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British Butterflies (Coleman)/CHAPTER III

CHAPTER III.

 * WHAT BUTTERFLIES NEVER DO—GROUNDLESS TERROR—A MISTAKE—USES OF BUTTERFLIES—MORAL OF BUTTERFLY LIFE—PSYCHE—THE BUTTERFLY AN EMBLEM OF THE SOUL—THE ARTIST AND THE BUTTERFLY.

Among the negative attributes of butterflies, I may state positively, that no butterfly whatever can either sting or bite in the least degree; and from their total harmlessness towards the person of man, conjoined with their outward attractiveness, they merit and enjoy an exemption from those feelings of dread and disgust that attach to many, or, I may say, to almost all other tribes of insects; even to their equally harmless near relatives the larger moths. At least, it has never been my misfortune to meet with a person weak-minded enough to be afraid of a butterfly, though I have seen some exhibit symptoms of the greatest terror at the proximity of a large Hawk-moth, and some of the thick-bodied common moths—"Match-owlets," the country folk call them.

Once, also, I listened to the grave recital—by a classical scholar too—of a murderous onslaught made by a Privet Hawk-moth on the neck of a lady, and how it "bit a piece clean out." Of course I attempted to prove, by what seemed to me very fair logic, that the moth, having neither teeth nor even any mouth capable of opening, but only a weak hollow tongue to suck honey through, was utterly incapable of biting or inflicting any wound whatever. But, as is usual in such cases, my entomological theory went for nothing in face of the gentleman's knock-down battery of facts—ocular facts; he had seen the moth, and he had seen the wound: surely, there was proof enough for me, or any one else. So, I suppose, he steadfastly believes to this day, that the moth was a truculent, bloodthirsty monster; whilst I still presume to believe, that if any wound was caused at the moment in question, it was by the nails of the lady attacked, or her friends, in clutching frantically at the terrific intruder; who, poor fellow, might have been pardoned for mistaking the fair neck for one of his favourite flowers (a lily, perhaps), while the utmost harm he contemplated was to pilfer a sip of nectar from the lips he doubtless took for rosebuds.

Utilitarians may, perhaps, inquire the uses of butterflies—what they do, make, or can be sold for; and I must confess that my little favourites neither make anything to wear, like the silkworm, nor anything to eat, like the honey-bee, nor are their bodies saleable by the ton, like the cochineal insects, and that, commercially speaking, they are just worth nothing at all, excepting the few paltry pence or shillings that the dealer gets for their little dried bodies occasionally; so they are of no more use than poetry, painting, and music—than flowers, rainbows, and all such unbusinesslike things. In fact, I have nothing to say in the butterfly's favour, except that it is a joy to the deep-minded and to the simple-hearted, to the sage, and, still better, to the child—that it gives an earnest of a better world, not vaguely and generally, as does every "thing of beauty," but with clearest aim and purpose, through one of the most strikingly perfect and beautiful analogies that we can find throughout that vast Creation, where—

 * "All animals are living hieroglyphs."

The butterfly, then, in its own progressive stages of caterpillar, chrysalis, and perfect insect, is an emblem of the human soul's progress through earthly life and death, to heavenly life.

Even the ancient Greeks, with their imperfect lights, recognised this truth, when they gave the same name, Psyche, to the soul, or spirit of life, and to the butterfly, and sculptured over the effigy of one dead the figure of a butterfly, floating away, as it were, in his breath; while poets of all nations have since followed up the simile.

And this analogy is not only a mere general resemblance, but holds good through its minute details to a marvellous extent; to trace which fully would require volumes, while in this place the slightest sketch only can be given.

First, there is the grovelling caterpillar-state, emblematical of our present imperfection, but yet the state of preparation and increase towards perfection, and that, too, which largely influences the future existence.

Many troubles and changes are the lot of the caterpillar. Repeated skin-shiftings and ceaseless industry in his vocation are necessary, that within his set time he may attain full growth and vigour.

Then comes a mighty change: the caterpillar is to exchange his worm-like form and nature for an existence unspeakably higher and better. But, as we have seen, to arrive at this glory there is only one condition, which is, that the creature must pass through another, and, as it might seem, a gloomy state—one anything but cheerful to contemplate; for it must cease to eat, to move, and—to the eye—to live. Yet, is it really dead now, or do we, who have watched the creature thus far, despair and call it lost? Do we not rather rejoice that it rests from its labours, and that the period of its glorification is at hand?

In the silent chrysalis state then our Psyche sleeps away awhile, unaffected by the vicissitudes around it; and, at last, when its appointed day arrives, bursts from its cerements, and rises in the air a winged and joyous being, to meet the sun which warmed it into new life. Now it is a butterfly,—bright emblem of pleasure unalloyed.

This happy consummation, however, is only for the chrysalis which has not within it the devouring worm, the fruit of the ichneumon's egg, harboured during the caterpillar state—and emblem, in the human soul, of some deadly sin yielded to during life, and which afterwards becomes the gnawing "worm that dieth not." For in this case, instead of the bright butterfly, there issues forth from the chrysalis-shell only a swarm of black, ill-favoured flies, like a troop of evil spirits coming from their feast on a fallen soul.

If a caterpillar were gifted with a foreknowledge of his butterfly future, so far transcending his inglorious present, we could imagine that he would be only impatient to get through his caterpillar duties, and rejoice to enter the chrysalis state as soon as he was fitted for it. How short-sighted then would a caterpillar appear who should endeavour, while in that shape, to emulate the splendour of the butterfly by some wretched temporary substitute, adding a few more, or brighter stripes than nature had given it; or, again, if one whose great change was drawing near, should attempt to conceal its visible approach by painting over the fading hues of health, and plastering up the wrinkles of its outward covering, so soon to be thrown off altogether; instead of striving for inward strength and beauty, which would never decline, but be infinitely expanded in the butterfly—and regarding the earthly beauty's wane as the dawn of the celestial.

With these and similar reflections before us (which might be multiplied ad infinitum), we shall no longer look upon the caterpillar as a mere unsightly and troublesome reptile, the chrysalis as an unintelligible curiosity, and the butterfly as a pretty painted thing and nothing more; but regard them as together forming one of those beautiful and striking illustrations with which the book of Nature has been so profusely enriched by its ; not to be taken as substitutes for His revealed Word, but as harmonious adjuncts, bringing its great truths more home to our understandings, just as the engravings in a book are not designed as substitutes for the text, but to elucidate and strengthen the ideas in the reader's mind.

While the poet draws from the butterfly many a pleasant similitude, and the moralist many a solemn teaching, the artist (who should be poet and moralist too) dwells upon these beings with fondest delight, finding in them images of joy and life when seen at large in the landscape, and rich stores of colour-lessons when studied at home in the cabinet.

The owners of many a name great in the arts have been enthusiastic collectors of butterflies. Our distinguished countryman, Thomas Stothard, was one of their devotees, and the following anecdote, extracted from his published life, shows how he was led to make them his special study:—

"He was beginning to paint the figure of a reclining sylph, when a difficulty arose in his own mind how best to represent such a being of fancy. A friend who was present said, 'Give the sylph a butterfly's wing, and then you have it.' 'That I will,' exclaimed Stothard; 'and to be correct I will paint the wing from the butterfly itself.' He sallied forth, extended his walk to the fields, some miles distant, and caught one of those beautiful insects; it was of the species called the Peacock. Our artist brought it carefully home, and commenced sketching it, but not in the painting room; and leaving it on the table, a servant swept the pretty little creature away, before its portrait was finished. On learning his loss, away went Stothard once more to the fields to seek another butterfly. But at this time one of the tortoise-shell tribe crossed his path, and was secured. He was astonished at the combination of colour that presented itself to him in this small but exquisite work of the Creator, and from that moment determined to enter on a new and difficult field—the study of the insect department of Natural History. He became a hunter of butterflies. The more he caught, the greater beauty did he trace in their infinite variety, and he would often say that no one knew what he owed to these insects—they had taught him the finest combinations in that difficult branch of art—colouring."

The above doubtless has its parallel in the experience of many artistic minds, whose very nature it is to appreciate to the full the perfections set forth in a butterfly, admiring—

 * "The velvet nap which on his wings doth lie,
 * The silken down with which his back is dight,
 * His broad outstretched horns, his airy thigh,
 * His glorious colours and his glistening eye."


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Rh "As long as it's not the water of immortality I don't mind," said the distinguished Medical Man. "What is it?"

"Only a paradox," said the Psychologist.

The Time Traveler said nothing in reply, but smiled and began tapping his pipe upon the fender curb. This was the invariable presage of a dissertation.

"You have to admit that time is a spatial dimension," said the Psychologist, emboldened by immunity and addressing the Medical Man, "and then all sorts of remarkable consequences are found inevitable. Among others, that it becomes possible to travel about in time."

The Time Traveler chuckled. "You forget that I'm going to prove it experimentally."

"Let's have your experiment," said the Psychologist.

"I think we'd like the argument first," said Filby.

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6 "It's this," said the Time Traveler. "You must follow me carefully. I shall have to controvert one or two ideas that are almost universally accepted. The geometry, for instance, they taught you at school is founded on a misconception."

"Is not that rather a large thing to expect us to begin upon?" said Filby.

"I do not mean to ask you to accept anything without reasonable ground for it. You will soon admit as much as I want from you. You know, of course, that a mathematical line, a line of thickness nil, has no real existence. They taught you that? Neither has a mathematical plane. These things are mere abstractions."

"That is all right," said the Psychologist.

"Nor, having only length, breadth, and thickness; can a cube have a real existence."

"There I object," said Filby.


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7 "Of course a solid body may exist. All real things——"

"So most people think. But wait a moment. Can an instantaneous cube exist?"

"Don't follow you," said Filby.

"Can a cube that does not last for any time at all, have a real existence?"

Filby became pensive.

"Clearly," the Philosophical Inventor proceeded, "any real body must have extension in four directions: it must have Length, Breadth, Thickness, and—Duration. But through a natural infirmity of the flesh, which I will explain to you in a moment, we incline to overlook the fact. There are really four dimensions, three which we call the three planes of Space, and a fourth, Time. There is, however, a tendency to draw an unreal distinction between the former three dimensions and the latter, because it happens that our consciousness moves


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8 intermittently in one direction along the latter from the beginning to the end of our lives."

"That," said a Very Young Man, making spasmodic efforts to relight his cigar over the lamp: "that—very clear indeed."

"Now, it is very remarkable that this is so extensively overlooked," continued the Philosophical Inventor, with a slight accession of cheerfulness. "Really this is what is meant by the Fourth Dimension, though some people who talk about the Fourth Dimension do not know they mean it. It is only another way of looking at Time. There is no difference between Time and any of the three dimensions of Space except that our consciousness moves along it. But some foolish people have got hold of the wrong side of that idea. You have all heard what they have to say about this Fourth Dimension?"

"I have not," said the Provincial Mayor.


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Rh "It is simply this, That space, as our mathematicians have it, is spoken of as having three dimensions, which one may call Length, Breadth, and Thickness, and is always definable by reference to these planes, each at right angle to the others. But some philosophical people have been asking why three dimensions particularly—why not another direction at right angles to the other three?—and have even tried to construct a Four-Dimensional geometry. Professor Simon Newcomb was expounding this to the New York Mathematical Society only a month or so ago. You know how on a flat surface, which has only two dimensions, we can represent a figure of a Three-Dimensional solid, and similarly they think that by models of three dimensions they could represent one of four—if they could master the perspective of the thing. See?" "I think so," murmured the Provincial Mayor; and, knitting his


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10 brows, he lapsed into an introspective state, his lips moving as one who repeats mystic words. "Yes, I think I see it now," he said after some time, brightening in a quite transitory manner.

"Well, I do not mind telling you I have been at work upon this geometry of Four Dimensions for some time. Some of my results are curious: for instance, here is a portrait of a man at eight years old, another at fifteen, another at seventeen, another at twenty-three, and so on. All these are evidently sections, as it were, Three-Dimensional representations of his Four-Dimensional being, which is a fixed and unalterable thing.

"Scientific people," proceeded the Philosopher, after the pause required for the proper assimilation of this, "know very well that Time is only a kind of Space. Here is a popular scientific diagram, a weather record. This line I trace with my finger shows


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Rh the movement of the barometer. Yesterday it was so high, yesterday night it fell, then this morning it rose again, and so gently upward to here. Surely the mercury did not trace this line in any of the dimensions of space generally recognized? But certainly it traced such a line, and that line, therefore, we must conclude, was along the Time Dimension."

"But," said the Medical Man, staring hard at a coal in the fire, "if Time is really only a fourth dimension of Space, why is it, and why has it always been, regarded as something different? And why cannot we move about in Time as we move about in the other dimensions of Space?"

The Philosophical Person smiled. "Are you so sure we can move freely in Space? Right and left we can go, backward and forward freely enough, and men always have done so. I admit we move freely in two dimensions. But now about up and down? Gravitation limits us there."


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12 "Not exactly," said the Medical Man. "There are balloons."

"But before the balloons, save for spasmodic jumping and the inequalities of the surface, man had no freedom of vertical movement."

"Still they could move a little up and down," said the Medical Man.

"Easier, far easier, down than up."

"And you cannot move at all in Time. You cannot get away from the present moment."

"My dear sir, that is just where you are wrong. That is just where the whole world has gone wrong. We are always getting away from the present moment. Our mental existences, which are immaterial and have no dimensions, are passing along the Time Dimension with a uniform velocity from the cradle to the grave. Just as we should travel down if we began our existence fifty miles above the earth's surface."

"But the great difficulty is this,"


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Rh interrupted the Psychologist: "You can move about in all directions of Space, but you cannot move about in Time." "That is the germ of my great discovery. But you are wrong to say that we cannot move about in Time. For instance, if I am recalling an incident very vividly I go back to the instant of its occurrence; I become absent-minded, as you say. I jump back for a moment. Of course we have no means of staying back for any length of time any more than a savage or an animal has of staying six feet above the ground. But a civilized man is better off than the savage in this respect. He can go up against gravitation in a balloon, and why should we not hope that ultimately he may be able to stop or accelerate his drift along the Time Dimension; or even to turn about and travel the other way?"

"Oh, this", began Filby, "is all—— "


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14 "Why not?" said the Philosophical Inventor.

"It's against reason," said Filby.

"What reason?" said the Philosophical Inventor.

"You can show black is white by argument," said Filby, "but you will never convince me."

"Possibly not," said the Philosophical Inventor. "But now you begin to see the object of my investigations into the geometry of Four Dimensions. Long ago I had a vague inkling of a machine—— "

"To travel through Time!" said the Very Young Man.

"That shall travel indifferently in any direction of Space and Time, as the driver determines."

Filby contented himself with laughter.

"It would be remarkably convenient," the Psychologist suggested. "One might travel back and witness the battle of Hastings."

"Don't you think you would


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United States Code/Title 42/Chapter 85/Section 7423

§ 7423. Standards of performance for new stationary sources CAA § 123

(a) Heights in excess of good engineering practice; other dispersion techniques
The degree of emission limitation required for control of any air pollutant under an applicable implementation plan under this subchapter shall not be affected in any manner by—
 * (1) so much of the stack height of any source as exceeds good engineering practice (as determined under regulations promulgated by the Administrator), or
 * (2) any other dispersion technique.

The preceding sentence shall not apply with respect to stack heights in existence before December 31, 1970, or dispersion techniques implemented before such date. In establishing an emission limitation for coal-fired steam electric generating units which are subject to the provisions of section 7418 of this title and which commenced operation before July 1, 1957, the effect of the entire stack height of stacks for which a construction contract was awarded before February 8, 1974, may be taken into account.

(b) Dispersion technique
For the purpose of this section, the term “dispersion technique” includes any intermittent or supplemental control of air pollutants varying with atmospheric conditions.

(c) Regulations; good engineering practice
Not later than six months after August 7, 1977, the Administrator, shall after notice and opportunity for public hearing, promulgate regulations to carry out this section. For purposes of this section, good engineering practice means, with respect to stack heights, the height necessary to insure that emissions from the stack do not result in excessive concentrations of any air pollutant in the immediate vicinity of the source as a result of atmospheric downwash, eddies and wakes which may be created by the source itself, nearby structures or nearby terrain obstacles (as determined by the Administrator). For purposes of this section such height shall not exceed two and a half times the height of such source unless the owner or operator of the source demonstrates, after notice and opportunity for public hearing, to the satisfaction of the Administrator, that a greater height is necessary as provided under the preceding sentence. In no event may the Administrator prohibit any increase in any stack height or restrict in any manner the stack height of any source.


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Rh attention?" said the Medical Man. "Our ancestors had no great tolerance for anachronisms." "One might get one's Greek from the very lips of Homer and Plato," the Very Young Man thought. "In which case they would certainly plow you for the little-go. The German scholars have improved Greek so much." "Then, there is the future," said the Very Young Man. "Just think! One might invest all one's money, leave it to accumulate at interest, and hurry on ahead."

"To discover a society," said I, "erected on a strictly communistic basis." "Of all the wild extravagant theories—— " began the Psychologist. "Yes, so it seemed to me, and so I never talked of it until——" "Experimental verification!" cried I. "You are going to verify that!" "The experiment!" cried Filby, who was getting brain-weary.


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16 "Let's see your experiment, anyhow," said the Psychologist, "though it's all humbug, you know."

The Time Traveler smiled round at us. Then, still smiling faintly, and with his hands deep in his trousers pockets, he walked slowly out of the room, and we heard his slippers shuffling down the long passage to his laboratory.

The Psychologist looked at us. "I wonder what he's got?"

"Some sleight-of-hand trick or other," said the Medical Man, and Filby tried to tell us about a conjuror he had seen at Burslem, but before he had finished his preface the Time Traveler came back, and Filby's anecdote collapsed.

The thing the Time Traveler held in his hand was a glittering metallic framework, scarcely larger than a small clock, and very delicately made. There was ivory in it, and some transparent crystalline substance. And now I must be explicit, for


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Rh this that follows—unless his explanation is to be accepted—is an absolutely unaccountable thing. He took one of the small octagonal tables that were scattered about the room, and set it in front of the fire, with two legs on the hearthrug. On this table he placed the mechanism. Then he drew up a chair and sat down. The only other object on the table was a small shaded lamp, the bright light of which fell full upon the model. There were also perhaps a dozen candles about, two in brass candlesticks upon the mantel and several in sconces, so that the room was brilliantly illuminated. I sat in a low armchair nearest the fire, and I drew this forward so as to be almost between the Time Traveler and the fireplace. Filby sat behind him, looking over his shoulder. The Medical Man and the Rector watched him in profile from the right, the Psychologist from the left. We were all on the alert. It


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l8 incredible to me that any kind of trick, however subtly conceived and however adroitly done, could have been played upon us under these conditions.

The Time Traveler looked at us and then at the mechanism.

"Well?" said the Psychologist.

"This little affair," said the Time Traveler, resting his elbows upon the table and pressing his hands together above the apparatus, "is only a model. It is my plan for a machine to travel through Time. You will notice that it looks singularly askew, and that there is an odd twinkling appearance about this bar, as though it was in some way unreal." He pointed to the part with his finger. "Also, here is one little white lever, and here is another."

The Medical Man got up out of his chair and peered into the thing. "It's beautifully made," he said.

"It took two years to make," retorted the Time Traveler. Then,


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Rh when we had all done as the Medical Man, he said: "Now I want you clearly to understand that this lever, being pressed over, sends the machine gliding into the future, and this other reverses the motion. This saddle represents the seat of a time traveler. Presently I am going to press the lever, and off the machine will go. It will vanish, pass into future time, and disappear. Have a good look at the thing. Look at the table too, and satisfy yourselves there is no trickery. I don't want to waste this model, and then be told I'm a quack."

There was a minute's pause perhaps. The Psychologist seemed about to speak to me, but changed his mind. Then the Time Traveler put forth his finger toward the lever. "No," he said suddenly; "lend me your hand." And turning to the Psychologist, he took that individual's hand in his own and told him to put out his forefinger. So that it was


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20 the Psychologist himself who sent forth the model Time Machine on its interminable voyage. We all saw the lever turn. I am absolutely certain there was no trickery. There was a breath of wind, and the lamp flame jumped. One of the candles on the mantel was blown out, and the little machine suddenly swung round, became indistinct, was seen as a ghost for a second perhaps, as an eddy of faintly glittering brass and ivory; and it was gone—vanished! Save for the lamp the table was bare.

Everyone was silent for a minute. Then Filby said he was d——d.

The Psychologist recovered from his stupor, and suddenly looked under the table. At that the Time Traveler laughed cheerfully. "Well?" he said, with a reminiscence of the Psychologist. Then, getting up, he went to the tobacco jar on the mantel, and with his back to us began to fill his pipe.

We stared at each other.


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Rh "Look here," said the Medical Man, "are you in earnest about this? Do you seriously believe that that machine has traveled into Time?"

"Certainly," said the Time Traveler, stooping to light a spill at the fire. Then he turned, lighting his pipe, to look at the Psychologist's face. (The Psychologist, to show that he was not unhinged, helped himself to a cigar and tried to light it uncut.) "What is more, I have a big machine nearly finished in there,"—he indicated the laboratory,—"and when that is put together I mean to have a journey on my own account."

"You mean to say that that machine has traveled into the future?" said Filby.

"Into the future or the past—I don't, for certain, know which."

After an interval the Psychologist had an inspiration.

"It must have gone into the past if it has gone anywhere," he said.

"Why?" said the Time Traveler.


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22 "Because I presume that it has not moved in space, and if it traveled into the future it would still be here all this time, since it must have traveled through this time."

"But," said I, "if it traveled into the past it would have been visible when we came first into this room; and last Thursday when we were here; and the Thursday before that; and so forth!"

"Serious objections," remarked the Rector with an air of impartiality, turning toward the Time Traveler.

"Not a bit," said the Time Traveler, and, to the Psychologist: "You think. You can explain that. It's presentation below the threshold, you know, diluted presentation."

"Of course," said the Psychologist, and reassured us. "That's a simple point in psychology. I should have thought of it. It's plain enough, and helps the paradox delightfully. We cannot see it, nor can we appreciate this machine, any more than we can


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Rh the spoke of a wheel spinning, or a bullet flying through the air. If it is traveling through time fifty times or a hundred times faster than we are, if it gets through a minute while we get through a second, the impression it creates will of course be only one-fiftieth or one-hundredth of what it would make if it were not traveling in time. That's plain enough." He passed his hand through the space in which the machine had been. "You see?" he said laughing.

We sat and stared at the vacant table for a minute or so. Then the Time Traveler asked us what we thought of it all.

"It sounds plausible enough to-night," said the Medical Man; "but wait until to-morrow. Wait for the common sense of the morning."

"Would you like to see the Time Machine itself?" asked the Time Traveler. And therewith, taking the lamp in his hand, he led the way down the long, draughty corridor to


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24 his laboratory. I remember vividly the flickering light, his queer, broad head in silhouette, the dance of the shadows, how we all followed him, puzzled but incredulous, and how there in the laboratory we beheld a larger edition of the little mechanism which we had seen vanish from before our eyes. Parts were of nickel, parts of ivory, parts had certainly been filed or sawn out of rock crystal. The thing was generally complete, but the twisted crystalline bars lay unfinished upon the bench beside some sheets of drawings, and I took one up for a better look at it. Quartz it seemed to be.

"Look here," said the Medical Man, "are you perfectly serious? Or is this a trick—like that ghost you showed us last Christmas?"

"Upon that machine," said the Time Traveler, holding the lamp aloft, "I intend to explore Time. Is that plain? I was never more serious in my life."


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26 in his hands. It is a mistake to do things too easily. The serious people who took him seriously never felt quite sure of his deportment; they were somehow aware that trusting their reputations for judgment with him was like furnishing a nursery with eggshell china. So I don't think any of us said very much about time traveling in the interval between that Thursday and the next, though its odd potentialities ran, no doubt, in most of our minds: its plausibility, that is, its practical incredibleness, the curious possibilities of anachronism and of utter confusion it suggested. For my own part, I was particularly preoccupied with the trick of the model. That I remember discussing with the Medical Man, whom I met on Friday at the Linnæan. He said he had seen a similar thing at Tübingen, and laid considerable stress on the blowing-out of the candle. But how the trick was done he could not explain.


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Rh The next Thursday I went again to Richmond—I suppose I was one of the Time Traveler's most constant guests—and, arriving late, found four or five men already assembled in his drawing room. The Medical Man was standing before the fire with a sheet of paper in one hand and his watch in the other. I looked round for the Time Traveler, and—

"It's half-past seven now," said the Medical Man. "I suppose we'd better have dinner?"

"Where's ——?" said I, naming our host.

"You've just come? It's rather odd. He's unavoidably detained. He asks me in his note to lead off with dinner at seven if he's not back. Says he'll explain when he comes."

"It's seems a pity to let the dinner spoil," said the Editor of a well-known daily paper; and thereupon the Doctor rang the bell.

The Psychologist was the only person besides the Doctor and myself


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28 who had attended the previous dinner. The other men were Blank, the Editor afore-mentioned, a certain journalist, and another—a quiet, shy man with a beard—whom I didn't know, and who, as far as my observation went, never opened his mouth all the evening. There was some speculation at the dinner-table about the Time Traveler's absence, and I suggested time traveling, in a half-jocular spirit. The Editor wanted that explained to him, and the Psychologist volunteered a wooden account of the "ingenious paradox and trick" we had witnessed that day week. He was in the midst of his exposition when the door from the corridor opened slowly and without noise. I was facing the door, and saw it first.

"Hallo!" I said. "At last!"

And the door opened wider, and the Time Traveler stood before us. I gave a cry of surprise.

"Good Heavens, man! what's the


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Rh matter?" cried the Medical Man, who saw him next. And the whole tableful turned toward the door.

He was in an amazing plight. His coat was dusty and dirty, and smeared with green down the sleeves; his hair disordered, and as it seemed to me grayer—either with dust and dirt or because its color had actually faded. His face was ghastly pale; his chin had a brown cut on it—a cut half-healed; his expression was haggard and drawn, as by intense suffering. For a moment he hesitated in the doorway, as if he had been dazzled by the light. Then he came into the room. He walked with just such a limp as I have seen in footsore tramps. We stared at him in silence, expecting him to speak.

He said not a word, but came painfully to the table, and made a motion toward the wine. The Editor filled a glass of champagne and pushed it toward him. He drained it, and it seemed to do him good; for he looked


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30 round the table, and the ghost of his old smile flickered across his face.

"What on earth have you been up to, man?" said the Doctor.

The Time Traveler did not seem to hear. "Don't let me disturb you," he said, with a certain faltering articulation. "I'm all right." He stopped, held out his glass for more, and took it off at a draught. "That's good," he said. His eyes grew brighter, and a faint color came into his cheeks. His glance flickered over our faces with a certain dull approval, and then went round the warm and comfortable room. Then he spoke again, still as it were feeling his way among his words. "I'm going to wash and dress, and then I'll come down and explain things. Save me some of that mutton. I'm starving for a bit of meat."

He looked across at the Editor, who was a rare visitor, and hoped he was all right. The Editor began a question.


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Rh "Tell you presently," said the Time Traveler. "I'm—funny! Be all right in a minute."

He put down his glass, and walked toward the staircase door. Again I remarked his lameness and the soft padding sound of his footfall, and standing up in my place I saw his feet as he went out. He had nothing on them but a pair of tattered, blood-stained socks. Then the door closed upon him. I had half a mind to follow, till I remembered how he detested any fuss about himself. For a minute, perhaps, my mind was wool gathering. Then, "Remarkable Behavior of an Eminent Scientist," I heard the Editor say, thinking (after his wont) in headlines. And this brought my attention back to the bright dinner table.

"What's the game?" said the Journalist. "Has he been doing the Amateur Cadger? I don't follow."

I met the eye of the Psychologist, and read my own interpretation in


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32 his face. I thought of the Time Traveler limping painfully upstairs. I don't think anyone else had noticed his lameness.

The first to recover completely from this surprise was the Medical Man, who rang the bell—the Time Traveler hated to have servants waiting at dinner—for a hot plate. At that the Editor turned to his knife and fork with a grunt, and the Silent Man followed suit. The dinner was resumed. Conversation was exclamatory for a little while, with gaps of wonderment; and then the Editor got fervent in his curiosity.

"Does our friend eke out his modest income with a crossing, or has he his Nebuchadnezzar phases? " he inquired.

"I feel assured it's this business of the Time Machine," I said, and took up the Psychologist's account of our previous meeting.

The new guests were frankly incredulous. The Editor raised objections.


text:
Floor Statement of Senator Barack Obama on President's Decision to Increase Troops in Iraq

Mr. President, I would like to speak briefly on what is a roiling debate not only in the Senate but across the country, and that is the President's policy with respect to Iraq. There are countless reasons the American people have lost confidence in the President's Iraq policy, but chief among them has been the administration's insistence on making promises and assurances about progress and victory that do not appear to be grounded in the reality of the facts. We have been told we would be greeted as liberators. We have been promised the insurgency was in its last throes. We have been assured again and again that we are making progress and that the Iraqis would soon stand up so we could stand down and our brave sons and daughters could start coming home. We have been asked to wait, we have been asked to be patient, and we have been asked to give the President and the new Iraqi Government 6 more months, and then 6 more months after that, and then 6 more months after that.

Now, after the loss of more than 3,000 American lives, after spending almost $400 billion, after Iraq has descended into civil war, we have been promised, once again, that the President's plan to escalate the war in Iraq will, this time, be well planned, well coordinated, and well supported by the Iraqi Government. This time, we didn't have to wait to find out that none of this seems to be the case. Already, American military officials have told the New York Times that there is no clear chain of command between Iraqis and U.S. commanders and no real indication that the Iraqis even want such a partnership. Yesterday, Prime Minister al-Maliki, the person whom the President said had brought this plan to us, the man who is supposed to be our partner-in-chief for this new plan, told foreign journalists that if the United States would only give his Army better weapons and equipment, our soldiers could go home.

The President's decision to move forward with this escalation anyway, despite all evidence and military advice to the contrary, is the terrible consequence of the decision to give him the broad, open-ended authority to wage this war back in 2002. Over 4 years later, we can't revisit that decision or reverse some of the tragic outcomes, but what we can do is make sure we provide the kind of oversight and constraints on the President this time that we failed to do the last time.

I cannot in good conscience support this escalation. It is a policy which has already been tried and a policy which has failed. Just this morning, I had veterans of the Iraq war visit my office to explain to me that this surge concept is, in fact, no different from what we have repeatedly tried, but with 20,000 troops, we will not in any imaginable way be able to accomplish any new progress.

The fact is that we have tried this road before. In the end, no amount of American forces can solve the political differences that lie at the heart of somebody else's civil war. As the President's own military commanders have said, escalation only prevents the Iraqis from taking more responsibility for their own future. It is even eroding our efforts in the wider war on terror as some of the extra soldiers will come directly from Afghanistan, where the Taliban has become resurgent.

The President has offered no evidence that more U.S. troops will be able to pressure Shias, Sunnis, and Kurds toward the necessary political settlement, and he has attached no consequences to his plan should the Iraqis fail to make progress. In fact, just last week, when I repeatedly asked Secretary Rice what would happen if the Iraqi Government failed to meet the benchmarks the President has called for and says are an integral part of their rationale for escalation, she couldn't give me an answer. When I asked her if there were any circumstances whatsoever in which we would tell the Iraqis that their failure to make progress means the end of our military commitment, she could not give me an answer. This is simply not good enough. When you ask how many more months and how many more dollars and how many more lives it will take to end the policy that everyone now knows has not succeeded, "I don't know" isn't good enough.

Over the past 4 years, we have given this administration every chance to get this right, and they have disappointed us many times. But ultimately it is our brave men and women in uniform and their families who bear the greatest burden for these mistakes. They have performed in an exemplary fashion. At no stage have they faltered in the mission that has been presented to them.

Unfortunately, the strategy, the tactics, and the mission itself have been flawed. That is why Congress now has the duty to prevent even more mistakes and bring this war to a responsible end. That is why I plan to introduce legislation which I believe will stop the escalation of this war by placing a cap on the number of soldiers in Iraq. I wish to emphasize that I am not unique in taking this approach. I know Senator Dodd has crafted similar legislation. Senator Clinton, I believe, yesterday indicated she shared similar views. The cap would not affect the money spent on the war or on our troops, but it would write into law that the number of U.S. forces in Iraq should not exceed the number that were there on January 10, 2007, the day the President announced his escalation policy.

This measure would stop the escalation of the war in Iraq, but it is my belief that simply opposing the surge is not good enough. If we truly believe the only solution in Iraq is a political one--and I fervently believe that--if we believe a phased redeployment of U.S. forces in Iraq is the best--perhaps only--leverage we have to force a settlement between the country's warring factions, then we should act on that. That is why the second part of my legislation is a plan for phased redeployment that I called for in a speech in Chicago 2 months ago. It is a responsible plan that protects American troops without causing Iraq to suddenly descend into chaos. The President must announce to the Iraqi people that within 2 to 4 months, under this plan, U.S. policy will include a gradual and substantial reduction in U.S. forces. The President should then work with our military commanders to map out the best plan for such a redeployment and determine precise levels and dates.

Drawing down our troops in Iraq will put pressure on Iraqis to arrive at the political settlement that is needed and allow us to redeploy additional troops in Afghanistan and elsewhere in the region, as well as bring some back home. The forces redeployed elsewhere in the region could then help to prevent the conflict in Iraq from becoming a wider war, something that every international observer is beginning to worry about. It will also reassure our allies in the Gulf. It will allow our troops to strike directly at al-Qaida wherever it may exist and demonstrate to international terrorist organizations that they have not driven us from the region.

My plan would couple this phased redeployment with an enhanced effort to train Iraqi security forces and would expand the number of our personnel--especially special forces--who are deployed with Iraqis as unit advisers and would finally link continued economic aid in Iraq with the existence of tangible progress toward reducing sectarian violence and reaching a political settlement.

One final aspect of this plan that I believe is critical is it would call for engagement by the United States in a regional conference with other countries that are involved in the Middle East--particularly our allies, but including Syria and Iran--to find a solution to the war in Iraq. We have to realize that neither Iran nor Syria wants to see the security vacuum in Iraq filled with chaos, terrorism, refugees, and violence, as it could have a destabilizing effect throughout the entire region and within their own countries. So as odious as the behavior of those regimes may be at times, it is important that we include them in a broader conversation about how we can stabilize Iraq.

In closing, let me say this: I have been a consistent and strong opponent of this war. I have also tried to act responsibly in that opposition to ensure that, having made the decision to go into Iraq, we provide our troops, who perform valiantly, the support they need to complete their mission. I have also stated publicly that I think we have both strategic interests and humanitarian responsibilities in ensuring that Iraq is as stable as possible under the circumstances.

Finally, I said publicly that it is my preference not to micromanage the Commander-in-Chief in the prosecution of war. Ultimately, I do not believe that is the ideal role for Congress to play. But at a certain point, we have to draw a line. At a certain point, the American people have to have some confidence that we are not simply going down this blind alley in perpetuity.

When it comes to the war in Iraq, the time for promises and assurances, for waiting and patience is over. Too many lives have been lost and too many billions have been spent for us to trust the President on another tried-and-failed policy, opposed by generals and experts, opposed by Democrats and Republicans, opposed by Americans and even the Iraqis themselves. It is time to change our policy. It is time to give Iraqis their country back, and it is time to refocus America's effort on the wider struggle against terror yet to be won.


text: Talk:Floor Statement of Senator Barack Obama on President's Decision to Increase Troops in Iraq


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Rh "What was this time traveling? A man couldn't cover himself with dust by rolling in a paradox, could he?"

And then, as the idea came home to him, he resorted to caricature. Hadn't they any clothes-brushes in the Future? The Journalist, too, would not believe at any price, and joined the Editor in the easy work of heaping ridicule on the whole thing. They were both the new kind of Journalist—very joyous, irreverent young men. "Our Special Correspondent in the Day After To-Morrow reports," the Journalist was saying—or rather shouting—when the Time Traveler came back. He was dressed in ordinary evening clothes, and nothing save his haggard look remained of the change that had startled me.

"I say," said the Editor hilariously, "these chaps here say you have been traveling into the middle of next week! Tell us all about little Rosebery, will you? What will you take for the lot?"


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  as colonel of the 33rd, of which he had continued to be lieutenant-colonel up to that time.

On 1 April 1806 Wellesley was returned to parliament for Rye, a government seat which he accepted in order to reply to the charges brought against Lord Wellesley by James Paull [q. v.] He spoke on this and other Indian subjects, and wrote a full memorandum on it at the end of the session (Speeches, 22 April, &c.; Suppl. Desp. iv. 546-86). Parliament was dissolved in October, and on 15 Jan. 1807 he was returned for Mitchell, Cornwall. In March 1807 the Granville ministry resigned, on the king's demand that he should hear nothing more of concessions to the catholics. The Portland ministry succeeded it, the Duke of Richmond becoming lord lieutenant and Wellesley chief secretary of Ireland. He was sworn of the privy council in London on 8 April, and at Dublin on the 28th.

He held this office for two years, but he had stipulated that it should be no bar to his employment on active service, and he was twice absent on that account. The lord lieutenant grumbled, but did not wish to part with him. The state of Ireland was such as to call for the whole attention of its chief secretary. The people were looking eagerly to a French invasion, and among the first things to which Wellesley turned his thoughts was how to guard against it. 'The operations which the British army would have to carry on would be of the nature of those in an enemy's country, in which the hostility of the people would be most active. ... I am positively convinced that no political measure which you could adopt would alter the temper of the people of this country' (Suppl. Desp. 7 May &c.) The tithe agitation soon became vigorous. He held that exorbitant rents, not tithes, were the real grievance; but he suggested that the clergy should be enabled to grant leases of their tithes and should be obliged to reside in their benefices. He recommended increased expenditure on canals, which would lower rents and improve agriculture. He reorganised the Dublin police, and so laid the foundation for the Irish constabulary. He had been re-elected for Mitchell on becoming chief secretary, but parliament was dissolved soon afterwards, and in May he was returned for Tralee, co. Kerry, and Newport, Isle of Wight. He chose the latter seat.

He was given command of the reserve in the army sent to Zealand under Lord Cathcart, to secure the Danish fleet, and embarked at Sheerness on 31 July. As the crown prince refused to surrender the fleet, the army landed on 16 Aug., Wellesley leading the way with the light troops; and Copenhagen was invested next day. A Danish force of regulars and militia soon threatened the rear of the army, and on the 26th Wellesley was sent against it with five battalions, eight squadrons, and two batteries of artillery. The Danes fell back before him to Kioge, where they had some intrenchments. He attacked them on the 29th and routed them, taking fifteen hundred prisoners. On 7 Sept. Copenhagen surrendered, Wellesley being one of the commissioners who arranged the terms of capitulation. By the 30th he was in England again, and on 1 Feb. 1808 he received the thanks of the House of Commons in his place. He was promoted lieutenant-general on 25 April, having already, on 12 Nov. 1807, had that rank given him in Ireland in case of invasion.

He had been frequently consulted by the ministers, especially by Castlereagh, about schemes for attacking the colonial possessions of Spain, and had written several memoranda. But the change of dynasty and the uprising of the Spaniards against Napoleon in May 1808 altered the situation. He saw that 'any measures which can distress the French in Spain must oblige them to delay for a season the execution of their plans upon Turkey, or to withdraw their armies from the north,' and he recommended that all the British troops that could be spared should be sent to Gibraltar to act as circumstances might suggest (Suppl. Desp. vi. 80). General (afterwards Sir) Brent Spencer [q. v.] was at that time off Cadiz with a force of five thousand men, having been sent out to do what he could to hinder the French plans of naval concentration. On 14 June Wellesley was given command of a force of about nine thousand men, assembled at Cork, with general instructions to assist the Spaniards or the Portuguese.

He sailed on 12 July, and put into Coruña, where the junta of Galicia informed him that they needed only money and arms, and advised him to take his troops to Portugal. He went on to Oporto, and, having consulted the bishop and the Portuguese generals, and the British admiral off the Tagus, he decided to land his men in Mondego Bay, and sent orders to Spencer to join him there. It was a bold step, for the French army under Junot, which had been in occupation of Lisbon since November, numbered nearly thirty thousand men. But Wellesley knew that they were scattered and had to find garrisons, and supposed the total to be under eighteen thousand. The Portuguese, who had promised


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34 The Time Traveler came to the place reserved for him without a word. He smiled quietly, in his old way.

"Where's my mutton?" he said. "What a treat it is to stick a fork into meat again!"

"Story!" cried the Editor.

"Story be d——d!" said the Time Traveler. "I want something to eat. I won't say a word until I get some peptone into my arteries. Thanks! And the salt."

"One word," said I. "Have you been time traveling?"

"Yes," said the Time Traveler, with his mouth full, nodding his head.

"I'd give a shilling a line for a verbatim note," said the Editor. The Time Traveler pushed his glass toward the Silent Man and rang it with his finger nail; at which the Silent Man, who had been staring at his face, started convulsively, and poured him wine. The rest of the dinner was uncomfortable. For my


text:
Floor Statement of Senator Barack Obama on Iraq War De-escalation Act of 2007

Mr. President, today in Iraq, we sadly find ourselves at the very point I feared most when I opposed giving the President the open-ended authority to wage this war in 2002 - an occupation of undetermined length, at undetermined cost, with undetermined consequences in the midst of a country torn by civil war.

The American people have waited and the American people have been patient. We have given chance after chance for a resolution that has not come, and, more importantly, watched with horror and grief the tragic loss of thousands of brave young American soldiers.

The time for waiting in Iraq is over. The days of our open-ended commitment must come to a close. And the need to bring this war to an end is here.

That is why today, I'm introducing the Iraq War De-escalation Act of 2007.

This plan would not only place a cap on the number of troops in Iraq and stop the escalation, more importantly, it would begin a phased redeployment of U.S. forces with the goal of removing of all U.S. combat forces from Iraq by March 31st, 2008 - consistent with the expectations of the bipartisan Iraq study group that the President has so assiduously ignored.

The redeployment of troops to the United States, Afghanistan, and elsewhere in the region would begin no later than May 1st of this year, toward the end of the timeframe I first proposed in a speech more than two months ago. In a civil war where no military solution exists, this redeployment remains our best leverage to pressure the Iraqi government to achieve the political settlement between its warring factions that can slow the bloodshed and promote stability.

My plan allows for a limited number of U.S. troops to remain as basic force protection, to engage in counter-terrorism, and to continue the training of Iraqi security forces.

And if the Iraqis are successful in meeting the thirteen benchmarks for progress laid out by the Bush Administration itself, this plan also allows for the temporary suspension of the redeployment, provided Congress agrees that the benchmarks have actually been met and that the suspension is in the national security interest of the United States.

The U.S. military has performed valiantly and brilliantly in Iraq. Our troops have done all that we have asked them to do and more. But no amount of American soldiers can solve the political differences at the heart of somebody else's civil war, nor settle the grievances in the hearts of the combatants.

It is my firm belief that the responsible course of action - for the United States, for Iraq, and for our troops - is to oppose this reckless escalation and to pursue a new policy. This policy that I've laid out is consistent with what I have advocated for well over a year, with many of the recommendations of the bipartisan Iraq Study Group, and with what the American people demanded in the November election.

When it comes to the war in Iraq, the time for promises and assurances, for waiting and patience, is over. Too many lives have been lost and too many billions have been spent for us to trust the President on another tried and failed policy opposed by generals and experts, Democrats and Republicans, Americans and many of the Iraqis themselves.

It is time for us to fundamentally change our policy.

It is time to give Iraqis their country back.

And it is time to refocus America's efforts on the challenges we face at home and the wider struggle against terror yet to be won.


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Rh own part, sudden questions kept on rising to my lips, and I dare say it was the same with the others. The Journalist tried to relieve the tension by telling anecdotes of Hettie Potter. The Time Traveler devoted his attention to his dinner, and displayed the appetite of a tramp. The Medical Man smoked a cigarette, and watched the Time Traveler through his eyelashes. The Silent Man seemed even more clumsy than usual, and drank champagne with regularity and determination out of sheer nervousness. At last the Time Traveler pushed his plate away, and looked round us.

"I suppose I must apologize," he said. "I was simply starving. I've had a most amazing time." He reached out his hand for a cigar, and cut the end. "But come into the smoking room. It's too long a story to tell over greasy plates." And ringing the bell in passing, he led the way into the adjoining room.


text: Talk:Floor Statement of Senator Barack Obama on Iraq War De-escalation Act of 2007


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36 "You have told Blank and Dash and Chose about the machine?" he said to me, leaning back in his easy-chair and naming the three new guests.

"But the thing's a mere paradox," said the Editor.

"I can't argue to-night. I don't mind telling you the story, but I can't argue. I will," he went on, "tell you the story of what has happened to me, if you like, but you must refrain from interruptions. I want to tell it. Badly. Most of it will sound like lying. So be it! It's true—every word of it, all the same. I was in my laboratory at four o'clock, and since then I've lived eight days—such days as no human being ever lived before! I'm nearly worn out, but I shan't sleep till I've told this thing over to you. Then I shall go to bed. But no interruptions! Is it agreed?"

"Agreed!" said the Editor, and the rest of us echoed "Agreed!"


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 While Lockhart was writing his ‘Life of Burns,’ Train sent him some information which Lockhart acknowledged in a letter of 20 Sept. 1827; but the portion of these notes now in the Laing collection in the library of Edinburgh University is of very slight value. Train also supplied to George Chalmers, author of ‘Caledonia,’ the earliest knowledge of Roman remains in Ayrshire and Wigtownshire, it being previously supposed that the Romans had never penetrated into Wigtownshire, nor further into Ayrshire than Loudoun Hill. This included notices of the Roman post on the Blackwater of Dee, of the Roman camp at Rispain near Galloway, and of the Roman road from Dumfriesshire to Ayr. Train further succeeded in tracing the wall, of very ancient but unknown origin, called the Deil's Dyke, from Lochryan in Wigtownshire to the farm of Hightae in the parish of Lochmaben, Dumfriesshire, a distance of eighty miles.

While [q. v.] was collecting material for her life of Mary Queen of Scots, she applied to Train for information regarding the flight of Mary through eastern Galloway after the battle of Langside, but any lingering traditions of this occurrence must be regarded as compounded more largely of fiction than of fact.

In 1820, through the representations of Scott to the lord advocate, Train was promoted supervisor, the station to which he was appointed being Cupar-Fife, whence in 1822 he was removed to Queensferry, and in 1823 to Falkirk. Owing, however, to the then prevailing custom of reserving the highest offices of the excise mainly for Englishmen, the efforts of Scott for the advancement of Train to the rank of general supervisor or collector were unsuccessful. Not only so, but owing to fictitious offences, manufactured it is said by an English official, Train was in 1824 ‘removed in censure’ from Falkirk to be supervisor at Wigtown, and although afterwards he was appointed to Dumfries, he was, on account of a supposed negligence, reduced while at Dumfries from the rank of supervisor. After six months he was, however, on his own petition, restored to his former rank, being appointed in November 1827 supervisor at Castle Douglas. While there he supplied Scott with a variety of information for his notes to the new edition of the ‘Waverley Novels’ begun in 1829. In November of the same year he was admitted a member of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland.

The death of Scott, 21 Sept. 1832, made a great blank in the life of Train, but the absence of the accustomed stimulus did not lessen his interest in his old studies. Although he had presented Scott with many antiquarian relics, he still retained a rare and valuable collection of his own. James Hannay, editor of the Edinburgh ‘Courant,’ who records in ‘Household Words’ of 10 July 1853 a visit which he paid to Train, states that his ‘little parlour was full of antiquities,’ and describes him as ‘a tall old man, with an autumnal red in his face, hale-looking, and of simple quaint manners.’ After his retirement from the excise in 1836, he took up his residence in a cottage near Castle Douglas, where he occupied his leisure in contributing to ‘Chambers's Journal’ and other periodicals, in completing his ‘Historical and Statistical Account of the Isle of Man, from the earliest time to the present date, with a view of its peculiar customs and popular superstitions’ (Douglas, 1845, 2 vols. 8vo), and in writing an account of the local religious sect known as the Buchanites, under the title, ‘The Buchanites from First to Last’ (Edinburgh, 1846, 8vo). He died on 1 Dec. 1852. By Mary, daughter of Robert Wilson, gardener in Ayr, he had five children.

TRANT, ‘’ NICHOLAS (1769–1839), brigadier-general in the Portuguese army, born in 1769, belonged to an Irish family originally of Danish origin. His grandfather, Dominick Trant of Dingle, co. Kerry, wrote a tract ‘Considerations on the present Disturbance in Munster,’ 1787 (3rd edit. 1790). He was educated at a military college in France, but in consequence of the French revolution he entered the British army, and was commissioned as lieutenant in the 84th foot on 31 May 1794. He served with that regiment at Flushing, and went with it to the Cape of Good Hope in 1795. Returning to England, he obtained a company in one of the regiments of the Irish brigade, his commission bearing date 1 Oct. 1794. His regiment was sent to Portugal, and he took part in the expedition under Sir Charles Stuart, which captured Minorca in November 1798. There Trant was appointed agent-general for prizes, and helped to organise the Minorca regiment, in which he was made major on 17 Jan. 1799. He served in the expedition to Egypt, and his regiment was in support of the 42nd and 28th in the battle of Alexandria. It was disbanded after the peace of Amiens, and Trant left


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Rh And with that the Time Traveler began his story as I have set it forth. He sat back in his chair at first, and spoke like a weary man. Afterward he got more animated. In writing it down I feel with only too much keenness the inadequacy of pen and ink—and, above all, my own inadequacy—to express its quality. You read, I will suppose, attentively enough; but you cannot see the speaker's white, sincere face in the bright circle of the little lamp, nor hear the intonation of his voice. You cannot know how his expression followed the turns of his story! Most of us hearers were in shadow, for the candles in the smoking room had not been lighted, and only the face of the Journalist and the legs of the Silent Man from the knees downward were illuminated. At first we glanced now and again at each other. After a time we ceased to do that, and looked only at the Time Traveler's face.


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Rh put one more drop of oil on the quartz rod, and sat myself in the saddle. I suppose a suicide who holds a pistol to his skull feels much the same wonder at what will come next as I felt then. I took the starting lever in one hand and the stopping one in the other, pressed the first, and almost immediately the second. I seemed to reel; I felt a nightmare sensation of falling; and, looking round, I saw the laboratory exactly as before. Had anything happened? For a moment I suspected that my intellect had tricked me. Then I noted the clock. A moment before, as it seemed, it had stood at a minute or so past ten; now it was nearly half-past three!

"I drew a breath, set my teeth, gripped the starting lever with both my hands, and went off with a thud. The laboratory got hazy and went dark. Mrs. Watchett came in, and walked, apparently without seeing me, toward the garden door. I


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40 it took her a minute or so to traverse the place, but to me she seemed to shoot across the room like a rocket. I pressed the lever over to its extreme position. The night came like the turning out of a lamp, and in another moment came to-morrow. The laboratory grew faint and hazy, then fainter and ever fainter. To-morrow night came black, then day again, night again, day again, faster and faster still. An eddying murmur filled my ears and a strange, dumb confusedness descended on my mind.

"I am afraid I cannot convey the peculiar sensations of time-traveling. They are excessively unpleasant. There is a feeling exactly like that one has upon a switchback—of a helpless headlong motion! I felt the same horrible anticipation, too, of an imminent smash. As I put on pace, day followed night, like the flap, flap, flap of some rotating body. The dim suggestion of the laboratory


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Styx

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Styx


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Rh seemed presently to fall away from me, and I saw the sun hopping swiftly across the sky, leaping it every minute, and every minute marking a day. I supposed the laboratory had been destroyed, and I had come into the open air. I had a dim impression of scaffolding, but I was already going too fast to be conscious of any moving things. The slowest snail that ever crawled dashed by too fast for me. The twinkling succession of darkness and light was excessively painful to the eye. Then in the intermittent darkness, I saw the moon spinning swiftly through her quarters from new to full, and had a faint glimpse of the circling stars. Presently, as I went on, still gaining velocity, the palpitation of night and day merged into one continuous grayness; the sky took on a wonderful deepness of blue, a splendid luminous color like that of early twilight; the jerking sun became a streak of fire, a brilliant arch in space, the


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 , would be discouraged if his troops remained on board ship, and he expected to be soon reinforced. On the 30th he learnt that five thousand men were on their way from England, that ten thousand under Sir John Moore would follow that the whole army was to be commanded by Sir Hew Dalrymple, and that he himself would be fourth instead of first. 'I hope that I shall have beat Junot before any of them shall arrive, and then they will do as they please with me,' he wrote to the Duke of Richmond (Suppl. Desp. 1 Aug.)

The disembarkation was not completed till 5 Aug., on which day Spencer arrived. On the 8th the army advanced, and on the 12th it was joined at Leiria by six thousand Portuguese under Freire. Freire refused to march on Lisbon, but he allowed Colonel (afterwards Sir) Nicholas Trant [q. v.] to accompany the British with fourteen hundred foot and 250 horse. Junot, while gathering his troops, had sent forward Delaborde with five thousand men to delay the British advance. Delaborde chose a position at Rolica, and was attacked there on the 17th by Wellesley with nearly fourteen thousand men. This superiority in numbers enabled Wellesley to threaten both flanks while pressing the French in front; Delaborde was forced back to a second position, and then had to retreat altogether, after losing six hundred men. But the front attack had been premature, and the British loss was not much less.

Wellesley meant to march next day on Torres Vedras, to secure the pass, but learning that the brigades of Acland and Anstruther were off the coast, he took a position at Vimeiro to cover their disembarkation. On the evening of the 20th a senior officer, Sir Harry Burrard [q. v.], arrived, and refused to allow any offensive movements till Moore's troops should have joined. On the morning of the 21st the British army was attacked in its position by Junot, and Burrard left Wellesley to conduct the action. Junot had fourteen thousand men, including thirteen hundred cavalry, and 23 guns. The British numbered sixteen thousand, of which only 240 were cavalry, with eighteen guns, besides Trant's Portuguese. Their position was convex, the right resting on the sea, and Junot's plan was to turn the left. But Wellesley moved four of his eight brigades from right to left by the rear, and Solignac's division, which made the turning movement, was driven back and separated from the rest of the army. The columns sent against the British front were also repulsed. Wellesley had said of the French when he was leaving England, 'if what I hear of their system of manœuvres be true, I think it a false one as against steady troops' (, i. 13, ii. 122). The columns failed, as he anticipated, before a volley and a charge in line. The French loss was over two thousand men, about three times that of the British, and thirteen guns.

Wellesley wished to follow up his victory, but he was stopped short. 'Sir H. Burrard, who was at this time on the ground, still thought it advisable not to move from Vimeiro; and the enemy made good their retreat to Torres Vedras' (Desp. 22 Aug.) Sir Hew Whitefoord Dalrymple [q. v.] took command next day, and the convention of Cintra followed. Wellesley concurred in the principle of it, thinking that, as the French had not been cut off from Lisbon, it was best to allow them to evacuate Portugal; and on 22 Aug. he signed, by Dalrymple's desire, the armistice which was the prelude to it, though he disapproved of some details. In the further negotiations his advice was disregarded. Castlereagh had strongly recommended him to Dalrymple's particular confidence, but he found that it was not given to him; and he soon came to the conclusion that 'it is quite impossible for me to continue any longer with this army' (Desp. 5 Sept.) It was suggested that he should go to the Asturias to report on the country, but he replied that he was not a topographical engineer. He also declined a proposal that he should go to Madrid. Leave of absence was given him, and he arrived in England on 6 Oct.

The convention had raised a storm there, and as Wellesley had signed the armistice, and was wrongly said to have negotiated it, much of the blame fell on him (, i. 344). A court of inquiry met at Chelsea on 17 Nov., and Wellesley laid before this court some masterly statements vindicating his conduct and forming a full record of the campaign (Desp. iv. 152-237; Suppl. Desp. vi. 151-94; cf. Speeches, 21 and 28 Feb. 1809). In its final report (22 Dec.) the court approved of the armistice, one member dissenting; with the convention Wellesley was not concerned. The inquiry prevented his rejoining the army, which was then advancing into Spain under Moore. He received the thanks of parliament for his conduct at Rolica and Vimeiro, those of the House of Commons being given to him in his place (Speeches, 27 Jan. 1809). He also received addresses from Limerick and Londonderry, and a piece of plate from the commanding officers who had served under him at Vimeiro.


text:
Page:The Time Machine (1st edition).djvu/54

42 moon a fainter fluctuating band; and I could see nothing of the stars, save now and then a brighter circle flickering in the blue.

"The landscape was misty and vague. I was still on the hillside upon which this house now stands, and the shoulder rose above me gray and dim. I saw trees growing and changing like puffs of vapor, now brown, now green; they grew, spread, fluctuated, and passed away. I saw huge buildings rise up faint and fair, and pass like dreams. The whole surface of the earth seemed changing—melting and flowing under my eyes. The little hands upon the dials that registered my speed raced round faster and faster. Presently I noted that the sun belt swayed up and down, from solstice to solstice, in a minute or less, and that, consequently, my pace was over a year a minute; and minute by minute the white snow flashed across the world and vanished, and was


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 60.djvu/184

 Wellesley bore the brunt of these attacks, which were vigorous and obstinate, and were directed against both front and flank. There was a critical moment, when the English guards, following up too eagerly some troops they had repulsed, were met by the French reserves and driven back in confusion. But Wellesley, foreseeing what happened, had brought the 48th regiment from the left, and its steady fire gave the centre time to reform. At length the French retired, leaving seventeen guns on the field and having lost over seven thousand men. The loss of the British was 5,400 and of the Spaniards 1,200 (Desp. 29 July; Napoleon's Correspondence, 21 Aug.) ' Il parait que c'est un homme, ce Wellesley,' was Napoleon's remark when the news reached him at Vienna (, Guerre d' Espagne, p. 87).

Meanwhile Soult had reorganised his troops, had been joined by Ney, and had made his way unopposed through passes which Wellesley believed to be well guarded, with fifty-three thousand men. Four days after the battle of Talavera he reached Plasencia, where he was upon the British line of communications. The allied armies now lay between two French armies. Wellesley, believing Soult's strength to be only half what it was, determined to march against him, leaving the Spaniards at Talavera to face Joseph. But Cuesta, perverse and incapable throughout, abandoned Talavera, and then opposed the only course open to them, to pass the Tagus at Arzobispo. This was done, however, by the British on 4 Aug., and the Spaniards followed next day. A large number of the wounded had to be left behind.

The allied armies took up positions to dispute the passage of the Tagus at Arzobispo or Almaraz. At the former the Spaniards were surprised on the 8th, but the French did not follow up their success, and on the 12th Cuesta resigned. On the 20th extreme destitution obliged the British to fall back on Badajoz. The Spanish junta complained loudly, but Wellesley refused to co-operate any longer with their armies after his experience of their breaches of faith and misbehaviour in the field. 'They are really children in the art of war,' he wrote (Desp. 25 Aug.) He warned them to avoid pitched battles, but in vain; their best army was routed at Oeaña on 19 Nov., and another under Del Parque was beaten at Alba de Tormes before the end of the month. Wellesley's position at Badajoz saved Andalusia from invasion, and, in spite of great loss from sickness, he remained there till the middle of December. The exposure of northern Portugal by Del Parque's defeat then led him to move his army to upper Beira, leaving one division under Hill at Abrantes.

The supreme command of the Portuguese army had been given to him on 6 July with the rank of marshal-general, and in August he had been made captain-general in the Spanish army. For the victories of Oporto and Talavera he was raised to the peerage on 4 Sept. as Baron Douro of Wellesley and Viscount Wellington of Talavera. The title was chosen by his brother William, apparently to minimise the change of name. He received the thanks of parliament (26 Jan. and 1 Feb. 1810) and an annuity of 2,000l. But the vote of thanks was opposed in both houses (Hansard, xv. 130, 277), and Lords Grey and Lauderdale entered a protest. The common council of London asked for an inquiry into Wellington's conduct. He was used as a means of attacking the ministry, which was weak and divided. It had been discredited by the Walcheren failure, and had lost Castlereagh and Canning. Perceval, the new head of it, was inclined to withdrawal from the Peninsula, while Lord Wellesley had joined it as foreign secretary in order to counteract such a policy (Suppl. Desp. vii. 257).

But it was not mere party spirit that found fault with Wellington. Talavera had shown that sixteen thousand British infantry could hold their ground against thirty thousand French, but otherwise it had borne no fruit; and the army had escaped disaster only by the faults of the French leaders. It had suffered much and had lost faith in its general (, Life of Sir Charles James Napier, i. 119, 126). The 'Moniteur' had expressed the hope that he would always command the English armies: 'du caractère dont il est, il essuiera de grandes catastrophes' (, p. 29). Napoleon had made peace with Austria, and even before it was signed had given orders (7 Oct. 1809) for the formation of a fresh army of a hundred thousand men, which he meant to lead into Spain at the end of the year. As Lord Liverpool afterwards wrote, 'All the officers in the army who were in England, whether they had served in Portugal or not, entertained and avowed the most desponding views as to the result of the war in that country. . . and not a mail arrived from Lisbon which did not bring letters at that time from officers of rank and situation in the army. . . avowing their opinions as to the probability and even necessity of a speedy evacuation of the country' (Suppl. Desp. 10 Sept. 1810).

But Wellington himself never despaired.


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Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 60.djvu/185

 Wellesley He remained convinced that the Bonaparte system was hollow and must collapse (Desp. 4 April 1810). In October he had carefully examined the country near Lisbon, and had started the works afterwards known as the lines of Torres Vedras (Desp. 20 Oct.; Suppl. Desp, 15 Oct., &c.) In reply to the anxious inquiries of the government, he assured them that the French armies would need to be very largely reinforced to subjugate Spain, and until that was done an army of thirty thousand British and forty-five thousand Portuguese, aided by militia, would be able to hold Portugal. If it came to the worst, the British could embark. 'I may fail, I shall be most confoundedly abused, and in the end I may lose the little character I have gained; but I should not act fairly by the government if I did not tell them my real opinion, which is, that they will betray the honour and interests of the country if they do not continue their efforts in the Peninsula' (Desp. 14 and 28 Nov.) He would not ask for more men, being sure he should not get them, and it would only give the ministers an excuse for withdrawing the army (ib. 14 Jan. 1810).

In the middle of January 1810 the French invaded Andalusia, and met with little resistance. Joseph entered Seville on 1 Feb., and on the 4th Victor invested Cadiz. The aid of British troops, hitherto declined, was now asked for by the Spanish regency, which had replaced the central junta. Wellington sent four regiments, and in a few months the force was increased to a division of 8,500 men under General Thomas Graham [q. v.] The French success increased the anxiety in England, and Liverpool wrote to Wellington that he would be more readily excused for bringing the army away too soon than for staying too long, adding, 'I could not recommend any attempt at what may be called desperate resistance' (Suppl. Desp. 13 March). Wellington was ready to accept the responsibility thus thrown on him, if only the government would trust him and leave him to exercise his own judgment; but if they were going to take other people's opinions instead of his, let them send him detailed instructions, and he would carry them out (Desp. 2 April).

Napoleon changed his mind about going to Spain himself, but he sent 150,000 men there, or to the frontier, in the first half of 1810. He wrote: 'The English alone are to be feared in Spain; the rest are mere artisans, who can never keep the field' (31 Jan.) To drive 'the hideous leopard' into the sea, an army of Portugal was formed on 17 April, consisting of the 2nd corps (Reynier), the 6th (Ney), and the 8th (Junot), and numbering eighty thousand men. Massena was appointed to the command of it, and 30,000 men in the northern provinces of Spain were also placed under his orders. He was to spend the summer in taking frontier fortresses, and not enter Portugal till after the harvest.

To oppose this powerful army, Wellington had only about fifty thousand regular troops, half of which were Portugese, and he was very weak in cavalry. His object was 'to make the French move in masses, and to gain time; time to secure the harvest and complete the lines; time to discipline the regulars, to effect the arming and organisation of the ordenança, and to consolidate a moral ascendancy over the nation' (, ii. 396). He meant to lay waste the country as he fell back, to starve the enemy if they kept together, and beat them if they scattered (cf. Desp. 5 July 1811).

When Masséna joined his army on 27 June, the 6th and 8th corps were besieging Ciudad Rodrigo; the 2nd corps was at Merida, and Hill with twelve thousand men was at Portalegre, south of the Tagus, to watch it. Wellington, whose headquarters were at Almeida, was pressed both by Spaniards and Portuguese to raise the siege, and was taunted by the French with his inactivity; but he would not risk a battle in open country with such odds against him. Ciudad Rodrigo surrendered on 11 July, Almeida on 27 Aug. Wellington had fallen back as the French advanced, and the sharp action on the Coa fought by Robert Craufurd [q. v.] on 24 July was against his orders. In the middle of July Reynier had crossed the Tagus near Alcantara, and Hill had made a parallel movement, crossing at Villa Velha, and taken a position near Castel Branco. Behind him, on the Zezere, there was a reserve corps of ten thousand men, under Leith; for Wellington was uncertain as to the line of invasion, and the Serra de Estrella was an obstacle to prompt concentration. On 4 Aug. he issued a proclamation to the Portuguese, warning them that they must remove themselves and their property on the French approach.

On 16 Sept. Masséna assembled his three corps west of Almeida. He had decided to march by the right bank of the Mondego, and hoped to reach Coimbra before Wellington could be joined by Hill. But he had chosen the worst road in Portugal; his march was harassed, Leith and Hill joined Wellington on the 21st, and the allied army was


text:
Page:Devonshire Characters and Strange Events.djvu/935

Rh Luttrell, Mr. H. Fownes,

Lyde, Robert, -151

— a frequent captive, ,

— overcomes his captors,

Lydford, ,

Lyme, ,

Lymington,

Lymington, Lord,

Lympston,

Lyons,

Lysons, Mr.,, , -250, , , ,

Mabinogion, the Welsh,

Macartney, Lord,

Mace,

Maclean, Sir John,

Macleod family, the,

Madagascar,, , ,

Madame Pickle,

Madeira, ,

Madness, homicidal,

Madras,

Madrid, ,

Maviad,, ,

Magdalen Reformatory,

Magnet Britannia,, ,

Magna Charta,

Magrath, Dr., note,, , , , ,

Mahometan cruelty,

Mahon, Lord,

Maiden Bradley,

Maid of Sker,, ,

Malaga,

Malborough,

Manchester,

Mandins, The,

Mania, religious,, –398

Manila,, ,

Mann, James,

Manning, Mr.,

Manning, Joseph,

Mannourie, ,

Manse, Mr.,

Mansell, Sir Robert, ,

Mansfield, Lord,

Marburg, ,

Margate,

"Marianne, Old," –78

— her recipes,

Marisco, William de, ,

— Jordan de, ,

— family, ,

Maristowe,

Marlborough,

Marlborough College,

Marmion, Frances,

Marriage, conceptions of,

Marriott, Mr., ,

Marryatt, Mr.,

Marshall, Edward,

Marshalsea, ,

Marston, Chancellor,

Mary, Queen,, ,

Mary, Queen of Scots,

Maryland,, , , ,

Mary Tavy, r,

Massinger,

Mathews, Joe,

Mathews, Mrs., ,

Mathews, Prebendary, ,

Maxwell, Hon. Mr.,

Mayne, Dr. Jasper,

Mayoralty House, Plymouth,

Mazora, ,

McFarlane, Robert,

McHardy, Anne,

Mears, Henry,

Mecca, ,

Medical advice,, , , , , ,

— misinterpreted,

Medina, Duke of, ,

Medina, first described by Pitts,

Meggor, Captain,

Melish, John,

Memoirs and Correspondence of John Murray, the Publisher,

Memoirs of Jack Rattenbury,

Memoirs of the Life and Mission of Joanna Southcott,

Memoirs of Prout,

Memorials of Old Devonshire, note

Menhirs,

Mentz,

Mercurius Rusticus,

Mercury,

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Merripit Hill,

Merry Conceited Jests,

Merry, Robert,

Meshaw,

Methodist preacher and Black John,

Methodist revivalistic preaching, ,

Metr,

Mevagissey,


text:
Author:Edward Mewburn Walker

Works

 * Thomas Hodge Grose (1906)
 * Signs of the Times (1912)
 * The Hellenica Oxyrhynchia (1913)
 * Greek History (1921)

Contributions to Encyclopædia Britannica

 * (History)
 * (History, Ancient, to 146 )
 * (in part)
 * (in part)
 * (in part)
 * (in part)
 * (in part)

title: Author:Edward Mewburn Walker


text: The Time Machine (Holt text)

title: The Time Machine (Holt text)


text: The Time Machine (Holt text)/The Inventor


text:
Page:The Time Machine (1st edition).djvu/55

Rh by the bright, brief green of spring.

"The unpleasant sensations of the start were less poignant now. They merged at last into a kind of hysterical exhilaration. I remarked, indeed, a clumsy swaying of the machine, for which I was unable to account. But my mind was too confused to attend to it, so with a kind of madness growing upon me I flung myself into futurity. At first I scarce thought of stopping, scarce thought of anything but these new sensations. But presently a fresh series of impressions grew up in my mind,—a certain curiosity, and therewith a certain dread,—until they at last took complete possession of me. What strange developments of humanity, what wonderful advances upon our rudimentary civilization, I thought, might not appear when I came to look nearly into the dim, elusive world that raced and fluctuated before my eyes! I saw great


text: The Time Machine (Holt text)/The Time Traveler Returns


text:
Template talk:DNB01

Compatibility between DNB00 and DNB01
I have just finished two templates on Wikipedia to link to DNB01 ("cite DNBSupp" and "DNBSupp"). Two of the demonstration links are to Busher, Leonard (DNB01) and Bucknill, John Charles (DNB01) it is apparent that the header format and parameter are not similar to those used on DNB00. I would like to change the header on DNB01 so that it appears the same and has the same parameters as that for DNB00.

I am in the process of doing something similar for the EB1911 see Talk:1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Header -- Philip Baird Shearer (talk) 23:46, 10 October 2010 (UTC)

Am trying to follow your description...when comparing DNB00 to DNB01, how are they incompatible? JamAKiska (talk) 00:07, 11 October 2010 (UTC)

DNB00

DNB01

DNB01/sandbox

DNB00 includes displays the volume and places the author below the page name. I have modified the DNB01 code in DNB01/sandbox to replicate that appearance. But note there are also some other changes to the bottom line that I have not yet altered in the sandbox, and there also seems to be some undocumented debug type stuff in the DNB01 template using "zzz" which is not entirely clear to me. -- Philip Baird Shearer (talk) 00:30, 11 October 2010 (UTC)

Exactly right...looks like you are heading in a favourable direction with this...suggest you keep working the template until you determine that the bugs won't bite us later...I will set some time aside tomorrow to go into greater detail on this. Thanks for providing the momentum in our direction.

Is there a need for more than one link on a given page? From previous discussions, it seemed like disambiguation pages (eg. Arthur Annesley) would provide the side by side comparison from a variety of sources. There are a number of these examples available in the completed volumes. JamAKiska (talk) 01:28, 11 October 2010 (UTC)

Whatever you do is fine with me. I don't know anything about complex templates—I only know about transclusion and adapting simple templates. --kathleen wright5 (talk) 09:15, 11 October 2010 (UTC)

 * From studying your well designed examples (thanks!)...

Initial observations for the title line. The "#if:" statements can be greatly simplified by renaming the navigation pages: Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement, Volume 1, 2, or 3, which will simplify the link structure to that of DNB00. Expect that to happen by tomorrow.✅

 * Data Fields...do not need Translator for DNB bios, as all authors wrote primarily in english (though an occasional line in a foreign language can be found); Also need to swap "volume" for "section" to enable one click to the destination page. The DNB01/sandbox presentation mirrors the current format of DNB00. It looks sharp.

 * The wiki link...is desirable only when a wiki page exists. At present less than half the DNB biographies have supporting wiki articles, and many of them have dab entries that make the existing link format EXTREMELY inaccurate. When I see a link, I expect it to lead to a page that adds value to the reading experience. So my humble opinion is that more often than not the reader will be disappointed by a dead end link.  The sister project link discretely invites the reader to another biography on the same person. From a reader friendly perspective...

Am still working on the bottom section as well...JamAKiska (talk) 03:20, 13 October 2010 (UTC)

 * You and I seem to be in agreement. The zzz stuff was added by user:Billinghurst on 1 May 2009, I'll ask. -- Philip Baird Shearer (talk) 22:27, 14 October 2010 (UTC)

 * The text at the bottom seems to be tied to maintenance tags that indicate the presence of a data field. They would need to be included on a follow-on template if still in use, otherwise lighten the load. JamAKiska (talk) 23:14, 14 October 2010 (UTC)

 * It had some horrid artefacts from the pre- version and some of the conversion stuff that was undertaken at that time, so I have been through given it a good cull and updated to the tests used in DNB00
 * is now inbuilt into header, so I have converted all that stuff to align, which yells why we shouldn't overly complicate and overbuild spinoffs.
 * To my way of thinking we should actually build and then put DNB00, DNB01 and DNB12 or whatever as sub-builds.  I would even go as far as updating DNBset to cater for this, default would be 00, other parameters can be added for other years

 * Note that I have changed one of the tests to now identify where  is empty or missing, and it puts those into Category:DNB00 calls missing article yes even for non-00 pages. Whereas the previous method one needed to do it by difference (ugly)

I have put those changes into the sandbox version. I would like to test the sandbox and if it works OK move the code up into the production version so that we have a similar visual appearance to DNB00. Anyone think of a reason I should not do this? --

Suggested direction forward

 * 1) Create Template:DNBxx that has all the underlying parts required and all the tests for valid and missing fields
 * 2) Update DNB00, DNB01, DNB12 (others?) to call the base template and only to set the fields that are required and that change(perhaps DNB03 with consensus)
 * 3) Update DNBset so that it has parameter to identify non-DNB00 files and calls respective templates

What we need to know to do these changes are This is where we stand at present...
 * identify how we wish to describe/label and identify the different parts of the supplements and errata, eg. DNB00 uses volume numbers, what do we want DNB01 to use?
 * identify any other tests that we wish to have slipped away in the header
 * 1) Dictionary of National Biography, 1901 supplement, Volume 3 links to the 3rd and final volume of the 1901 Supplement. Both the 1903 and 1912 editions are each one volume of roughly 1400-1630 pages. Looks like best way forward with these two options would be to break them up into three parts for their respective djvu index pages. So for DNB03 and DNB12 there would be three parts labelled: Part 1, 2, and 3. As you already have a 2 digit volume requirement for the 63 originals, would it be easier to use leading zeros for all editions after the original (Volume 03, or Part 03 as the case may be...)...see DNB link for citations through 1912 supplement.  We will want to have these templates in alignment moving forward.
 * 2) The Header must mirror current look of the green portion of the Header in DNB01/sandbox above. The edition link and Volume (or Part) number as a separate link on the top line, the contributor on the 3rd line, and only one visible wiki-link (which you have already addressed - thanks).JamAKiska (talk) 18:34, 15 October 2010 (UTC)
 * 3) Errata options: Extra notes, footnotes, and link to errata page.JamAKiska (talk) 00:21, 19 October 2010 (UTC)
 * Not to be overlooked...WikiProject DNB/Errors and errataJamAKiska (talk) 11:36, 19 October 2010 (UTC)

See Talk:1911 Encyclopædia_Britannica/Header Bob Burkhardt suggests that what is needed is a new parameter for the underlying header template something like "section-author" and I would also suggest a "volume" parameter be added possibly some others for projects like DNB. -- Philip Baird Shearer (talk) 22:02, 15 October 2010 (UTC)

 * Sub-author has credence IMNSHO, though feel that there are many ways and means to handle volumes, and that it is more likely that if there are multiple sub-pages with volumes that we would either handle differently for web (vs. why printed volumes existed) or wrap into a different header derivative. — billinghurst  sDrewth  05:23, 16 October 2010 (UTC)

 * I don't fully understand what you have written (had to look up IMNSHO). It is the next sentence I may not fully of grasped, so apologies in advance if my answer is off. I see the volume and page number as information that anyone who uses the page needs for a full reference. That it is now on the web via Wikisource does not matter because Wikisource is not an authoritative source. If we were the ONDB then the link itself is a valid reference, but we are not, so we need to give the reader some way to check that what we have is a genuine copy, and to satisfy any requirements they may have to give a full citation. It may be that if a volume contains many many entries we may wish to partition the menu into more manageable chunks and that we need to provide a link to navigate to a sub menus instead of a main volume menu, but that is of secondary importance to providing a full citation of name, volume and page number in the header of the article. -- Philip Baird Shearer (talk) 03:48, 22 October 2010 (UTC)

Happy New Year
Using DNB01 for John Charles Bucknill produces Bucknill, John Charles (DNB01), the header of which implies that Darcy Power wrote the entire supplement, which we all agree is not the case. And yet, when I view Buckeridge, John (DNB00) using DNB00 the header presentation aligns the author with the specific biography in question. What has become clear from this discussion (1911 included) is that the WS master templates are not quite flexible enough to allow accurate entries made in these biographical and other types of dictionaries in a user friendly manner. From what I have read in reviewing the WS templates, there were allowances made some time ago to allow this type of resource specific deviations from the WS master templates to accommodate exactly this type of situation. In light of the fact that all three 1901 Supplemental volumes are now available for editing it would be wise to bring this to closure. There is a distinct lack of symmetry when comparing the headers previously mentioned. Specifically the "volume" parameter which performs two functions: it accelerates the progress of experienced readers navigating these pages and also enables accurate citations that facilitate the verification process. The page numbering is revealed upon removal of the "div class" wiki elements when using transclusion. This page access allows the reader to verify the authenticity of the text, and provides a reference for citation purposes that align with printed versions found on shelves. JamAKiska (talk) 19:58, 1 January 2011 (UTC)

 * Fairly certain the display of DNB01 now mirrors the DNB00's layout but didn't have enough courage to press on and address the missing parameter and it's resulting function(s). Prior to editing, there was an extra (((wikisource|))) call in place of    in case my changes aren't clear enough. -- George Orwell III (talk) 20:53, 1 January 2011 (UTC)

title: Template talk:DNB01


title: Template:DNB01/sandbox


text:
Page:The Time Machine (1st edition).djvu/56

44 and splendid architectures rising about me, more massive than any buildings of our own time, and yet, as it seemed, built of glimmer and mist. I saw a richer green flow up the hillside, and remain there without any wintry intermission. Even through the veil of my confusion the earth seemed very fair. And so my mind came round to the business of stopping.

"The peculiar risk lay in the possibility of my finding some substance in the space which I, or the machine, occupied. So long as I traveled at a high velocity through time, this scarcely mattered: I was, so to speak, attenuated—was slipping like a vapor through the interstices of intervening substances! But to come to a stop involved the jamming of myself, molecule by molecule, into whatever lay in my way, meant bringing my atoms into such intimate contact with those of the obstacle that a profound chemical