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ESTERN Australia contains no better known military figure than that of Colonel Phillips. Associated with the Civil Service in the colony since 1851, he has been actively before the public for nearly the whole of that period. For many years his attention was devoted to his work in the Colonial Secretary's office, and at different times he has performed all the duties attendant on the Colonial Secretaryship, with a seat in the Executive Council. Then he was a most active member of the local volunteers, and held the position of Commandant of the Western Australian Military Forces. He entered the ranks as a private, and rose to the highest appointment in the gift of the military authorities for this colony. Subsequently he took up the duties of Commissioner of Police.

George Braithwaite Phillips was born in Perth in 1836, and is the son of John Randell Phillips, a pioneer of 1831. The latter gentleman came to the colony to take up land, but, subsequently changing his mind, he entered the Public Service. In 1853 the pioneer died; his son, Colonel Phillips, has well maintained the dignity of his name. As a boy, Colonel Phillips was educated at Albany, but leaving a public school at the age of thirteen years he enjoyed the joint tuition of his father and a private tutor. In 1851 he became a clerk, on probation, and without pay, in the Colonial Secretary's Office, Perth, and in March, 1852, he obtained a place on the permanent staff as third clerk. The Public Service was then but a limited affair, and Colonel Phillips has witnessed the growth of the present extensive system. Of a somewhat adventurous dispositon, he was chosen by the Government in 1854 for important work. It had been arranged, when Surveyor Robert Austin started on his exploration of north-west country, that a vessel should be sent to Sharks Bay with stores to meet him when part of his journey was completed. The young clerk in the Colonial Secretary's office was placed in charge of these stores, and though but eighteen years old he proceeded to the place of meeting. After remaining in that then inhospitable locality for several months, instead of, as was expected, a few weeks, vainly waiting for the exploring expedition, he was compelled to return to Perth. The explorers had failed to penetrate the dense thickets and miserable small bush which for many miles surrounded Sharks Bay. At Perth, Colonel Phillips attended to his work, and in 1856 was appointed second clerk in the Colonial Secretary's office. Combined with these duties, he was engaged in the capacity of confidential clerk to Governor Hampton, and was also Assistant District Registrar of Births, Marriages, and Deaths. Then the confidence in which he was held was shown by the Royal Geographical Society in asking him to take the post of second in command of their expedition, equipped to explore the west coast, under F. T. Gregory. He accepted the flattering offer, but the Governor prevailed upon him to resign, and remain at his post in the Public Service. During the next few years he paid close attention to his work, and his reward came in 1865, when he was gazetted acting chief clerk in his office. In the following year he was permanently raised to the office of chief clerk. With this position he was Registrar General, Registrar of Titles, and Registrar of Deeds in Western Australia. From December, 1872, to July, 1873, he was Acting Colonial Secretary, and from July, 1875, to August, 1877, and January, 1878, to January, 1880, he was Acting Colonial Treasurer, with a seat in the Executive Council, the chief official body in the colony. In 1878 he was gazetted a Justice of the Peace, and in 1880 he was permanently appointed Assistant Colonial Secretary, and in the same year, and also in 1883, acted as Colonial Secretary.

It was in the early seventies that Colonel Phillips first connected himself with the volunteer force. He entered as a private, and proving ready and quick in all matters of drill, and after mastering the regulations and requirements, he was, in 1875, given a commission in the artillery, and later obtained a command. In 1879 he was made a staff officer. On three separate occasions Colonel Phillips has been Acting Commandant of the Western Australian Military Forces. He resigned his staff officership on the appointment of Colonel Angelo as Commandant, but on that gentleman's retirement he was gazetted Acting Commandant. When Colonel Phillimore arrived in the colony he took up the duties, and Colonel Phillips retired as a captain on the Colonial Office list. In 1887 he succeeded Captain Smith as Commissioner of Police, and had, meanwhile, been brought into active service again in the military force. On Colonel Phillimore's retirement he was raised to the rank of Major. Major Pilkington, the aide-de-camp, was then appointed

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 commandant. Thus, with his work as Commissioner of Police, and in the volunteer service, Colonel Phillips had little spare time. In 1880 he was appointed commandant by the Governor, but was subsequently succeeded by Colonel Fleming, an Imperial Officer. Colonel Phillips now retired from the local forces with the rank of Lieut.-Colonel, and devoted his undivided attention to the police forces.

During recent years he has been compelled to exercise all his ingenuity and ability in the control of the Western Australian police. The population has so increased, and so many new and remote communities have been established, that the police forces have had to be augmented. Colonel Phillips proved himself a master in organising ability. Notwithstanding the presence of numerous undesirable characters, who have migrated hither, like old-time bloodthirsty camp followers of victorious armies, to rob those following the victorious march, crime has not increased in proportion to the increase of population. Every centre and district is well served; the Western Australian police are a fine body of men. Colonel Phillips exercises judgment in his appointment of new members to the service, and he has cleverly placed his forces so as to secure effective administration. During his term of office he has had to conduct numerous important criminal cases for the Crown, the histories of which would supply startling matter for novels.

Colonel Phillips has been twice married; in 1869 to the second daughter of Mr. Edward Gustavus Hare, one time Superintendent of Police, and afterwards Government Resident at Albany; and on the second occasion to a daughter of the late Mr. Samuel Burges, "Tipperary," York. Colonel Phillips has a fine military presence. Whether in the Colonial Secretaryship, in the military forces, or in the control of the local police forces, he has acquitted himself with distinction, and is to be reckoned among the large number of local born public men who have placed the colony under debts of gratitude for their public services.

AUGUST SCHEIDEL, Ph.D.

VER since the renaissance in Italy, a few centuries ago, Europe, more or less, has been dominated by an eager scientific research, which recently has goaded on to destruction and construction the best and strongest intellects of her races. Unflinching in their ambitious desires for mental superiority, her peoples still buckle on their armour and strive as if their best life's blood, the fair name and honour of their flag, were at stake. Success has been submerged beneath the glories of a greater success, and victories and counter-victories still hold the final issue undecided, yet claim from each combatant the golden mead of valour.

In that glorious rivalry which has showered heaps of unexpected and incredible gains on humanity, Germany stands out crowned and decorated with fairer laurels than any. When one hears of such names as Bunsen and the immortal Helmholtz, of Kant and Leibnitz, he must crush out prejudice from his breast and concede the palm to her science halls. The Universities of Germany have held the premier place in science and philosophy for many years, and this is the admission of all who profess the slightest acquaintance with the relative positions and attainments of the many enlightened countries. Yet the wave of intellectual influence has rolled towards the Golden West. America may soon, with her increasing powers, say calmly, yet majestically, to the scientific reputation of the older hemisphere, "Ancient brethren, next to me."

Not a few scientists have come to Australia from Germany to wind the reel of progress. Dr. August Scheidel is one of these, and his name contributes and will contribute to the status of Westralian goldfields. Dr. Scheidel was born in Heidelberg in 1859. He underwent the usual classical education in the German Gymnasium—the kind of education which has secured for Germany a place in the front line of nations. He was then a student, and to fight upwards he became assistant to Dr. Fresenius, the famous professor of chemistry, metallurgy, and mineralogy—the father of chemical analysis—in his laboratory, Wiesbaden, to which students flock from all parts of the world. Dr. Scheidel readily saw that a thorough chemical education and extensive practice in chemical analysis would prove of paramount importance to his professional success. With learning that would have amply fitted him for the duties of his profession he passed to the

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 CHAPTER XI.

MISGIVINGS — TRIBES OF BOTANY BAY AND PORT JACKSON — MANLY COVE AND RUSHCUTTERS' BAY.

When, on the 17th and 18th of January, 1788, the fleet destined for the colonization of New Holland, for the second time in the history of navigation dividing these waters with a European keel, passed through the heads of Botany Bay, the motley host of marines, sailors, and prisoners which crowded the decks to gaze on the surrounding scenery were greeted from the shore by loud shouts, uttered in a strange and unknown language. A little observation showed that these sounds proceeded from groups of the aboriginal inhabitants of the country, who, in threatening attitudes, their formidable spears resting on their throwing-sticks, seemed to menace from the land the ships and their occupants. Presently the people on board the fleet believed they could distinguish some of the words to which those singular landsmen gave utterance, and, loud above all others, they fancied they could hear the exclamation "Wara wara." These words were, as before observed, accompanied by threatening gestures and a display of every description of arms, indicating that the then possessors of the country were not pleased with the appearance of so formidable an array of those huge


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94 canoes on their fishing waters, and that they still less relished the coming among them of so large a force of a strange and powerful people as they beheld swarming on the ships. A few days afterwards, when the same fleet—the commanders of the expedition finding that Botany Bay was not a safe anchorage, and that the country in its immediate vicinity was not a desirable locality for establishing the settlement—sailed round and entered Port Jackson, the same mystical sounds of "Wara-wara" greeted the ears of the people in the squadron as they passed the numerous outstretching headlands and the beautiful retreating bays of the magnificent harbour, now for the first time explored by civilized men. Subsequently, when the Europeans came to have intercourse with the aborigines, and acquired something of their dialects, it was found that these words with which the colonists were first greeted in their new home meant simply "Go away! go away!" And well might the original inhabitants of these delightful localities exclaim to the intruders "Go away!" for there can be little doubt that whatever of felicity the simple nature and uncultivated ways of the New Hollander permitted him to enjoy was here possessed by him to the fullest extent. That peninsula on which the city at present stands, almost encircled by Cook's River on one side, and by the waters of the bay now known as Long Cove on the other, must have been in those days a land teeming with milk and honey for the tribes by which it was possessed. In those silent,


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Rh sheltered bays, rivers, and creeks which surrounded and interspersed the country in endless variety, like the carvings in a piece of elaborate sculpture, fish of every description was to be obtained at all seasons in the greatest abundance; numerous freshwater lagoons, swamps, and rivulets were diffused over the face of the land, which swarmed with excellent game, to be readily procured by the snare, or offering a tempting object on which the aboriginal marksman might exercise his skill in the use of the boomerang. The country, thickly wooded or covered by a low brushwood or heath, and in some parts producing a rich pasture, afforded a retreat and sustenance to numbers of those quadrupeds which formed the flocks and herds of the tribes, while wild honey and wild fruit were found in such plenty as to render them of little value as articles of food. Under these peculiar circumstances it is not to be wondered at that the New Hollanders at first displayed so little hospitality towards the strangers, and that, in their own way, they entered so decided, although ineffectual, a protest against the seizure of their lands. It may be that even a stronger motive than the dread of immediate disturbances actuated the New Hollanders on these shores in their aversion to the settlement of the country. Who will say that a gleam of prophetic inspiration did not then foreshadow to the mind of the black man of Botany Bay and Port Jackson the fearful fact that, in sixty years after the coming of these strangers, his entire people


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98 would have disappeared from the face of the land—a whole-offering sacrificed at the shrine of civilization?

At the period above referred to the tribes inhabiting the country in the immediate vicinity of Port Jackson and Botany Bay appear to have been numerous in proportion to the advantages which they enjoyed as to territory. They inhabited both sides of the harbour, and were found dispersed over the entire country along the coast as far as Broken Bay, where a large and distinct tribe was located. One of the first voyagers speaks of them as appearing to be "a very lively, inquisitive race—a straight and thin but well-made people, small in their limbs, but very active." Numerous are the anecdotes extant of the first colonists and their unsophisticated neighbours, with whom they wisely, endeavoured to cultivate the most friendly relations. To this the Europeans were urged both as a matter of precaution against their hostility and as a matter of policy, in securing their assistance in their efforts towards exploring and settling the country. In general the aborigines, after a time, evinced no indisposition to reciprocate the friendly feeling of the new-comers, but, as the fact became established that the latter intended to settle themselves permanently in the country, and as their encroachments became more extensive, a


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Rh shyness and reserve began to be observed in the manners of the blacks, which occasionally broke out into decided hostility. The first quarrel arose from the intrusion of the whites on the fishing grounds of the tribes. When the fleet sailed from England for the purpose of founding the colony, it was very naturally anticipated that, owing to the distance of the settlement from Europe, a scarcity of provisions would, in the course of time, be experienced. Accordingly, a number of fishing seines were procured, to be used as occasion might require for the benefit of the colony; and one of the first measures adopted by the chiefs of the settlement was the formation of a fishing party, who, on certain days, proceeded to one of the bays lying towards the sea, for the purpose of casting the seine. It was one of the instructions given to this party that a portion of whatever fish might be taken should be given to the aborigines who happened to be present at the time—an instruction always complied with. The custom, however, like other customs, soon grew into a law; so thought the Port Jackson tribe, a number of whom came on the fishermen one day when they had made a very successful haul, and carried away, without asking permission, a large portion of the best of the fish, several of their brethren being stationed on a neighbouring rock during the transaction, prepared to discharge their spears in the event of a contest. This led to an armed party being thenceforward sent with the fishers, and, the gratuitous


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100 distribution to the aborigines being discontinued in consequence of the nefarious appropriation just mentioned, ill-will towards the Europeans on the part of the former was the result. Another principal cause which led to mutual distrust between the two races was an unfortunate affray which took place about this time, at Botany, between the seamen of the French expedition, under La Perouse, and the aborigines. The two vessels composing this great navigator's fleet anchored in Botany Bay on the day succeeding the arrival of Governor Phillip's squadron, and, remaining there after the departure of the latter fleet for Port Jackson, a misunderstanding arose between the French and the Botany tribe, which resulted in the former using their firearms and shooting down a few of the latter. The New Hollanders being unable to distinguish between the two nations, and looking on all white people as the same, considered the punishment they had received as the act of all, and believed themselves justified in retaliating on English and French indiscriminately. Some efforts were made by the authorities, shortly after their arrival in the colony, to ascertain the numbers of the aboriginal population in the vicinity of the settlement. For this purpose the first measure adopted was to despatch a party to visit the several bays of the harbour, to ascertain the number of canoes which the blacks possessed. These were found to amount to the large number of 67, each capable of carrying from two to five or six individuals; from which it may be inferred that the


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Rh So, as it became clearer in 1858-59-60 that the aggressions and attacks of the North on Southern society were not to be confined to discussion and vituperation, but were to be directed by physical force, Maryland, though utterly and entirely opposed to secession, or disunion, as a remedy or relief, still began to prepare herself for an uncertain future. Her legislature in 1860 appropriated seventy thousand dollars to arm the militia of the State and entrusted the distribution of them to Thomas Holliday Hicks, governor, and his adjutant-general.

In 1859, the Democratic party, then struggling to rescue the State from the Know Nothings, whose governor Hicks was, selected Bradley T. Johnson as chairman of the State committee and the direction of the struggle was entrusted to his hands. In 1860 he was a delegate from Maryland to the Democratic national convention at Charleston and represented Maryland in the committee on resolutions. In that committee Maryland always voted with the Southern States. When that convention held its adjourned meeting in Baltimore, the majority of the Maryland delegation, with the chairman of its State committee, withdrew with the Southern States and united in nominating Breckinridge and Lane, and Maryland voted for Breckinridge and Lane when Virginia was divided and other Southern States failed to support the movement. After November, 1860, it became clear to the younger men that war was imminent. In high excitement and peril young men see more clearly than old men. They have more energy, more clearness of vision, more promptness, more decision. They were all ardent sympathizers with the South. The old men—the ex-governors, ex-United States senators, ex-judges—all brought the weight of their characters to bear against connecting Maryland with the secession movement. And there was a profound disapprobation all through the State, with all classes, against any attempt to dismember the Union. But two percent of her people were in favor of disunion. Some few of


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12 the young men, ardent, impetuous, devoted to ideas, believed that disunion was the only possible relief from the constant insults and aggressions of the North, its oppression and its selfish power. They were convinced that with the political power in the hands of a section and a party, the cardinal dogma of whose faith was, "He shall take who hath the power, and he shall keep who can!" all the power of government would be directed toward the aggrandizement, the pecuniary aggrandizement, of those who wielded it, and that the minority in numbers and in wealth would become the serfs of the strongest, just as had been the case in all history. They thought that wealth would flow from the many to the few; that capital would accumulate in sections and in classes, as it had done in the dead hands of religious corporations in England before Henry VIII, and then dispersed and distributed by his revolutionary measures, and just as the feudal system all over Western Europe had built up in the middle ages concentrated power of the barons, who owned all the land, reduced the people to vassalage and produced the French Revolution and its horrors of blood and fire. They believed that Northern society, directed by the same principles, without conscience, without sense of right or justice, would evolve the same conditions with the same consequences, and that the only salvation for Southern society was absolute and entire separation under a different government; that slavery furnished the only solution of self-government based on universal suffrage, and the only organization of labor and capital which had survived, or could survive the change of social conditions in ages of development and progress. They were disunionists per se; but they were few and scattered and exerted no influence on the public opinion. Their enthusiasm, their earnest conviction, did impress themselves on the mass, and when the time came the fire of their ardor kindled the State from mountain to ocean.


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Rh So the time went on. State after State of the South seceded from the Union. State after State of the North organized, armed and drilled her militia. In February, 1861, the Southern party of Maryland, led by the young men, called a conference convention to meet in Baltimore to confer together and decide what the honor and the interests of Maryland required her to do in the crisis. Honor first interest—last! That conference met and was such a demonstration of physical strength, of resolute purpose and of intelligent design, that it alarmed the conservative sentiment. But in February no action could be taken. Virginia had not moved, and it was uncertain how or when she would move, for the South or against it.

The governor of Maryland, Thomas Holliday Hicks, professed to be an ardent Southern man. The young men did not believe him, put no confidence in him. The old men, Union to the core, old^Whigs, conservative by education and by nature, did trust him and insisted that Maryland should do nothing without the action of her constituted authorities, her governor and her legislature. The party of action urged a call of the general assembly. The governor protested that he was then in correspondence with the governors of the border States and that they would devise and execute means to save the Union and to preserve the peace. The conference adjourned until the middle of March, by which time Lincoln would be inaugurated and the Federal government pass from the hands of the State rights Democracy to the successors of the Federal party that Jefferson and the Democracy had expelled in John Adams' time.

In Lincoln's inaugural he avowed the determination of the party in power "to retake, reoccupy and repossess the forts, arsenals, dock-yards and other property of the United States which had been seized in the Southern States by State authority." This meant war! But still the conservatives of Maryland could not understand it. They clung to their idea that talk, palaver, negotiation


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14 would weather the storm, and that the tornado could be stilled by resolving and asserting that the wind was not blowing. As soon as the conference convention reassembled on the 12th of March in Baltimore, the party of action asserted itself. Judge Chambers, ex-United States senator and ex-judge of the court of appeals, was made president, and a committee on resolutions appointed. The majority of the committee reported a set of resolutions of generalities—devotion to the Union, and opposition to disorder and disturbance of the public peace. The minority, through the chairman of the State committee, who was a member of the conference and of the committee, reported that any "attempt by the Federal government to retake, reoccupy or repossess the forts, arsenals and dock-yards now controlled by the Southern States, would be an act of war by the Federal government on the States, would operate ipso facto as a dissolution of the Union, and would remit to each State its original sovereign right to provide for its own safety and welfare, in any manner it decided to pursue." These resolutions would have been passed, but they met such violent opposition from the old men (Judge Chambers declared he would leave the chair and the convention if they were passed) that their author left the conference in disgust and returned home, where he promptly organized a military company for home defense and to resist invasion by foreign troops moving from the North to attack the South. The conference sent commissioners to Richmond to learn from the convention there in session what was the prospect of Virginia's taking position. They could learn nothing, for Virginia herself did not know.


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N April 12, 1861, South Carolina fired on Fort Sumter, and on April i5th President Lincoln issued his proclamation, calling on the States for 75,000 militia "to maintain the Union and to redress wrongs already too long endured." He did not specify the wrongs nor the period of endurance. With the proclamation went out from the secretary of war a requisition on the governors of each of the States for the State's quota of the 75,000 troops. Virginia promptly responded by passing her ordinance of secession on the 17th, not, however, to take effect until it had been ratified by a vote of the people, to be cast on the 24th of May; and the governor of Virginia, John Letcher, moved Virginia troops to Harper's Ferry and "retook, reoccupied and repossessed" that property of Virginia which she had ceded to the Union for the common welfare and mutual benefit of all the States, East and West, North and South. Now that it was being diverted to the injury of part and the exclusive use of one section, Virginia resumed the control of her ancient territory. Had she had the power, she would have had the right "to resume possession, control and sovereignty" of all the six States she had ceded to the Union, northwest of the Ohio river. But, alas, her own children, born of her blood and bred of her loins, were foremost in striking at the heart and life of their mother. The Northwest was the most ardent in "suppressing the rebellion, "the forerunner of which had been independence from the British nation and the right of self-government for the English in America, and had breathed into their nostrils the breath of Statehood.


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16 With the defiance of old Virginia, went that of North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky and Missouri, who spurned the demand of the government back of it for men and arms to make war on brethren, kinsmen and fellow citizens. Kentucky tried the impracticable role of neutrality, but she was soon overrun by Federal troops. Governor Hicks assured the people that no troops should be sent from Maryland, unless it was to defend the national capital. The mayor of Baltimore, George William Brown, also issued his proclamation, expressing his satisfaction that no troops would be sent from Maryland to the soil of any other State. "If the counsels of the governor," he said, "shall be heeded, we may rest secure in the confidence that the storm of civil war which now threatens the country will at least pass over our beloved State and leave it unharmed, but if they shall be disregarded a fearful and fratricidal strife may at once burst out in our midst." So the governor and the mayor. The first knew well that in the strife of the elements, which was about to burst, in which the foundations of the mountains would be broken up and the winds of the tempest would sweep the land, the cry of "Peace! Peace!" was but the whining of babes—for Governor Hicks was no fool. He was a shrewd, sharp, positive man. He knew what he wanted and he took efficient means to procure it. He wanted to save Maryland to the Northern States. He believed the Union was gone. In the Southern Confederacy, Maryland must, in his opinion, play a subordinate part and he, himself, fall back into the political obscurity from which he had been recently raised. With the North, Maryland in possession of the national capital, protected by the Northern navy through her bay and great rivers, would be a conspicuous power, and he, as her governor, would fill a distinguished rôle. He knew that Maryland was as ardently Southern as Virginia. The Marylanders are the more excitable race. They are ardent, sympathetic and enthusiastic.


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Rh And they were afire at the threat of invasion of Virginia. Had the governor hinted at his ulterior hopes and designs—at his purpose to keep Maryland quiet until she could be occupied by Northern troops and delivered, tied and manacled, to the Union authorities—had he given open ground for suspicion of treachery, the State would have risen, he would have been expelled, his government eradicated, and a revolutionary government of action instituted.

Mayor Brown was a high-minded, just and honorable gentleman. But he was a lawyer and an old man. He was devoted to his State and to his city, and no purer patriot ever lived than George William Brown. But he believed in law; he could conceive of nothing higher than law. Force to him meant riot, and in a great city riot always means arson, robbery, murder and license. The mayor believed that with the police and the fire departments he could control revolution and subdue the fires of insurrection. He faithfully did his duty as he saw it. He and his police commissioners tried to keep the peace, and in three months all were landed in Federal prisons, where they were incarcerated for fourteen months, beyond the reach of habeas corpus, without charge or indictment. Maryland thus suffered "the crucifixion of the soul," for her heart was with the Confederacy and her body bound and manacled to the Union.

On April i8th a battery of United States artillery under Major Pemberton, accompanied by six companies of unarmed Pennsylvania militia, arrived by the Northern Central railroad from Harrisburg at Baltimore and marched via Howard street to the Baltimore & Ohio railroad station at Camden street, whence they were promptly dispatched to Washington. They were escorted through the city by a howling mob, who displayed secession flags (the Palmetto flag of South Carolina being conspicuous), and who emphasized their feelings by cheers for "Jeff Davis and the Southern Confederacy." They were


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18 and as weak looking as a drove of cattle as the regulars escorted them through the streets. But the telegraph flamed out the news of the secession of Virginia, and at night the story of the capture of Harper's Ferry by the Virginia troops, with whom were Marylanders led by Bradley Johnson. The town was afire the night of the 18th. From all quarters came tidings of troops from the North and West, concentrating on Baltimore. The efficient militia of Massachusetts, under Maj.-Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, a man of ability, vigor and executive capacity, were on the march to protect the capital and to save the nation.

The New York Seventh, the ideal soldiers of peace parades, but in reality a gallant and game set, was filling its ranks, its cartridge boxes and its haversacks, and standing at attention, waiting word of command and tap of drum. Pennsylvania was rallying to the call of her great governor. The Democracy of the West, roused by Douglas, was rising as one man to defend the flag, and one serried, unbroken line of steel stretched from the northeast corner of Maine to the Mississippi river, ready to march forward to invade, to crush and to conquer the South. There could be no misunderstanding as to the meaning of all this. It meant war—nothing but war. War by one section on another. War urged on by hatred, by malice, by greed, by desire for conquest, to overthrow institutions existing before the republic, to destroy a social order which had given the world soldiers, statesmen and philosophers, the peers of any who had ever lived. The common people of Maryland understood it. The plain people think with their hearts, and hearts on questions of right and wrong are more unerring than heads. They were all for the South, and they were all for arming and fighting—fighting there on the spot—the first man or men who should presume to attempt to cross Maryland to get at Virginia. But the upper class is always conservative. The ex-governors, the ex-senators, the


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Rh everywhere are always afraid. The "have beens" ever recur to the peaceful times when they directed affairs, and always will be abhorrent of noise, of tumult, of violence, of force and of change. They cannot be leaders in revolution. Maryland at this crisis of her history was cursed by just such "conservatism." It was caused by her geographical position. She could only follow. She can never lead in such a crisis. She lacked young leaders. Kentucky was in a worse situation, for her leaders led her into the quagmire of neutrality. Missouri was better off, for Jackson and Price on the one side and Frank Blair on the other were positive men, and promptly ranged the people of the State in arms, for their respective sides. Maryland had sons who were educated soldiers. Robert Milligan McLane came of soldier blood. His grandfather, Allan McLane, had been the comrade of Light Horse Harry in the campaign of Valley Forge and had led the Delaware Legion, as Lee had the Virginians. McLane graduated at West Point, served with distinction in the Florida campaign, but after that left the army and entered politics in Maryland. He had served in the State legislature, as representative in Congress from Maryland, and occupied a conspicuous place in the confidence of the State rights Southern people of Maryland. George W. Hughes had served with distinction for many years in the army of the United States and had won the grade of colonel in Mexico. He was now living in affluence and retirement on his plantation in Anne Arundel county. The party of action, the young men, looked to these old soldiers for advice and leadership. But they were too old soldiers to plunge into a fight without troops, arms, ammunition or a commissary department. Bradley Johnson and other young men were ready, but they had neither the experience nor the knowledge to qualify them for immediate leadership.

So on the night of April 18, 1861, Maryland was standing alert, braced up, ready to charge at the word.


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20 had seceded, the North was marching. Maryland was the outpost to receive the first attack. At that hour there was no division of opinion. The State rights clubs had been flying the secession flag, the stars and bars of the Confederacy, and the palmetto of South Carolina. The Union clubs had over their halls the stars and stripes; but during the afternoon of April i8th the Union flags were hauled down and the State flag of Maryland everywhere substituted. And the black and gold was everywhere saluted with cheers, with shouts, with tears. The telegraph gave hourly notice of the approach of the enemy. General Butler had left Boston; he had passed New York; he had gone through Philadelphia; he was on the Susquehanna. What next? Maryland held her breath. Through New England their route had been an ovation. Down Broadway in New York the people went wild, as they did through New Jersey and Philadelphia. There were eleven companies of Massachusetts troops attached to the Sixth Massachusetts under command of Colonel Jones. At Philadelphia an unarmed and ununiformed mob of Pennsylvanians, called a regiment, under Colonel Small, was added to Colonel Jones' command. They came in a train of thirty-five cars and arrived at the President street station at 11 a. m. Thence it was the custom of the railroad company to haul each car across the city, over a track laid in the street, to Camden station of the Baltimore & Ohio railroad, a distance of a little over a mile. Nine cars with seven companies got through to Camden station. But that was as much as human nature could bear. The mob of infuriated men increased every minute and the excitement grew. The stones out of the street flew up and staved in the car windows. The drivers unhitched their teams, hitched to the rear of their cars and made all haste back to President Street station, where had been left the unarmed Pennsylvanians and the rest of the Massachusetts regiment. These men were marched out of the station,


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Rh formed in front of it, and then moved in a column of fours toward Camden station. In the meantime the railroad track had been torn up, the bridge on the south dismantled and obstructed, and the march of the troops was necessarily laborious and very slow. The streets were packed with a dense mass of infuriated and excited men, encouraged by the apparent retreat of the troops and the success of the opposition to them. The foremost files had to force their way through this pack of humanity. George William Brown, mayor of the town, with a gallantry and chivalry beyond imagination, for he was a Southern man and certified his fidelity by fourteen months' imprisonment in Union dungeons, placed himself by the side of the captain of the leading company and forced their way through the crowd. No man in Baltimore was more loved, respected and admired than Brown, and his escort of the "invader" was submitted to while he was present. But as soon as he had passed stones began to hail on the column. The officers became rattled. Instead of halting and confronting their enemy, they accelerated the step until the march became a half run. Then a pistol went off; then a musket; then two muskets, three muskets cracked, and citizens fell and died in their tracks. Then reason fled. The mob tore the muskets out of the hands of the soldiers and shot them down. One man jerked the sword out of the hand of an officer and ran him through with it. Frank Ward, a young lawyer, snatched the flag out of the hands of the color bearer and tore it from the lance, and while making off with it was shot through both thighs. He survived though, to serve gallantly as adjutant of the First Maryland regiment, and is alive to-day. Marshal Kane had gone to the Camden station to protect the troops there, when news came of this mêlée on Pratt street. He swung fifty policemen down the street in a double-quick, formed them across the street in the rear of the soldiers and ordered their pursuers to "halt." They halted, and then with the mayor of


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22 more in front, the chief of police in rear, the baited, harried, breathless preservers of the Union reached Camden station, where they were loaded on trains and dispatched, panic-stricken, to Washington.

Outside the city limits, however, after the danger had passed, some heroic soul signalized his devotion to the flag by shooting in cold blood Robert W. Davis, a reputable and well-known citizen and merchant, whose crime was alleged to have been a cheer for Jeff Davis and the South. That evening, April 19th, Marshal Kane telegraphed to Bradley T. Johnson at Frederick: "Streets red with Maryland blood. Send expresses over the mountains of Maryland and Virginia for the riflemen to come, without delay. Fresh hordes will be down on us to-morrow. We will fight them and whip them or die."

Johnson, since the failure of the conference convention of March to act, had been engaged in organizing companies of minute men to resist invasion, by bushwhacking or any other practicable method. He had corresponded with the captains of many volunteer companies in the State, and all were moving toward concert of action. The receipt of Kane's telegram was the match to the magazine. By seven o'clock on the 20th the Frederick company was assembled, took possession of the moving train on the Baltimore & Ohio railroad to Baltimore, and by eleven o'clock marched down Baltimore street to Monument Square. Monument Square was the forum of Baltimore, where the citizens always assembled in times of peril to consult and determine that the commonweal should receive no harm. They were the first reinforcements to Baltimore. Next came two troops of cavalry from Baltimore county, and next the Patapsco Dragoons from Anne Arundel rode straight to the city hall and presented themselves to Mayor Brown to assist in the defense of the city. The afternoon papers of the 19th spread all over the State during the next day, and the State rose. Early on the morning of the 20th the city council


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Rh $500,000 for the defense of the city, to be used at the discretion of the mayor. The banks furnished the money in two hours. Capt Wilson Carey Nicholas, with the Garrison Forest Rangers—afterward Company G., First Maryland regiment, seized the United States arsenal at Pikesville, where there was a deposit of antiquated arms and a considerable supply of gunpowder. All the city companies of militia were under arms in their armories. Col. Benjamin Huger, of South Carolina, who had been in command at Pikesville for some years, but who had just resigned from the army of the United States, was made colonel of the Fifty-third regiment, Maryland militia, composed of the Independent Grays and the six companies of the Maryland Guard. The command was admirably instructed, drilled and officered, and a majority of its officers and men afterward served in the army of the Confederate States. The mayor issued a notice calling on all citizens who had arms to deposit them with the commissioner of police, to be used in the defense of the city, and upon all who were willing to enroll themselves for military service. Under this call over fifteen thousand volunteers were enrolled and partly organized on Saturday, the 20th, and Col. Isaac R. Trimble was assigned to command them. The railroad stations and State tobacco warehouses were used for drill rooms. On Saturday night the bridges on the railroads leaving north from Baltimore were burnt or disabled by a detachment of police and of the Maryland Guard, acting under the orders of Governor Hicks. The governor was in Baltimore during the attack on the troops and was carried off his feet and out of his head by the furor of the hour. He gave the order to burn the bridges. He afterward strenuously denied giving it, but he gave it.

On Sunday morning, April 21st, the Howard County Dragoons, Capt. George R. Earltree, came in, and by the boat two companies from Easton, and news came that the companies from Harford, Cecil, Carroll and Prince


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Author:William Rann Kennedy

Translations

 * The Plutus of Aristophanes, translated into English verse (1912)

title: Author:William Rann Kennedy


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168 According to tradition the church was built in the sixth century, on the site of a Pagan temple, and an image of an idol was buried under the foundations of each of the pillars. What is certain is that into two of the piers are inserted figures in alabaster from a Roman monument, and that numerous votive tablets and inscriptions are walled into the church. The beautiful woodwork of the western choir escaped being blown to splinters by a happy accident in 1596. On Sunday, the Feast of S. Michael, the bishop occupied his throne at mass. When he stood up for the Gospel, his foot broke through the floor of his stall. He drew his foot out, and after the conclusion of the Creed proceeded to the pulpit to preach. Whilst he was away a choir boy looked into the hole made by the bishop's foot, thrust in an arm and drew out his hand full of a black powder, which he showed to an officer standing by, who at once recognised that this was gunpowder. A search was made, and it was found that enough gunpowder had been rammed in under the throne to blow bishop and chapter up, and wreck the church. A fuse had been inserted through a hole bored in the woodwork, and it was supposed that the purpose was to light this when the bishop returned from the pulpit. A messenger was at once sent to him, but he refused to desist from his sermon, calmly proceeding with it to the conclusion, although the congregation, who had received wind of the attempt, had begun to clear out of the church. He returned to his throne and remained there to the end of the service. It was never ascertained by whom the plot was arranged, whether by Huguenots, or whether it was due to private malice.

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Rh A corner house looking out on the Cours at Grasse, between the rue du Cours and the Passage Mirabeau, is the old town residence of the family of Cabris. The noblesse of the neighbourhood had their town residence at Grasse, and there spent the winter in such gaieties as could be got up between them. In this house, No. 2 and 4 of the street, lived Louise, Marchioness de Grasse-Cabris, the youngest and most beautiful of the sisters of the famous Mirabeau. She had been married when quite young to the Marquis, who was a prey to ungovernable fits of temper, and was considerably her senior. But there was an excuse for his violence in the dissipated conduct of his wife. The Mirabeaus were an old Provençal family which had migrated from Florence through some of the civic broils in the twelfth century. The patronymic was Arrigheti, which got by degrees Frenchified into Riquetti. The estate and title of Mirabeau were only acquired in 1568, by Jean Riquetti, who was first consul of Marseilles.

The Mirabeaus were a race of men singularly energetic, independent, and audacious. They boasted that they were all hewn out of one block, without joints. They were proud, rude, with original and strongly marked features, free-and-easy morals, and violent tempers. Jean Antoine de Riquetti, Marquis de Mirabeau, brigadier of infantry, was wounded in defending a bridge in the battle of Cassans. He fell, and all the hostile army passed over him. His old sergeant, seeing him down, put an iron pot over his master's head, and fled. This pot saved Mirabeau's life, but his right arm was broken, and he was so damaged that he was obliged to wear a silver collar to keep his head upright. He

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170 was presented by the Duke de Vendôme, under whom he had fought, to Louis XIV., who received him with some commonplace remark; to which the old crippled soldier replied rudely, "If in quitting the Colours he had come to Court payer quelque catin he would have received more honour and less words.", Vendôme was so scared at his audacity, that he said, "Henceforth, Riquetti, I will present you to the enemy, and never again to the king." The son of this man was Victor de Riquetti, who called himself "l'Ami des Hommes," a fantastic hodgepodge of contradictions. He was a philanthropist and a despot, a feudalist, but also a reformer, a professed friend of mankind, but a tyrant in his own family. He hated superstition, but scoffed at "la canaille philosophique." Separated from his wife, he was engaged in lawsuits with her for years, which published to all Provence the scandals of the domestic hearth of the House of Mirabeau. The eldest son of this man was Gabriel Honoré, the great orator, and the youngest daughter was Louise, Marchioness de Grasse-Cabris. The feudal castle of the Cabris is on the way to Draguignan. Cabris occupies a conical hill in a dreary limestone district, where the soil is so sparse that even the olive cannot flourish there—it exists, that is all. The place is supplied with water from cisterns that receive the rain from the roofs. Honoré was disfigured by smallpox at the age of three, and he retained thenceforth an extraordinary hideousness of aspect which struck his contemporaries, but which does not seem in the slightest to have impeded his success with women. His father declared that physically and morally he was a monster. The romance of his life begins when he

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Rh was aged seventeen, when, owing to a love intrigue, and to debts, his father obtained a lettre de cachet and had him imprisoned in the isle of Ré. From that time ensued a pitiless struggle, a veritable duel, between the imperious father and the ungovernable son. In 1772 Honoré married Emilie de Marignane at Aix; she was a wealthy heiress, but he speedily dissipated her fortune. His father obtained an order that he should be interned at Manosque. But he broke bounds and came to Grasse to visit his sister. Two days later an indecent pasquinade appeared placarded over the walls of Grasse, containing aspersions on the characters of the principal ladies of rank who spent the winter there. It was at once bruited abroad that Mirabeau and his sister, Mme. de Cabris, had concocted the lampoon between them. Mirabeau was incensed. He was too much of a gentleman thus to defame ladies; and he hunted out M. de Villeneuve-Mouans as the author of this report. He went after him one day, when this old gentleman was walking on the road bare-headed, with an umbrella spread, horsewhipped him, and broke the umbrella over his shoulders. The consequence was that a lettre de cachet was taken out against Louise; but on investigation it turned out that it was the Marquis de Grasse-Cabris, the husband of Louise, who was the author of the scurrilous lampoon, and that Honoré had known nothing about it.

When the Revolution broke out, the Marquis fled. The Castle of Cabris was sacked by the mob, and Louise and her husband lived for ten years in great poverty as emigrés. When, finally, she returned to Provence it was to ruined Mirabeau. The castle had been wrecked, but

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172 she contrived to have a cottage built out of the ruins for herself and for her husband, who had sunk into dotage. The brother of the great orator and of Louise de Cabris was André Boniface, Deputy to the Estates-General for the nobility of Limoges. His excesses at table, and his corpulence, procured for him the nickname of Mirabeau Tonneau. Gabriel Honoré reprimanded him for ascending the tribune when he was drunk. "Why," he replied, "you have monopolised all the vices of the family, and have left but this one to me." "In any other family but ours," he said, "I would pass as a disgrace. In mine, I am its most respectable member." He emigrated to Germany. An epigram was composed on him:— Grasse, as already said, is an admirable centre for excursions, and no excursion is finer than that up the Gorge of the Loup. It is not often that commercial enterprise adds to picturesqueness of scene; but this it has at the entrance to the Gorge. There the railway makes a bold sweep over a really beautiful viaduct, this itself an addition to the scene. But further, in order to supply electric force to Nice for its trams and lighting, a canal has been bored in the precipice on the right bank of the Loup, at a great elevation, to bring the water from an upper fall, so as, by means of a turbine, to accumulate the required power; and the falls of this stream at the opening of the ravine are of great beauty. It is hard to decide which is most beautiful, the view of the mouth of the ravine, with the waterfall foaming down the cliff beside it, as seen from the hill-side as the

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Rh train swings down from the direction of Nice, or whether from the side approached from Grasse, whence up the Gorge is obtained a glimpse of snowy peaks. There are views one sees that never leave one, that fix themselves in the mind indelibly; and the view of the mouth of the Loup Gorge is certainly one such scene.

The ravines of the Tarn are visited by increasing numbers of tourists every year, and I know them well; but I do not think them superior to those of the Loup, the Cians, and the Var. Visitors to the Riviera are for the most part content to hug the coast and cling to the great centres of civilization, where there are shops, casinos, and theatres, and do not branch off afield. Only the day before writing this page, I heard a gentleman who had spent several winters on the Côte d'Azur remark that "After a while one gets very sick of the Riviera." I promptly inquired whether he had penetrated any of the ravines sawn in the limestone; whether he had visited the mountain villages, such as Thouet de Bëuil; whether he had explored the Estérel. No—he knew nothing of them. In fact, through a dozen winters he had seen naught save the vulgar side of Provence. It does not suffice to look at the mouth of the Gorge of the Loup. The ravine must be ascended, and that not by the new track, cut to accommodate the lazy, high up in the cliff, but by the footpath at the bottom. This will lead in the first place to an exquisite subject for the artist. On the farther bank is planted a little chapel with a cell once tenanted by a hermit. In mid torrent is a pile of rocks, and a light bridge of rudest construction traverses the river; above the piles of stone in the centre, against the purple gloom of the gorge, rises

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174 a crucifix, bathed in golden sunlight. Below, where it can root itself, is flowering laurestinus. Farther up, after a succession of magnificent scenes, one drops upon a little house, where trout can be eaten, lying behind a waterfall; and to assist the visitor in reaching it, the proprietor runs out with a big umbrella to protect him from the torrent dissolved into rain. Further up the ravine come other and finer leaps of water, the main stream of the Loup, in maddest gambol of youth; and over all flash out gleams of the eternal snows.

Le Bar has a painting in the church, representing a Dance Macabre; it is, like all other such dances, of the fifteenth century. It represents Death armed with his bow among a party of dancers. Some are dying, and their souls are leaving their bodies. The picture is accompanied by a long Provençal inscription. High above the entrance to the Gorge of the Loup stands the village of Gourdon, on the limestone terrace. The only spring water the place was supplied with came from a fountain in a cave in the face of a sheer precipice, reached by a thread of path, a foot to eighteen inches wide, along the cliff, and this, moreover, interrupted by a rift, usually crossed by a plank. But not infrequently this plank fell, or was carried away. Then those in quest of water leaped the gap, went on to the cave, filled their pitchers, and returned the same way, springing over the interval, where a false step would entail certain death. At Mouans Sartoux, between Grasse and Cannes, stood the castle of a grim Huguenot Seigneur. The church was under the patronage of the Chapter of Grasse. The Sieur Reinaud invited two Calvinist

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Rh ministers to his castle. In 1572, when the curé of Mouans had summoned a friar to help him for Christmas Day, and to preach, as he himself was a poor speaker,—just after midnight the Sieur sent armed men into the parsonage to threaten to kill the friar if he preached next day. On Christmas morning, accordingly, the frightened man abstained, and the congregation had to go without instruction on the lessons of the day. Then the Sieur broke into the church when the parishioners were communicating, along with his men-at-arms and his ministers, and made one of these latter ascend the pulpit and harangue the congregation, pour contumely on the Catholic Church, and denounce all respect for holy seasons. The fellow further told the people that their fathers and mothers were burning in hell-fire for not having revolted from the Church. Next, the Sieur renewed his threats that, should "the Cagot of a friar" venture to address the parishioners in the afternoon, he would do him to death. At vespers he again invaded the church, and set up one of his preachers to speak to the people. He did the same on the two following days. The Consuls of Mouans appealed to the Chapter of Grasse for protection, but they were incapable of affording them effectual aid.

The son of this Sieur, Pompée de Grasse, was more zealous even than his father, and did not confine himself to threats. He placed sword-edge and firebrand at the disposal of the Huguenot cause. He was a terror to the whole countryside. At last, one night, when he was at Bormes, in the Maures, a party of Catholics, disguised in long cloaks, managed to get into his castle, and killed him and his brother, and set fire to the place, His widow, Susanne de Villeneuve, and

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176 her two daughters, were allowed to escape by boat to Hyères. We are vastly mistaken if we regard the parties in the Wars of Religion as all Lamb on one side, and all Wolf on the other. As a matter of fact, except in the Cevennes, the Reform was favoured only by the lesser nobility, not out of religious conviction, but out of a spirit of turbulence bred by the long disorders of the English occupation of Aquitaine, and the riots of the Free Companies. They resented the firm hand imposed on them by the Crown, and they hoped to get pickings out of Church estates. The people generally were not touched by the negatives of Calvinism. After that Henry IV. joined the Church, most of the nobility and country gentry followed his example—again, not from conviction, but because they saw that the game of resistance was up. At present, in the department of Var there are 1,500 Protestants out of a population of 310,000. In Alpes Maritimes they number 1,000 out of nearly 294,000, and most of these sectaries are foreign importations. If there had been deep-rooted convictions, these would not have been dissipated so certainly. In the Cevennes, Calvinism holds on notwithstanding persecution in the past, and in Ireland is a reverse instance. But to return to Susanne de Villeneuve. In 1592 the Duke of Savoy was at Grasse, and resolved on chastising this Susanne as a capital influence among the Razats. Actually two women at this period fomented the fury and bloodshed of internecine strife. The Baron de Vins, head of the Leaguers, had been killed in 1589 outside Grasse. The Countess Christine de Sault, his sister-in-law, had been the headpiece, as he

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text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Haggart, David


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Haghe, Louis


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hagthorpe, John


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Rh the arm, of the party, and it was she who, in desperate resolve to save the Catholic cause, invited Charles Emmanuel of Savoy to give his help against the king. What she was on one side, that was Susanne de Villeneuve on the other—implacable, fanatical, remorseless in hate, and with an iron will. The Duke of Savoy besieged Susanne in her castle of Mouans, and she defended herself gallantly; but, forced to surrender through lack of food, she imposed as condition that the castle should be spared. The duke broke his word, and levelled it. She was furious, reproached him, and demanded 40,000 crowns indemnity, or she would brand him as a liar and perjurer. He promised the money, but departed without paying. She hasted after him, caught him up in the plain of Cagnes, and poured forth afresh a torrent of abuse. He spurred his horse, so as to escape it; she flung herself in the way, held the bridle, and used her woman's tongue with such effect that Charles Emmanuel was glad to disburse the money on the spot so as to effect his escape. The castle has disappeared to its foundations. The church stands intact, unrestored. I have spoken of the Hotel of the Cabris family in the Cours. No. 1 is the ancient mansion of the family of Théas-Thorenc, and was built by Count François, who was engaged in the wars of Louis XV., and whose praises have been sung by Goethe. He was at the taking of Frankfort, when his commander-in-chief, the Prince of Soubise, acquired the celebrity of the epigram:—

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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Bowker, Richard Rogers

BOWKER, bow'kėr, Richard Rogers, American author: b. Salem, Mass., 4 Sept. 1848. He was graduated at the College of the City of New York in 1868, and has been prominent in politics as an independent and was the originator of the independent Republican movement of 1879. He has edited the Publisher's Weekly, the Library Journal and the American Catalogue, and has published ‘Work and Wealth’; ‘Economics for the People’; ‘Copyright: Its Law and Its Literature’; ‘Primer for Political Education’; ‘Electoral Reform’; ‘The Arts of Life’; ‘Civil Service Examination.’


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178 He died there August I5th, 1793.

Another Grasse worthy is Fragonard, the painter, a mercer's son, born at Grasse in 1732. He was put as clerk to a notary in early youth, but wearied mortally of the office, and in 1748 was given to the painter Bucher to be trained as an artist. He was in full swing of favour and success in Paris when the Revolution broke out.

"Soon events became tragic, and then began the dusk of that bright and gentle life which had to him hitherto been one long smile. Frago had no thought of flying from the storm, and republicanism always remained idealised in his mind. But sadness oppressed his heart, and his friends shared it with him. These old pensioners of the king, enriched by the aristocracy, could not see without regret the demolition of the ancien régime, and the ruin of their protectors, emigrated, imprisoned, hunted down. Without hating either royalty or Jacobinism, the little group of artists of plebeian birth and bourgeois manners suffered in silence the great revolution in which all their past went down, as the shadows of old age deepened on them. Their art was out of fashion. Their piquant scenes, their dainty subjects, were no longer possible in the midst of political and social convulsions, and a few years sufficed to convert the respect of yesterday into the contempt of to-day. Eighty years must pass before taste and justice could bring men back to love the charming French school of 1770, to understand its importance in the history of the national genius, so as to induce the digging of its relics forth from under the cinders of the Revolution, the empire, and the bourgeois royalty."

A curiously small life must have been that of these little towns under the ancien régime, when the

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Lectures on the Philosophy of the Human Mind

Contents

 * Lecture I
 * Lecture II
 * Lecture III
 * Lecture IV
 * Lecture V
 * Lecture VI
 * Lecture VII
 * Lecture VIII
 * Lecture IX
 * Lecture X
 * Lecture XI
 * Lecture XII
 * Lecture XIII
 * Lecture XIV
 * Lecture XV
 * Lecture XVI
 * Lecture XVII
 * Lecture XVIII
 * Lecture XIX
 * Lecture XX
 * Lecture XXI
 * Lecture XXII
 * Lecture XXIII
 * Lecture XXIV
 * Lecture XXV
 * Lecture XXVI
 * Lecture XXVII
 * Lecture XXVIII
 * Lecture XXIX
 * Lecture XXX
 * Lecture XXXI
 * Lecture XXXII
 * Lecture XXXIII
 * Lecture XXXIV
 * Lecture XXXV
 * Lecture XXXVI
 * Lecture XXXVII
 * Lecture XXXVIII
 * Lecture XXXIX
 * Lecture XL
 * Lecture XLI
 * Lecture XLII
 * Lecture XLIII
 * Lecture XLIV
 * Lecture XLV
 * Lecture XLVI
 * Lecture XLVII
 * Lecture XLVIII
 * Lecture XLIX
 * Lecture L
 * Lecture LI
 * Lecture LII
 * Lecture LIII
 * Lecture LIV
 * Lecture LV
 * Lecture LVI
 * Lecture LVII
 * Lecture LVIII
 * Lecture LIX
 * Lecture LX
 * Lecture LXI
 * Lecture LXII
 * Lecture LXIII
 * Lecture LXIV
 * Lecture LXV
 * Lecture LXVI
 * Lecture LXVII
 * Lecture LXVIII
 * Lecture LXIX
 * Lecture LXX
 * Lecture LXXI
 * Lecture LXXII
 * Lecture LXXIII
 * Lecture LXXIV
 * Lecture LXXV
 * Lecture LXXVI
 * Lecture LXXVII
 * Lecture LXXVIII
 * Lecture LXXIX
 * Lecture LXXX
 * Lecture LXXXI
 * Lecture LXXXII
 * Lecture LXXXIII
 * Lecture LXXXIV
 * Lecture LXXXV
 * Lecture LXXXVI
 * Lecture LXXXVII
 * Lecture LXXXVIII
 * Lecture LXXXIX
 * Lecture XC
 * Lecture XCI
 * Lecture XCII
 * Lecture XCIII
 * Lecture XCIV
 * Lecture XCV
 * Lecture XCVI
 * Lecture XCVII
 * Lecture XCVIII
 * Lecture XCIX
 * Lecture C


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hague, Charles


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Haigh, Daniel Henry


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Haigh, Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Haighton, John


text: Lectures on the Philosophy of the Human Mind/Lecture I


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Körner, Karl Theodor

KÖRNER, Karl Theodor, German poet: b. Dresden, 23 Sept. 1791; d. 26 Aug. 1813. After studies at Freiberg, Leipzig and Berlin, young Körner, through Kotzebue's influence, was appointed dramatist to a Vienna theatre, and wrote light comedies such as ‘The Green Mask’ and ‘The Night Watches,’ and some tragedies, of which ‘Zriny’ was the most successful. In the uprising of the German nation against Napoleon, Körner not only displayed heroic personal courage in many encounters, but wrote numerous patriotic songs. These were published in 1814 under the title of ‘Lyre and Sword.’ The most famous of these pieces is the ‘Sword Song,’ composed only a few hours before the author fell in a skirmish between Schwerin and Gadebusch.


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T subject on which we are about to enter, and which is to engage, I trust, a considerable portion of your attention for many months, is the Philosophy of the Human Mind,—not that speculative and passive philosophy only, which inquires into the nature of our intellectual part, and the mysterious connexion of this with the body which it animates, but that practical science, which relates to the duties, and the hopes, and the great destiny of man, and which, even in analyzing the powers of his understanding, and tracing all the various modifications of which it is individually susceptible, views it chiefly as a general instrument of good—an instrument by which he may have the dignity of co-operating with his beneficent Creator, by spreading to others the knowledge, and virtue, and happiness, which he is qualified at once to enjoy, and to diffuse.

“Philosophy,” says Seneca, “is not formed for artificial show or delight. It has a higher office than to free idleness of its languor, and wear away and amuse the long hours of a day. It is that which forms and fashions the soul, which gives to life its disposition and order, which points out what it is our duty to do, what it is our duty to omit. It sits at the helm, and in a sea of peril, directs the course of those who are wandering through the waves.” “Non est philosophia populare artificium, nec


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 paratum; non in verbis sed in rebus est. Nec in hoc adhibetur ut aliqua oblectatione consumatur dies, ut dematur otio nausea. Animum format et fabricat, vitam disponit, actiones regit, agenda et omittenda demonstrat, sedit ad gubernaculum, et per ancipitia fluctuantium dirigit cursum.”. 16.

Such, unquestionably, is the great practical object of all philosophy. If it increase the happiness and virtue of human kind, it must be allowed to have fulfilled, to human beings, the noblest of earthly ends. The greatness of this primary object, however, perhaps fixed too exclusively the attention of the moral inquirers of antiquity, who, in considering man as capable of virtue and happiness, and in forming nice and subtle distinctions as to his supreme good, and the means by which he might attain it, seem almost to have neglected the consideration of his intellectual nature, as an object of mere physical science. Hence it happens, that, while the systems of ancient philosophy exhibit, in many instances, a dignity of moral sentiment as high, or almost as high, as the unassisted reason of man could be supposed to reach, and the defects of which we perhaps discover only by the aid of that purer light, which was not indulged to them, they can scarcely be said to have left us a single analysis of complex phenomena of thought and feeling. By some of them, indeed, especially by the Peripatetics and Stoics, much dialectic subtilty was employed in distinctions, that may seem at first to involve such an analysis; but even these distinctions were verbal, or little more than verbal. The analytical investigation of the mind, in all its complexity of perceptions, and thoughts, and emotions, was reserved to form almost a new science in the comprehensive philosophy of far later years.

If, however, during the flourishing periods of Greek and Roman letters, this intellectual analysis was little cultivated, the department of the philosophy of the mind, which relates to practical ethics, was enriched, as I have said, by moral speculations the most splendid and sublime. In those ages, indeed, and in countries in which no revealed will of heaven had pointed out and sanctioned one unerring rule of right, it is not to be wondered at, that, to those who were occupied in endeavouring to trace and ascertain such a rule in the moral nature of man, all other mental inquiries should have seemed comparatively insignificant. It is even pleasing thus to find the most important of all inquiries regarded as


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 truly the most important, and minds of the highest genius, in reflecting on their own constitution, so richly diversified and adorned with an almost infinite variety of forms of thought, discovering nothing, in all this splendid variety, so worthy of investigation, as the conduct which it is fitting for man to pursue.

But another period was soon to follow, a period in which ages of long and dreary ignorance were to be followed by ages of futile labour, as long and dreary. No beautiful moral speculations were then to compensate the poverty of intellectual science. But morality, and even religion itself, were to be degraded, as little more than technical terms of a cold and unmeaning logic. The knowledge of our mental frame was then, indeed, professedly cultivated with most assiduous zeal; and if much technical phraseology, and much contention, were sufficient to constitute an elaborate science, that assiduous zeal might well deserve to have been rewarded with so honourable a name. But what reasonable hope of a progress truly scientific could be formed, when to treat of the philosophy of mind was to treat of every thing but of the mind and its affections; when some of the most important questions, with respect to it, were, Whether its essence were distinct from its existence? whether its essence therefore might subsist, when it had no actual existence? and what were all the qualities inherent in it as a nonentity? In morals, whether ethics were an art or a science? whether, if the mind had freedom of choice, this independent will be an entity or a ? and whether we should say, with a dozen schoolmen, that virtue is good, because it has intrinsic goodness, or, with a dozen more, that it has this intrinsic goodness, because it is good?

In natural theology, questions of equal moment were contested with equal keenness and subtilty; but they related less to the Deity, of whose nature, transcendent as it is, the whole universe may be considered as in some degree a faint revelation, than to those spiritual ministers of his power, of whose very existence nature affords no evidence, and of whom revelation itself may be said to teach us little but the mere existence. Whether angels pass from one point of space to another, without passing through the intermediate points? whether they can visually discern objects in the dark? whether more than one can exist at the same moment in the same physical point? whether they can exist in a


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 perfect vacuum, with any relation to the absolute incorporeal void? and whether if an angel were in vacuo, the void could still truly be termed perfect?—such, or similar to these were the great inquiries in that department of Natural Theology, to which, as to a separate science, was given the name of Angelography: and of the same kind were the principal inquiries with respect to the Deity himself, not so much an examination of the evidence which nature affords of his self-existence, and power, and wisdom, and goodness, those sublime qualities which even our weakness cannot contemplate without deriving some additional dignity from the very greatness which it adores, as a solution of more subtile points, whether he exist in imaginary space as much as in the space that is real? whether he can cause a mode to exist without a substance? whether, in knowing all things, he know universals, or only things singular? and whether he love a possible unexisting angel better than an actually existing insect?

“Indignandum de isto, non disputandum est.”—“Sed non debuit hoc nobis esse propositum arguta disserere, et philosophiam in has augustias ex sua majestate detrahere. Quanto satius est, ire aperta via et recta, quam sibi ipsi flexus disponere, quos cum magna molestia debeas relegere?” —“Why waste ourselves,” says the same eloquent moralist; “why torture and waste ourselves in questions, which there is more real subtilty in despising than in solving?”—

“Quid te torques et maceras, in ea quæstione quam subtilius est contempsisse quam solvere?”

From the necessity of such inquiries we are now fortunately freed. The frivolous solemnities of argument, which, in the disputations of Scotists and Thomists, and the long controversy of the believers and rejectors of the universal a parti rei, rendered human ignorance so very proud of its temporary triumphs over human ignorance, at length are hushed forever; and, so precarious is all that glory, of which men are the dispensers, that the most subtile works, which for ages conferred on their authors a reverence more than praise, and almost worship, would now scarcely find a philosophic adventurer, so bold, as to avow them for his own.


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 The progress of intellectual philosophy may indeed, as yet, have been less considerable than was to be hoped under its present better auspices. But it is not a little, to have escaped from a labyrinth, so very intricate, and so very dark, even though we should have done nothing more than advance into sunshine and an open path, with a long journey of discovery still before us. We have at last arrived at the important truth, which now seems so very obvious a one, that the mind is to be known best by observation of the series of changes which it presents, and of all the circumstances which precede and follow these; that, in attempting to explain its phenomena, therefore, we should know what those phenomena are; and that we might as well attempt to discover, by logic, unaided by observation or experiment, the various coloured rays that enter into the composition of a sunbeam, as to discover, by dialectic subtilties, a priori, the various feelings that enter into the composition of a single thought or passion.

The mind, it is evident, may, like the body to which it is united, or the material objects which surround it, be considered simply as a substance possessing certain qualities, susceptible of various affections or modifications, which, existing successively as momentary states of the mind, constitute all the phenomena of thought and feeling. The general circumstances in which these changes of state succeed each other, or, in other words, the laws of their succession, may be pointed out, and the phenomena arranged in various classes, according as they may resemble each other, in the circumstances that precede or follow them, or in other circumstances of obvious analogy. There is, in short, a science that may be termed mental physiology, as there is another science relating to the structure and offices of our corporeal frame, to which the term physiology is more commonly applied; and as, by observation and experiment, we endeavour to trace those series of changes which are constantly taking place in our material part, from the first moment of animation to the moment of death; so, by observation, and in some measure also by experiment, we endeavour to trace the series of changes that take place in the mind, fugitive as these successions are, and rendered doubly perplexing by the reciprocal combinations into which they flow. The innumerable changes, corporeal and mental, we reduce, by generalizing, to a few classes; and we speak, in reference to the mind, of


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 its faculties or functions of perception, memory, reason, as we speak, in reference to the body, of its functions of respiration, circulation, nutrition. This mental physiology, in which the mind is considered simply as a substance endowed with certain susceptibilities, and variously affected or modified in consequence, will demand of course our first inquiry; and I trust that the intellectual analyses, into which we shall be led by it, will afford results that will repay the labour of persevering attention, which they may often require from you.

In one very important respect, however, the inquiries, relating to the physiology of mind, differ from those which relate to the physiology of our animal frame. If we could render ourselves acquainted with the intimate structure of our bodily organs, and all the changes which take place, in the exercise of their various functions, our labour, with respect to them, might be said to terminate. But though our intellectual analysis were perfect, so that we could distinguish, in our most complex thought or emotion, its constituent elements, and trace with exactness the series of simpler thoughts which have progressively given rise to them, other inquiries, equally, or still more important, would remain. We do not know all which is to be known of the mind, when we know all its phenomena, as we know all which can be known of matter, when we know the appearances which it presents, in every situation in which it is possible to place it, and the manner in which it then acts or is acted upon by other bodies. When we know that man has certain affections and passions, there still remains the great inquiry, as to the propriety or impropriety of those passions, and of the conduct to which they lead. We have to consider, not merely how he is capable of acting, but also, whether, acting in the manner supposed, he would be fulfilling a duty or perpetrating a crime. Every enjoyment which man can confer on man, and every evil, which he can reciprocally inflict or suffer, thus become objects of two sciences—first of that intellectual analysis which traces the happiness and misery, in their various forms and sequence, as mere phenomena or states of the substance mind;—and secondly, of that ethereal judgment, which measures our approbation and disapprobation, estimating, with more than judicial scrutiny, not merely what is done, but what is scarcely thought in secrecy and silence, and discriminating some element of moral good


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 or evil, in all the physical good and evil, which it is in our feeble power to execute, or in our still frailer heart, to conceive and desire.

To this second department of inquiry belong the doctrines of general ethics.

But, though man were truly impressed with the great doctrine of moral obligation, and truly desirous, in conformity with it, of increasing, as far as his individual influence may extend, the sum of general happiness, he may still err in the selection of the means which he employs for this benevolent purpose. So essential is knowledge, if not to virtue, at least to all the ends of virtue, that, without it, benevolence itself, when accompanied with power, may be as destructive and desolating as intentional tyranny; and notwithstanding the great principles of progression in human affairs, the whole native vigour of a state may be kept down for ages, and the comfort, and prosperity, and active industry of unexisting millions be blasted by regulations, which, in the intention of their generous projectors, were to stimulate those very energies which they repressed, and to relieve that very misery which they rendered irremediable. It therefore becomes an inquiry of paramount importance, what are the means best calculated for producing the greatest amount of social good? By what ordinances would public prosperity, and all the virtues which not merely adorn that prosperity, but produce it, be most powerfully excited and maintained? This political department of our science, which is in truth only a subdivision, though a very important one, of general practical ethics, comprehends, of course, the inquiries as to the relative advantages of different forms of government, and the expediency of the various contrivances which legislative wisdom may have established, or may be supposed to establish, for the happiness and defence of nations.

The inquiries, to which I have as yet alluded, relate to the mind, considered simply as an object of physiological investigation; or to man, considered in his moral relations to a community, capable of deriving benefit from his virtues and knowledge, or of suffering by his errors and his crimes. But there is another more important relation in which the mind is still to be viewed,—that relation which connects it with the Almighty Being to whom it owes its


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. Is man, whose frail generations begin and pass away, but one of the links of an infinite chain of beings like himself, uncaused, and co-eternal with that self-existing world of which he is the feeble tenant? or, Is he the offspring of an all creating Power, that adapted him to nature, and nature to him, formed together with the magnificent scene of things around him, to enjoy its blessings, and to adore, with the gratitude of happiness, the wisdom and goodness from which they flow? What attributes, of a Being so transcendent, may human reason presume to explore? and, What homage will be most suitable to his immensity, and our nothingness? Is it only for an existence of a few moments, in this passing scene, that he has formed us? or, Is there something within us, over which death has no power,—something, that prolongs and identifies the consciousness of all which we have done on earth, and that, after the mortality of the body, may yet be a subject of the moral government of God? When compared with these questions, even the sublimest physical inquiries are comparatively insignificant. They seem to differ, as it has been said, in their relative importance and dignity, almost as philosophy itself differs from the mechanical arts that are subservient to it. “Quantum inter philosophiam interest,—et cæteras artes; tantum interesse existimo in ipsa philosophia, inter illam partem quæ ad homines et hanc quæ ad Deos spectat. Altior est hæc et animosior: multum permisit sibi; non fuit oculis contenta. Majus esse quiddam suspicata est, ac pulchrius, quod extra conspectum natura posuisset.” It is when ascending to these sublimer objects, that the mind seems to expand, as if already shaking off its earthly fetters, and returning to its source; and it is scarcely too much to say, that the delight which it thus takes in things divine is an internal evidence of its own divinity. “Cum illa tetigit, alitur, crescit: ac velut vinculis liberatus, in originem redit. Et hoc habet argumentum divinitatis suae, quod illum divina delectant.”

I have thus briefly sketched the various important inquiries, which the philosophy of mind, in its most extensive sense, may be said to comprehend. The nature of our spiritual being, as displayed in all the phenomena of feeling and thought—the ties which bind us to our fellow-men, and to our Creator—and the prospect of that unfading existence, of which life is but the first


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The New International Encyclopædia/Bowker, Richard Roger

BOWKER, (1848—). An American editor and writer. He was born in Salem, Mass., and graduated at the College of the City of New York in 1868. He was a leader in the Independent Republican or ‘Mugwump’ movement in 1879. His publications include Work and Wealth; Economics for the People; Copyright: Its Law and its Literature, and the Annual American Literary Index.


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 gleam; such are the great objects to which in the department of your studies committed to my charge, it will be my office to guide your attention and curiosity. The short period of the few months to which my course is necessarily limited, will not, indeed, allow me to prosecute, with such full investigation as I should wish, every subject that may present itself in so various a range of inquiry. But even these few months, I flatter myself, will be sufficient to introduce you to all which is most important for you to know in the science, and to give such lights as may enable you, in other hours, to explore, with success, the prospects that here, perhaps, may only have opened on your view. It is not, I trust, with the labours of a single season that such inquiries, on your part, are to terminate. Amid the varied occupations and varied pleasures of your future years,—in the privacy of domestic enjoyment, as much as in the busier scenes of active exertion,—the studies on which you are about to enter must often rise to you again with something more than mere remembrance; because there is nothing that can give you interest, in any period or situation of your life, to which they are not related. The science of mind, is the science of yourselves; of all who surround you; of every thing which you enjoy or suffer, or hope or fear: so truly the science of your very being, that it will be impossible for you to look back on the feelings of a single hour, without constantly retracing phenomena that have been here, to a certain extent, the subjects of your analysis and arrangement. The thoughts and faculties of your own intellectual frame, and all which you admire as wonderful in the genius of others,—the moral obligation, which, as obeyed or violated, is ever felt by you with delight or with remorse,—the virtues, of which you think as often as you think of those whom you love; and the vices, which you view with abhorrence, or with pity,—the traces of divine goodness, which never can be absent from your view, because there is no object in nature which does not exhibit them,—the feeling of your dependence on the gracious Power that formed you,—and the anticipation of a state of existence more lasting than that which is measured by the few beatings of a feeble pulse,—these in their perpetual recurrence, must often recal to you the inquiries that, in this place, engaged your early attention. It will be almost as little possible for you to abandon wholly such speculations, as to look on the


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 faces of your home with a forgetfulness of every hour which they have made delightful, or to lose all remembrance of the very language of your infancy, that is every moment sounding in your ears.

Though I shall endeavour, therefore, to give as full a view as my limits will permit of all the objects of inquiry which are to come before us, it will be my chief wish to awake in you, or to cherish, a love of these sublime inquiries themselves. There is a philosophic spirit which is far more valuable than any limited acquirements of philosophy; and the cultivation of which, therefore, is the most precious advantage that can be derived from the lessons and studies of many academic years:—a spirit, which is quick to pursue whatever is within the reach of human intellect; but which is not less quick to discern the bounds that limit every human inquiry, and which, therefore, in seeking much, seeks only what man may learn:—which knows how to distinguish what is just in itself from what is merely accredited by illustrious names; adopting a truth which no one has sanctioned, and rejecting an error of which all approve, with the same calmness as if no judgment were opposed to its own:—but which, at the same time, alive, with congenial feeling, to every intellectual excellence, and candid to the weakness from which no excellence is wholly privileged, can dissent and confute without triumph, as it admires without envy; applauding gladly whatever is worthy of applause in a rival system, and venerating the very genius which it demonstrates to have erred.

Such is that philosophic temper to which, in the various discussions that are to occupy us, it will be my principal ambition to form your minds; with a view not so much to what you are at present, as to what you are afterwards to become. You are now, indeed, only entering on a science, of which, by many of you, perhaps, the very elements have never once been regarded as subjects of speculative inquiry. You have much, therefore, to learn, even in learning only what others have thought. But I should be unwilling to regard you as the passive receivers of a system of opinions, content merely to remember whatever mixture of truths and errors may have obtained your easy assent. I cannot but look to you in your maturer character, as yourselves the philosophers of other years; as those who are,


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 perhaps, to add to science many of its richest truths, which as yet are latent to every mind, and to free it from many errors, in which no one has yet suspected even the possibility of illusion. The spirit which is itself to become productive in you, is therefore, the spirit which I wish to cultivate; and happy, as I shall always be, if I succeed in conveying to you that instruction which it is my duty to communicate, I shall have still more happiness if I can flatter myself, that, in this very instruction, I have trained you to habits of thought, which may enable you to enrich, with your own splendid discoveries, the age in which you live, and to be yourselves the instructors of all the generations that are to follow you.


text: Observations on Man (6th edition)/Part I/Chapter II/Section III


text: Observations on Man (6th edition)/Part I/Chapter II/Section IV


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 from that of smell by the last’s being extended upon bones; so as to be much more sensible and irritable upon that account. To which we may add, that as a watery fluid is the proper menstruum for the dissolution of sapid particles, and conveyance of their tastes, so smells seem to make their impressions by means of air-particles.

we may observe, first, that since the smells of bodies diffuse themselves in general to great distances, and in some cases to immense ones, the odoriferous particles must repel each other; and consequently be easily susceptible of vibratory motions, for the same reasons as the particles of common air, or those of the æther. We may even suppose, that odoriferous particles are thrown off by vibratory motions in the body that emits them.

May not, however, the odoriferous particles be attracted by the body which emits them, after they have receded from it to a certain distance, and so follow it, in some measure, like an atmosphere? It is hard to account for the small or no diminution of weight in odoriferous bodies, after they have continued to emit smells for a long time, but upon some such supposition.

Secondly, Heat, friction, and effervescence, are all very apt to excite and increase smells; and have all a connexion with vibratory motions in the judgment of most philosophers.

Thirdly, Since heat and friction excite and increase smells, these may have some connexion with electricity; which is supposed by many philosophers to depend upon vibratory motions. And as air-particles are electrics per se, they may have, on this account, a peculiar fitness for conveying and impressing smells. May not air-particles, and odoriferous ones, repel each other?

Fourthly, It is usual, when we desire to receive a smell in full strength and perfection, to make quick, short, alternate inspirations and expirations. This corresponds to the rubbing the ends of the fingers upon the body to be examined by feeling, and the tongue against the palate in tasting. And all these three actions appear to be some presumption in favour of the doctrine of vibrations.

Fifthly, The greatness and quickness of the effect of odours upon the whole nervous system seem very suitable to the doctrine of vibrations. For this must be owing to the mere impression of some motion, there not being time for the absorption of particles sufficient for the effect produced. When sweet smells cause a sudden faintness, and deliquium animi, they may perhaps agitate the whole system of small medullary particles so much, as to make them attract each other with sufficient force to stop all vibratory motions; just as has been observed of the particles of muscular and membranous fibres. And the smells

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 to which a person has an antipathy, may have been originally sweet, or lie so near the confines of pleasure, as to propagate their vibrations much farther than original fœtids can. For these seem to revive from fainting by making a vigorous impression on the nose, which yet is not propagated freely over the whole system; or, if it be, will occasion immediate sickness and fainting. Fœtids in this resemble other pains, which, if moderate, excite; if very violent, overpower.

If it be objected to this, that such fragrant smells as a person has an antipathy to, are disagreeable to him in the highest degree, and that upon the first perception; also that the smell of those fœtids which revive, as of asafœtida, spirit of hartshorn, &c. is agreeable to many; I answer, that these two opposite changes seem to arise merely from association. The faintness and revival, attending these smells respectively, must, by association, transfer the vestiges and miniatures of themselves upon the first perception of the smells, whose associates they are.

Sixthly, It is agreeable to the notion of vibrations, that spirituous liquors and opium should produce their appropriated effects by smell, as well as by being taken into the stomach, as they are found to do in fact. For, if these effects arise from specific vibrations, the mere impression of small active particles may be sufficient for the purpose of producing them. We must, however, suppose that the exhalations of odoriferous bodies are imbibed in some small degree by the absorbing vessels of the membrana schneideriana. We might shew by parity of reason, that the great subtlety of odoriferous effluvia favours the doctrine of vibrations.

Though odoriferous particles are more subtle than the sapid ones, yet they are perhaps grosser than the rays of light. For the smoke of a tallow candle ceases to smell, when it begins to shine, i.e. when it is more attenuated by heat. Since therefore the vibrations from heat are probably smaller than those from light, we may range the vibrations of the medullary substance in the following order, in respect of subtlety; heat, light, smell, tastes, tangible impressions, and the vibrations of the air, from which sound arises. But it is to be observed, that these last may excite much more frequent vibrations in the auditory nerve, than those of the sounding body, to which they correspond; just as the vibrations from friction are much more numerous than the strokes of friction; and the tremors of the particles of an anvil much more numerous than the strokes of the hammer.

proposition is analogous to the thirty-eighth, in which the agreement of the specific differences of tastes with the doctrine of vibrations is considered; and may be illustrated by it. One

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