noted. The two Madagascar species of parrot have none of those brilliant tints which adorn many of this family of birds in other parts of the tropics, one being dark-grey in colour and the other slaty black. A native proverb, whose "moral" is to reprove a too easy-going, changeable disposition, speaks of "a parrot seeking fruit in the forest: he finds a luscious morsel here, but in an instant is off to get another there." The Grey Parrot, M. Grandidier says, is fàdy, or sacred, to one of the royal families of the Vèzo Sàkalàva, and he gives the following story as accounting for the veneration in which they hold it: —

"Lahimerisa, King of Fiherènana, told me that one of his ancestors was one day walking alone in one of his manioc plantations at some distance from the royal village, when he was surprised by a band of robbers on a marauding expedition from the Bara country. They did not know the king, who had nothing in his appearance or dress to denote his rank. But seeing his thick chain of gold gleaming under the knobs of hair covered with grease and white clay, they took him unawares, speared him, and possessing themselves of the coveted prize, threw the body into a hastily dug grave, and decamped. How long he remained there he could not tell; but he was not dead, only seriously wounded; and on recovering consciousness, and seeing nothing but darkness around him, and feeling the earth pressing heavily on his chest, he believed himself in the other world. He was in profound distress; when suddenly he seemed to hear shrill piercing cries, as if a flock of parrots had passed over his head. He


text:
User talk:Stephen G. Brown

— billinghurst  sDrewth  06:56, 6 December 2010 (UTC)

title: User talk:Stephen G. Brown


text:
Page talk:ANL001.gif

You could consider using user annotation to capture the text on this page. — billinghurst  sDrewth  06:57, 6 December 2010 (UTC)

title: Page talk:ANL001.gif


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/400

 344  listened attentively; the cries which met his ears were approaching nearer. Doubtless a babbling and restless crowd of them was perched on a neighbouring tree. 'But there are no parrots in the other world,' thought our hero; 'I am not dead!' He took courage, and freeing himself by a tremendous effort from the layer of earth which covered his body, he perceived the bright shining of the sun, in whose rays the parrots were sporting in the trees around him. Hope revived within him, and he made his way, not without difficulty, to his village, where, after the needful care and nursing, he eventually recovered strength. In thankfulness to the birds whose cries had roused him from his torpor, and given him courage to free himself from his tomb, he solemnly vowed for himself and his descendants to the latest generation, that they would never kill parrots."

Most of the names by which these birds are known appear to be imitative of their harsh cry; while some of those by which the Madagascar Parrakeet is known mean "degenerated", or "become small", the people apparently holding the strange notion that it is a dwarfed species of parrot.

There are no less than fourteen species of Cuckoo found in Madagascar, of which twelve belong to a genus, Coua, peculiar to the island, and are among those numerous birds which give a special character to its avi-fauna. Of the Blue Coua, the people say that when its cry is heard the day will be wet and drizzly. Several of these birds' names are descriptive of their habits, as "Road-crosser", "Climber", and "Shell-breaker".

The most common bird of this family is the Kankàfotra, or Grey-headed Cuckoo, which comes up into the higher interior region as the warm season approaches, and its monotonous but not unpleasing cry of kow-kow, kow-kow, may be heard wherever there are trees, all day long. The Malagasy make its arrival a signal for clearing their ground for planting the later crop of rice; in some native Haintèny or "oratorical adornments" the Kankafotra is said to manòva ny tanoa, i.e., "to change", or rather, "to announce


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/401

 Rh the change of the year". Its various names seem to be all more or less descriptive of its note, like the name of our English species of cuckoo. This bird has the same habit as its European cousin, of laying its eggs in other birds' nests, the intruder when hatched pushing the young of the proper owner out of the nest. Several children's songs refer to the cuckoo and its injuring other birds, especially a species of Fan-tailed Warbler (Cisticola madagascariensis). Here is an example: —

The remaining bird of this group, the Tolòho or Lark-heeled Cuckoo, utters a mellow, flute-like whistle, which consists of several notes running down the scale. This bird is considered as fàdy, tabooed or sacred, by one of the principal tribes of Ménabé (W. Coast). M. Grandidicr says that, having on one occasion shot one of these birds, he was obliged, in order not to grieve the family of the chief, to leave the body of the cuckoo, which was immediately reverently buried. The reason of the extreme respect in which these Sàkalavà hold the Tolòho is as follows: "One of their ancestors, who was fearlessly swimming across the river Tsijobànina, was caught on the way by a crocodile. It is well known that these fearful reptiles do not devour their prey on the shore, but carry it to their lurking-places under or close to the water, so that it may become half putrid before being eaten there. Our hero was carried, quite senseless, to a large hole in the bank of the stream, which served as the habitual retreat of the monster, and which the ebbing tide had left partly dry. It was from this fortunate chance that the victim's head was left just above the surface of the water. Suddenly


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/402

 346 he was roused from his torpor by the repeated cry of a Tolòho. Now, we know that this cuckoo chooses damp places, and hops about from bush to bush on the river banks; it was then 'ery natural that the loud, mellow notes of the Tolòho should reach the ears of a man who was lying only a slight depth below ground. Starting out of his lethargy, it was not long before he comprehended that he was not buried very deeply, since the notes of the bird could be recognised; and so, without waiting for the return of the reptile, which was waiting patiently at the entrance of the cave, he used his hands and nails to such effect that in a little time he saw daylight. He was saved. In recognition of the service, all unconscious and involuntary as it was, which the bird had rendered to their ancestor, his children and grandchildren vowed that neither they nor their descendants would ever kill a Tolòho; and so," concludes M. Grandidier, "that is why the Paris Museum has one specimen less of the Centropus madagascariensis."

There is a Bétsimìsàraka saying that if you throw a Tolòho over the house three times, you will be able to roast it. If you do not do this, they say it all runs to grease, and you only get the bare bones. The Malagasy have an amusing fable about this bird and the Tàkatra, or Brown Stork, in which the former is described as invited to a feast at the house of the latter; but he disgracefully repays the hospitality of the stork by turning him out of house and home and taking possession of it himself From this fable (which probably embodies some facts as to this bird), it would appear that this cuckoo, like the Kankafòtra, has something of the habits of its European cousin in making use of other birds' nests. Perhaps this is also referred to in one of its provincial names of Abìlimbòrona, i.e., "Base, or Slavish bird".

The second sub-order of the Picariæ, that of the Wide-gaping birds, includes twelve families, half of which are represented in Madagascar.

First to be noticed here of these is the beautiful little


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/403

 Rh purplish-blue Kingfisher, or Vintsy. By some tribes it is called Vòrombòla, "Money (or Silver) bird", and some native superstitions are connected with it; thus vc find it said that "The kingfisher and the black-moth are dead people who have been changed into animals. The common people reverence them, and say that they are their ancestors." And, again, they say," If you take the nest of a kingfisher, you become bald; if that of a brown stork, you become a leper." By the Taimòro people (S.E. Coast) its name is personified by the prefix Ra: Ravìntsy.

Passing by the Hoopoes and Bee-eaters, of which I have nothing to remark as regards folk-lore, we come to another family, that of the Ground Rollers, birds which live entirely on the ground, and only come out at dusk. One of these, the Kiròmbo Roller, called also Vòrondrèo by the Malagasy, plays a prominent part in the chants and religious observances of the western tribes. It is considered unlucky by the people, and it is said that if one of them settles on a house, the owners will leave it. There are a number of folk-tales in which a strange hairy monster called Itrìmobé plays a prominent part; and in one of these the Vòrondrèo appears and delivers the heroine from danger, as follows: —

This Roller also figures to advantage in the following piece, entitled "Don't send a fool on an errand": —

"The weaver-finch {Tsikiritv) longs for, and the sun-bird (Sòy) is sorrowful—but don't send the warbler (Fìtatra), for when he goes into the plantation, he will be off. The


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/404

 348  finch longs for, and the sun-bird is sorrowful—but don't send the cardinal-bird (Fòdy), for when he meets a friend, he will forget all about it. The weaver-bird longs for, and the sunbird is sorrowful—so send the roller (Vòrondrèo), for he will both chirp and deliver his message."

The names of most of these Rollers are descriptive of their habits; and the Violet Roller is called Vòronkàka, which would appear to mean "Enemy", probably from some superstition about it.

Of the two other families of Wide-gaping birds found in Madagascar, the Goatsuckers and the Swifts, I have only to remark that their native names clearly recognise the nocturnal habits of the first, which are called Matòriàndro, i.e., "Day-sleepers"; while the Swifts are termed "Daywatchmen", "Day-birds", and "Day-bats", in addition to their more common name of Tsìdintsìdina, i.e., " Fliers", par excellence.

III.—The third Order into which birds are divided by most naturalists is the one which contains that large and delightful group of feathered creatures which are the principal songsters of the woods. There are about sixty species of found in Madagascar, the greater proportion of them being seen only in the lower and wooded regions of the island. The majority of these are of somewhat sombre plumage of browns and greys, with the exception of the Sun-birds, the Orioles, some of the Shrikes, the two species of Paradise-birds, and the Weavers. Many of the birds found in Madagascar are by no means deficient in the power of producing sweet sounds with considerable variety of note, and there are some few whose song has been considered to equal that of our European nightingale.

In several accounts which have been given by travellers of their journeys through various parts of the country, reference is made to the silence of the woods and to the apparent paucity of animal life. Now, while it is quite


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/405

 Rh true that the mammalian life of Madagascar is very scanty, I think these descriptions have been somewhat exaggerated; indeed, most of such journeys have been made in the cold season, when the woods are comparatively silent. But they are certainly not so at all times of the year; and during the warmer months, especially from November to January, the note of one bird or another is never silent all the day long, while some are heard also late into the night.

The first bird to be noticed here in the arrangement of this Order is the Collared Crow, a very prominent member of the Madagascar avi-fauna. This bird, called Goàika by the Malagasy, probably from his harsh croak, has glossy black plumage, but with a collar of pure white and a square white patch on his breast, so that he has a somewhat clerical appearance, and is not nearly so sombre and undertaker-like as his English cousin. He is a bold and impudent bird, and, as might be expected, is referred to in many Malagasy proverbs, two or three of which may be here quoted. Thus: "Like the crow's coat: finished while it is young"; "Don't be lustrous outside only, like a crow"; "Many are the crows, and one can't tell which is male and which female, for all have white necks"; "Do . like the soldiers: get up before the crows, awake before the warblers". This bird is also alluded to in a native song, in the verses of which the kite, the brown stork, the lark, and the cardinal-bird are successively mentioned; and the last verse runs as follows: "Where are you from, old fellow, you crow there?" "I come from Antanànarivo." "How about the proclamation there?" said I. "The proclamation", said he, "was severe enough." "What was it all about?" said I. "Thieves," said he, "are to be killed!"

One of the Madagascar Shrikes, called Railòvy or Railòmbo by the natives, is alluded to in several of their fables and tales as "a well-behaved bird, with a long crest, and having a variety of note". One of its provincial names comes from


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/406

 350 a root, dòvy, an enemy, probably from some superstition connected with it.

With regard to the Warblers, Bulbuls, Babblers, and other allied birds, we have at present no information in the department of folk-lore; some of their names, however, are descriptive of their vocal powers, and others of their appearance and habits. Thus, one of them is from a root meaning "well delivered" or "recited"; another is "Beautiful eyes"; while several mean "Watchman", or "Spy". Our present folk-lore knowledge is equally defective with regard to the Shrikes, Flycatchers, Butcher-birds, and Nuthatches, although much that is interesting might be said about their habits.

The beautiful little Sun-birds have already been referred to as being mentioned in many fables and stories in connection with other feathered creatures; they seem to be regarded as melancholy birds on account of their plaintive little note; while their beautiful plumage is referred to in some of their names.

In the central regions of Madagascar no bird is more frequently seen in considerable numbers during the hot season than the brilliant little scarlet Fódy, or Cardinal-bird. The male bird only takes on this bright colouring during the pairing season, the hen being as soberly coloured as a sparrow, as is also her mate during the colder season. These little birds—that is, the males—are most pugnacious, and in the months of October and November pass the time in fierce conflict for the possession of the hen-birds, who appear to be far less numerous than the males. Being so plentiful and conspicuous, it is not to be wondered at that the Fody—at least, the male bird, or Fòdilàhimena, as they call it (that is, "Red-male-fòdy")—has long attracted the attention of the Malagasy, and is frequently alluded to in their folk-tales, proverbs, and children's games. Of the first of these classes of native wisdom one or two examples have been already given in speaking of other birds; of the proverbs referring to this bird, the following may serve as specimens:


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/190

 CHILDE ROWLAND.

MONG the English folk-tales that I have lately been collecting and investigating, by far the most interesting is that of "Childe Rowland". I have already called attention to some of the points of interest in my notes on the version of it that I published in my volume on English Fairy Tales, pp. 238-45. But it was impossible in such a way to deal at all adequately with the folk-lore aspects of the tale, and I am glad of the present opportunity to do so at more length. Especially I desire to make accessible the actual form in which the tale was published by Jamieson in his Illustrations of Northern Antiquities, 1814, pp. 397 seq. For the purposes of my book I had to deviate from the pristine form in various ways. I proceed at once to give it in its original form.

When on a former occasion, in "Popular Ballads and Songs", vol. ii, p. 22, the present writer laid before the public a translation of the first ballad of "Rosmer", he expressed an opinion that this was the identical romance quoted by Edgar in King Lear, which, in Shakespeare's time, was well known in England, and is still preserved, in however mutilated a state, in Scotland. Having the outline of the story so happily sketched to his hand, it would have required no very great exertion of talents or industry, for one exercised in these studies, to have presented this romance in a poetical dress, far more correct and generally engaging than that in which it can be expected to be found; but as he accounts an original, however imperfect, which bears the genuine marks of the age which produced it, and of the taste of those who have preserved it, much more interesting to the historian or antiquary


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/191

 Rh than any mere modern tale of the same kind, however artfully constructed, he has preferred subjoining the Scottish legend in puris naturalibus, in the hope that the publication of it may be the means of exciting curiosity and procuring a more perfect copy of this singular relic:

At last her elder brother went to the Warluck Merlin (Myrddin Wyldt), and asked if he knew where his sister, the fair burd Ellen, was. "The fair burd Ellen," said the Warluck Merlin, "is carried away by the fairies, and is now in the castle of the King of Elfland and it were too bold an undertaking for the stoutest knight in Christendom to bring her back." "Is it possible to bring her back?" said her brother, "and I will do it, or perish in the attempt." "Possible? indeed it is," said the Warluck Merlin; "but woe to the man or mother's son who attempts it, if he is not well instructed beforehand of what he is to do."

Inflamed no less by the glory of such an enterprise than by the desire of rescuing his sister, the brother of the fair burd Ellen resolved to undertake the adventure; and, after proper instructions from Merlin (which he failed in observing), he set out on his perilous expedition.


text:
Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 2, 1891.djvu/192

 184

The second brother, in like manner, set out, but failed in observing the instructions of the Warluck Merlin, and—

Child Rowland, the youngest brother of the fair burd Ellen, then resolved to go, but was strenuously opposed by the good queen [Gwenevra], who was afraid of losing all her children.

At last the good queen [Gwenevra] gave him her consent and her blessing. He girt on (in great form, and with all due solemnity of sacerdotal consecration) his father's good claymore [Excalibar], that never struck in vain, and repaired to the cave of the Warluck Merlin.

The Warluck Merlin gave him all necessary instructions for his journey and conduct, the most important of which were that he should kill every person he met with after entering the land of Fairy, and should neither eat nor drink of what was offered him in that country, whatever his hunger or thirst might be, for if he tasted or touched in Elfland, he must remain in the power of the Elves, and never see middle eard again.

So Child Rowland set out on his journey, and travelled "on and ay farther on", till he came to where (as he had been forewarned by the Warluck Merlin) he found the King of Elfland's horse-herd feeding his horses. "Canst thou tell me", said Rowland to the horse-herd, "where the King of Elfland's castle is?" "I cannot tell thee", said the horse-herd, "but go on a little farther, and thou wilt come to the cow-herd, and he, perhaps, may tell thee." So Child Rowland drew the good claymore [Excalibar] that never struck in vain, and hewed off the head of the horse-herd. Child Rowland then went on a little farther, till he came to the King of Elfland's cow-herd, who was feeding his cows. "Canst thou tell me", said Child Rowland to the cow-herd, "where the King of Elfland's castle is?" "I