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Rh nothing tangible to reply to. The great feature of the ease it leaves untouched—namely, that if as the Queenslander says, the Native Police are an exterminating force, it is a pity that the work is not more thoroughly and effectually done. Is there room for both of us here? No. Then the sooner the weaker is wiped out the better, as we may save some valuable lives by the process. If the blackfellow is right in murdering white men for invading and taking possession of his country, then every white man, woman, and child who sis at home at ease in our towns and townships is a murderer, for if they had the courage of their opinions they would not stop on in a colony built up on bloodshed and rapine. Do they do this? do our black protectors—our philanthropists of to-day—go out and enquire into the truth of the many stories that are brought in from the back country, or do they rather sit in the high places, and partake of the corn and oil, leaving it to the sinful to go out and bear the heat and burden of the day? I rather think they do the last. Hide it as you will, our policy towards the black is bad, but it is only the game we played all over the world; and it starts with the original occupation of the country, and any other policy would be equally outrageous that entailed the taking of the land from the blacks. Say that we make reserves, and put the natives on them—have them guarded, and watched, and cared for—is not that just as arbitrary and high handed as shooting them? Would we recognise the justice of a superior race coming here, curtailing our boundaries, picking out our best country for their own use, and instituting a fresh code of religion, law, and morality for our benefit? Would we submit tamely, or prefer a quick end easy death to it? By its very presence ad publication here the Queenslander recognises the utility, to put it mildly, of dispossessing the blacks, and until it takes its departure to another country, and there preaches its sermon, its voice has a very hypocritical ring about it. We all want to get on here, and we all want to get somebody else to do the work needful; and if there is any dirty work necessary we are the first to cry out against it—when we are in a position to do so. This is the black question, as put forward by the protectors of the poor savage. I know full well that I shall hear of atrocities, of barbarities, and other disgraceful proceedings committed by the whites; but that does not touch the point at issue. The unanswerable fact remains that by overrunning this or any other country we expose the natives to the chances of suffering the rigors of guerilla warfare—always the cruellest and worst—and, knowing that, we come here and take up our quarters with our eyes open; by our very presence in the land justifying the act of every white ruffian in the outside country. We are all savages; look beneath the thin veneer of our civilisation and we are very identical with the blacks; but we have this one thing not in common—we, the invading race, have a principle hard to define, and harder to name; it is innate in us, and it is the restlessness of culture, if I dare call it so. The higher we get in the educated scale, the more we find this faculty; and if we do not show it in one shape we do in another. We work for posterity, we have a history, and we have been surrounded by its tales and legends since infancy. We look upon the heroes of this history as familiar friends, and in all our breasts there is a whisper that we too by some strange chance may be known to posterity. This brings us here to wrest the lands of a weaker race from their feeble grasp, and build up a country that our children shall inherit; and this feeling is unknown to the native of Australia. He has a short history, but it is more a matter of gossip than anything else, and only goes back one generation. He has no thought of the future, because he never knew of anyone being remembered more than a lifetime, therefore he has no interest but to pass through life as easily as possible, and he never seeks to improve land for those who will come after him. This justifies our presence here; this is the only plea we have in justification of it, and having once admitted it we must go the whole length, and say that the sooner we clear the weak useless race away the better. And being a useless race, what does it matter what they suffer any more than the distinguished philanthropist, who writes in his behalf, cares for the wounded half-dead pigeon he tortures at his shooting matches. "I do not see the necessity," was the reply of a distinguished wit to an applicant for an office who remarked that "he must live;" and we virtually and practically say the same to the blacks and with better reason. We are pursuing the same policy in Zululand and Afghanistan, and, I suppose, on a more barbarous scale; the recital of all the atrocities going, of all the shooting and slaying by the Native Police, never alters the fact that, once we are here, we are committed as accessories, and that to prove the fidelity of our opinions we should leave the country. I cannot touch upon anything definitely this time, as the Queenslander is not committed as yet to advocating any particular line of policy. I only want to show how we cannot—if we take the position of conquerors—expect anything else but harsh treatment toward

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license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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 § 1. IN the interesting experiments recently made by Mr. Crookes (Phil. Trans. 1879, parts 1 and 2) and Dr. Goldstein (Phil. Mag. Sept. and Oct. 1880) on "Electric Discharges in High Vacua," particles of matter highly charged with electricity and moving with great velocities form a prominent feature in the phenomena; and a large portion of the investigations consists of experiments on the action of such particles on each other, and their behaviour when under the influence of a magnet. It seems therefore to be of some interest, both as a test of the theory and as a guide to future experiments, to take some theory of electrical action and find what, according to it, is the force existing between two moving electrified bodies, what is the magnetic force produced by such a moving body, and in what way the body is affected by a magnet. The following paper is an attempt to solve these problems, taking as the basis Maxwell's theory that variations in the electric displacement in a dielectric produce effects analogous to those produced by ordinary currents flowing through conductors.

For simplicity of calculation we shall suppose all the moving bodies to be spherical.

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text:
User talk:P. S. Burton/Archive 1

Some templates that may be useful
billinghurst  sDrewth  04:56, 26 January 2010 (UTC)
 * namespace link
 * DJVU page link

Very nice work
You have picked up our local peculiarities quickly. You will have seen that I have done some validation and some poking. The page joins can be a little problematic, and occasionally one has to drop back to real  codes and tags at the end and beginning of pages to joins to work. billinghurst  sDrewth  13:48, 26 January 2010 (UTC)
 * Hi, thanks, and thanks for the help. I am actually not that new. I used to be know as User:The Illusional Ministry, but I created this new account to correspond with my WP acc. Do you know if it is possibly to transfer my old contributions history, from my old acc to this one? P. S. Burton (talk) 00:41, 28 January 2010 (UTC)
 * SNEAKY! It might be easier to get your other account moved over the top. Stick a message on WS:AN in the bureaucrat section and see what they can do for you. If you want to hurry it along, it can be worthwhile dropping a pointer note on the user pages of  or  to draw their attention to the request. billinghurst  sDrewth  10:38, 28 January 2010 (UTC)

Welcome.
Good to have another team member. Have not been here long, but have learned quite a bit from this limited exposure. I'm usually in the twenty's somewhere working the details. Glad you joined us. JamAKiska (talk) 20:32, 29 May 2010 (UTC)

with new texts
Hi, With , as they link to the front page, it would be appreciated if you would be able to add a specific edit summary indicating the work entered, or the task undertaken. We like to keep the page open for editing, so consequently we monitor the changes there closely, and have requirement for edit summary. Thanks. — billinghurst  sDrewth  01:42, 16 June 2010 (UTC)

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 § 2. The first case we shall consider is that of a charged sphere moving through an unlimited space filled with a medium of specific inductive capacity K.

The charged sphere will produce an electric displacement throughout the field; and as the sphere moves the magnitude of this displacement at any point will vary. Now, according to Maxwell's theory, a variation in the electric displacement produces the same effect as an electric current; and a field in which electric currents exist is a seat of energy; hence the motion of the charged sphere has developed energy, and consequently the charged sphere must experience a resistance as it moves through the dielectric. But as the theory of the variation of the electric displacement does not take into account any thing corresponding to resistance in conductors, there can he no dissipation of energy through the medium; hence the resistance cannot be analogous to an ordinary frictional" resistance, but must correspond to the resistance theoretically experienced by a solid in moving through a perfect fluid. In other words, it must be equivalent to an increase in the mass of the charged moving sphere, which we now proceed to calculate.

Let a be the radius of the moving sphere, e the charge on the sphere, and let us suppose that the sphere is moving parallel to the axis of x with the velocity p; let ξ, η, ζ be the coordinates of the centre of the sphere; let f, g, h be the components of the electric displacement along the axes of x, y, z respectively at a point whose distance from the centre of the sphere is ρ, ρ being greater than a. Then, neglecting the self-induction of the system (since the electromotive forces it produces are small compared with those due to the direct action of the charged sphere), we have

therefore

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 hence

{{MathForm2|(1)|$$\left.\begin{array}{ll} \frac{df}{dt} & =\frac{ep}{4\pi}\frac{d^{2}}{dx^{2}}\frac{1}{\rho}\\ \\\frac{dg}{dt} & =\frac{ep}{4\pi}\frac{d^{2}}{dx\ dy}\frac{1}{\rho}\\ \\\frac{dh}{dt} & =\frac{ep}{4\pi}\frac{d^{2}}{dx\ dz}\frac{1}{\rho}\end{array}\right\}$$}}

Using Maxwell's notation, let F, G, H be the components of the vector-potential at any point; then, by 'Electricity and Magnetism,' § 616,

where u, v, w are the components of the electric current through the element dx dy dz, and ρ' is the distance of that element from the point at which the values of F, G, H are required, μ is the coefficient of magnetic permeability. In the case under consideration,

$$F=\mu\int\int\int\frac{\frac{df}{dt}}{\rho'}dx\ dy\ dz$$;

substituting for $$\frac{df}{dt}$$ its value from equation (1), we get

$$F=\frac{\mu ep}{4\pi}\int\int\int\frac{1}{\rho'}\frac{d^{2}}{dx^{2}}\frac{1}{\rho}dx\ dy\ dz$$;

with similar expressions for G and H.

Let us proceed to calculate the value of F at a point P.

Let 0 be the centre of the sphere; then OQ=ρ, PQ=ρ', OP = R,

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Now $$\frac{d^{2}}{dx^{2}}\frac{1}{\rho}=\frac{Y_{2}}{\rho^{3}}$$, where Y2 is a surface harmonic of the second order. And when ρ > R,

and when ρ < R,

where Q1, Q2, &c. are zonal harmonics of the first and second orders respectively referred to OP as axis.

Let Y'2 denote the value of Y2 along OP. Then, since $$\int Y_{n}Q_{m}ds$$, integrated over a sphere of unit radius, is zero when n and m are different, and $$\frac{4\pi}{2n+1}Y_{n}^{'}$$ when n=m, Y'n being the value of Yn at the pole of Qn, and since there is no electric displacement within the sphere,

or, as it is more convenient to write it,

By symmetry, the corresponding values of G and H are

These values, however, do not satisfy the condition

If, however, we add to F the term $$\frac{2\mu ep}{3R}$$, this condition will be satisfied; while, since the term satisfies Laplace's equation, the other conditions will not be affected: thus we have finally

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 for points outside the sphere,

{{MathForm2|(2)|$$\left.\begin{array}{ll} F & =\frac{\mu ep}{5}\left(\frac{5R^{2}}{6}-\frac{a^{2}}{2}\right)\frac{d^{2}}{dx^{2}}\frac{1}{R}+\frac{2\mu ep}{3R}\\ \\G & =\frac{\mu ep}{5}\left(\frac{5R^{2}}{6}-\frac{a^{2}}{2}\right)\frac{d^{2}}{dx\ dy}\frac{1}{R}\\ \\H & =\frac{\mu ep}{5}\left(\frac{5R^{2}}{6}-\frac{a^{2}}{2}\right)\frac{d^{2}}{dx\ dz}\frac{1}{R}\end{array}\right\} $$}}

Now, by 'Electricity and Magnetism,' § 634, T the kinetic energy

in our case,

Now

substituting for F and $$\frac{df}{dt}$$

since the term

evidently vanishes.

Transforming to polars and taking the axis of x as the initial line, the above integral

By transforming to polars, as before, we may show that this

Similarly,

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 $$\therefore T$$, the kinetic energy due to the electrification

Hence, if m be the mass of the sphere, the whole kinetic energy

or the effect of the electrification is the same as if the mass of the sphere were increased by $$\tfrac{4}{15}\tfrac{\mu e^{2}}{a}$$, or, if V be the potential of the sphere, by $$\tfrac{4}{15}\mu K^{2}V^{2}a$$.

To form some idea of what the increase of mass could amount to in the most favourable case, let us suppose the earth electrified to the highest potential possible without discharge, and calculate the consequent increase in mass. According to Dr. Macfarlane's experiments, published in the Philosophical Magazine for December 1880, the electric force in air at ordinary temperatures and pressures must not exceed $$3\times10^{12}$$ (electromagnetic system of units). The electric force just outside the sphere is V/a; hence the greatest possible value of V is $$3\times10^{12}a$$, where a is the radius of the earth. Putting this value for V, μ=1, $$K=\tfrac{1}{9\cdot10^{20}}$$, $$a=6\cdot4\times10^{8}$$, we get for the corresponding value of the increase of mass $$7\times10^{8}$$ grms., or about 650 tons, a mass which is quite insignificant when compared with the mass of the earth.

For spheres of different sizes, the greatest increase in mass varies as the cube of the radius; hence the ratio of this increase to the whole mass of the sphere is constant for all spheres of the same material; for spheres of different materials the ratio varies inversely as the density of the material.

If the body moves so that its velocities parallel to the axes of x, y, z respectively are p, q, r, then it is evident that the effect of the electrification will be equivalent to an increase of $$\tfrac{4}{15}\mu K^{2}V^{2}a\left(p^{2}+q^{2}+r^{3}\right)$$ in the mass of the sphere.

§ 3. To find the magnetic force produced by the moving sphere at any point in the field. By equations (2) we have, for points outside the sphere,

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Now if α, β, γ be the components of the magnetic induction at the point (x, y, z),

Hence we see, by symmetry, that if the sphere move with velocity q parallel to the axis of y, the corresponding values would be

and if it moved with velocity r parallel to the axis of z, the corresponding values would be

Hence, if p, q, r be the components of the velocity of the centre of the sphere parallel to the axes of x, y, z respectively, the components of magnetic induction are

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 or they may also be written

{{MathForm2|(4)|$$\left.\begin{array}{ll} \alpha & =\frac{\mu e}{R^{3}}(q(z-\zeta)-r(y-\eta)),\\ \\\beta & =\frac{\mu e}{R^{3}}(r(x-\xi)-p(z-\zeta)),\\ \\\gamma & =\frac{\mu e}{R^{3}}(p(y-n)-q(x-\xi)),\end{array}\right\} $$}}

Comparing these expressions with those given by Ampere for the magnetic force produced by a current, we see that the magnetic force due to the moving sphere is the same as that produced per unit length of a current whose intensity is $$\mu e\sqrt{p^{2}+q^{2}+r^{2}}$$, situated at the centre of the sphere, the direction of the positive current coinciding with the direction of motion of the sphere. The resultant magnetic force produced by the sphere at any point is $$\omega\mu e\sin\epsilon/\rho^{2}$$, ω being the velocity of the sphere, and ε the angle between the direction of motion of the sphere and the radius vector ρ drawn from the centre of the sphere to the point; the direction of the force is perpendicular both to the direction of motion of the sphere and the radius vector from the centre of the sphere to the point; and the direction of the force and the direction of motion are related to each other like translation and rotation in a right-handed screw.

It may be useful to form a rough numerical idea of the magnitude of the greatest magnetic force which could be produced by a moving charged sphere. The greatest value of the force $$=\mu KVa\omega/\rho^{2}$$, where a is the radius and V the potential of the sphere. Now if F be the greatest electric force which can exist without discharge, the greatest value of V is Fa. According to Mr. Macfarlane's experiments F is, roughly speaking, about $$3\times10^{12}$$, $$\mu K=\tfrac{1}{9\times10^{20}}$$; substituting these values, the greatest value of the magnetic force becomes $$\tfrac{1a^{2}\omega}{3p^{2}10^{8}}$$. Now $$\frac{a}{\rho}$$ cannot be greater than unity; so the greatest value of the force is $$\omega/3\times10^{8}$$. If the sphere were attached to an arm of such length that it described a metre in each complete revolution of the arm, and if the arm were to make 100 revolutions a second, ω would equal 104, and the greatest magnetic force would be $$1/3\times10^{4}=.000033$$. Prof. Rowland, in his experiments on the magnetic effects of electric convection, measured a magnetic force only about one tenth of this.

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 The result we have just obtained (viz. that a moving body charged with electricity produces the effect of an electric current) shows that Prof. Rowland's experiments on electric convection are in agreement with Maxwell's theory.

§ 4. The fact that a moving body charged with electricity produces a vector-potential in the field through which it is moving, suggests a possible theory of the cause of the green phosphorescence observed in vacuum-tubes at the places where the molecular streams strike the glass, different from that put forward by Mr. Crookes. It will be seen from the above work that the moving particle produces a vector-potential whose value depends on the velocity of the moving body. Now, when a particle strikes the glass directly, its velocity is reversed and the vector-potential changes sign; thus during the short time occupied by the collision the vector-potential must be changing very rapidly. But any change in the vector-potential produces a corresponding electromotive force, and thus the glass against which the molecules impinge is subjected to a rapidly varying electromotive force. But this, if Maxwell's electromagnetic theory of light be true, is exactly what it is subjected to when a beam of light falls upon it, which we know is the ordinary method of exciting phosphorescence. Stokes's law, that the period of the vibrations exciting the phosphorescence is smaller than the period of the emitted light, compels us to assume that at some period of the collision the velocity of the moving particle is changing at a greater rate than the rate of vibration of green light: in our present state of knowledge, however, there seems nothing impossible in this. This, too, would explain the following difficulty: — Since we have every reason for supposing the discharge in a vacuum-tube to be discontinuous, the vector-potential due to electricity moving through the tube will vary, producing a varying electromotive force all over the tube; another varying electromotive force will be produced by the action of the charge on the electrodes. Now it may be asked, why, if the above theory be true, does not this variable electromotive force make the whole tube phosphoresce, instead of the phosphorescence being confined to the places where the molecular streams strike the glass. But Spottiswoode and Moulton have proved (see Phil. Trans, for 1879, part 2) that the time occupied by the negative discharge is greater than the time occupied by the particles in going the length of the tube. Hence, even if we made the extravagant assumption that these molecules travel with a velocity as great as that of light, the time of discharge, and consequently the period of the electromotive force, would be greater than the period of vibration of light whose

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 wave-length was the length of the tube, and so, by Stokes's law, could not produce a luminous phosphorescence.

It may be useful to form a rough estimate of the electromotive force which could be produced by a moving particle.

By equation (1) we see, if the particle be moving parallel to the axis of x with velocity p, that the greatest value of F at a point distant R from the centre of the particle is

$$\mu p\left(\frac{1}{R}-\frac{a^{2}}{5R^{3}}\right)$$.

Now the greatest value of e, as before, is $$K\times3\times10^{12}\times a^{2}$$,

$$\mu K=\frac{1}{9\times10^{20}}$$;

hence the greatest value of F at the surface of the particle

$$=\frac{3\times4\times10^{12}pa}{5\times9\times10^{20}}$$.

Now during the collision let us represent p by p0 cos kr, where $$\frac{2\pi}{k}$$ is less than the period of vibration of green light; R must be therefore at least $$3\times10^{15}$$; for a particle of air a is of the order 10-7. Substituting, we get

$$\frac{dF}{dt}=-\frac{4\times10^{5}}{15\times10^{20}}Rp_{0}\sin Rt$$;

or the maximum value of $$\frac{dF}{dt}$$ is

$$\frac{4\times3\times10^{20}}{15\times10^{20}}p_{0}=\frac{4}{5}p_{0}$$

Now at present we know nothing about p0; but it must be very much greater than the mean velocity of the air-molecules, which is about $$5\times 10^{4}$$; if we substitute this value for it, we get the maximum value of $$\tfrac{dF}{dt}$$ or the maximum electromotive force to be about $$4\times 10^{4}$$, or about $$\tfrac{1}{2500}$$ of a volt per centimetre. Now, for sunlight the maximum electromotive force is about 6 volts per centimetre (Maxwell's 'Electricity and Magnetism,' § 793); and when we consider the immense number of particles which must be striking the glass at each instant, we have no difficulty in conceiving that the magnitude of the electromotive force due to the moving particle may be sufficient to cause phosphorescence. To show the rapidity with

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 which these electromotive forces diminish with the distance, we will take the case of a particle stopped by a screen at a distance of $$\tfrac{1}{100}$$ of a millimetre from the glass, and compare the electromotive force at the glass with the electromotive force which would be produced at the glass if there were no screen. By substituting in the formula giving the electromotive force, we find that the electromotive force at the glass when the screen is present is only about $$\tfrac{1}{10000}$$ of what it is when the screen is away; and as the intensity of the phosphorescence will vary as the square of the electromotive force, we see that when the screen is present the phosphorescence is quite imperceptible. This explains an experiment of Goldstein's, in which he coated the glass with a layer of collodion whose thickness he estimated at a few hundredths of a millimetre, and found the glass behind quite black.

§ 5. To find the effect produced by a magnet on a moving electrified sphere. To do this we shall calculate the kinetic energy of the system; we can then, by means of Lagrange's equations, calculate the force on the sphere.

Let α, β, γ be the components of magnetic induction, α1, β1, γ1 the components of magnetic force; if A, B, C be the components of magnetization,

$$\alpha=\alpha_{1}+4\pi A,\quad\beta=\beta_{1}+4\pi B,\quad\gamma=\gamma_{1}+4\pi C$$.

The kinetic energy of the system

$$=\frac{1}{8\pi}\int\int\int\left(\alpha\alpha_{1}+\beta\beta_{2}+\gamma\gamma_{1}\right)dx\ dy\ dz$$.

To get the force on the sphere due to the magnet, we only want that part of the kinetic energy which involves both the coordinates of the sphere and the coordinates of the magnet. We may write the kinetic energy as

$$\frac{1}{8\pi}\int\int\int\left(\alpha^{2}+\beta^{2}+\gamma^{2}-4\pi\alpha A-4\pi\beta B-4\pi\gamma C\right)dx\ dy\ dz$$.

Let F', G', H' be the components of the vector-potential due to the magnet alone; then, by equation (4),

$$\left.\begin{array}{ll} \alpha & =\mu e\left(r\frac{d}{dy}\frac{1}{R}-q\frac{d}{dz}\frac{1}{R}\right)+\frac{dH'}{dy}-\frac{dG'}{dz},\\ \\\beta & =\mu e\left(p\frac{d}{dz}\frac{1}{R}-r\frac{d}{dx}\frac{1}{R}\right)+\frac{dF'}{dz}-\frac{dH'}{dx},\\ \\\gamma & =\mu e\left(q\frac{d}{dx}\frac{1}{R}-p\frac{d}{dy}\frac{1}{R}\right)+\frac{dG'}{dx}-\frac{dF'}{dy}.\end{array}\right\} $$

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 The part of the kinetic energy we are concerned with will evidently be

Let us take the first integral first, and take the term depending on p; this is

$$\frac{\mu ep}{4\pi}\int\int\int\frac{d}{dz}\frac{1}{R}\left(\frac{dF'}{dz}-\frac{dH'}{dx}\right)-\frac{d}{dy}\frac{1}{R}\left(\frac{dG'}{dx}-\frac{dF'}{dy}\right)dx\ dy\ dz$$.

Integrating by parts this becomes

The surface-integrals are to be taken over the surface of the sphere; and the triple integral is to be taken throughout all space exterior to the sphere.

If the sphere be so small that we may substitute for the values of F', $$\frac{dF'}{dx}$$, &c. at the surface their values at the centre of the sphere, the first surface-integral $$=\mu epF'_{1}$$, where $$F'_1$$ is the value of $$F'$$ at the centre of the sphere; the second surfaceintegral vanishes, and the triple integral also vanishes, since

$$\frac{d^{2}}{dx^{2}}\frac{1}{R}+\frac{d^{2}}{dy^{2}}\frac{1}{R}+\frac{d^{2}}{dz^{2}}\frac{1}{R}=0$$

and

$$\frac{dF'}{dx}+\frac{dG'}{dy}+\frac{dH'}{dz}=0$$.

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 The part depending on p in the second integral

$$=-\frac{\mu ep}{2}\int\int\int\left(B\frac{d}{dz}\frac{1}{R}-\frac{Cd}{dy}\frac{1}{R}\right)dx\ dy\ dz$$,

or (see Maxwell's 'Electricity and Magnetism,' § 405)

$$=-\frac{\mu ep}{2}F'_{1}$$.

Adding this to the term $$epF'_{1}$$ already obtained, we get $$\tfrac{\mu ep}{2}F'_{1}$$ as the part of the kinetic energy depending on p. We have evidently similar expressions for the parts of the kinetic energy depending on q and r. Hence the part of the kinetic energy with which we are concerned will

$$=\frac{\mu e}{2}\cdot\left(F'_{1}p+G'_{1}q+H'_{1}r\right)$$.

By Lagrange's equations, the force on the sphere parallel to the axis of x

Similarly, the force parallel to the axis of y

the force parallel to the axis of z

$$=\frac{\mu e}{2}\left(pb_{1}-qa_{1}\right)$$

where a1, b1, c1 are the components of magnetic induction at the centre of the sphere due to the external magnet. These forces are the same as would act on unit length of a conductor at the centre of the sphere carrying a current whose components are $$\tfrac{\mu ep}{2}$$, $$\tfrac{\mu eq}{2}$$, $$\tfrac{\mu er}{2}$$. The resultant force is perpendicular

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 to the direction of motion of the sphere and to the magnetic induction; and if ω be the resultant velocity of the sphere, and θ the angle between the direction of motion of the sphere and the direction of magnetic induction, the magnitude of the force

It will be useful to endeavour to calculate the magnitude of this force on a particle of air moving in a vacuum-tube; although our knowledge of the magnitude of several of the quantities involved is so vague that our result must only be looked upon as showing that the force is of an order great enough to produce appreciable effects, and must not be looked upon as having any quantitative value.

Let us suppose that the mass of a molecule of air is 10-22 (C.G.S. system); that a, the radius of the molecule, =10-7; that, as before, $$e=K\times3\times10^{12}a^{2}=K\times3\times10^{-2}$$ (this quantity is probably enormously underrated); and as we know nothing about the velocity of the charged particles, let us assume it to be the mean velocity of the air-molecules, viz. $$4\times10^{-5}$$. We shall suppose the vacuum-tube placed in a magnetic field whose strength is 103. Then, by the formula, the acceleration of the particle of air when the magnetic force is at right angles to its path is about 107; this acceleration would produce a deflection of about 2 millims. per decimetre of path, a deflection which could easily be observed. We know from the experiments of Mr. Crookes and others that a magnet produces very decided deflections of the molecular streams; and the direction of the deflections (see Phil. Trans. 1879, part 1, pp. 154 & 156) agrees with that given by formulae (5), if we suppose that the particles projected from the negative pole are negatively charged.

§ 6. Let us now calculate the expression given by Maxwell's theory for the force between two charged moving particles.

Let u, v, w be the components of the velocity of the centre of one of the particles, u', v', w' those of the other; let R denote the distance between the particles, e the charge on one of the particles, e' the charge on the other; let r denote the distance of a point from the centre of the first particle, r' the distance of the same point from the centre of the second particle. We shall suppose, for the sake of simplicity, that the particles are very small; we shall calculate the kinetic energy of the system and deduce the forces between the particles by means of Lagrange's equations.

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 The kinetic energy

$$=\frac{1}{2}\int\int\int\left(F\frac{df}{dt}+G\frac{dg}{dt}+H\frac{dh}{dt}\right)dx\ dy\ dz$$.

Now

with similar expressions for G and H.

with similar expressions for $$\tfrac{dg}{dt}$$ and $$\tfrac{dh}{dt}$$. Since the particles are supposed to be very small, we shall neglect those terms in F which depend on a² and a'².

The part of the kinetic energy we are concerned with involves the product ee': let us first calculate that part of it arising from the product of that part of F due to e with that part of $$\tfrac{df}{dt}$$ due to e'. We shall take the line joining the particle as the axis of x; and for brevity we shall denote $$\tfrac{\mu ee'}{24\pi}$$ by σ.

The coefficient of uu' in the part of the kinetic energy we are considering

 * $$=\sigma\int\int\int\left(\frac{d^{2}}{dx^{2}}\frac{1}{r}+\frac{4}{r^{3}}\right)r^{2}\frac{d^{2}}{dx^{2}}\frac{1}{r'}dx\ dy\ dz$$.

Now, for values of r > R,

Now, since

$$\frac{d^{n}}{dx^{n}}\frac{1}{r}=(-)^{n}\frac{n\ !}{r^{n+1}}Q_{n}$$,

where Qn is a zonal harmonic of the nth order; and since the product of two harmonics of different degrees integrated over

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 the surface of a sphere vanishes, we may substitute in the integral $$\tfrac{d^{2}}{dx^{2}}\tfrac{1}{r}$$ for $$\tfrac{d^{2}}{dx^{2}}\tfrac{1}{r'}$$; then, transforming to polars, the integral

for values of r < R,

$$\frac{1}{r'}=\frac{1}{R}+\frac{rQ_{1}}{R^{2}}+\frac{rQ_{2}}{R^{3}}+\dots$$.

Now $$r^{n}Q_{n}$$ is a solid harmonic of the nth order; hence $$\tfrac{d^{2}}{dx^{2}}\left(r^{n}Q_{n}\right)$$ is a solid harmonic of the (n-2)th order; and in particular $$\tfrac{d^{2}}{dx^{2}}\left(r^{4}Q_{4}\right)$$ is a solid harmonic of the second order; and, by the same reasoning as before, we may substitute in the integral $$\tfrac{1}{R^{5}}\tfrac{d^{2}}{dx^{2}}\left(r^{4}Q_{4}\right)$$ for $$\tfrac{d^{2}}{dx^{2}}\tfrac{1}{r'}$$. Now

So for values of r < R the integral becomes

Adding this to the part of the integral for r > R, we get for the coefficient of uu' ,$$\tfrac{8\sigma\pi}{R}$$. The coefficients of uv' and uw' vanish by inspection.

The coefficient of vv'

$$=\sigma\int\int\int r^{2}\frac{d^{2}}{dx\ dy}\frac{1}{r}\frac{d^{2}}{dx\ dy}\frac{1}{r'}dx\ dy\ dz$$.

Now when r > R we may, by the same reasoning as before, substitute $$\tfrac{d^{2}}{dx\ dy}\tfrac{1}{r}$$ for $$\tfrac{d^{2}}{dx\ dy}\tfrac{1}{r'}$$, in the integral, and it becomes

$$\sigma\int\int\int\frac{9r^{2}x^{2}y^{2}}{r^{10}}dx\ dy\ dz$$,

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 or transforming to polars,

For values of r < R we may, by the same reasoning as before, substitute $$\tfrac{1}{R^{5}}\tfrac{d^{2}}\left(r^{4}Q_{4}\right)$$ in the integral for $$\tfrac{d^{2}}{dx\ dy}\tfrac{1}{r'}$$. Now

$$\frac{d^{2}}{dx\ dy}\left(r^{4}Q_{4}\right)=-12xy$$;

making this substitution, the integral becomes

Hence, adding this to the part previously obtained for values of r > R, we see that the coefficient of vv' from $$F\tfrac{df}{dt}$$ is zero, and, similarly, the coefficient of ww' from this part of the integral vanishes.

Let us now take the terms arising from $$\int\int\int G\tfrac{dg}{dt}dx dy dz$$, and take, as before, the part arising from the product of that part of G due to e with the part of $$\tfrac{dg}{dt}$$ due to e'. The coefficient of uu' in this part will be the same as the coefficient of vv' in the former part, and so will vanish.

The coefficient of vv'

$$=\sigma\int\int\int\left(r^{2}\frac{d^{2}}{dy^{2}}\frac{1}{r}+\frac{4}{r}\right)\frac{d^{2}}{dx^{2}}\frac{1}{r'}dx\ dy\ dz$$.

Now for values of r > R we may, as before, substitute $$\tfrac{d^{2}}{dy^{2}}\tfrac{1}{r}$$ for $$\tfrac{d^{2}}{dy^{2}}\tfrac{1}{r'}$$; and it becomes

$$=\sigma\int\int\int r^{2}\left(\frac{3y^{2}-r}{r}\right)^{2}dx\ dy\ dz$$.

By transforming to polars, as before, this may be shown to be

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 $$\tfrac{16\sigma\pi}{5}$$. For values of r R, we get for the coefficient of vv',

$$\frac{5\sigma\pi}{R}$$.

As before, the coefficients of uv', vu', uw', &c. disappear by inspection.

The coefficient of ww'

$$=\sigma\int\int\int r^{2}\frac{d^{2}}{dy\ dz}\frac{1}{r}\frac{d^{2}}{dy\ dz}\frac{1}{r'}dx\ dy\ dz$$;

substituting, for values of r > R, as before $$\tfrac{d^{2}}{dy\ dz}\tfrac{1}{r}$$ for $$\tfrac{d^{2}}{dy\ dz}\tfrac{1}{r'}$$ for in the integral, it becomes

$$\sigma\int\int\int\frac{9y^{2}z^{2}}{r^{8}}dx\ dy\ dz$$,

which, by transforming to polars, may be shown to be $$\tfrac{12\sigma\pi}{5R}$$. For values of r < R we may, as before, substitute $$\tfrac{1}{R^{5}}\tfrac{d^{2}}{dy\ dz}\left(r^{4}Q_{4}\right)$$ for $$\tfrac{d^{2}}{dy\ dz}\tfrac{1}{r'}$$ in the integral. Now

$$\frac{d^{2}}{dy\ dz}\left(r^{4}Q_{4}\right)=3yz$$.

On making this substitution, the integral

$$=\frac{\sigma}{R^{5}}\int\int\int\frac{9y^{2}z^{2}}{r^{3}}dx\ dy\ dz=\frac{3\sigma\pi}{5R}$$.

Adding this to the part obtained before, we get for the coefficient of ww',

$$\frac{12\sigma\pi}{5R}+\frac{3\sigma\pi}{5R}$$, or $$3\sigma\pi$$.

From the part of $$\int\int\int H\tfrac{dh}{dt}dx\ dy\ dz$$ which arises from that part of H due to e and that part of $$\tfrac{dh}{dt}$$ due to e', we can see,

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 by the preceding work, that the coefficient of uu' is zero; the coefficient of vv', 3σπ; and the coefficient of ww', 5σπ. Adding, we get the whole kinetic energy due to the vector-potential arising from e and the electric displacement arising from e'

We can get that part of the kinetic energy due to the vector-potential arising from e' and the electric displacement from e by writing e' for e, and u', v', w' for u, v, w respectively. Hence, that part of the kinetic energy which is multiplied by ee'

$$=\frac{8\pi\sigma}{R}(uu'+vv'+ww')$$;

or, substituting for σ its value,

$$=\frac{\pi ee'}{3R}(uu'+vv'+ww')$$.

Or if q and q' be the velocities of the spheres, and ε the angle between their directions of motion, this part of the kinetic energy

$$=\frac{\mu ee'}{3R}qq'\cos\epsilon$$,

and the whole kinetic energy due to the electrification

If x, y, z be the coordinates of the centre of one sphere, x', y', z' those of the other, we may write the last part of the kinetic energy in the form

$$\frac{\mu ee'}{3R}\left(\frac{dx}{dt}\frac{dx'}{dt}+\frac{dy}{dt}\frac{dy'}{dt}+\frac{dz}{dt}\frac{dz'}{dt}\right)$$.

By Lagrange's equations, the force parallel to the axis of x acting on the first sphere

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Rh the conquered in outlying places, where men are not under so much constraint; and shall await with some interest the unfolding of their scheme.

In conclusion, I wish it to be thoroughly understood that I am not defending the acts of individuals. I, in common with other bushmen, am regretfully compelled to admit that deeds of blood curdling atrocity have been committed by white men, but parallel acts are to be found in the history of the subjugation of any barbarous nation; and my object in writing is to condemn the wholesale slander of the whole white race in the colony for the acts of the few.—Yours, &c., Brisbane, May 4. —Queenslander, May 8, 1880.

,—It may be owing to the "obtuseness of my moral sense" that I fail to fully appreciate the beauties of the scheme propounded in the Queenslander of the 8th instant; but I must frankly confess to a feeling of disappointment. I hoped that at any rate some better elaborated idea than the mere substitution of white troopers for black would have been suggested, but, although it is but a ha'porth of bread to an intolerable deal of sack, we will take it thankfully. What will be the result of employing white police instead of black? Let us see. They are "to consist of course of good bushmen:" that looks exceedingly nice upon paper, but where are you going to get your good bushmen? From my experience of them you would find few good bushmen willing to become policemen, and fewer still willing to join a force that has lately been manned by the black boys; but that has nothing to do with the theory of the plan, which is wrong from the start, and evidently broached in entire ignorance of the real facts of the question. To anyone who has had any hand in black repression, the calm statement that white police should be used for the purpose is so wildly absurd that it seems like tilting at a windmill to reply seriously to it. No doubt there are many parts of the outside country where white police could be made use of—assisted by black trackers—with some reasonable show of overhauling the natives they were in pursuit of, but only in some parts; in the generality of districts we must have savages to hunt savages, and that fact is tacitly recognised by every man who knows anything about it, and will be, in spite of a thousand columns of words in the Queenslander. But, having captured the offender what are our white police to do with him? Follow the example of the South Australian Government, and have him taken, at great expense to the country, to the metropolis, confined in comfortable quarters in a gaol, and at the expiration of his twelve months present him with a new suit of clothes and a tomahawk, and send him on his way rejoicing, ready for more crime; or tie him up and flog him, or give him a short and easy shrift with a pistol bullet? Surely the Queenslander need not have been so vague in indicating the nature of the punishment to be dealt out. Then, again, another outcome of adopting the system advocated by the Queenslander is so plain and palpable that it is strange it should have escaped the notice of the writer. The Queenslander says "the officers in command should be compelled to report their operations," &c., &c.; now what would be tile result of this? For some fancied or real grievance a man would report his officer for undue severity, or some humane station-holder would do it, if a favourite black boy got punished, the officer would probably be cautioned or reprimanded, and if a wise man, would—the next time he had to go in pursuit of an offending tribe—take good care he never caught them. Cattle slaughtering and shepherd killing would go on with impunity, because the officer in charge of the district would have the fear of the gallows before him if he used decisive measures to stop it. As for he cowardice displayed in shooting blacks as a punishment, it would be as just to call the judge who passes sentence of death a coward, or the members of a firing party at a military execution cowards. No doubt the old tale of individual atrocities will be raked up, but, as I said before, with that I have nothing to do—they can be found anywhere. I maintain that the blacks require shooting, and it is better to get the work done by blacks than by whites; one you cannot degrade lower than he is already; the other you possibly may (following on the line of argument pursued by the Queenslander). But the scheme mooted is so vague and ill-defined, and is altogether such a lame and impotent conclusion to the blare of trumpets that heralded it in, that it is hard to criticise. Any one who has had experience of several districts knows that in many places whites are useless at black hunting; if the writer of the article had ever tried following blacks through mangroves, or in a basalt wall, he would know so too. That a better plan could be worked out than that in vogue at present, I admit, but

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 with similar expressions for the components of the force parallel to the axes of y and z.

From this we see that if q1 be the acceleration of the second sphere, the forces on the first sphere are an attraction $$\tfrac{\mu ee'}{3R^{2}}qq'\cos\epsilon$$ along the line joining the centres of the spheres, a force $$\tfrac{\mu ee'}{3R}q_{1}$$ in the direction opposite to the acceleration of the second sphere, and a force $$\tfrac{\mu ee'}{3R}q_{1}\tfrac{d}{dt}\left(\tfrac{1}{R}\right)$$ in the direction opposite to the direction of motion of the second sphere. There are, of course, corresponding forces on the second sphere; and we see that, unless both spheres move with equal uniform velocities in the same direction, the forces on the two spheres are not equal and opposite. If we suppose that the two spheres are moving with uniform velocities q in the same direction, the repulsion between them is $$\tfrac{ee'}{K\cdot R^{2}}\left(1-\tfrac{\mu Kq^{2}}{3}\right)$$; or if c be the velocity of light in the medium through which they are moving, the repulsion $$=\tfrac{ee'}{KR^{2}}\left(1-\tfrac{q^{2}}{3c^{2}}\right)$$. Hence, if the repulsion between two electrified particles is to be changed into an attraction by means of their motion, their velocities must exceed $$\sqrt{3c}$$; hence we should expect the molecular streams in a vacuum-tube to repel each other, as we could not suppose that the velocity of the particles forming these streams is as great as that of light; and Mr. Crookes has, in fact (see Phil. Trans. 1879, part ii.), experimentally determined that they do repel each other.

It is remarkable that the law of force between two moving charged particles, which we have deduced from Maxwell's theory, agrees with that assumed by Clausius, in his recent researches on Electrodynamics (see Phil. Mag. Oct. 1880); but it differs from Weber's well-known law materially. According to Weber's law, the force does not depend on the actual velocities of the particles, but only on their velocity relative to each other, whereas, according to the laws we have investigated, the forces depend on the actual velocities of the particles as well as on their relative velocities: thus there is a force between two charged particles moving with equal velocities in the same direction, in which case, of course, the relative velocity is nothing. It must be remarked that what we have for convenience called the actual velocity of the particle is, in fact, the velocity of the particle relative to the medium through which it is moving : thus, in equation (6), q, q' are the velocities of the first and second particles respectively relative to the medium whose magnetic permeability is μ.

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 Clausius, in the paper previously referred to, explains the various phenomena produced by currents by means of this law of force, and the hypothesis that a current consists of streams of opposite electricities moving in opposite directions. Now, since the expressions we have obtained for the force between the particle do not depend on the specific inductive capacity of the medium, but only on its magnetic permeability, if we make this assumption about the nature of a current, it follows from Maxwell's theory that the electrodynamic phenomena produced by a current of given strength do not depend on the specific inductive capacity of the surrounding medium, though they do depend on its magnetic permeability.

Faraday, in his 'Experimental Researches' (§ 1709 and onwards), describes some experiments which he made to determine whether altering the surrounding medium produced any change in the electromagnetic action of a current. The result of the experiments was that he was unable to detect any such change; but in his experiments, though the specific inductive capacities of the various media tried were very different, their magnetic permeabilities were all of them very nearly unity.

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Talk:A Little Pretty Pocket-book/Boys and Girls come out to Play

what is the meaning of the words "Swains" and "Errours"?


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Rh I do not think any of us see a way as yet; the question is too knotty, and by the time it is solved the blackfellow will be a thing of the past—and a good job too. As for the expense of the force proposed, why it would simply amount to keeping the nucleus of a small standing army; the men would be ruined by long spells of idleness, and when called upon for the work required would be found wanting. The constant saddle work that makes the outside stockman a wiry tireless being, able to outdo any blackfellow on his native heath, would be omitted in the case of our ideal policeman, who would find the chase very fatiguing after the first day or two.

Unless the Queenslander is able to evoke some better idea than the mere substitution of white for black troopers, it had better leave the matter to be settled in the natural way—and the survival of the fittest.—Yours &c.,

Queenslander May 15 1880.

,—In the Queenslander of the 8th instant is a letter signed "Never Never" in which the writer endeavors to justify the system upon which our Native Police force is conducted. I should be very sorry to believe that the writer actually believes one-half of what he has written, for if he does he ought to be locked up as a would-be murderer of the most dangerous description. It seems to me to betray a singular "obliquity of moral vision" when a man can casually refer to the wholesale murder of aborigines which is daily going on as a fair subject for doing a paragraph after the "big gooseberry" style during the "silly season." And yet, sir, the most distressing fact is that "Never Never's" letter very fairly embodies the spirit and sentiment of a large number of those who take active part in pioneer settlement. Even presuming the blacks have committed every enormity that is possible, is it not horrible and monstrous that the shedding of human blood should come to be regarded so lightly? Like "Never Never" I, too, have lived among blacks in a newly-settled district, and my experience is that blacks, like whites, have among them both good and bad, and that any wholesale massacre of them such as is daily perpetrated is as unjust as it is horrible in the sight of God and man. Are there ten men in Brisbane who really understand the working of our Native Police? How many among us understand the euphemistic word "dispersal?" Can they know that it means this?—A white man, "an officer and a gentleman," at the head of some half-dozen black murderers, watches a camp of blacks all night. The cool dawn of the morning comes, and the slender smoke circles up among the trees by the waterhole as the unsuspecting blacks wake to prepare their morning meal. Suddenly a shrill whistle, then the sharp rattle of Sniders, shriek on shriek, rushing to and fro: then, ammunition gone, the struggle at close quarters, and well-fed lusty savages, drunk with carnage, hewing down men, women, and children before them. How long shall these things be? for that they exist no dweller in outside country can deny. Are they not the theme of discussion by every camp fire in the Western land? And though much must be deducted for exaggeration, "where there is smoke there is fire." Why do the Native Police never take white men with them who might afterwards appear as witnesses against them? Surely this one fact should show that their deeds are evil. Is there a record in the Chief Commissioner's office in which any sub-inspector boldly says that he and his "boys" deliberately shot a certain number of blacks? Why, if all is right, should the truth not be openly stated? Why should we be unable to learn from official records what the public servants are doing? If it is advisable that, as a colony, we should indulge in wholesale murder of the race we ace dispossessing, let us have the courage of our opinions and murder openly and deliberately—calling it murder, not "dispersal." I hope I have said enough to attract attention to the loathsome and horrible system of dealing with our blacks that we as a colony have hitherto sanctioned. I have known gentlewomen in the bush who refused to allow officers of the Native Police to enter their doors, or share the generous hospitality accorded to every deserving wayfarer. Surely, sir, when a pure-minded gentlewoman need shudder to let herself or her children come in contact with a police officer there must be something particularly disgusting in his usual avocation. How is it that our police hardly ever bring to justice white men who offend against blacks? Do those of us who have lived in outside districts know of no outrages committed by whites? No black boys (servants who get no wages) brutally flogged and ill used? No young women forcibly abducted from the tribe for purposes I dare not mention here? When I think of the nameless deeds of horror that I have heard discussed openly by many a camp fire, I

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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Didymium

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Didymium


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Didymus

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Didymus


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Didymus Chalcenterus


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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Die (France)


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Rh can scarcely control my indignation and write calmly. How long shall the present state of things exist; how long shall we, the people of Queensland, have men in our employ carrying out our orders for extermination—"Slay, and spare not"—against our dark-skinned and weaker brethren? In a future letter, with your permission, sir, I will formulate a scheme which will at anyrate be an improvement on the present system of Native Police.—Yours, &c.,

—Queenslander, May 15, 1880.

,—In last week's issue you allowed me to give my views on the very unfortunate relations that at present exist between the Native Police and the aborigines; in this issue I shall endeavour, with your permission, to formulate a better system of dealing with the miserable remnant of a fast decaying race; and, though even in my system there must be much that can be objected to, I maintain that it would be better for all concerned than the present state of things. In dealing with the subject two ends must be carefully kept in view—first, the implanting of as much good as possible in the blacks; second, the repression of evil and the protection of white settlers. Now amongst us white settlers we have many extremely objectionable people who are ranked under the generic term of "loafers"—men who have nothing to do, or, when they have, don't do it. When white "loafers" get a nuisance to society, we interfere and compel them to work, otherwise we very justly punish them. Why not adopt the same course towards the blacks wherever we find that they have become "loafers?" Settlement pushing out has taken from them their former means of livelihood; their waterholes are utilised by the whites, and they are now "without visible means of support;" to all intents and purposes they are "rogues and vagabonds." Rogues and vagabonds very often make good workmen when they are forced to work. My experience is that with blacks, as with whites, idleness is at the root of most of the evil committed, therefore I say make the blacks work. This is what I wish to insist on first of all, afterwards I will show the way to find them work. They are in as low a state as they can well be—starved, miserable, abject, wandering about with hatred in their hearts, looking on at a foreign race calmly enjoying their former possessions. We have taken their all, let us not make a miserable pretence of soft-heartedness; let us treat them as "loafers," and set about finding them honest employment where they will have no time to hatch mischief. Now, as to the means of making the blacks work, my idea is this: Every year brings large numbers of South Sea Islanders to Queensland. These islanders are transported from their homes, brought here and bound down by engagement for a period of years. Should they leave their hired service within the period for which they are engaged, the law steps in and protects the employer. Why can the same system with some modification not be adopted with aborigines? Everyone who has lived among our blacks knows that they are of little use for any sustained work until they are out of their own district, or, as bushman often remark, "a nigger is no good till you get him off his beat." If employers of labor on the coast could send inland, say to the Diamantina or Herbert, I am confident that they would have little difficulty in recruiting the blacks and getting them to engage for a term of years out of their district. Once get the blacks out of their own district, and it would rest with the employer to make them work; some harshness would no doubt be necessary (as I am told is also the case with Kanakas), but I firmly believe that firmness combined with kindness, and the low rate of wages that the blacks would be paid, would make the employment of aboriginal labor a payable speculation. In India and Ceylon some of the coolies in their natural state, and whnu first recruited, seem almost as hopeless as our own blacks, but still strict discipline and justice seldom fail in improving their condition and making them profitable servants. It is shown by the present system of black police that blacks can be voluntarily enlisted and brought to a fairly efficient state of discipline; could this not be achieved without putting carbines and other murdering tools in their hands? How would it be to have the same discipline, substituting a spade for a Snider, or a hoe for a Colt? In Ceylon there are certain regiments or divisions of "pioneers." These are natives officered by whites who speak their language, and keep them in a high state of efficiency. These men (also women and children) receive certain pay and allowances, live in camp, and are kept hard at work upon Government works. The discipline is severe, as severe as that of an army in wartime, but it is found to act well. Why can we not give this system a rial? Even if the colony suffered loss by it, would it not be

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 FAMOUS LIVING AMERICANS


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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Die (art)

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Die (art)


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 WITH PORTRAITS

EDITED BY MARY GRIFFIN WEBB EDNA LENORE WEBB

PUBLISHED BY GREENCASTLE, INDIANA 1915


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 Goldar, John (1729-1795). . . 73 Goldesburg, Goldesborough, or Gouldsborough, John (1568-1618) 73 Goldicutt, John ( 1793-1842). ... 73 Goldie or Goudie, John (1717-1809). . 74 Golding, Arthur (1536 P-1605?) ... 75 Golding, Benjamin, M.D. (1793-1863). . 77 Golding, Richard (1785-1865) ... 77 Goldman, Rev. Francis (d. 1689). See Gouldman. Goldnev, Philip (1802-1857) .... 78 Goldsborough, Godfrey, D.D. (1548-1604). 79 Goldsborough, Sir John (d. 1693). . .79 Goldsborough, Richard (1821-1886). . 80 Goldschmidt, Jenny Lind (1821-1887). See Lind. Goldsmid, Abraham (1756 P-1810). . 80 Goldsmid, Anna Maria (1805-1889). See under Goldsmid, Sir Isaac Lyon. Goldsmid, Benjamin (1753P-1808). See under Goldsmid, Abraham. Goldsmid, Sir Francis Henry (1808-1878). 81 Goldsmid, Henry Edward (1812-1855). . 82 Goldsmid, Sir Isaac Lyon (1778-1859). . 83 Goldsmith, Francis (1613-1655) ... 84 Goldsmith, Hugh Colvill (1789-1841). . 84 Goldsmith, Lewis (1763?-! 846) ... 85 Goldsmith, Oliver (1728-1774) ... 86 Goldstuecker, Theodor (1821-1872). . 95 Goldwell, James (d. 1499) .... 96 GoldweU, Thomas (d. 1585) .... 97 Goldwin or Golding, John (d. 1719). . 99 Golightlv, Charles Pourtales (1807-1885). 100 Gomersall, Robert (1602-1646?). . .101 Gomm, Sir William Maynard (1784-1875). 101 Gomme, Sir Bernard de (1620-1685). . 103 Gompertz, Benjamin (1779-1865). . .104 Gompertz, Lewis (d. 1861). . . .105 Gondibour or Goudibour. Thomas (fl. 1484). 105 Gonell, William (d. 1546 ?). . . .106 Gonvile, Edmund (d. 1351). . . .106 Gooch, Benjamin ( fl. 1775). . . .107 Gooch, Sir Daniel (1816-1889). . .107 Gooch, Robert, M.D. (1784-1830). . .108 Gooch, Sir Thomas, D.D. (1674-1754). .109 Good, John Mason (1764-1827). . .110 Good, Joseph Henry (1775-1857). . .111 Good, Thomas (1609-1678). . . .112 Good, Thomas Sword (1789-1872). . .112 Good, William (1527-1586). . . .113 Goodacre. Hugh (d. 1553). . . .114 Goodal, Walter (1706 P-1766). See Goodall. Goodall, Charles, the younger (1671-1689). See under Goodall, Charles, M.D. Goodall, Charles, M.D. (1642-1712). . 114 Goodall, Charlotte ( ft. 1784-181")- US Goodall, Edward (1795-1870; . . .115 Goodall, Frederick Trevelyan (1848-1871) . 116 Goodall, Howard (1850-1S74) . . .116 Goodall, Joseph (1760-1840) . . . .116 Goodall, Samuel Granston (d. 1801) . . 116 Goodall, Thomas (1767-1832?) . . .117 Goodall, Walter (1706 ?-1766) . . .118 Goodall, Walter (1830-1889) . . . .119 Goodcole, Henry (1586-1641) . . .119 Goode, Francis"(1797?-1842). . . .119 Goode, William, the elder (1762-1816) . . 120 Good<, William, D.D., the younger (1801- ) 120 Gooden, James (1670-1730) . . . .121 Gooden, Peter (d. 1695) 121 Goodenough, Edmund (1785-1845) . . 122 PAGE Goodenough, James Graham (1830-1875) . 122 Goodenough, Richard ( fl. 1686) . . .124 Goodenough, Samuel (1743-1827) . . .124 Goodere, Samuel (1687-1741) . . . .125 Goodford, Charles Old (1812-1884) . . 126 Goodgroome, John (1630 ?-1704?) . . .127 Goodhugh, William (1799 ?-1842) . . .127 Goodinge, Thomas (1746-1816) . . .127 Goodman, Cardell or Cardonnell (1649 ?- ) 128 Goodman, Christopher (1520 ?-1603) . . 128 Goodman, Gabriel (1529 ?-1601) . . .130 Goodman, Godfrey (1583-1656) . . .131 Goodman, Sir Stephen Arthur (d. 1844) . 134 Goodrich, Richard (d. 1562) . . . .134 Goodrich or Goodricke, Thomas, D.D. (d. ) 135 Goodricke, Sir Henry (1642-1705) . . 136 Goodricke, John (1764-1786) . . . .137 Goodsir, John (1814-1867) . . . .137 Goodson, Richard, the elder (d. 1718) . . 139 Goodson, Richard, the younger (d. 1741). See under Goodson, Richard, the elder. Goodsonn, William (fl. 1634-1662) . . 140 Goodwin, Arthur (1593 P-1643) . . .141 Goodwin, Charles Wycliffe (1817-1878) . . 142 Goodwin, Christopher (fl. 1542) . . . 143 Goodwin, Francis (1784-1835) . . .143 Goodwin, George (fl. 1620) . . . .144 Goodwin, James Ignatius (1603 P-1667) . 144 Goodwin, John (1594 P-1665) . . .145 Goodwin, Philip (d. 1699) . . . .148 Goodwin, Thomas, D.D. (1600-1680) . . 148 Goodwin,Thomas, the younger (1650?-1716 ?). See under Goodwin", Thomas, D.D. Goodwin or Godwin, Timothy (1670 ?- ) 150 Goodwin, William, D.D. (d. 1620) . . .150 Goodwyn, Edmund, M.D. (1756-1829) . . 151 Goodyear, Joseph (1799-1839) . . .151 Googe, Barnabe (1540-1594) . . . .151 Gookin, Daniel (1612 P-1687) . . .152 Gookin, Robert (d. 1667). See under Gookin, Vincent. Gookin, Sir Vincent (1590 P-1638) . . .154 Gookin, Vincent (1616 P-1659) . . .154 Goold, Thomas (1766 P-1846) . . . .155 Goran us, Gabhran (538-560 ?) . . .156 Gordon, Sir Adam de (d. 1305). See Gurdon. Gordon, Sir Adam de (d. 1333) . . .156 Gordon, Sir Adam de (d. 1402) . . .157 Gordon, Lord Adam (1726 P-1801) . . 158 Gordon, Adam Lindsay (1833-1870) . .158 Gordon, Alexander, third Earl of Huntly (d. ) 158 Gord*n, Alexander f1516?-1575) . . . 15'J Gordon, Alexander, eleventh or twelfth Earl of Sutherland (1552-1594). See tinder Gordon, Jonn, tenth or eleventh Earl of Sutherland. Gordon, Alexander (1587-1654). . .161 Gordon, Sir Alexander (1650-1726). . 162 Gordon, Alexander, second Duke of Gordon (1678P-1728) 163 Gordon, Alexander (1692 9-1754?). .164 Gordon, Sir Alexander (1786-1815). .166 Gordon, Alexander, fourth Duke of Gordon (1745P-1827) 167 Gordon, Andrew (1712-1751). . .167 Gordon, Archibald, M.D. (1812-1886). .168 Gordon, Charles, first Earl of Aboyne (d. ) 168


text:
Executive Order 10360

By virtue of the authority vested in me as President of the United States, it is ordered that paragraph 1(a) of Executive Order No. 9781 of September 19, 1946, be, and it is hereby, amended to read as follows:

This order supersedes (1) Executive Order No. 9990 of August 21, 1948, which enlarged the membership of the Air Coordinating Committee by including a representative of the Treasury Department, and (2) the letter of the President to the Chairman of the National Security Resources Board dated September 27, 1950, which requested that a representative of such Board be designated as a non-voting member of the Air Coordinating Committee.

, June 11, 1952.

title: Executive Order 10360


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Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 22.djvu/127

  lecturer from 1853 to 1857. He died very suddenly 13 Aug. 1868. For some years Goode was editor of the ‘Christian Observer,’ and became the recognised champion of the so-called evangelical party in the Anglican church. He was the author of a large number of tracts, pamphlets, letters, and speeches upon the church-rate question, the Gorham case, and the whole tractarian movement.

His chief works are: 1. ‘Memoir of the Rev. W. Goode, M.A.,’ 2nd edition, 1828, 8vo. 2. ‘The Modern Claims to the Possession of the extraordinary Gifts of the Spirit, stated and examined,’ &c., 2nd edition, 1834, 8vo. 3. ‘A Brief History of Church Rates, proving the Liability of a Parish to them to be a Common-Law Liability,’ &c., 2nd edition, 1838, 8vo. 4. ‘The Divine Rule of Faith and Practice,’ 2 vols. 1842, 8vo, and again revised and enlarged in 3 vols. 1853, 8vo. This is an ‘expansion of Chillingworth's doctrine that the Bible alone is the religion of protestants,’ supported by a systematic collection of church authorities, and is perhaps the most learned exposition of distinctively evangelical theology. 5. ‘Tract XC. historically refuted; or a Reply to a Work by the Rev. F. Oakeley, entituled “The subject of Tract XC. historically examined,”’ 1845, 8vo, 2nd edition, 1866. 6. ‘The Doctrine of the Church of England as to the effects of Baptism in the case of Infants. With an Appendix containing the Baptismal Services of Luther and the Nuremberg and Cologne Liturgies,’ 1849, 8vo; 2nd edition, 1850. 7. ‘A Vindication of the Doctrine of the Church of England on the Validity of the Orders of the Scotch and Foreign Non-Episcopal Churches,’ in three pamphlets, &c., 1852, 8vo. 8. ‘The Nature of Christ's Presence in the Eucharist, or the Doctrine of the Real Presence vindicated in opposition to the fictitious Real Presence asserted by Archdeacon Denison, Mr. (late Archdeacon) Wilberforce, and Dr. Pusey,’ 2 vols., 1856, 8vo. A supplement to this appeared in 1858. 9. ‘Fulfilled Prophecy. A Proof of the Truth of Revealed Religion, being the Warburtonian Lectures for 1854–8,’ 1863, 8vo.

 GOODEN, JAMES (1670–1730), jesuit, born in Denbighshire in 1670, was educated in the college at St. Omer, entered the novitiate at Watten in 1689, and was professed of the four vows 2 Feb. 1706–7. For several years he taught philosophy and mathematics at Liège, and he filled the office of rector of the college of St. Omer from 14 March 1721–1722 till 15 April 1728, when he became superior of the house of probation at Ghent. He died at St. Omer on 11 Oct. 1730.

His works are: 1. ‘Anathemata Poetica serenissimo Walliæ Principi Jacobi regis … filio recens nato sacra, offerebant ad ejusdem Principis pedes prostratæ musæ Audomarenses,’ St. Omer, 1688, 4to (composed by Gooden and G. Killick). 2. ‘Trigonometria plana et sphærica, cum selectis ex astronomia Problematis,’ Liège, 1701, 12mo.

 GOODEN, PETER (d. 1695), controversialist, probably a son of Peter Gooden of New Hall, Pendleton, near Manchester, was educated in the English College at Lisbon, and after being ordained priest was sent back to England upon the mission, in company with Edward Barlow, alias Booth [q. v.] He appears first to have been chaplain to the Middletons at Leighton Hall, near Lancaster. About 1680 he removed to Aldcliffe Hall, the seat of the seven daughters of Robert Dalton, esq. In this mansion Gooden ‘kept a sort of academy or little seminary for educating of youth, who were afterwards sent to popish colleges abroad to be trained as priests.’ After the accession of James II, he was appointed chaplain to the Duke of Berwick's regiment, and during that reign he had frequent conferences with Stillingfleet, William Clagett [q. v.], and other learned divines of the church of England. ‘No man,’ says Dodd, ‘was better qualified to come off with reputation in a personal conference,’ as ‘he was naturally bold and intrepid, had a strong voice, a ready utterance, and generally made choice of such topics as afforded him matter to display his eloquence.’ The revolution of 1688 obliged him to retire to his old abode at Aldcliffe Hall, where he died on 29 Dec. 1695.

He published: 1. ‘The Controversial Letters on the Grand Controversy, concerning the pretended temporal authority of the Popes over the whole earth; and the true Sovereignty of kings within their own respective kingdoms; between two English Gentlemen, the one of the Church of England, and the other of the Church of Rome,’ 2nd edit. 1674, 8vo. This was against Thomas Birch, who was vicar of Preston, Lancashire, from 1682 till his death in 1700. 2. ‘The Sum of the Conference had between two Divines of the Church of England and two Catholic


text: Talk:Executive Order 10360

title: Talk:Executive Order 10360


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 ITH the possible exception of Andrew Carnegie and Theodore Roosevelt, there is no man in America today whose name is known to so many different persons and in so many different parts of the world as is the name of Booker T. Washington, principal and founder of the industrial school for negroes in the little, quaint, old-fashioned, ante-bellum town of Tuskegee, Alabama, and author of Up From Slavery, a book which has been translated into all of the languages of Europe. Booker T. Washington was born some time about 1858 or 1859—he is himself not quite sure of the date—on a slave plantation near Hale's Ford, in Franklin county, Virginia. His mother, who went by the name of "Aunt Jane," was the plantation cook. His father was a white man; Booker Washington never knew him, or, if he did, never claimed him. When his master, whose name was Burroughs, died, some time during the Civil War, an inventory was made of his property. A copy of this inventory is still in the possession of the Burroughs family. It contains, among others, the names of the slave, "Booker," his mother, brother, a sister, and some other more distant relatives. At that time Booker Washington, who is now regarded as one of the world's "most useful citizens," was valued at the conservative sum of $300. His brother John, who was considered the more promising of the two, was valued at $400. The United States has been called the "land of opportunities," and the twentieth century has inherited from the nineteenth the legend of an amazing progress, and of the miraculous rise from poverty to prosperity, from obscurity to greatness, of many of its most important citizens; but surely there is in America no other instance of a man, who, starting so low has risen so high, none whose personal history more completely illustrates the possibilities of American life at the end of the nineteenth century, as that of the man who, born a


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594 within the region of instinct and feeling. Social control arises, for the most part spontaneously, in direct response to personal influences and public sentiment. It is the result of a personal accommodation rather than the formulation of a rational and abstract principle.

The church, the school, and the family.—In a great city, where the population is unstable, where parents and children are employed out of the house and often in distant parts of the city, where thousands of people live side by side for years without so much as a bowing acquaintance, these intimate relationships of the primary group are weakened and the moral order which rested upon them is gradually dissolved.

Under the disintegrating influences of city life most of our traditional institutions, the church, the school, and the family, have been greatly modified. The school, for example, has taken over some of the functions of the family. It is around the public school and its solicitude for the moral and physical welfare of the children that something like a new neighborhood and community spirit tends to get itself organized.

The church, on the other hand, which has lost much of its influence since the printed page has so largely taken the place of the pulpit in the interpretation of life, seems at present to be in process of readjustment to the new conditions.

 * It is important that the church, the school, and the family should be studied from the point of view of this readjustment to the conditions of city life.

 * What changes have taken place in recent years in the family sentiments? in the attitudes of husbands toward wives? of wives toward husbands? of children toward parents, etc.?

 * What do the records of the juvenile and morals courts indicate in regard to this matter?

 * In what regions of social life have the mores on the subject of the family life changed?

 * To what extent have these changes taken place in response to the influences of the city environment?

 * Similarly investigations might be carried on with reference to the school and the church. Here, too, there is a changed attitude and changed policy in response to a changed environment. This is important because it is, in the last analysis, upon these institutions in which the immediate and vital interests of life find a corporate expression that social organization ultimately rests.

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596 was desirable at least to master the facts of the case before they spoke. In vain. Then I proposed subjects for essays, and offered prizes for verses. I discovered, to my amazement, that, among all the thousands of these young people, lads and girls, there was not discoverable the least rudimentary indication of any literary power whatever. In all other towns there are young people who nourish literary ambitions, with some measure of literary ability. How should there be any in this town, where there were no books, no papers, no journals, and, at that time, no free libraries ? "

In the immigrant colonies which are now well established in every large city, foreign populations live in an isolation which is different from that of the population of East London, but in some respects more complete.

The difference is that each one of these little colonies has a more or less independent political and social organization of its own, and is the center of a more or less vigorous nationalist propaganda. For example, each one of these groups has one or more papers printed in its own language. In New York City there are 270 publications, most of them supported by the local population, printed in 23 different languages. In Chicago there are 19 daily papers published in 7 foreign languages with a combined daily circulation of 368,000 papers.

Under these conditions the social ritual and the moral order which these immigrants brought with them from their native countries have succeeded in maintaining themselves for a considerable time under the influences of the American environment. Social control, based on the home mores, breaks down, however, in the second generation.

We may express the relation of the city to this fact in general terms by saying that the effect of the urban environment is to intensify all effects of crisis.

"The term 'crisis' is not to be understood in a violent sense. It is involved in any disturbance of habit. There is a crisis in the boy's life when he leaves home. The emancipation of the negro and the immigration of the European peasant are group crises. Any strain or crisis involves three possible changes: greater fitness, reduced efficiency, or death. In biological terms, 'survival' means successful adjustment to crisis, accompanied typically by a modification of structure. In man it means mental stimulation and greater intelligence, or mental depression, in case of failure."

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598 United States. Reform has in fact become a kind of popular "indoor sport." The reforms thus effected, almost without exception, involve some sort of restriction or governmental control over activities that were formerly "free" or controlled only by the mores and public opinion.

The effect of this extension of what is called the police power has been to produce a change, not merely in the fundamental policy of the law, but in the character and standing of the courts.

The Juvenile and Morals courts illustrate a change which is perhaps taking place elsewhere. In these courts the judges have assumed something of the functions of administrative officers, their duties consisting less in the interpretation of law than in prescribing remedies and administering advice intended to restore delinquents brought before them to their normal places in society.

A similar tendency to give judges a wide discretion and to impose upon them a further responsibility is manifest in those courts which have to deal with the technical affairs of the business world, and in the growth in popularity of commissions in which judicial and administrative functions are combined, for example, the Interstate Commerce Commission.

In order to interpret in a fundamental way the facts in regard to social control it is important to start with a clear conception of the nature of corporate action.

Corporate action begins when there is some sort of communication between individuals who constitute a group. Communication may take place at different levels; that is, suggestions may be given and responded to on the instinctive, senso-motor, or ideo-motor levels. The mechanism of communication is very subtile, so subtile, in fact, that it is often difficult to conceive how suggestions are conveyed from one mind to another. This does not imply that there is any special form of consciousness, any special sense of kinship or consciousness of kind, necessary to explain corporate action.

In fact it has recently been shown that in the case of certain highly organized and static societies, like that of the well-known ant, probably nothing that we would call communication takes place.

"It is a well-known fact that if an ant be removed from a nest and afterward put back it will not be attacked, while almost invariably an ant belonging to another nest will be attacked. It has been customary to use the words memory, enmity, friendship, in describing this fact. Now Bethe made the following experiment. An ant was placed in the liquids (blood and lymph) squeezed out from the bodies of nest companions and was then put back into

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600 ::It should be the aim of these investigations to distinguish not merely the causes of these changes, the direction in which they are moving, but also the forces that are likely to minimize and neutralize them. For example, it is important to know whether the motives which are at present multiplying the positive restrictions on the individual will necessarily go as far in this country as they have already done in Germany. Will they eventually bring about a condition approaching socialism?

Commercialized vice and the liquor traffic.—Social control, under the conditions of city life, can, perhaps, be best studied in its attempts to stamp out vice and control the liquor traffic.

The saloon and the vice establishments have come into existence as a means of exploiting appetites and instincts fundamental to human nature. This makes the efforts that have been made to regulate and suppress these forms of exploitation and traffic interesting and important as subjects of investigation.

Such an investigation should be based upon thorough study: (1) of the human nature upon which the commerce has been erected, (2) of the social conditions which tend to convert the normal appetites into social vices, (3) of the practical effects of the efforts to limit, control, and stamp out the vice traffic and to do away with the use and sale of liquor.

Among the things that we should desire to know are:

 * To what extent is the appetite for alcoholic stimulus a pre-natal disposition?

 * To what extent may such an appetite be transferred from one form of stimulation to another; that is, e.g., from whiskey to cocaine, etc.?

 * To what extent is it possible to substitute normal and healthful for pathological and vicious stimulations?

 * What are the social and moral effects of secret drinking?

 * Where a taboo is established early in life does it have the effect of idealizing the delights of indulgence? Does it do this in some cases and not in others? If so, what are the contributing circumstances? Do men suddenly lose the taste for liquor and other stimulants? What are the conditions under which this happens?

 * Many of these questions can be answered only by a study of individual experiences. Vices undoubtedly have their natural history like certain forms of disease. They may therefore be regarded as independent entities, which find their habitat in human environment, are stimulated by certain conditions, inhibited by others, but invariably exhibit through all changes a character that is typical.

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 602 of the fact that the form of government which had its origin in the town meeting and was well suited to the needs of a small community based on primary relations is not suitable to the government of the changing and heterogeneous populations of cities of three or four millions.

Much, of course, depends upon the character and size of the population. Where it is of American stock, and the number of voting citizens is not too great for thorough and calm discussion, no better school of politics can be imagined, nor any method of managing affairs more certain to prevent jobbery and waste, to stimulate vigilance and breed contentment. When, however, the town meeting has grown to exceed seven or eight hundred persons, and, still more, when any considerable section are strangers, such as Irish or French Canadians, who have latterly poured into New England, the institution works less perfectly because the multitude is too large for debate, factions are likely to spring up, and the immigrants, untrained in self-government, become the prey of wire pullers or petty demagogues.

For one thing, the problems of city government have become, with the growth and organization of city life, so complicated that it is no longer desirable to leave them to the control of men whose only qualification for handling them consists in the fact that they have succeeded in gaining office through the ordinary machinery of ward politics.

Another circumstance which has made the selection of city officials by popular vote impractical, under the conditions of city life, is the fact that, except in special cases, the voter knows little or nothing about the officials he is voting for; knows little or nothing about the functions of the office to which that official is to be elected; and, besides all the rest, is too busy elsewhere to inform himself about conditions and needs of the city as a whole.

At a recent election in Chicago, for example, voters were called upon to select candidates from a ballot containing 250 names, most of them unknown to the voters. Under these circumstances the citizen who wishes to vote intelligently relies on some more or less interested organization or some more or less interested adviser to tell him how to vote.

To meet this emergency, created primarily by conditions imposed by city life, two types of organization have come into

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604 "The conception of ' primitive society' which we ought to form is that of small groups scattered over a territory. The size of the groups is determined by the conditions of the struggle for existence. The internal organization of each group corresponds to its size. A group of groups may have some relation to each other (kin, neighborhood, alliance, connubium, and commercium) which draws them together and differentiates them from others. Thus a differentiation arises between ourselves, the we-group, or in-group, and everybody else, or the others-groups, out-groups. The insiders in a we-group are in a relation of peace, order, law, government, and industry, to each other. Their relation to all outsiders, or others-groups, is one of war and plunder, except so far as agreements have modified it.

"The relation of comradeship and peace in the we-group and that of hostility and war towards other-groups are correlative to each other. The exigencies of war with outsiders are what make peace inside, lest internal discord should weaken the we-group for war. These exigencies also make government and law in the in-group, in order to prevent quarrels and enforce discipline."

The politics of most great cities offers abundant materials for the study of the type represented by the political boss as well as the social mechanisms created by and embodied in the political machine. It is necessary, however, that we study them disinterestedly. Some of the questions we should seek to answer are:

 * What, as a matter of fact, is the political organization at any point within the city? What are the sentiments and attitudes and interests which find expression through it?

 * What are the practical devices it employs for mobilizing its forces and putting them into action?

 * What is the character of the party appeal in the different moral regions of which the city is made up?

 * How much of the interest in politics is practical and how much is mere sport?

 * What part of the cost of elections is advertising? How much of it can be classed as "educational publicity," and how much is pure graft?

 * To what extent, under existing conditions, particularly as we find them in great cities, can elections be practically controlled by purely technical devices, card catalogues, torch-light processions, spell binders—machinery?

 * What effect will the introduction of the referendum and recall have upon present methods of conducting elections in cities?

Advertising and social control.—In contrast with the political machine, which has founded its organized action on the local,

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606 In any attempt to understand the nature of public opinion and its relation to social control, it is important to investigate first of all the agencies and devices which have come into practical use in the effort to control, enlighten, and exploit it.

The first and the most important of these is the press, that is the daily newspaper and other forms of current literature including books classed as current.

After the newspaper, the bureaus of research which are now springing up in all the large cities are the most interesting and the most promising devices for using publicity as a means of control.

The fruits of these investigations do not reach the public directly, but are disseminated through the medium of the press, the pulpit, and other sources of popular enlightenment.

In addition to these there are the educational campaigns in the interest of better health conditions, the child-welfare exhibits, and the numerous "social advertising" devices which are now employed, sometimes upon the initiative of private societies, sometimes upon that of popular magazines or newspapers, in order to educate the public and enlist the masses of the people in the movement for the improvement of conditions of community life.

The newspaper is the great medium of communication within the city, and it is on the basis of the information which it supplies that public opinion rests. The first function which a newspaper supplies is that which was formerly performed by the village gossip.

In spite, however, of the industry with which newspapers pursue facts of personal intelligence and human interest, they cannot compete with the village gossips as a means of social control. For one thing, the newspaper maintains some reservations not recognized by gossip, in the matters of personal intelligence. For example, until they run for office or commit some other overt act that brings them before the public conspicuously, the private life of individual men or women is a subject that is for the newspaper taboo. It is not so with gossip, partly because in a small community no individual is so obscure that his private affairs escape observation and discussion; partly because the field

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608 but not knowing one another. The effect of this is to substitute fortuitous and casual relationship for the more intimate and permanent associations of the smaller community.

Under these circumstances the individual's status is determined to a considerable degree by conventional signs—by fashion and "front"—and the art of life is largely reduced to skating on thin surfaces and a scrupulous study of style and manners.

Not only transportation and communication, but the segregation of the urban population tends to facilitate the mobility of the individual man. The processes of segregation establish moral distances which make the city a mosaic of little worlds which touch but do not interpenetrate. This makes it possible for individuals to pass quickly and easily from one moral milieu to another and encourages the fascinating but dangerous experiment of living at the same time in several different contiguous, perhaps, but widely separated worlds. All this tends to give to city life a superficial and adventitious character; it tends to complicate social relationships and to produce new and divergent individual types. It introduces, at the same time, an element of chance and adventure, which adds to the stimulus of city life and gives it for young and fresh nerves a peculiar attractiveness. The lure of great cities is perhaps a consequence of stimulations which act directly upon the reflexes. As a type of human behavior it may be explained, like the attraction of the flame for the moth, as a sort of tropism.

The attraction of the metropolis is due in part, however, to the fact that in the long run every individual finds somewhere among the varied manifestations of city life the sort of environment in which he expands and feels at ease; finds, in short, the moral climate in which his peculiar nature obtains the stimulations that bring his innate qualities to full and free expression. It is, I suspect, motives of this kind which have their basis, not in interest nor even in sentiment, but in something more fundamental and primitive which draw many, if not most, of the young men and young women from the security of their homes in the country into the big, booming confusion and excitement of city life. In a small community it is the normal man, the man without eccentricity or genius, who seems most likely to succeed. The small community

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610 types of crime? For example, do professional burglars and professional confidence men represent different mental types?

What are the effects upon these different types of isolation and of mobility, of stimulus and of repression?

To what extent can playgrounds and other forms of recreation supply the stimulation which is otherwise sought for in vicious pleasures?

To what extent can vocational guidance assist individuals in finding vocations in which they will be able to obtain a free expression of their temperamental qualities?

The moral region.—It is inevitable that individuals who seek the same forms of excitement, whether that excitement be furnished by a horse race or by grand opera, should find themselves from time to time in the same places. The result of this is that, in the organization which city life spontaneously assumes, a disposition of the population manifests itself to segregate itself, not merely in accordance with its interests, but in accordance with its tastes or its temperaments. The resulting distribution of the population is likely to be quite different from that brought about by occupational interests or economic conditions.

Every neighborhood, under the influences which tend to distribute and segregate city populations, may assume the character of a "moral region." Such, for example, are the vice districts, which are found in most cities. A moral region is not necessarily a place of abode. It may be a mere rendezvous, a place of resort.

In order to understand the forces which in every large city tend to develop these detached milieus, in which vagrant and suppressed impulses, passions, and ideals emancipate themselves from the dominant moral order, it is necessary to refer to the fact or theory of latent impulses of men.

The fact seems to be that men are brought into the world with all the passions, instincts, and appetites, uncontrolled and undisciplined. Civilization, in the interests of the common welfare, demands the suppression sometimes, and the control always, of these wild, natural dispositions. In the process of imposing its discipline upon the individual, in making over the individual in accordance with the accepted community model, much is suppressed altogether, and much more finds a vicarious expression in forms that are socially valuable, or at least innocuous. It is at this point that sport, play, and art function. They permit the individual to purge himself by means of symbolic expression of these wild and suppressed impulses. This is the catharsis of which Aristotle wrote in his Poetic and which has been given

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612 of city life, is the fact that social contagion tends to stimulate in divergent types the common temperamental differences, and to suppress characters which unite them with the normal types about them. Association with others of their own ilk provides also not merely a stimulus, but a moral support for the traits they have in common which they would not find in a less select society. In the great city the poor, the vicious, and the delinquent, crushed together in an unhealthful and contagious intimacy, breed in and in, soul and body, so that it has often occurred to me that those long genealogies of the Jukes and the Tribes of Ishmael would not show such a persistent and distressing uniformity of vice, crime, and poverty unless they were peculiarly fit for the environment in which they are condemned to exist.

We must then accept these "moral regions" and the more or less eccentric and exceptional people who inhabit them, in a sense, at least, as part of the natural if not the normal life of a city.

Because of the opportunity it offers, particularly to the exceptional and abnormal types of man, a great city tends to spread out and lay bare to the public view in a massive manner all the characters and traits which are ordinarily obscured and suppressed in smaller communities. The city, in short, shows the good and evil in human nature in excess. It is this fact, perhaps, more than any other which justifies the view that would make of the city a laboratory or clinic in which human nature and social processes may be most conveniently and profitably studied.

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text: Talk:Executive Order 10438

title: Talk:Executive Order 10438


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 Rh Tuskegee. (Small and Maynard.) By Max Bennet Thrasher. Up from Slavery. (Doubleday, Page & Co.) By Booker T. Washington.

PERIODICALS Booker T. Washington and Tuskegee; a Southern Opinion. Outlook 67:629. Booker Washington's Personality. By Max Bennett Thrasher. Outlook 69:629. Exemplary Citizen. By William Dean Howells. North American Review 88 :280. Ostracized Race in Ferment. By Bay Stannard Baker. American 66:63. Why Booker Washington Has Succeeded in his Life Work. By Francis E. Leupp. Outlook 71 :326.


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title: Talk:Executive Order 10439


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 510 "Well, that simply makes the problem all the more interesting."

His unfailing humor, with which he so frequently disarms the criticism of those who oppose him, his inexhaustible good will, which has frequently made him the victim of self-seeking individuals, but has just as frequently converted an open enemy into a sincere friend and supporter, are the striking features of his mind and character.

Booker Washington has received many honors and made many friends among the best and most distinguished men in this country and in Europe. Harvard University, in 1897, conferred upon him the honorary degree of Master of Arts. He has been received, in spite of the fact that he was a negro, by the highest representations of the people at home and abroad. When he went abroad in 1912, he was entertained at dinner by the King of Denmark. He had previously, in company with Mrs. Washington, visited England in 1899, and had been received at Windsor Castle by Queen Victoria.

He has used all the influence and power which these distinctions have brought him for the single purpose of furthering the work to which he has devoted his life. His work is not yet done; but he has lived to see the program which he laid down in his Atlanta speech adopted by the best elements of both races in the South. As an old colored preacher once said speaking not of Booker Washington, but of one of the missionary teachers whom Booker Washington had sent out into one of the dark corners of the South: "It was midnight when he came here. Now it is daybreak."

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Little Journey to Tuskegee. By Elbert Hubbard.

Man Farthest Down. (Doubleday, Page & Co.) By Booker T. Washington.

My Larger Education. (Doubleday, Page & Co.) By Booker T. Washington.

Story of the Negro. (Doubleday, Page & Co.) By Booker T. Washington.


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 Rh The city plan, for example, establishes metes and bounds, fixes in a general way the location and character of the city's constructions, and imposes an orderly arrangement, within the city area, upon the buildings which are erected by private initiative as well as by public authority. Within the limitations prescribed, however, the inevitable processes of human nature proceed to give these regions and these buildings a character which it is less easy to control. Under our system of individual ownership, for instance, it is not possible to determine in advance the extent of concentration of population in any given area. The city cannot fix land values, and we leave to private enterprise, for the most part, the task of determining the city's limits and the location of its residential and industrial districts. Personal tastes and convenience, vocational and economic interests, infallibly tend to segregate and thus to classify the populations of great cities. In this way the city acquires an organization which is neither designed nor controlled. Physical geography, natural advantages, and the means of transportation determine in advance the general outlines of the urban plan. As the city increases in population, the subtler influences of sympathy, rivalry, and economic necessity tend to control the distribution of population. Business and manufacturing seek advantageous locations and draw around them a certain portion of the population. There spring up fashionable residence quarters from which the poorer classes are excluded because of the increased value of the land. Then there grow up slums which are inhabited by great numbers of the poorer classes who are unable to defend themselves from association with the derelict and vicious. In the course of time every section and quarter of the city takes on something of the character and qualities of its inhabitants. Each separate part of the city is inevitably stained with the peculiar sentiments of its population. The effect of this is to convert what was at first a mere geographical expression into a neighborhood, that is to say, a locality with sentiments, traditions, and a history of its own. Within this neighborhood the continuity of the historical processes is somehow maintained. The past imposes itself upon the present and the life of every locality moves on with a certain

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