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 solemnity of the unending, ugly, barren deserts, he was compelled to live within himself. Than January, 1893, arrived, when he happened on the True Blue, Sunbeam, and Lone Hand mines. He was alone when he discovered these, and hence the name "Lone Hand." These properties are near together, and were purchased by the Lone Hand Mining Company. The prospecting syndicate obtained £75,000 on the sale, of which Mr. Dunn gleaned a third according to agreement. The mines are promising, and should prove valuable in the near future. He managed and developed these properties from January until June, 1893, when the syndicate despatched another manager to take his place, and he was again able to prospect.

Going to the nearest centre Mr. Dunn obtained provisions and allowances sufficient to last ten months. He was determined to investigate some mysteries of the unknown wastes, and early in July bid adieu to white men and sallied forth. During previous tours he had observed some very promising country about twenty-eight miles north-west of Coolgardie, and he made his way there. The formation was diorite, and the contour of the locality suggested that gold existed in lucrative quantities. Thus experience and knowledge of geology, acquired over wide areas of Australia, led him to one of the most notable discoveries to be chronicled in the sensational history of gold mining on this continent. He carefully and exhaustively prospected for some days, and his eyes were held as by a magnet to the outcrops. In a little gully near his camp he was one day delighted to discover a charmed patch of 400 ozs. of alluvial gold. He took it to his camp, and searched high and low in every nook and corner for more of the yellow metal. Then he shifted his camp near to where he had been on a previous trip. Not letting one object in his surroundings escape him, he went to several outcropping reefs and broke and tested them. The 10th August came. It was a lucky day for him, for during his walks he saw what he named the famous "Wealth of Nations." It was quite close to his camp. There on an outcrop some feet high he was astonished and bewildered to see what has since been termed "a mountain of gold." He broke the cap of the reef, which was five feet high and nine feet thick, and obtained the "Honest John" specimen, which weighed 189 lbs., and contained 800 ozs. of gold, valued at £3,000. This is, perhaps, the most brilliant specimen found in quartz in all Australia. Gold glistened in the sunlight over the whole lode formation, and it took him but a short time to obtain the worth in gold of £22,000. The treasure disclosed to view was enough to hold him spellbound, and he well named it the "Wealth of Nations."

It was not an easy matter to get such riches in safe hands. When a man walks abroad without money he pursues his way quite unconsciously, but let him have some thousands of pounds worth of gold about him he imagines almost that trees have eyes, and that the birds of the air will disclose his secret to every passer-by. He is weighted with a grave responsibility. Mr. Dunn was naturally anxious to get so much gold into the bank at Coolgardie. He did not take it all at once, but hiding some, took little more than half, valued at £11,200, to that centre. Secretly stowing it in all sorts of places in the accoutrements of the camels, and even cutting water-bags and casting away precious fluid, he filled some of them. Then he approached Coolgardie. He did not choose to enter in the glaring light of day, but travelled quietly at night. The electrical mining camp was in its slumbers when he arrived in Bayley Street, and we can suppose that he rested not until the gold was placed in the hands of the Union Bank manager. A characteristic colloquy took place between the two gentlemen. Meanwhile, one Afghan was left in charge of the sensational find, and quickly taking out a lease, Mr. Dunn hurried back to the Wealth of Nations. He then removed the remaining gold, and was accompanied by his friend Mr. David Lindsay, the well-known explorer. A tremendous rush took place to the locality, and in three days 700 men were pegging out leases around the find. The silence of centuries was now broken by their clamour. Up till the end of September Mr. Dunn had charge of the mine. He proved the lode for sixteen chains by sinking several shafts. In each of these he obtained good gold. He had pegged out a twenty-four acre lease on the Wealth of Nations, and also two twelve-acre blocks adjoining. At the end of September it was put to him that he would either have to sell his whole interest in the claim or not sell at all. He took the former course, and obtained as his share £20,000. This with his third of the £22,000 worth of gold lodged in the bank made a handsome return for a few weeks' work. The Wealth of Nations was six months after purchased for £147,000, and afterwards floated. Mr. Dunn is firm in his belief of a prosperous future for the company.

Since then he has relinquished prospecting pursuits, and has taken up his abode in Victoria. At Elsternwick, near Melbourne he resides in a handsome mansion, which he has named "Lone Hand." He passes his time reporting on mines, which duties he has performed in New South Wales, Victoria, and over the Coolgardie fields. In the first-named he has purchased two promising mines at Wellington and Grafton.

For his services to exploration Mr. Dunn, some time after the discovery of the Wealth of Nations mine, was distinguished by being made a Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society. He considers Western Australia will eventually contain some of the leading gold fields in Australia, and believes that the water difficulty will be surmounted. Here, too, he says, he has observed wonderfully rich soils, and is sure that the potentialities of the colony are not nearly known. In conclusion, it is but just to add that Mr. Dunn has conferred lasting benefits on Western Australia. None will grudge him the wealth he has made in the colony. A man of energy and resource, and a splendid bushman, no difficulties thwarted him. In face of trials enough, and withdrawing himself completely from his friends, he elected to live long as a hermit. He was conscientious in his work, and has thus won the regard and respect of all sorts and conditions of people.

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 noble gentlemen often have such fancies, but you shall have your wish." The wife went into the kitchen, and began to wash and rub the potatoes, and to make them into balls, as they are eaten by the country-folks. Whilst she was busy with this work, the peasant said to the stranger, "Come into my garden with me for a while, I have still something to do there." He had dug some holes in the garden, and now wanted to plant some trees in them. "Have you no children," asked the stranger, "who could help you with your work?" "No," answered the peasant, "I had a son, it is true, but it is long since he went out into the world. He was a ne'er-do-well; sharp, and knowing, but he would learn nothing and was full of bad tricks, at last he ran away from me, and since then I have heard nothing of him."

The old man took a young tree, put it in a hole, drove in a post beside it, and when he had shovelled in some earth and had trampled it firmly down, he tied the stem of the tree above, below, and in the middle, fast to the post by a rope of straw. "But tell me," said the stranger, "why you don't tie that crooked knotted tree, which is lying in the corner there, bent down almost to the ground, to a post also that it may grow straight, as well as these?" The old man smiled and said, "Sir, you speak according to your knowledge, it is easy to see that you are not familiar with gardening. That tree there is old, and mis-shapen, no one can make it straight now. Trees must be trained while they are young." "That is how it was with your son," said the stranger, "if you had trained him while he was still young, he would not have run away; now he too must have grown hard and mis-shapen." "Truly it is a long time since he went away," replied the old man, "he must have changed." "Would you know him again if he were to come to you?" asked the stranger. "Hardly by his face," replied the peasant, "but he has a mark about him, a birth-mark on his shoulder, that looks like a bean." When he had said that the stranger pulled off his coat, bared his shoulder, and showed the peasant the bean. "Good God!" cried the old man, "thou art really my son!" and love for his child stirred in his heart. "But,"

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 BRACKENBURY, JOSEPH (1788–1864), poet, was born in 1788 at Langton, probably Lincolnshire, where he spent his early years. On 28 Oct. 1808 he was a student at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. In 1810 he published his 'Natale Solum and other Poetical Pieces' by subscription. In 1811 he proceeded B.A. (, Grad. Cant. p. 45); in 1812 he became chaplain to the Madras establishment, and returning after some years' service proceeded M.A. in 1819. From 1828 to 1856 he was chaplain and secretary to the Magdalen Hospital, Blackfriars Road, London. In 1862 he became rector of Quendon, Essex, and died there, of heart-disease, on 31 March 1864, aged 76.

BRACKLEY, THOMAS EGERTON, [See ].

BRACTON, BRATTON, or BRETTON, HENRY (d. 1268), ecclesiastic and judge, was author of a comprehensive treatise on the law of England. Three places have been conjecturally assigned as the birthplace of this distinguished jurist, viz. Bratton Clovelly, near Okehampton in Devonshire, Bratton Fleming, near Barnstaple in the same county, and Bratton Court, near Minehead in Somersetshire. The pretensions of Bratton Clovelly seem to rest entirely upon the fact that anciently it was known as Bracton. Sir Travers Twiss, in his edition of Bracton's great work, 'De Legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliæ,' inclines in favour of Bratton Fleming on the ground that one Odo de Bratton was perpetual vicar of the church there in 1212 (Rot. Lit. Pat. i. 93 b), when the rectory was conferred on William de Ralegh, a justice itinerant, whose roll, with that of Martin de Pateshull, Bracton is known to have had in his possession almost certainly for the purposes of his work. Bracton cites Ralegh's decisions less frequently indeed than those of Pateshull, whom he sometimes refers to with a familiarity which seems to imply personal intimacy, as 'dominus Martinus,' or simply Martinus (lib. iv., tract i., cap. xxvii., fol. 205 b, xxviii. fol. 207 b), but more frequently than those of any other judge. Ralegh was treasurer of Exeter in 1237. From these data, which it must be owned are rather slight, Sir Travers Twiss infers that Bracton stood to both Pateshull and Ralegh in the relation of a pupil, and that it was while the latter was rector of Bratton Fleming that he came into connection with him. Collinson, the historian of Somersetshire, is mistaken in affirming that Bracton, or Bratton, succeeded one Robert de Bratton, mentioned in the Black Book of the Exchequer as holding lands at Bratton, near Minehead, under William de Mohun, 12 Henry II (1166), and that he lies buried in the church of St. Michael in Minehead under a monument representing him in his robes, since it has been established by Sir Travers Twiss that Bracton was buried in the nave of Exeter Cathedral before an altar dedicated to the Virgin a little to the south of the entrance to the choir, at which a daily mass was regularly said for the benefit of his soul for the space of three centuries after his decease. At the same time, if Bracton was really a landowner in the neighbourhood of Minehead, a monument may have been put up to his memory by his relatives in the parish church there. It seems impossible to decide upon the claims of the three competing villages. Some uncertainty also exists as to the orthography of the judge's name, of which four principal varieties—Bracton, Bratton, Bretton, and Bryckton—are found. Bryckton may be dismissed without hesitation as corrupt, and Bretton is almost certainly a dialectical variety either of Bracton or Bratton. Between Bracton and Bratton it is less easy to decide. The form Bracton is held by Nichols to be a mere clerical error for Bratton, arising from the similarity between the tt and the ct of the thirteenth and fourteenth century handwriting. The passage cited by Sir Travers Twiss (i. x-xi, iii. liv-v) as evidence that the judge himself considered Bracton to be the correct spelling of his name appears rather to militate against that view. The passage in question refers to the fatal effect of clerical errors in writs. According to the reading of a manuscript (Rawlinson, c. 160, in the Bodleian Library) which, in Sir Travers Twiss's opinion (i. xxi, lii), has been faithfully copied from a manuscript older than any now extant (, ed. Twiss, iii. 212), the writer says that if a person writes Broctone for Bractone, or Bractone for Brattone, the writ is equally void. If any inference can be drawn from the passage, it would seem to be that, in the author's opinion, Brattone, and not Bractone, was the true form of the name. That it was so in fact seems to be as nearly proved as such a thing can be by a series of entries on the Fine Rolls extending from 1250 to 1267, i.e. during nearly the whole of Bracton's official life, and numbering nearly a hundred in all. While Bratton and Bretton occur with about equal frequency, no single instance of Bracton is discoverable in these rolls. Further, of five entries in Bishop Branscombe's register cited


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324 from the first to the eleventh, and did not see him. "When she did not see him from the twelfth either, she was full of anxiety and anger, and shut it down with such violence that the glass in every window shivered into a thousand pieces, and the whole castle shook.

She went back and felt the sea-hare beneath the braids of her hair. Then she seized it, and threw it on the ground exclaiming, "Away with thee, get out of my sight!" It ran to the merchant, and both of them hurried to the spring, wherein they plunged, and received back their true forms. The youth thanked the fox, and said, "The raven and the fish are idiots compared with thee; thou knowest the right tune to play, there is no denying that!"

The youth went straight to the palace. The princess was already expecting him, and accommodated herself to her destiny. The wedding was solemnized, and now he was king, and lord of all the kingdom. He never told her where he had concealed himself for the third time, and who had helped him, so she believed that he had done everything by his own skill, and she had a great respect for him, for she thought to herself, "He is able to do more than I."

192.—THE MASTER-THIEF.

day an old man and his wife were sitting in front of a miserable house resting a while from their work. Suddenly a splendid carriage with four black horses came driving up, and a richly-dressed man descended from it. The peasant stood up, went to the great man, and asked what he wanted, and in what way he could be useful to him? The stranger stretched out his hand to the old man, and said, "I want nothing but to enjoy for once a country dish; cook me some potatoes, in the way you always have them, and then I will sit down at your table and eat them with pleasure." The peasant smiled and said, "You are a count or a prince, or perhaps even a duke;


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 he added, "how canst thou be my son, thou hast become a great lord and livest in wealth and luxury? How hast thou contrived to do that?" "Ah, father," answered the son, "the young tree was bound to no post and has grown crooked, now it is too old, it will never be straight again. How have I got all that? I have become a thief, but do not be alarmed, I am a master-thief. For me there are neither locks nor bolts, whatsoever I desire is mine. Do not imagine that I steal like a common thief, I only take some of the superfluity of the rich. Poor people are safe, I would rather give to them than take anything from them. It is the same with anything which I can have without trouble, cunning and dexterity—I never touch it." "Alas, my son," said the father, "it still does not please me, a thief is still a thief, I tell thee it will end badly." He took him to his mother, and when she heard that was her son, she wept for joy, but when he told her that he had become a master-thief, two streams flowed down over her face. At length she said, "Even if he has become a thief, he is still my son, and my eyes have beheld him once more." They sat down to table, and once again he ate with his parents the wretched food which he had not eaten for so long. The father said, "If our Lord, the count up there in the castle, learns who thou art, and what trade thou followest, he will not take thee in his arms and cradle thee in them as he did when he held thee at the font, but will cause thee to swing from a halter." "Be easy, father, he will do me no harm, for I understand my trade. I will go to him myself this very day." When evening drew near, the master-thief seated himself in his carriage, and drove to the castle. The count received him civilly, for he took him for a distinguished man. When, however, the stranger made himself known, the count turned pale and was quite silent for some time. At length he said, "Thou art my godson, and on that account mercy shall take the place of justice, and I will deal leniently with thee. Since thou pridest thyself on being a master-thief, I will put thy art to the proof, but if thou dost not stand the test, thou must marry the rope-maker's daughter, and the croaking of the raven must be thy music on the occasion." "Lord count," answered the


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 master-thief, "Think of three things, as difficult as you like, and if I do not perform your tasks, do with me what you will." The count reflected for some minutes, and then said, "Well, then, in the first place, thou shalt steal the horse I keep for my own riding, out of the stable; in the next, thou shalt steal the sheet from beneath the bodies of my wife and myself when we are asleep, without our observing it, and the wedding-ring of my wife as well; thirdly and lastly, thou shalt steal away out of the church, the parson and clerk. Mark what I am saying, for thy life depends on it."

The master-thief went to the nearest town; there he bought the clothes of an old peasant woman, and put them on. Then he stained his face brown, and painted wrinkles on it as well, so that no one could have recognized him. Then he filled a small cask with old Hungary wine in which was mixed a powerful sleeping-drink. He put the cask in a basket, which he took on his back, and walked with slow and tottering steps to the count's castle. It was already dark when he arrived. He sat down on a stone in the court-yard and began to cough, like an asthmatic old woman, and to rub his hands as if he were cold. In front of the door of the stable some soldiers were lying round a fire; one of them observed the woman, and called out to her, "Come nearer, old mother, and warm thyself beside us. After all, thou hast no bed for the night, and must take one where thou canst find it." The old woman tottered up to them, begged them to lift the basket from her back, and sat down beside them at the fire. "What hast thou got in thy little cask, old lady?" asked one. "A good mouthful of wine," she answered. "I live by trade, for money and fair words I am quite ready to let you have a glass." "Let us have it here, then," said the soldier, and when he had tasted one glass he said, "When wine is good, I like another glass," and had another poured out for himself, and the rest followed his example. "Hallo, comrades," cried one of them to those who were in the stable, "here is an old goody who has wine that is as old as herself; take a draught, it will warm your stomachs far better than our fire." The old woman carried her cask into the stable. One of the soldiers had


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 seated himself on the saddled riding-horse, another held its bridle in his hand, a third had laid hold of its tail. She poured out as much as they wanted until the spring ran dry. It was not long before the bridle fell from the hand of the one, and he fell down and began to snore, the other left hold of the tail, lay down and snored still louder. The one who was sitting in the saddle, did remain sitting, but bent his head almost down to the horse's neck, and slept and blew with his mouth like the bellows of a forge. The soldiers outside had already been asleep for a long time, and were lying on the ground motionless, as if dead. When the master- thief saw that he had succeeded, he gave the first a rope in his hand instead of the bridle, and the other who had been holding the tail, a wisp of straw, but what was he to do with the one who was sitting on the horse's back? He did not want to throw him down, for he might have awakened and have uttered a cry. He had a good idea, he unbuckled the girths of the saddle, tied a couple of ropes which were hanging to a ring on the wall fast to the saddle, and drew the sleeping rider up into the air on it, then he twisted the rope round the posts, and made it fast. He soon unloosed the horse from the chain, but if he had ridden over the stony pavement of the yard they would have heard the noise in the castle. So he wrapped the horse's hoofs in old rags, led him carefully out, leapt upon him, and galloped off.

When day broke, the master galloped to the castle on the stolen horse. The count had just got up, and was looking out of the window. "Good morning. Sir Count," he cried to him, "here is the horse, which I have got safely out of the stable! Just look, how beautifully your soldiers are lying there sleeping; and if you will but go into the stable, you will see how comfortable your watchers have made it for themselves." The count could not help laughing, then he said, "For once thou hast succeeded, but things wou't go so well the second time, and I warn thee that if thou comest before me as a thief, I will handle thee as I would a thief." When the countess went to bed that night, she closed her hand with the wedding-ring tightly together, and the count said, "All the doors are locked and bolted, I will keep awake and


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 wait for the thief, but if he gets in by the window, I will shoot him." The master-thief, however, went in the dark to the gallows, cut a poor sinner who was hanging there down from the halter, and carried him on his back to the castle. Then he set a ladder up to the bedroom, put the dead body on his shoulders, and began to climb up. When he had got so high that the head of the dead man showed at the window, the count, who was watching in his bed, fired a pistol at him, and immediately the master let the poor sinner fall down, and hid himself in one comer. The night was sufficiently lighted by the moon, for the master to see distinctly how the count got out of the window on to the ladder, came down, carried the dead body into the garden, and began to dig a hole in which to lay it. "Now," thought the thief, "the favourable moment has come," stole nimbly out of his corner, and climbed up the ladder straight into the countess's bedroom. "Dear wife," he began in the count's voice, "the thief is dead, but, after all, he is my godson, and has been more of a scape-grace than a villain. I will not put him to open shame; besides, I am sorry for the parents. I will bury him myself before daybreak, in the garden that the thing may not be known, so give me the sheet, I will wrap up the body in it, and bury him as a dog buries things by scratching." The countess gave him the sheet. "I tell you what," continued the thief, "I have a fit of magnanimity on me, give me the ring too,—the unhappy man risked his life for it, so he may take it with him into his grave." She would not gainsay the count, and although she did it unwillingly she drew the ring from her finger, and gave it to him. The thief made off with both these things, and reached home safely before the count in the garden had finished his work of burying.

What a long face the count did pull when the master came next morning, and brought him the sheet and the ring. "Art thou a wizard?" said he, "Who has fetched thee out of the grave in which I myself laid thee, and brought thee to life again?" "You did not bury me," said the thief, "but the poor sinner on the gallows," and he told him exactly how everything had happened, and the


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 count was forced to own to him that he was a clever, crafty thief. "But thou hast not reached the end yet," he added, "thou hast still to perform the third task, and if thou dost not succeed in that, all is of no use." The master smiled and returned no answer. When night had fallen he went with a long sack on his back, a bundle under his arms, and a lantern in his hand to the village-church. In the sack he had some crabs, and in the bundle short wax-candles. He sat down in the churchyard, took out a crab, and stuck a wax-candle on his back. Then he lighted the little light, put the crab on the ground, and let it creep about. He took a second out of the sack, and treated it in the same way, and so on until the last was out of the sack. Hereupon he put on a long black garment that looked like a monk's cowl, and stuck a grey beard on his chin. When at last he was quite unrecognizable, he took the sack in which the crabs had been, went into the church, and ascended the pulpit. The clock in the tower was just striking twelve; when the last stroke had sounded, he cried with a loud and piercing voice, "Hearken, sinful men, the end of all things has come! The last day is at hand! Hearken! Hearken! Whosoever wishes to go to heaven with me must creep into the sack. I am Peter, who opens and shuts the gate of heaven. Behold how the dead outside there in the churchyard, ar wandering about collecting their bones. Come, come, and creep into the sack; the world is about to be destroyed!" The cry echoed through the whole village. The parson and clerk who lived nearest to the church, heard it first, and when they saw the lights which were moving about the churchyard, they observed that something unusual was going on, and went into the church. They listened to the sermon for a while, and then the clerk nudged the parson and said, "It would not be amiss if we were to use the opportunity together, and before the dawning of the last day, find an easy way of getting to heaven." "To tell the truth," answered the parson, "that is what I myself have been thinking, so if you are inclined, we will set out on our way." "Yes," answered the clerk, "but you, the pastor, have the precedence, I will follow." So the parson went first, and


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 192.] ascended the pulpit where the master opened his sack. The parson crept in first, and then the clerk. The master immediately tied up the sack tightly, seized it by the middle, and dragged it down the pulpit-steps, and whenever the heads of the two fools bumped against the steps, he cried, "We are going over the mountains," Then he drew them through the village in the same way, and when they were passing through puddles, he cried, "Now we are going through wet clouds," and when at last he was dragging them up the steps of the castle, he cried, "Now we are on the steps of heaven, and will soon be in the outer court." When he had got to the top, he pushed the sack into the pigeon-house, and when the pigeons fluttered about, he said, "Hark how glad the angels are, and how they are flapping their wings!" Then he bolted the door upon them, and went away.

Next morning he went to the count, and told him that he had performed the third task also, and had carried the parson and clerk out of the church. "Where hast thou left them?" asked the lord. "They are lying upstairs in a sack in the pigeon-house, and imagine that they are in heaven." The count went up himself, and convinced himself that the master had told the truth. When he had delivered the parson and clerk from their captivity, he said, "Thou art an arch-thief, and hast won thy wager. For once thou escapest with a whole skin, but see that thou leavest my land, for if ever thou settest foot on it again, thou may'st count on thy elevation to the gallows." The arch-thief took leave of his parents, once more went forth into the wide world, and no one has ever heard of him since.

193.—THE DRUMMER.

drummer went out quite alone one evening into the country, and came to a lake on the shore of which he perceived three pieces of white linen lying. "What fine


text:
Author:Robert Carruthers

Works

 * History of Huntingdon (1824)
 * The Poetry of Milton's Prose (1827)
 * The Highland Note-book, or Sketches and Anecdotes (1843)
 * The Life of Alexander Pope, with Extracts from his Correspondence (1857)
 * Chambers's Cyclopædia of English Literature (1843–4), co-authored with Robert Chambers

As editor

 * Journal of a Tour in the Hebrides by James Boswell (1851)
 * The Poetical Works of Alexander Pope (1853), in 4 vols.

Essays

 * "Literary Sketches and Parallels" in The Edinburgh Literary Journal (1831)

Contributions to EB1911

 * (in part)

title: Author:Robert Carruthers


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 by Sir Travers Twiss, four have Bratton and one Bracton. The deed of 1272 endowing a chantry for the benefit of his soul speaks of Henry de Bratton, and so does the deed of 1276 with a like object. This chantry, which existed until the reign of Henry VIII, seems to have been always known as Bratton's chantry. The earliest extant biographical notice of Bracton occurs in Leland's 'Commentarii de Scriptoribus Britannicis' (i. cap. cclxxvi.) He says he took it 'ex inscriptione libri Branomensis bibliothecæ.' Bale, in his 'Illustrium Majoris Britanniæ Scriptorum Catalogus,' appropriates his account very much as it stands, adding only that Bracton was of good family, that his university was Oxford, and that he was one of the justices itinerant before he became chief justice. The reference to the 'Branomensis bibliotheca' he suppresses, probably because he could make nothing of it. Tanner, who also repeats Leland, tries to emend the text by inserting 'edidit' after 'librum,' and appends the following note: '"In Bravionensis seu Wigorniensis bibliothecæ serie quadam legi memoriaque retinui." Ita legit MS. Lel. Trin.' It is clear that in any case the passage is corrupt. The subsequent biographers of Bracton until Foss do little more than repeat Bale's statements, and these are only very partially confirmed by the records. Dugdale mentions him as a justice itinerant in Nottinghamshire and Derbyshire in 1245, and places him in the commission of the following year for Northumberland, Westmoreland, Cumberland, and Lancashire. As he is described as a justice in the record of a fine levied in this year, preserved in the Register of Waltham Abbey (Harl MS. 391, fol. 71), in close connection with Henry de Bathonia and Jeremiah de Caxton, both justices of the Curia Regis, it is probable that he was then one of the regular justices. Against this, however, must be set the fact that the series of entries on the Fine Rolls to which reference has already been made does not begin until 1250. After 1246 Dugdale ignores him until 1260, from which date until 1267 he mentions him pretty frequently as a justice itinerant in the western counties. After 1267 all the records are silent as to his doings. During a portion of his career he seems to have stood well with the king; for in 1254 he had a grant by letters patent of the town house of the Earl of Derby, then recently deceased, during the minority of the heir, being therein designated 'dilecto clerico nostro.' In 1263-4 (21 Jan.) he was appointed archdeacon of Barnstaple, but resigned the post in the following May on being created chancellor of the cathedral of Exeter. He also held a prebend in the church of Exeter, and another in that of Bosham in Sussex, a peculiar of the bishops of Exeter, from some date prior to 1237 until his death, which occurred in 1268, and probably in the summer or early autumn of that year, as Oliver de Tracy succeeded him as chancellor of Exeter Cathedral on 3 Sept., and Edward Delacron, dean of Wells, and Richard de Esse in the prebends of Bosham and Exeter respectively in the following November. He is known to have left some manuscripts to the chapter of Exeter by his will, and it may have been one of these that Leland saw, supposing 'Exoniensis bibliothecæ' to be the true reading. For the statement that he discharged the duties of chief justice for twenty years no foundation is now discoverable. During the earlier portion of his official life (1246-58) the office was in abeyance, and if Bracton was ever chief justice, it must have been either before 1258 or after 1265. It is possible that, while the office was in abeyance, the king entrusted his 'dear clerk' with some of the duties incident to it. It is also possible, as Foss has conjectured, that Bracton held the office during the interval between the death of Hugh le Despenser and the appointment of Robert Bruce (8 March 1267-8); but it is very unlikely that, if he was ever regularly appointed, no record of the fact should have survived. Of his alleged connection with Oxford it is also impossible to discover any positive evidence. That he was an Oxford man is intrinsically probable from the character of his treatise, 'De Legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliæ.' It bears such evident traces throughout of the influence of the civil law as to leave no doubt that the author was familiar not merely with the Summa or manual of the civil law compiled by the celebrated glossator, Azo of Bologna, but with the Institutes and Digest of Justinian, and Oxford was at that time the seat of the study of the civil law in this country. Moreover, Bracton's first two books, 'De Rerum Divisione' and 'De acquirendo Rerum Dominio,' have a decidedly academic air, for they are carefully mapped out according to logical divisions such as a professor writing for a society of students would naturally affect; and though, from a reference to the candidature of Richard, earl of Cornwall, for the imperial crown in the latter book (ii. cap. xix. § 4, fol. 47), it is clear that that passage was written as late as 1257, it by no means follows that the book as a whole does not belong to a much earlier date. At the same time, it cannot be affirmed with any confidence that Bracton could not have acquired the accurate and


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 extensive knowledge of the Roman law which he undoubtedly did possess without residing in Oxford, and neither the title 'dominus' by which he is usually designated in ecclesiastical records, and which, as Sir Travers Twiss has pointed out, was the proper appellation of a professor of law at the university of Bologna under the privilege accorded by Frederic I at the diet of Roncaglia (1158), nor that of 'magister' given him by Gilbert Thornton (chief justice), who epitomised his work in 1292, can be relied on as necessarily importing an academical status. The date of the composition of his work is approximately fixed by a reference to the Statute of Merton (1235) on the one hand, and the absence of any notice of the changes in the law introduced by the Provisions of Westminster (1259) on the other. The work seems never to have received a final revision, and it is probable that the order of arrangement of the several treatises does not in all cases correspond with the order of composition. Bracton's relation to the civil and canon law has been ably discussed by Professor Güterbock of Königsberg, who agrees in the main with the view taken by Spence, that he did not so much romanise English law as systematise the results which a series of clerical judges, themselves familiar with the civil and canon codes, and using them to supplement the inadequacy of the common law, had already produced, a conclusion which is in accordance with the strictly practical purpose apparent throughout the treatise. This view is also adopted by Sir Travers Twiss. Bracton's position in the history of English law is unique. The treatise 'De Legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliæ' is the first attempt to treat the whole extent of the law in a manner at once systematic and practical. The subject-matter of the work is defined in the proem to be 'facta et casus, qui quotidie emergunt et eveniunt in regno Angliæ,' and to this he for the most part strictly limits himself, citing cases in support of the principles he enunciates in the most exemplary manner. Hence the influence of the work was both immediate and enduring. Besides the abridgment by Thornton, of which, though none is now known to exist, Selden had an imperfect copy, two other summaries of it were compiled during the reign of Edward I by two anonymous authors, one in Latin, of which the title 'Fleta' is thought to conceal some reference either to the Fleet Prison or to Fleet Street, the other in Norman-French known as Britton. Through Coke, who had a high respect for Bracton, and frequently cited him, both in his judgments and in his 'Commentary' on Littleton, his influence has been effective in moulding the existing common law of England. Some remarkable passages relating to the prerogative of the king (i. cap. viii. § 5, fol. 5; ii. cap. xvi. § 3, fol. 34; iii. tract i. cap. ix. fol. 107 b} were cited by Bradshaw in his judgment on Charles I, and by Milton in his 'Defence of the People of England,' as showing that the doctrine of passive obedience was repugnant to the ancient common law of this country. The bibliography of Bracton may be put into very small compass. A considerable portion of the treatise found its way into print in 1557, in the shape of quotations made by Sir William Staundeford in his 'Plees del Coron.' The first printed edition of the entire work was published by Richard Tottell in 1569 (fol.), with a preface by one T. N. (whose identity has never been determined), in which credit is taken for a careful recension of the text. The next edition (4to) appeared in 1640, being a mere reprint of that of 1569. In spite of the labours of T. N. the text remained in so unsatisfactory a condition that Selden never cited it without collation with manuscripts in his own possession. No other edition appeared until 1878, when Sir Travers Twiss issued the first volume of the recension and translation undertaken by him by the direction of the master of the rolls. The sixth and last volume appeared in 1883. For information concerning the apparatus criticus available for the establishment of the text reference may be made to vol. i. pp. xlix-lxvi of this edition, to the 'Law Magazine and Review,' N.S., i. 560-1, ii. 398, to the 'Athenæum' (19 July 1884), where Professor Vinogradoff, of Moscow, gives an interesting account of the discovery by him among the Additional MSS. in the British Museum (Addit. MS. 12269) of a collection of cases evidently compiled for Bracton's use, and actually used and annotated by him for the purpose of his work, and also to an article in the 'Law Quarterly Review' for April 1885, in which the same writer suggests one obvious and two unwarrantable alterations of the text, impugns the authority of Rawl. MS. c. 160, on which Sir Travers Twiss's recension is based, on the ground that it contains an irrelevant disquisition on degrees of affinity, and argues from other passages that the text as it stands is the result of the gradual incorporation with Bracton's manuscript of the glosses of successive commentaries.

[Lysons's Devonshire, ii. 66, 67; Domesday Book, fol. 96, 101 b, 105 b, 107; Collinson's Somersetshire, ii. 31; Excerpta e Rot. Fin. ii. 82; Britton (ed. Nichols), i. xxiii-xxv; Valor. Eccl. ii. 294, 297; Madox's Hist. Exch. ii. 257;


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 THE EDITOR TO THE READER.

is a matter of extreme regret that we want original evidence of the last remarkable days of our friend; and we are, therefore, obliged to interrupt the progress of his correspondence, and to supply the deficiency by a connected narration.

I have felt it my duty to collect accurate information from the mouths of persons well acquainted with his history. The story is simple; and all the accounts agree, except in some unimportant particulars. It is true, that, with respect to the characters of the persons spoken of, opinions and judgments vary.

We have only, then, to relate conscientiously the facts which our diligent labour has enabled us to collect, to give the letters of the deceased, and to pay particular attention to the slightest fragment from his pen, more especially as it is so difficult to discover the real and correct motives of men who are not of the common order.

Sorrow and discontent had taken deep root in Werther's soul, and gradually imparted their character to his whole being. The harmony of his mind became completely disturbed; a perpetual excitement and mental irritation, which weakened his natural powers, produced the saddest effects upon him, and rendered him at length the victim of an exhaustion against which he struggled with still more painful efforts than he had displayed, even in contending with his other misfortunes. His mental anxiety weakened his various good qualities; and he was soon converted into a gloomy companion,—always unhappy and unjust in his ideas, the more


text: Grimm's Household Tales, Volume 2/The Master-Thief


text:
Author:Mackenzie Dalzell Edwin Stewart Chalmers

Works

 * A Digest of the Law of Bills of Exchange
 * (ed.) Corner's Crown Practice
 * (ed.) Wilson's Supreme Court of Judicature Acts and Rules
 * (ed.) Corner's Crown Practice
 * (ed.) Wilson's Supreme Court of Judicature Acts and Rules


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Eck, Ernst Wilhelm Eberhard

ECK, Ernst Wilhelm Eberhard, German jurist: b. Berlin, 1838; d. 1901. He received his education at the universities of Berlin and Heidelberg; was professor at Berlin (1871), Giessen (1872), Halle (1872-77), Breslau (1878-81) and thereafter at Berlin. Of his numerous works the principal are ‘Die sogenannten doppelseitigen Klagen des römischen und gemeinen deutschen Rechts’ (1870); ‘Die Verpflichtung des Verkäufers zur Gewährung des Eigentums nach römischem und gemeinem deutschen Recht’ (1874); ‘Die Stellung des Erben,’ etc., in Bekker and Fischer, ‘Beiträge zur Beurteilung des Entwurfs eines bürgerlichen Gesetzbuchs’ (1890).


text:
Author:Henry Bradbury

Works

 * The Ferns of Great Britain and Ireland
 * "On Nature Printing"

title: Author:Henry Bradbury


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 Rh Soaring Lark, &c.) We will only cite two memorable examples, Duschmanta forgets Sacontala, and Sigurd, Brunhild. See The Servant, in the Pentamerone (3. 6).

68.—.

From Münster. There is a variant from Vienna. A master-wizard tries to find a youth to assist him who can neither read nor write. He asks one whom he meets, "Canst thou read and write?" "Yes," answers the youth. The wizard says, "If thou canst read and write thou wilt be of no use to me." "Oh, you are speaking of reading and writing!" says the youth. "I misunderstood you; I thought you were asking if I could scream and eat; and both these things 1 understand thoroughly, but of reading and writing I know nothing. The master-wizard thinks, "He will suit me," and, as he likes him in other respects, he takes him. The youth, however, was quick-witted, and knew very well how to read and write, and was only pretending to be stupid. So he remamed some time in service, and lent a hand in the wizard's work, but whenever he was out of the way or gone out, the boy secretly read the books of magic and learnt by heart the formulas and rules. This continued until one day the master found him reading one of the books, and saw what had happened. "Wait," cries he; "thou shalt not escape me!" The boy hastily utters a powerful spell, becomes a bird, and flies away. The master as swiftly changes himself into a bird of prey and pursues him. The narrator had forgotten the series of metamorphoses which now followed, but the sequel was that the youth proved cleverer than the master, and whilst the latter was lying before him in the form of a grain of corn, the youth took that of a cock, and swallowed him, by which the magician was lost and annihilated.

There is another form of the tradition in Müllenhoff, No. 27, and in Pröhle's Märchen für die Jugend, No. 26. Incontestably the finest is the story in Straparola, 8, 5, in the complete edition (see further on); but the Danish in Etlar, p. 36, is also very good. In Polish see the Danish collection in Molbech, No. 66, p. 66, and Lewestam, p. 110. In Wallachian, The Devil and his Pupil, Schott, No. 18. In Servian, see Wuk, No. 6. The similar, though not identical, transformations of the two magicians in the well-known story in the Thousand and One Nights (1, 385, 386), should be remarked. It likewise occurs that one of the magicians changes himself into a pomegranate, the seeds of which the other, who is in the form of a cock, tears out; hut, as he has overlooked one seed, the metamorphoses continue. Others are to be found in the stories No. 56, 76, 79, and also in the Welsh saga of Ceridwen (Mone, 2. 521.) in which at last a hen devours the seed. Lastly, in Simplicissimus (p. 212,


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Wikisource:Books/Yoga Sutras

Yoga Sutras of Patanjali

 * Yoga Sutras
 * Yoga Sutras/Introduction to Book I
 * Yoga Sutras/Book I
 * Yoga Sutras/Introduction to Book II
 * Yoga Sutras/Book II
 * Yoga Sutras/Introduction to Book III
 * Yoga Sutras/Book III
 * Yoga Sutras/Introduction to Book IV
 * Yoga Sutras/Book IV

title: Wikisource:Books/Yoga Sutras


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  account of Braddock's expedition and of the events leading up to it is given in Parkman's 'Montcalm and Wolfe,' vol. i. Some brief military criticisms were contributed by Colonel Malleson to the 'Army and Navy Magazine,' March 1885, pp. 401, 404-5. The Home Office and War Office Warrant and Military Entry Books in the Record Office in London contain references to the expedition, but none of any special note.

BRADDOCKE, JOHN (1656–1719), divine, was a native of Shropshire, and received his education at St. Catharine's Hall, Cambridge, where he was elected to a fellowship (B.A. 1674, M.A. 1678). On leaving the university about 1689, he became chaplain to Sir James Oxenden, bart., of Dean, near Canterbury, and chaplain to Dr. John Battely, rector of the neighbouring parish of Adisham. In 1694 he was nominated by Archbishop Tenison to the perpetual curacy of Folkestone, and on 1 April 1698 he was presented to the vicarage of St. Stephen's, alias Hackington, near Canterbury. On the promotion of Dr. Offspring Blackall, his contemporary at college and intimate friend, to the see of Exeter in 1707, Braddocke was made the bishop's chaplain, though he got nothing by the appointment except the title. In 1709 he was collated by Archbishop Tenison to the mastership of Eastbridge hospital in Kent. He died in his vicarage house on 14 Aug. 1719, in his sixty-fourth year.

He wrote: # 'The Doctrine of the Fathers and Schools considered, concerning the Articles of a Trinity of Divine Persons and the Unity of God. In answer to the Animadversions on the Dean of St. Paul's Vindication of the Doctrine of the Holy and ever Blessed Trinity, in defence of those sacred Articles, against the objections of the Socinians, and the misrepresentations of the Animadverter.' Part I, 1695, 4to. # 'Deus unus et trinus,' 4to. This was entirely printed, except the title-page, but was suppressed, and never published, by the desire of Archbishop Tenison, who thought the controversy ought not to be continued.

BRADDON, LAURENCE (d. 1724), politician, the second son of William Braddon of Treworgy, in St. Genny's, Cornwall, was called to the bar at the Middle Temple, and for some time worked hard at his profession. When the Earl of Essex died in the Tower in 1683, Braddon adopted the belief that he had been murdered, and worked actively to collect sufficient evidence to prove the murder. He set on foot inquiries on the subject in London, and when a rumour reached him that the news of the earl's death was known at Marlborough on the very day of, if not before, the occurrence, he posted off thither. When his action became known at court, he was arrested and put under restraint. For a time he was let out on bail, but on 7 Feb. 1683-4 he was tried with Mr. Hugh Speke at the king's bench on the accusation of conspiring to spread the belief that the Earl of Essex was murdered by some persons about him, and of endeavouring to suborn witnesses to testify the same. Braddon was found guilty on all the counts, but Speke was acquitted of the latter charge. The one was fined 1,000l. and the other 2,000l., with sureties for good behaviour during their lives. Braddon remained in prison until the landing of William III, when he was liberated. In February 1695 he was appointed solicitor to the wine licence office, a place valued at 100l. per annum. His death occurred on Sunday, 29 Nov. 1724.

Most of Braddon's works relate to the death of the Earl of Essex. The 'Enquiry into and Detection of the Barbarous Murther of the late Earl of Essex' (1689) was probably from his pen, and he was undoubtedly the author of 'Essex's Innocency and Honour vindicated' (1690), 'Murther will out' (1692), 'True and Impartial Narrative of the Murder of Arthur, Earl of Essex' (1729), as well as 'Bishop Burnet's late History charg'd with great Partiality and Misrepresentation' (1725) in the bishop's account of this mysterious affair. Braddon also published 'The Constitutions of the Company of Watermen and Lightermen,' and an 'Abstract of the Rules, Orders, and Constitutions' of the same company, both of them issued in 1708. 'The Miseries of the Poor are a National Sin, Shame, and Danger' was the title of a work (1717) in which he


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Eck, Heinrich

ECK, Heinrich, German geologist: b. Gleiwitz, Silesia, 1837. He received his education at the University of Breslau; took part in the geological survey in Thuringia and Silesia in 1862, from 1866 to 1871 he was lecturer at the mining school in Berlin and in the latter year was appointed professor of mineralogy

and geology at the Stuttgart Polytechnic Institute. He made numerous investigations dealing mostly with Triassic deposits, the results of which appeared in the publications of the German Geological Society. His principal works are ‘Ueber die Formationen des bunten Sandsteins und des Muschelkalks in Oberschlesien und ihre Versteinerungen’ (1865); ‘ “ Rudersdorf und Umgegend,” in ‘Abhandlungen zur geologischen Spezialkarte von Preussen’ (Vol. I, 1872): ‘Das Erdbeben in der Gegend zwischen Strassburg, Forbach. . . am 11 June 1887’ (1892); ‘Verzeichnis der mineralogischen, geognostischen, vorgeschichtlichen und balneographischen Litteratur von Baden, Württemberg, Hohenzollern’. . . (1880; with additions in 1901).


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 argued for the establishment of guardians of the poor and inspectors for the encouragement of arts and manufactures. Five years later he brought out 'Particular Answers to the most material Objections made to the Proposals for relieving the Poor.' The report of his trial was printed in 1684, and reprinted in 'Cobbett's State Trials,' ix. 1127-1228, and his impeachment of Bishop Burnet's 'History' is reprinted in the same volume of Cobbett, pp. 1229-1332.

 BRADE, JAMES. [See Braid, James (DNB00).]  BRADE, WILLIAM (fl.. 1615), an English musician, was violist to the Duke of Holstein-Gottorp and to the town of Hamburg at the beginning of the seventeenth century. He was living at Hamburg on 19 Aug. 1609, when he dedicated a volume of his compositions to Johann Adolph, duke of Schleswig, and he probably remained at the same town until 14 Feb. 1619, when he was appointed capellmeister to Johann Sigismund, margrave of Brandenburg. His salary in this post was 500 thalers per annum, besides a thaler a week for 'kostgeld' when at court, and when following the margrave abroad, six dinners and all other meals weekly, with sufficient beer, a stoup of wine daily, free lodgings, and all disbursements. He also received two suits of clothes ('Ehrenkleid'), and his son, Christian Brade, had 300 thalers, with clothes, boots, shoes, and maintenance. Brade had full authority over the court band, but the care of the boys of the chapel was given to a vice-capellmeister. He does not seem to have remained long at Berlin, as a report on the margrave's band, drawn up in 1620, speaks of him as one of the past capellmeisters, and in the following year Jacob Schmidt is mentioned as occupying his post. Nothing more is known of him; but Dr. Rimbault (an untrustworthy guide) says (, Dict. of Music, i. 269 a) that he died at Frankfurt in 1647, the authority for which statement cannot be discovered.

The greatest confusion exists as to the bibliography of Brade's works, all of which are extremely rare. Fétis and Rimbault copy Gerber's 'Lexikon der Tonkünstler' (Leipzig, 1812), i. 493, with the exception that Rimbault prints Frankfurt a. d. Oder as Frankfort, which is additionally misleading. The list given by these authorities differs materially from the following, which is taken from Moller's 'Cimbria Literata,' 1744, ii. 103, and is reprinted in the 'Lexikon der hamburgischen Schriftsteller,' 1851, i. 364: 1. 'Musicalische Concerten,' Hamburg, 1609, 4to. 2. 'Newe ausserlesene Paduanen, Galliarden, Canzonen, Alamanden und Couranten, auf allerlei Instrumenten zu gebrauchen,' Hamburg, 1610, 4to. 3. 'Newe ausserlesene Paduanen und Galliarden, midt 6 Stimmen, auf allerhand Instrumenten, insonderheit Violen, zu gebrauchen,' Hamburg, 1614, 4to. 4. 'Newe ausserlesene liebliche Branden, Intraden, Masqueraden, Balletten, Alamanden, Couranten, Volten, Aufzüge und frembde Tantze, samt schonen lieblichen Frühlings- und Sommer-Blümlein, mit 5 Stimmen; auf allerlei Instrumenten, insonderheit Violen, zu gebrauchen,' Lübeck, 1617, 8vo. 5. 'Newe lustige Volten, Couranten, Balletten, Paduanen, Galliarden, Masqueraden, auch allerlei Arten newer französischer Tantze, mit 5 Stimmen, auf allerlei Instrumenten zu gebrauchen,' Berlin, 1621, 4to. Fetis omits 4 in his list, and gives the date of 2 as 1609, and the place of publication of 5 as Frankfurt a. d. Oder. Bohn's 'Bibliographic der Musik-Druckwerke bis 1700' (p. 74) describes a copy of 2, and quotes the title-page, by which it would seem that 1609 is the right date. A manuscript 'Fancy' by Brade is in the library of the Royal College of Music.

 BRADFIELD, HENRY JOSEPH STEELE (1805–1852), surgeon and author, was born on 18 May 1805 in Derby Street, Westminster, where his father, Thomas Bradfield, was a coal merchant. Whilst still under age he published in 1825 'Waterloo, or the British Minstrel, a poem.' He was bred to the art of surgery, and on 26 April 1826 left England in the schooner Unicorn in Lord Cochrane's expedition to Greece, during which he was present in several engagements by land and sea. After his return he published 'The Athenaid, or Modern Grecians, a poem,' 1830; 'Tales of the Cyclades, poems,' 1830; and in 1839 edited a work entitled 'A Russian's Reply to the Marquis de Custine's "Russia."' On 1 Sept. 1832 he received from the King of the Belgians a commission as sous-lieutenant in the Bataillon Etranger


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 432 235, Mömpelg. Edition) similar, but seriously intended feats of magic are related. Malagis likewise chances to find the magic books of Baldaris, whom he has regarded as his father, and secretly learns the art of magic from them. Once, when they are seated at table, Baldaris enchants hares and rabbits, which run about after each other; then Malagis causes two beautiful greyhounds to leap upon the table, which chase the little animals and tear them to pieces. Baldaris enchants some water, and every one is compelled to wash his hands in it, but Malagis causes the water to become black, and it sticks to them like pitch. (Heidelberg, MS, folio 19b, 20a.) Compare with this the Hungarian story, The Glass Hatchet (Gaal, No 3), where also from the one animal another but a weaker one always arises, and the last is an egg. In the Bohemian story in Gerle (p. 241) the evil spirit changes himself from a dragon into an eagle, and then into a fly; but the fly is caught in the web of a spider, who is a good spirit, and is by him devoured.

69.—

From the Life of Heinrich Stilling, 1, 104-108. A story told by word of mouth from the Schwalm district varies very slightly. There are two children who go into a great forest. The youth stumbles on the castle of an enchantress, who touches him with her wand and he is changed into a bird. The girl dreams of the flower, and by means of it restores him to his human form. She likewise touches the witch with the flower, and she is transformed into a crow. The children return home; but once when they are playing in the garden the crow comes flying to them, alights on a tree, and the girl brings the flower, touches the crow with it, and thus restores the witch to her own shape.

70.—

From Paderborn. Clearly allied to the Lalenbürgers. The last story of the cat is indeed extremely like what we find there (chap. 44). They have never seen a cat before, and buy it at a great price as a mouse-dog, and set fire to the house in which it is, because they believe it will devour man and beast (the vendor had said, something which they had misunderstood). In the chronicle of Albertus von Stade we find p. 1946, the following, which is probably interpolated; "habitaverunt ibi [in Venice] a principio duo concives, unus dives, alter pauper, dives ivit mercatum et requisivit a socio mercimonium. 'Non habeo,' pauper ait, 'præter duos catos,' hos dives secum assumpsit et casu inter rem venit, ubi locum fere totum mures vastaverant, vendidit catos pro magna pecunia et suo socio per mercatum plurima comparans reportavit."


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Eck, Johann Maier von

ECK, Johann Maier von, a Catholic theologian, life-long adversary of Luther: b. Eck, Suabia, 13 Nov. 1486; d. Ingolstadt, 1543. His father, a peasant named Maier, assumed the name Maier von Eck or Maier of Eck, after becoming bailiff of his village. Johann, at the age of 11 years, entered the University of Heidelberg whence he passed to the University of Tübingen and there at the age of 14 years took the degree of master of arts. Successively at Tübingen, Cologne and Freiburg universities he studied divinity, jurisprudence and mathematics and at the same time was instructor in philosophy. He was appointed professor of theology in the University of Ingolstadt (1510). While on his travels in Italy (1515) he took part in a public disputation in the University of Bologna and won high distinction; in 1516 on a similar occasion at Vienna he had a like success. In 1518 he published a pamphlet, ‘Obelisci,’ in defense of the Catholic doctrines attacked in Luther's celebrated ‘Theses’ of 31 Oct. 1517. Eck was now chancellor of the University of Ingolstadt and Luther put forward Carlstadt as a defender of the ‘Theses’; Carlstadt not only replied to Eck in print, but challenged him to a public disputation. Eck accepted the challenge and the disputation was held at Leipzig, with Eck as the champion of Catholicism against both Carlstadt and Luther. The disputation was commenced 27 June 1519 and lasted till 15 July. More than a year previously Luther in a letter to one of his friends credited Eck with eminent scholarship and great natural gifts, but after the disputation he was for Luther “a pitiful theologian” and “a miserable sophist.” The numerous audience and the townsmen with unanimity awarded the crown of victory to Eck, and Ludier, in a private letter to his intimate friend Spalatinus, confessed defeat. Eck, stimulated by his success, devoted himself thereafter wholly to working for the overthrow of his adversaries. He procured from the universities of Cologne and Louvain a condemnation of Luther's writing and was honored at Rome with the commission to publish in Germany Pope Leo's bull Exsurge Domine against Luther. But he was received with manifestations of popular enmity almost everywhere; even at Leipzig the bull was solemnly committed to the flames by the students and the populace. On several notable occasions afterward — at the diet of Augsburg (1530), the conferences at Worms (1540) and those at Ratisbon (1541), he was again a principal

champion of Catholicism. Some of his works are a German translation of the Old Testament, and a revision of Luther's translation of the New Testament. His pamphlets and books against the doctrines of Luther are included in ‘Operum Johannis Eccii contra Lutherum.’ Consult Wiedemann, ‘Dr. Johannes Eck’ (Regensburg 1865).


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Brade, William


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 of Belgium, and was appointed to the 1st regiment of lancers. At one time he held a commission in the Royal West Middlesex Militia. He was appointed on 31 Dec. 1835 stipendiary magistrate in Tobago, from which he was removed to Trinidad on 13 May 1836. He was reappointed to the southern or Cedros district on 13 April 1839, but soon returned to England, having been superseded in consequence of a quarrel with some other colonial officer. In 1841 he again went to the West Indies in the capacity of private secretary to Colonel Macdonald, lieutenant-governor of Dominica, and in 1842 he acted for some time as colonial secretary in Barbados. The charges which had occasioned his previous return were, however, renewed, and the government cancelled his appointment. From that period he lived very precariously, and for many years solicited in vain a reversal of his sentence at the colonial office. He turned his moderate literary talents to account, and among some communications he made to the 'Gentleman's Magazine' were articles on 'The Last of the Paleologi' in January 1843, and a 'Memoir of Major-general Thomas Dundas and the Expedition to Guadaloupe' in August, September, and October in the same year. Latterly he practised all the arts of the professional mendicant. He committed suicide by drinking a bottle of prussic acid in the coffee-room of the St. Alban's Hotel, 12 Charles Street, St. James's Square, London, on 11 Oct. 1852.

BRADFORD, JOHN (1510?–1555), protestant martyr, was born of gentle parents about 1510 in the parish of Manchester. A local tradition claims him as a native of the chapelry of Blackley. He was educated at the grammar school, Manchester. In his 'Meditations on the Commandments,' written during his imprisonment in the reign of Queen Mary, he speaks of the 'particular benefits' that he had received from his parents and tutors. Foxe records that Bradford entered the service of Sir John Harrington of Exton, Rutlandshire, who was treasurer at various times of the king's camps and buildings in Boulogne. At the siege of Montreuil in 1544 Bradford acted as deputy-paymaster under Sir John Harrington. On 8 April 1547 he entered the Inner Temple as a student of common law. Here, at the instance of a fellow-student, Thomas Sampson, afterwards dean of Christ Church, he turned his attention to the study of divinity. A marked change now came over his character. He sold his 'chains, rings, brooches, and jewels of gold,' and gave the money to the poor. Moved by a sermon of Latimer, he caused restitution to be made to the crown of a sum of money which he or Sir John Harrington had fraudulently appropriated. The facts are not very clear. Sampson in his address 'To the Christian Reader,' prefixed to Bradford's 'Two Notable Sermons,' 1574, states that the fraud was committed by Bradford and without the knowledge of his master; but Bradford's own words, in his last examination before Bishop Gardiner, are: 'My lord, I set my foot to his foot, whosoever he be, that can come forth and justly vouch to my face that ever I deceived my master. And as you are chief justice by office in England, I desire justice upon them that so slander me, because they cannot prove it' (Examination of Bradford, London, 1561, sig. a vi.) In May 1548 he published translations from Artopœus and Chrysostom, and in or about the following August entered St. Catharine's Hall, Cambridge, where his 'diligence in study and profiting in knowledge and godly conversation' were such, that on 19 Oct. 1549 the university bestowed on him, by special grace, the degree of master of arts. The entry in the grace book describes him as a man of mature age and approved life, who had for eight years been diligently employed in the study of literature, the arts, and holy scriptures. He was shortly afterwards elected to a fellowship at Pembroke Hall. In a letter to Traves, written about November 1549, he says: 'My fellowship here is worth seven pound a year, for I have allowed me eighteen-pence a week, and as good as thirty-three shillings fourpence a year in money, besides my chamber, launder, barber, &c.; and I am bound to nothing but once or twice a year to keep a problem. Thus you see what a good Lord God is unto me.' Among his pupils at Pembroke Hall was John Whitgift, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury. One of his intimate friends was Martin Bucer, whom he accompanied on a visit to Oxford in July 1550. On 10 Aug. of the same year he was ordained deacon by Bishop Ridley at Fulham, and received a license to preach. The bishop made him one of his chaplains, received him into his own house, and held him in the highest esteem. 'I thank God heartily,' wrote Ridley to [q. v.] after Bradford's martyrdom, 'that ever I was acquainted with our dear brother Bradford, and that ever I had such a one in my house.' On 24 Aug. 1551 Bradford received the prebend of Kentish Town, in the church of St. Paul. A


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 100 wretched he became. This was, at least, the opinion of Albert's friends. They assert, moreover, that the character of Albert himself had undergone no change in the meantime: he was still the same being whom Werther had loved, honoured, and respected from the commencement. His love for Charlotte was unbounded: he was proud of her, and desired that she should be recognised by every one as the noblest of created beings. Was he, however, to blame for wishing to avert from her every appearance of suspicion? or for his unwillingness to share his rich prize with another, even for a moment, and in the most innocent manner? It is asserted that Albert frequently retired from his wife's apartment during Werther's visits; but this did not arise from hatred or aversion to his friend, but only from a feeling that his presence was oppressive to Werther.

Charlotte's father, who was confined to the house by indisposition, was accustomed to send his carriage for her, that she might make excursions in the neighbourhood. One day the weather had been unusually severe, and the whole country was covered with snow.

Werther went for Charlotte the following morning, in order that, if Albert were absent, he might conduct her home.

The beautiful weather produced but little impression on his troubled spirit. A heavy weight lay upon his soul, deep melancholy had taken possession of him, and his mind knew no change save from one painful thought to another.

As he now never enjoyed internal peace, the condition of his fellow creatures was to him a perpetual source of trouble and distress. He believed he had disturbed the happiness of Albert and his wife; and, whilst he censured himself strongly for this, he began to entertain a secret dislike to Albert.

His thoughts were occasionally directed to this point.


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Eckermann, Johann Peter

ECKERMANN, Johann Peter, yō'hän pā'tėr ĕk'ĕr-mä, German poet: b. Winsen, Hanover, 21 Sept. 1792; d. Weimar, 3 Dec. 1854. He has a permanent place in literature through his record of ‘Conversations with Goethe in the Last Years of His Life’ (1823-32), which has been translated into nearly all the languages of Europe, even Turkish. He edited the posthumous as well as the 40-volume edition of Goethe's works (1839-40).


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 Rh "Yes," he would repeat to himself, with ill-concealed dissatisfaction, "yes, this is, after all, the extent of that confiding, dear, tender, and sympathetic love, that calm and eternal fidelity! What do I behold but satiety and indifference? Does not every frivolous engagement attract him more than his charming and lovely wife? Does he know how to prize his happiness? Can he value her as she deserves? He possesses her, it is true,—I know that, as I know much more,—and I have become accustomed to the thought that he will drive me mad, or, perhaps, murder me. Is his friendship toward me unimpaired? Does he not view my attachment to Charlotte as an infringement upon his rights, and consider my attention to her as a silent rebuke to himself? I know, and indeed feel, that he dislikes me,—that he wishes for my absence,—that my presence is hateful to him."

He would often pause when on his way to visit Charlotte, stand still, as though in doubt, and seem desirous of returning, but would nevertheless proceed; and, engaged in such thoughts and soliloquies as we have described, he finally reached the hunting-lodge, with a sort of involuntary consent.

Upon one occasion he entered the house; and, inquiring for Charlotte, he observed that the inmates were in a state of unusual confusion. The eldest boy informed him that a dreadful misfortune had occurred at Walheim,—that a peasant had been murdered! But this made little impression upon him. Entering the apartment, he found Charlotte engaged reasoning with her father, who, in spite of his infirmity, insisted on going to the scene of the crime, in order to institute an inquiry. The criminal was unknown; the victim had been found dead at his own door that morning. Suspicions were excited: the murdered man had been in the service of a widow, and the person who had


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 102 previously filled the situation had been dismissed from her employment.

As soon as Werther heard this, he exclaimed with great excitement, "Is it possible! I must go to the spot—I cannot delay a moment!" He hastened to Walheim. Every incident returned vividly to his remembrance; and he entertained not the slightest doubt that that man was the murderer to whom he had so often spoken, and for whom he entertained so much regard. His way took him past the well-known lime-trees, to the house where the body had been carried; and his feelings were greatly excited at the sight of the fondly recollected spot. That threshold where the neighbours' children had so often played together was stained with blood; love and attachment, the noblest feelings of human nature, had been converted into violence and murder. The huge trees stood there leafless and covered with hoarfrost; the beautiful hedgerows which surrounded the old churchyard wall were withered; and the gravestones, half covered with snow, were visible through the openings. As he approached the inn, in front of which the whole village was assembled, screams were suddenly heard. A troop of armed peasants was seen approaching, and every one exclaimed that the criminal had been apprehended. Werther looked, and was not long in doubt. The prisoner was no other than the servant, who had been formerly so attached to the widow, and whom he had met prowling about, with that suppressed anger and ill-concealed despair, which we have before described.

"What have you done, unfortunate man?" inquired Werther, as he advanced toward the prisoner. The latter turned his eyes upon him in silence, and then replied with perfect composure, "No one will now marry her, and she will marry no one." The prisoner was taken in the inn, and Werther left the place.


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(Autobiog. of Mrs. Delaney, 2nd ser. ii. 423-424). On the 19th he was hanged at Tyburn. Boswell attended the trial, and appears to have ridden to Tyburn with Hackman in the mourning coach (, Johnson, ed. G. B. Hill, iii. 383-4). According to some authorities Hackman was a member of St. John's College, Cambridge, but his name is not to be found either in the admission register of the college or in the matriculation books of the university. From the Wiveton registers it would appear that Hackman probably never officiated there. The question whether the fact of Hackman having two pistols in his possession at the time of the murder was a proof that he meant to shoot two persons formed the subject of a violent altercation between Johnson and Beauclerk (ib. pp. 384-385). Sir Herbert Croft, in 1780, published a number of fictitious letters purporting to have been written by Hackman and Miss Ray, under the title of 'Love and Madness—a story too true ; in a Series of Letters between parties whose names would perhaps be mentioned were they less known or less lamented' (anon., London, 12mo). A portrait of Miss Ray, by Gainsborough, is preserved at Hinchinbroke House, and several engravings of Hackman are referred to in the 'Catalogues' of Bromley and Evans.

[Sessions Papers, lv. 207-10; Case and Memoirs of the Late Rev. James Hackman, 6th edit. 1779 ; Case and Memoirs of Miss Martha Ray, 1779 (?); Burke's Celebrated Trials connected with the Aristocracy, 1849, pp. 393-426; Celebrated Trials, &c., 1825, v. 1-43 ; Walpole's Letters, ed. Cunningham, vii. 190-1, 194, 338-9 ; Jesse's George III, ii. 240-1; Jesse's George Selwyn and his Contemporaries, 1844, iv. 59-68, 78-86 ; Morning Chronicle for 9, 17, 20 April 1779; Morning Post for same dates; Army Lists, 1773-7 ; Gent. Mag. 1779, xlix. 210, 212, 213 ; Notes and Queries, 3rd ser. iv. 186, 232-3 4th ser. iii. 339, 447, 488-9, 514, iv. 147, viii. 369, 7th ser. vi. 87, 212, vii. 172, 296, 392 ; information from Dr. Luard, Dr. Bensly, and the Rev. H. N. D'Almaine.]  HACKSTON or HALKERSTONE DAVID (d. 1680), covenanter, was sprung from the Hackstons or Halkerstones of Rathillet, in the parish of Kilmany, Fifeshire. 'It is not known whether he was born at the family seat. The records of the kirk-session do no go back so far' (New Statistical Account of Scotland, ix. 539). In his youth he is said to have been a profligate, but a 'field preaching' led him to cast in his lot with the covenanters, and he became one of their most trusted leaders. He was asked to lead the party which had resolved to assassinate Archbishop Sharp, but declined 'upon account of a difference subsisting betwixt Sharp and him in a civil process, wherein he judged himself to have been wronged by the primate, which deed he thought would give the world ground to think it was rather out of personal pique and revenge, which he professed he was free of' (Scots Worthies). He agreed, however, to stand by the rest and take the consequences. Accordingly he sat at some distance on his horse, with his cloak about his face, while, led by Balfour of Burley [see under ], the others despatched Sharp (3 May 1679). He now fled into the west country, and took part in drawing up and publishing 'The Declaration and Testimony of the true Presbyterian Party in Scotland,' which was affixed to the market cross of Rutherglen on 29 May 1679, the anniversary of the Restoration. He was one of the leaders of the covenanters at the battle of Drumclog on 1 June 1679, and again at the battle of Bothwell Bridge. A reward of ten thousand merks was now offered for his apprehension, and he was obliged to keep in hiding. At length on 22 July 1680 he and a number of others were surprised by a body of dragoons at Aird's Moss in Ayrshire. A skirmish ensued in which the covenanters were worsted, and Hackston, after fighting bravely, was taken prisoner. He was carried to Edinburgh, was condemned, and on 30 July 1680 was executed there with sickening cruelty and barbarity.

[Wodrow's Hist. of the Sufferings; Cobbett's State Trials, x. 791 et seq. ; Howie's Scots Worthies.]  HACOMBLEN, ROBERT, D.D. (d. 1528), provost of King's College, Cambridge, was educated at Eton, where he was admitted a scholar of King's in 1472. He served the office of proctor in 1483, and succeeded Richard Lincoln as vicar of Prescot in Lancashire on 7 Aug. 1492. He became D.D. in 1507, and in 1509, on the death of Dr. Richard Hatton, was elected to the provostship of his college, which he held for nineteen years, dying on 8 Sept. 1528. As provost he was party to the contract entered into in 1526 for filling the windows of King's College chapel with stained glass. He gave the magnificent brass lectern still in use in the chapel, which bears his name, and fitted up the chantry, the second from the west on the south side, in which, in accordance with his will, dated 21 Oct. 1528, he was buried. His memorial brass represents him in doctor's robes, with the legend issuing from his mouth, 'Vulnera Christe tua mihi dulcis sint medicina,' and penitential prayers on the label running round the slab. In the window is


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User talk:83.60.99.53

Welcome

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 Rh The mind of Werther was fearfully excited by this shocking occurrence. He ceased, however, to be oppressed by his usual feeling of melancholy, moroseness and indifference to everything that passed around him. He entertained a strong degree of pity for the prisoner and was seized with an indescribable anxiety to save him from his impending fate. He considered him so unfortunate, he deemed his crime so excusable, and thought his own condition so nearly similar, that he felt convinced he could make every one else view the matter in the light in which he saw it himself. He now became anxious to undertake his defence, and commenced composing an eloquent speech for the occasion; and, on his way to the hunting-lodge, he could not refrain from speaking aloud the statement which he resolved to make to the judge.

Upon his arrival, he found Albert had been before him: and he was a little perplexed by this meeting; but he soon recovered himself, and expressed his opinion with much warmth to the judge. The latter shook his head doubtingly; and although Werther urged his case with the utmost zeal, feeling, and determination in defence of his client, yet, as we may easily suppose, the judge was not much influenced by his appeal. On the contrary, he interrupted him in his address, reasoned with him seriously, and even administered a rebuke to him for becoming the advocate of a murderer. He demonstrated, that, according to this precedent, every law might be violated, and the public security utterly destroyed. He added, moreover, that in such a case he could himself do nothing, without incurring the greatest responsibility; that everything must follow in the usual course, and pursue the ordinary channel.

Werther, however, did not abandon his enterprise and even besought the judge to connive at the flight of the prisoner. But this proposal was peremptorily


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Author:Egerton Castle

Non-fiction

 * English Book-plates: Ancient and Modern (G. Bell & Sons, 1893)
 * Schools and Masters of Fencing: From the Middle Ages to the Eighteenth Century

Fiction

 * The Baron's Quarry (short story)

 * Sweet Kitty Bellairs
 * Marshfield the Observer and The Death Dance. (1900)
 * Count Raven (1916)
 * La Bella and Others (1900)
 * Consequences (3 vols, 1891)

With Agnes Castle

 * The Composer (1911)

 * The Pride of Jennico (1898)
 * The Pride of Jennico (play), based on the novel

 * The Secret Orchard (1901)
 * Incomparable Bellairs (1903)
 * The Star Dreamer; a romance (1903)
 * Rose of the World (1905)
 * The Heart of Lady Anne (1905)
 * "If Youth but Knew!" (1906)
 * "My Merry Rockhurst" (1907)
 * Flower o' the Orange and Other Tales of Bygone Days (1908)
 * Panther's Cub (1911)
 * The Golden Barrier (1913)
 * Forlorn Adventures (1915)
 * Minniglen (1918)
 * Our Sentimental Garden illustrated by Charles Robinson (1914, USA; 1915, London)
 * A Little House in War Time (1916)
 * Wolf-Lure (1917)
 * New Wine (1919)
 * John Seneschal's Margaret (1920)
 * Pamela Pounce; a tale of tempestuous petticoats (1921)
 * Diamonds Cut Paste (1922)

Works from magazines

 * "A Christmas Theme in Rococo" (1914 Jan, Ainslee's) (ss)
 * "The Four Invisibles" (1919 May 3, Adventure) (nvt)

With Agnes Castle

 * "The Heart of Lord Mandeville" (ss) Windsor Magazine, Vol 19, 1903-04 [included in Incomparabale Bellairs, 1903]
 * "To the Tune of Little Red Heels" (ss) Windsor Magazine, Vol 19, 1903-04 [included in Incomparabale Bellairs, 1903]
 * "If Youth But Knew" (1904-05, Windsor) (SL)
 * 1) "The Green Adventure" 1904 Dec
 * 2) "Roses of Trianon" 1905 Jan
 * 3) "The Burgrave's Farewell" 1905 Feb
 * 4) "The Melody in the Violets" 1905 Mar
 * 5) "The King's Mail" 1905 Apr
 * 6) "The Homing Bird" 1905 May
 * "The Golden Apple" (1905-06, Windsor) (ss)
 * "The Great Todescan's Secret Thrust" (1911 Feb, Adventure) (ss)
 * In "My Merry Rockhurst" (1907)
 * "The Debt of Honor" (1907, Appleton's) (ss)
 * "The Enigma of the Locket" (1907, Appleton's) (ss)
 * "The Peacock Walk" (1907, Appleton's) (ss)
 * "Lady Chillingburgh's Last Card Party" (1907, Appleton's) (ss)
 * "The Broken Sanctuary" (1907, Appleton's) (ss)
 * "The Red Desolation" (1907, Appleton's) (ss) [Merry Rockhurst]
 * "The Rape of the Beau" (1910 Sept, Cosmopolitan) (ss)

title: Author:Egerton Castle


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 104 . Albert, who had taken some part in the discussion, coincided in opinion with the judge. At this Werther became enraged, and took his leave in great anger, after the judge had more than once assured him that the prisoner could not be saved.

The excess of his grief at this assurance may be inferred from a note we have found amongst his papers, and which was doubtless written upon this very occasion.

"You cannot be saved, unfortunate man! I see clearly that we cannot be saved!"

Werther was highly incensed at the observations which Albert had made to the judge in this matter of the prisoner. He thought he could detect therein a little bitterness toward himself personally; and although, upon reflection, it could not escape his sound judgment that their view of the matter was correct, he felt the greatest possible reluctance to make such an admission.

A memorandum of Werther's upon this point, expressive of his general feelings toward Albert, has been found amongst his papers.

"What is the use of my continually repeating that he is a good and estimable man? He is an inward torment to me, and I am incapable of being just toward him."

One fine evening in winter, when the weather seemed inclined to thaw, Charlotte and Albert were returning home together. The former looked from time to time about her, as if she missed Werther's company. Albert began to speak of him, and censured him for his prejudices. He alluded to his unfortunate attachment, and


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 Rh wished it were possible to discontinue his acquaintance. "I desire it on our own account," he added; "and I request you will compel him to alter his deportment toward you, and to visit you less frequently. The world is censorious, and I know that here and there we are spoken of." Charlotte made no reply, and Albert seemed to feel her silence. At least, from that time, he never again spoke of Werther; and, when she introduced the subject, he allowed the conversation to die away, or else he directed the discourse into another channel.

The vain attempt Werther had made to save the unhappy murderer was the last feeble glimmering of a flame about to be extinguished. He sank almost immediately afterward into a state of gloom and inactivity, until he was at length brought to perfect distraction by learning that he was to be summoned as a witness against the prisoner, who asserted his complete innocence.

His mind now became oppressed by the recollection of every misfortune of his past life. The mortification he had suffered at the ambassador's, and his subsequent troubles, were revived in his memory. He became utterly inactive. Destitute of energy, he was cut off from every pursuit and occupation which compose the business of common life; and he became a victim to his own susceptibility, and to his restless passion for the most amiable and beloved of women, whose peace he destroyed. In this unvarying monotony of existence his days were consumed; and his powers became exhausted without aim or design, until they brought him to a sorrowful end.

A few letters which he left behind, and which we here subjoin, afford the best proofs of his anxiety of mind and of the depth of his passion, as well as of his doubts and struggles, and of his weariness of life.


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 106 12. Dear Wilhelm, I am reduced to the condition of those unfortunate wretches who believe they are pursued by an evil spirit. Sometimes I am oppressed, not by apprehension or fear, but by an inexpressible internal sensation, which weighs upon my heart, and impedes my breath! Then I wander forth at night, even in this tempestuous season, and feel pleasure in surveying the dreadful scenes around me.

Yesterday evening I went forth. A rapid thaw had suddenly set in: I had been informed that the river had risen, that the brooks had all overflowed their banks, and that the whole vale of Walheim was under water! Upon the stroke of twelve I hastened forth. I beheld a fearful sight. The foaming torrents rolled from the mountains in the moonlight,—fields and meadows, trees and hedges, were confounded together; and the entire valley was converted into a deep lake, which was agitated by the roaring wind! And when the moon shone forth, and tinged the black clouds with silver, and the impetuous torrent at my feet foamed and resounded with awful and grand impetuosity, I was overcome by a mingled sensation of apprehension and delight. With extended arms I looked down into the yawning abyss, and cried, "Plunge!" For a moment my senses forsook me, in the intense delight of ending my sorrows and my sufferings by a plunge into that gulf! And then I felt as if I were rooted to the earth, and incapable of seeking an end to my woes! But my hour is not yet come: I feel it is not. O Wilhelm, how willingly could I abandon my existence to ride the whirlwind, or to embrace the torrent! and then might not rapture perchance be the portion of this liberated soul?

I turned my sorrowful' eyes toward a favourite spot, where I was accustomed to sit with Charlotte beneath a willow after a fatiguing walk. Alas! it was covered


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 Rh with water, and with difficulty I found even the meadow. And the fields around the hunting-lodge, thought I. Has our dear bower been destroyed by this unpitying storm? And a beam of past happiness streamed upon me, as the mind of a captive is illumined by dreams of flocks and herds and bygone joys of home! But I am free from blame. I have courage to die! Perhaps I have,—but I still sit here, like a wretched pauper, who collects fagots, and begs her bread from door to door, that she may prolong for a few days a miserable existence which she is unwilling to resign.

15. What is the matter with me, dear Wilhelm? I am afraid of myself! Is not my love for her of the purest, most holy, and most brotherly nature? Has my soul ever been sullied by a single sensual desire? but I will make no protestations. And now, ye nightly visions, how truly have those mortals understood you, who ascribe your various contradictory effects to some invincible power! This night—I tremble at the avowal—I held her in my arms, locked in a close embrace: I pressed her to my bosom, and covered with countless kisses those dear lips which murmured in reply soft protestations of love. My sight became confused by the delicious intoxication of her eyes. Heavens! is it sinful to revel again in such happiness, to recall once more those rapturous moments with intense delight? Charlotte! Charlotte! I am lost! My senses are bewildered, my recollection is confused, mine eyes are bathed in tears—I am ill; and yet I am well—I wish for nothing—I have no desires—it were better I were gone.

Under the circumstances narrated above, a determination to quit this world had now taken fixed possession of Werther's soul. Since Charlotte's return, this


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 108 thought had been the final object of all his hopes and wishes; but he had resolved that such a step should not be taken with precipitation, but with calmness and tranquillity, and with the most perfect deliberation.

His troubles and internal struggles may be understood from the following fragment, which was found, without any date, amongst his papers, and appears to have formed the beginning of a letter to Wilhelm.

"Her presence, her fate, her sympathy for me, have power still to extract tears from my withered brain.

"One lifts up the curtain, and passes to the other side,—that is all! And why all these doubts and delays? Because we know not what is behind—because there is no returning—and because our mind infers that all is darkness and confusion, where we have nothing but uncertainty."

His appearance at length became quite altered by the effect of his melancholy thoughts; and his resolution was now finally and irrevocably taken, of which the following ambiguous letter, which he addressed to his friend, may appear to afford some proof.

20. I am grateful to your love, Wilhelm, for having repeated your advice so seasonably. Yes, you are right: it is undoubtedly better that I should depart. But I do not entirely approve your scheme of returning at once to your neighbourhood; at least, I should like to make a little excursion on the way, particularly as we may now expect a continued frost, and consequently good roads. I am much pleased with your intention of coming to fetch me; only delay your journey for a fortnight, and wait for another letter from me. One should gather nothing before it is ripe, and a fortnight sooner or later makes a great


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User talk:Oriongalaxie1

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 Rh difference. Entreat my mother to pray for her son, and tell her I beg her pardon for all the unhappiness I have occasioned her. It has ever been my fate to give pain to those whose happiness I should have promoted. Adieu, my dearest friend. May every blessing of Heaven attend you! Farewell.

We find it difficult to express the emotions with which Charlotte's soul was agitated during the whole of this time, whether in relation to her husband or to her unfortunate friend; although we are enabled, by our knowledge of her character, to understand their nature.

It is certain that she had formed a determination, by every means in her power to keep Werther at a distance; and, if she hesitated in her decision, it was from a sincere feeling of friendly pity, knowing how much it would cost him,—indeed, that he would find it almost impossible to comply with her wishes. But various causes now urged her to be firm. Her husband preserved a strict silence about the whole matter; and she never made it a subject of conversation, feeling bound to prove to him by her conduct that her sentiments agreed with his.

The same day, which was the Sunday before Christmas, after Werther had written the last-mentioned letter to his friend, he came in the evening to Charlotte's house, and found her alone. She was busy preparing some little gifts for her brothers and sisters, which were to be distributed to them on Christmas Day. He began talking of the delight of the children, and of that age when the sudden appearance of the Christmas-tree, decorated with fruit and sweetmeats, and lighted up with wax candles, causes such transports of joy. "You shall have a gift too, if you behave well," said Charlotte, hiding her embarrassment under a sweet smile. "And what do you call


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 110 well? What should I do, what can I do, my dear Charlotte?" said he. "Thursday night," she answered, "is Christmas Eve. The children are all to be here, and my father too: there is a present for each; do you come likewise, but do not come before that time," Werther started. "I desire you will not: it must be so," she continued. "I ask it of you as a favour, for my own peace and tranquillity. We cannot go on in this manner any longer." He turned away his face, walked hastily up and down the room, muttering indistinctly, "We cannot go on in this manner any longer!" Charlotte, seeing the violent agitation into which these words had thrown him, endeavoured to divert his thoughts by different questions, but in vain. "No, Charlotte!" he exclaimed; "I will never see you any more!" "And why so?" she answered. "We may—we must see each other again; only let it be with more discretion. Oh! why were you born with that excessive, that ungovernable passion for everything that is dear to you?" Then, taking his hand, she said, "I entreat of you to be more calm: your talents, your understanding, your genius, will furnish you with a thousand resources. Be a man, and conquer an unhappy attachment toward a creature who can do nothing but pity you." He bit his lips, and looked at her with a gloomy countenance. She continued to hold his hand, "Grant me but a moment's patience, Werther," she said. "Do you not see that you are deceiving yourself, that you are seeking your own destruction? Why must you love me, me only, who belong to another? I fear, I much fear, that it is only the impossibility of possessing me which makes your desire for me so strong." He drew back his hand, whilst he surveyed her with a wild and angry look. "'Tis well!" he exclaimed, "'tis very well! Did not Albert furnish you with this reflection? It is profound, a very profound remark." "A


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When the pie was opened The birds began to sing; Was not that a dainty dish To set before the King?

The King was in his counting-house, Counting out his money;

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The Queen was in the parlour, Eating bread and honey;

The maid was in the garden Hanging out the clothes; When up came a blackbird, And snapt off her nose.

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title: User talk:173.22.112.188


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Page:A Book of Nursery Rhymes.djvu/64

42 A BOOK OF NURSERY RHYMES Bo-peep
 * Has lost her sheep,

And can't tell
 * Where to find them;

Leave them alone,
 * And they'll come home,

And bring their
 * Tails behind them.

Little Bo-peep fell fast asleep,
 * And dreamt she heard them bleating;

But when she awoke she found it a joke,
 * For still they all were fleeting.

Then up she took her little crook,
 * Determined for to find them;

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