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Udall as a writer of Latin verse. He became the intimate friend of John Leland [q. v.] the antiquary, and Leland acknowledged with enthusiasm Udall's liberality and attainments in two Latin epigrams (Collectanea, v. 89, 105). The friends combined in May 1533 to write verses in both Latin and English for the pageants with which the lord mayor and citizens of London celebrated the entry of Anne Boleyn into the city after her marriage to Henry VIII. Udall apostrophised Apollo and the Muses in Latin verse, and offered extravagant adulation to the new queen in English poems of very varied metres, some of which imitated Skelton's. The whole collection is preserved in manuscript at the British Museum among the Royal manuscripts (18. A. lxiv.). It was printed in Nichols's ‘Progresses of Queen Elizabeth’ and in Dr. Furnivall's ‘Ballads from Manuscripts’ (Ballad Society, 1870, i. 379–401). Most of the English poems by Udall appear in Arber's ‘English Garner’ (ii. 52–60).

About 1534 Udall became headmaster of Eton College, and he held the office for nearly eight years. Before taking up the appointment he published for the use of his pupils a selection from Terence, which was entitled ‘Flovres for Latine Spekynge selected and gathered oute of Terence and the same translated into Englysshe.’ A Latin dedication addressed by Udall to his pupils was dated from the ‘Augustinian Monastery,’ London, 28 Feb. Leland and Edmund Jonson contributed prefatory eulogies in Latin. The work was printed by Thomas Berthelet, and the first edition, which is of great rarity, is dated 1533. Other editions followed in 1538, 1544, and 1560; an edition of 1575, which was enlarged by John Higgins [q. v.], reappeared in 1581.

According to an early ‘Consuetudinary’ of Eton, plays of Terence and Plautus were acted annually by the boys under the headmaster's direction ‘about the feast of St. Andrew,’ i.e. 30 Nov., and occasionally English pieces were suffered to take the place of the Latin. It is possible that Udall's English comedy or interlude of ‘Ralph Roister Doister’ was first prepared by him to be acted by his pupils at Eton. As a schoolmaster Udall had the reputation of severely enforcing corporal punishment. Thomas Tusser [q. v.] was one of his pupils, and he states in his autobiography, prefixed to his ‘Five Hundreth Points of Good Husbandrie’ (1575), that he received from Udall on one occasion fifty-three stripes for ‘fault but small or none at all.’ Tusser exclaims, ‘See, Udall, see the mercy of thee to mee, poor lad!’ Udall's connection with Eton was terminated under disgraceful and somewhat mysterious circumstances. Early in 1541 two of his scholars, Thomas Cheney and John Horde, were, along with his servant Gregory, charged with stealing silver images and other plate belonging to the college. Their statement not merely threw on Udall the suspicion that he was cognisant of the theft, but led to an accusation against him of unnatural crime. He was summoned before the privy council for examination on 14 March 1540–1, and he then confessed that he was guilty of the second charge. He was committed to the Marshalsea prison (Proceedings of the Privy Council, vii. 153). Dismissal from the head-mastership of Eton followed immediately, but Udall's imprisonment was of short duration, and his reputation was not permanently injured. On gaining his liberty he piteously petitioned an unnamed patron probably at court to procure his restitution to Eton, while he professed a wish to pay off his debts and to amend his way of life (printed from Cotton. MS. Titus B. viii. 371, in Letters of Eminent Literary Men, Camden Soc. pp. 1 sqq.). A year after his dismissal the bursars of Eton paid him the full arrears of his salary (, Hist. of Eton, p. 114).

Other means of livelihood were at his command. He had on 27 Sept. 1537 become vicar of Braintree, and that benefice he retained on his departure from Eton. He held it for nearly seven years, resigning it on 14 Sept. 1544. His increased leisure he devoted to literary work. In September 1542 he published an English version of the third and fourth books of Erasmus's ‘Apophthegms.’ His literary capacity was noticed favourably by Henry VIII's new queen, Catherine Parr, whose theological views inclined, like his own, to Lutheranism. Under her patronage he assisted in translating into English the first volume of Erasmus's ‘Paraphrase of the New Testament.’ The work occupied him between 1543 and 1548. He himself translated the paraphrase of the gospel of St. Luke, which he finished in 1545, and he dedicated it to Queen Catherine. His rendering of the text of the gospel follows that of the Great Bible of 1539. He also superintended the publication of the work and wrote a general dedication addressed in terms of extravagant eulogy to Edward VI, and another to the reader, besides prefacing the translations of the gospel of St. John and of the Acts with dedications to Queen Catherine. The volume was first published in 1548; the title-page of the second edition of 1551 stated that Udall had ‘conferred’ the text with the Latin and ‘thoroughly


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 mothers of butter: sweet drink! the cows we here bathe: sweet drink!” As they danced they struck their right thighs with their right hands—probably with the intention of expelling evil influences and promoting fertility: or they used to beat the earth with their right feet, and danced, following the course of the sun. At the sowing rite of the Garos the priest invokes Rokimē, “Mother of rice,” and striking the earth with a chopper-handle reminds the goddess that certain flowers have blossomed in the jungle, which is a sign that it is now time to sow the rice of which she is the Mother. With this beating of the ground with a chopper-handle we may compare the Greek vase painting interpreted by Miss J. E. Harrison, where a Satyr is beating the ground to wake the Earth Mother, Pandora. At the Orāon Jeth Jātra festival, according to Colonel Dalton, the girls used to pat the Earth to make her fruitful. Later enquiries, however, show that it is the young men who carry fans made of wild date leaves, or yak tails, which they wave over the Earth as if coaxing her to bear abundant crops. Mr. Sarat Chandra Roy points out that, in Orāon belief, this is the function of males, not of women. Hence women are not allowed to plough or sow, but they may transplant the rice seedlings after they have been grown by the men, because it is the business of women to tend them, as they do in the case of their own babies. The first act done when a male child is born among the Nāyars of Malabar is to beat the Earth with a coconut leaf, or, in the case of a girl, to grind some turmeric in a mortar. This

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Rh "Naturally!" said Lacoste, with a loud laugh. "As the jews burn gold out of old garments, so also out of the most hardened, callous and heartless sinner, a little spark of religion may he extracted by burning. The best and most supportable of all this, is that they massacre and inflict martyrdom on one another for the sake of this faith of love, and each treats the other as heretic, each curses the other and gives him up to hell, but, however much all parties may rage against one another, they still invariably agree in my damnation." "A sign," said the youth, "that though all may err in themselves, with regard to you, they still possess the truth."

"I envy them not their possession," replied the old man; "my life, all my sorrows, even when I became wicked and and with justice so, I have only to thank this egoism, which calls itself humility, inspiration, love, or religion; I was rejected, persecuted, nay to use the silly expression, misunderstood, for what man knows another,


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German–Soviet Commercial Agreement (1940)

Economic Agreement of February 11, 1940, Between the German Reich and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

In the exchange of letters of September 28, 1939, 2 between the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs and the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars and Commissar for Foreign Affairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics it was established that the Government of the German Reich and the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, on the basis of and in the sense of the general political understanding achieved, desired by all possible means to develop the commercial relations and the exchange of commodities between Ger- many and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. For this purpose an economic program was to be drawn up by both sides, according to which the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics should make deliveries of raw materials to Germany, which should be compensated for by Germany with industrial deliveries over a more extended period of time.

As a result of the negotiations for the establishment and execution of the contemplated economic program, the Government of the German Reich and the Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics have made the following Agreement :

Article 1
In the period February 11, 1040, to February 11, 1941, in addition to the deliveries provided for in the Credit Agreement of August 19, 1939, the commodities enumerated in List 1  to the value of 420 to 430 million reichsmarks shall be delivered from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to Germany.

Article 2
In the period February 11, 1941, to August 11, 1941, there shall be delivered, likewise in addition to the deliveries provided for in the Credit Agreement of August 19, 1939, commodities to the value of 220 to 230 million reichsmarks from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics to Germany, namely, in each case, half of the values or amounts specified for the various commodities in List 1.

Article 3
The Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics pledges itself to take all measures necessary to insure the performance of the deliveries named in Articles 1 and 2. The deliveries shall begin immediately.

Article 4
In payment for the Soviet deliveries provided for in Article 1, German products of the kind designated in List 2 (-war material) 5 and List 3.

(asbestos, sulphur, rags, powdered arsenate, iridium, tobacco, guts, herbs, iodine, turpentine, oils of ether, opium, nicotine, spruce-needle oil, endocrine products, brownstone, mica ore, glycerine, licorice, horn materials, albumin, seeds, vegetable tar, and lime. - a 42 page typewritten list on which contract negotiations were to begin without delay. The principal items in the 14 categories of the list are summarized as follows :

1. Naval construction. Cruiser ex- Lützow: After launching, the hull and all the equipment, armament, spare parts, etc., to be delivered for completion in the USSR, with 80 percent of the total to be delivered within 12 months of the signature of the Economic Agreement, the rest within 15 months. Complete plans, specifications, working drawings, and trial results of ex- Lützow, plus information on the performance of Seydlitz and Prinz Eugen or Admiral Hipper. Plans for battleship Bismarck and a large destroyer with 15 cm. guns ; complete machinery for a large destroyer.

2. Shipbuilding material. Electrodes for welding, 365 tons; armor plate, 31,000 tons ; various types of boiler tubing, 2628 tons ; 175 power shafts of various lengths ; 1 submarine periscope ; several thousand items of electrical equipment ; and various tanks, motors, ventilating systems, etc,

3. Naval artillery. One 381 mm. double turret, fully equipped, to be delivered by Mar. 1, 1941 ; preliminary sketches for a 406 mm. triple turret and working drawings for a 280 mm. triple turret ; 2 noncorrosive submarine guns ; fire control apparatus; etc.

4. Mine and torpedo gear.

5. Marine acoustical devices; precision clocks and watches.

6. Hydrographic instruments ; optical instruments.

7. Aircraft. 10 Heinkel "He-100" ; 5 Messerschmitt 109 ; 5 Messerschmitt 110; 2 Junkers "Ju-88" ; 2 Dornier Do-215" ; 3 Buecker "Bu-131", 3 "Bu-133"; 3 Fokke-Wulf "Fw~152-V-13" ; 2 Fokke-Wulf "Fa-266" helicopters ; all of these for delivery within 12 months. One Messerschmitt 209 in 15 months, if ready ; various motors, instruments, spare parts, armaments, bombs, etc.

8. Field artillery and ballistics instruments. Two 211 mm. heavy howitzers fully equipped; a complete 105 mm, antiaircraft battery comprising 4 guns; a ballistics laboratory like that of Krupp at the proving grounds near Meppen; laboratory equipment.

9. Communications. Radio, telephone, and telegraph equipment.

10. Chemical warfare equipment; synthetic rubber (Buna S, SS, N, NN).

11. Engineer equipment. Roadbuilding gear, explosives, pumps, etc.

12. Munitions. Samples of pyroxylin and dinitroglikol powder ; 500 105 mm. mortar charges; 150 parachute flares ; a shell-loading plant (75-150 mm.) -with hourly capacity of. 1000 75 mm. shells, similar to plant at arsenal in Juterbog; installations to produce nitroglycerine, hexogen, TNT, natrium acid, and TNRS.

13. Armored vehicles and accessories. One medium tank, type III, fully equipped ; 5 10-ton trailers ; 2 20-ton trailers ; 5 half-tracks.

14. Machine tools and other equipment. 308 machines of various types.

1. Mining equipment. 146 excavators, 90 of them to be delivered within 10 months; drills worth 8,325,000 RM; electric locomotives; cars; electric motors; compressors worth 3,900,000 RM; pumps with electric motors worth 1,380,000 RM ; etc.

2. Locomobiles and turbines, 7,700,000 RM and 1,900,000 RM respectively, including generators.

3. Equipment for petroleum industry. Diesel engines worth 6,500,000 RM; compressors worth 8,100,000 RM ; drills and parts worth 4,500,000 RM ; electric motors worth 6,250,000 RM ; pumps worth 1,800,000 RM; drill-tubes worth 6,500,000 RM; pump compressor tubes worth 5,000,000 RM; etc.

4. Equipment for electric power plants. Turbines with generators up to 6000 KW, worth 10,000,000 RM; steam generators with armatures, worth 30,000,000 RM ; transformers worth 5,250,000 RM ; oil switches (high power) worth 10,000,- 000 RM ; meters and protection worth 4,000,000 RM ; etc.

5. Equipment for the chemical industry. Turbo-compressors and gas-bellows for nitrogen and sulphuric acid; numerous items of laboratory and industrial apparatus ; plastics machines ; high-pressure tubes ; etc., with a total value of about 12,000,000 RM.

6. Equipment for steel wire works ; machinery worth 6,900,000 RM.

7. Forges and presses, 800,000 RM.

8. Coal and steel tubing. Coal worth 52,500,000 RM, of which 20,000,000 RM worth was to be delivered between Sept. 28, 1939, and Sept. 27, 1940 ; 12,500,000 RM worth between Sept. 28, 1940, and May [Feft.f ] 11, 1941 ; and the rest between Feb. 11, 1940, and May 11, 1941. Steel tubing worth 16,250,000 RM, with 10,- 000,000 RM worth to be delivered between Sept. 28, 1939 and Sept. 27, 1940, and the rest by May 11, 1941.

9. Ships. To be delivered "promptly": one tanker of about 12,000 tons; M/S Memel; M/S Phoenicia; S/S Nurnberg. To be delivered within 12 months: 1 training vessel ; 1 repair ship ; 1 hoist-ship.

10. Metals. 50,000 tons of steel tubing (including the quantities shown in sections 3 and 8 above) ; about 45,000 tons of other metals and metal products.

1. Naval construction. 5 floating cranes, 3 of them having 250 tons capacity; outfitting an electrode shop ;

2. Naval artillery and other materiel. Two 381 mm. double turrets for delivery in 17 and 20 months ; 3 280 mm. triple turrets for delivery within 30-36 months (or alternatively 3 additional 381 mm. double turrets within 23-29 months) ; 4 149.1 mm. triple turrets within 18-22 months ; 14 105 mm. twin mounts (including 4 sets to be included with Lutzow) ; all naval artillery to be fully equipped with fire control apparatus and spare parts; 28m. submarine periscopes, by mid-1941.

3. Hydrographie gear. 1950 stop-clocks ; 2000 stop-watches ; 80 chronometers ; 3 gyro-compasses for training ; 150 deck clocks.

4. Aircraft equipment. Three installations for altitude testing of motors; 2 motion picture theodolite stations ; 5 fully-equipped motor testing establishments ; 1 cylinder-testing device.

5. Machine tools, etc. Seventeen machine tools for delivery in fall 1941; 29 others, delivery dates unspecified ; 1 plant for bimetallic rotating bands for shells, capacity 2000 tons per year, during second half of 1941; 1 plant for widia and titanite alloys, with capacity of 30 tons per year (the exact production formulas to be furnished, and the plants to be set up in working order in the USSR, with a 2-year period for installation and training of personnel). Delivery of these 2 plants will be governed by the conditions stated in List 6.

(list is prefaced by two general conditions: (1) that the industrial processes revealed by Germany to the Soviet Union be kept secret; (2) that the Soviet Union refrain from competing with German firms in the world market with products of the installations, plants, and processes furnished by Germany.)

Principal items :

1. Mining equipment : various excavators worth 15,000,000 BM ; cars, drills, compressors, and electric motors, totaling 12,500,000 RM.

2. Diesels, locomobiles, turbines, and boilers : 32,500,000 KM.

3. Equipment for electric power plants : 12,000,000 RM.

4. Coal : 40,000,000 RM.

5. Metal-working machines, especially of Hasse & Wrede system, in quantities to be agreed upon.

6. Forges, presses, and equipment for steel wire plants: 2,000,000 RM.

7. Ships : 1 crane ship with 75-ton lift ; 5,450 h.p. tugs ; 1 self-propelled river tanker.

8. Metals : 50,000 tons of drill tubing and compressor tubing ; 15,000 tons of steel cable ; 300 tons of rustproof steel tubing ; 3,000 tons of zinc-coated wire.

The list includes the following items to be ready, depending on conditions, in "normal delivery time":

1. Complete plants for recovering old rubber by analysis (capacity 5 to 10 tons) ; for continuous vulcanizing of fabrics; and for hydrogenation of coal to produce 200,000 tons of oil per year.

2. Plans and equipment for plants to produce Rohgummi Buna [synthetic rubber] ; synthetic urea (2,000 tons annually) ; aniline and chlorbenzol (10,000 tons annually) ; phenol and chlorbenzol (6,000 tons annually) ; 4 types of anilines (5000 tons annually) ; chlorbenzol by continuous chlorination ; betauaftol, tiuram; koptaks, difinilguanidin ; concentrated nitric acid (10-15,000 tons annually) ; hydrosulphate by electrolysis; cellulose wool.

3. A plant for rapid vulcanization.

4. Plans and equipment for Renn and Lurgi [metallurgical] installations, ready in 12 and 12 to 15 months, respectively.

equipment, and processes of production which the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics is interested in acquiring or receiving. Both par* ties shall take all steps that may be necessary in order that commercial contracts for machinery, equipment, and processes of production of the kind enumerated in the list may be concluded as soon as possible.

The payments that become due on the basis of these contracts during the validity of this Agreement shall be made from special ac- counts of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in Germany by way of the German-Soviet clearing system. If they become due during the first 15 months of the Treaty they shall be used in settlement of the Soviet deliveries provided for in Article 1, and insofar as they become due in the succeeding 12 months, in settlement of the Soviet deliveries provided for in Article 2.

For this settlement other payments which are credited to the special accounts of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, for example for transit traffic, shall also be used.

Article 8
The Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics has declared by the exchange of letters of September 28, 1939, that it is prepared to deliver, in addition to the quantities of petroleum other- wise agreed upon or still to be agreed upon, a supplementary quantity of petroleum equivalent to the annual production of the Drohobycz and Boryslaw oil region, in such proportions that half of this amount shall be delivered to Germany from the oil fields of the said oil region and the other half from the other oil regions of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. As compensation for these petroleum deliveries the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics shall receive de- liveries of coal and steel tubing.

It is agreed that the quantities of petroleum and petroleum products to be delivered in accordance herewith during the period September 28, 1939, to September 28, 1940, shall be included in the amount named in List 1. In calculating the value of the compensatory deliveries of coal and steel tubing, it shall be assumed that this first annual amount is equal to the value of 30 million reichsmarks. These petroleum, deliveries shall be compensated by German deliveries of coal to the value of 20 million reichsmarks and steel tubing to the value of 10 million reichsmarks. These deliveries shall be made by September 28, 1940.

Article 9
Both parties take it for granted that the mutual deliveries based on this Agreement are to balance.

The Soviet deliveries made during the first 12 months of the duration of this Agreement shall be compensated by German deliveries by May 11, 1941 ; that is, after the first six months 50 percent of the Soviet deliveries provided for in the first period of the treaty shall be balanced by 40 percent of the German deliveries provided for in the same period of time ; after 12 months 100 percent of the Soviet deliveries shall be balanced by 80 percent of the German deliveries. The rest of the German deliveries shall be made within the following 3 months.

The Soviet deliveries made during the period from the 13th to the end of the 18th month of the duration of this Agreement shall be compensated by German deliveries to be made during the period from the 16th to the end of the 27th month, computed from the date this Agreement goes into effect, in equal quarterly amounts. It is pro- vided that during this second period of the Agreement a balance sheet of the mutual deliveries shall be drawn up every three months.

Article 10
Each of the two Governments shall appoint plenipotentiaries who shall meet on the date specified in the previous Article. The task of these plenipotentiaries shall be to study currently the total commercial intercourse between Germany and the Union of Soviet Socialist .Republics and the observance of the percentage relationship between the German and the Soviet deliveries mentioned in Article 9, and to take all measures necessary to carry out the economic program agreed upon between the Governments, especially to balance the above-mentioned percentage relationship.

The Plenipotentiaries of both Governments shall be empowered within the scope of their duties to communicate with each other directly, either in writing or orally. They may from time to time draw the experts needed in their work into their consultations.

If the percentage relationship fixed by Article 9 for the mutual deliveries is disturbed in one of the periods of time, both parties shall take measures in the shortest possible time for the removal of the disproportion, in which connection supplementary deliveries, espe- cially of coal, shall be used by Germany as a means of settlement. In case this cannot be arranged, the interested party shall have the right to discontinue temporarily its deliveries until the stipulated relationship is attained.

Article 11
In the execution of this Agreement the following shall be applied:

a) the Agreement regarding exchange of goods and payments: of December 31, 1939 ;

b) the provisions of Article IV and of section 3 of Article V of the Credit Agreement of August 19, 1939.

Besides, in connection with the payment of Soviet obligations arising from orders made on the basis of this Agreement, the provisions of section 5 of Article V of the above-mentioned Credit Agreement shall be correspondingly applicable;

c) the Confidential Protocol of August 26, 1939.

Article 12
Both Parties have agreed that the accommodations granted or transit traffic on the basis of the exchange of letters of September 28,, 1939 (freight reductions of 50 percent on soybeans and the payment of all railway freight charges in the transit traffic through the Ger- man-Soviet clearing system) shall remain in force during the entire period of the validity of this Agreement. In order to facilitate use of the sums paid in reichsmarks by Germany for freight charges, Germany shall lend her cooperation to the Soviets in placing orders in Germany and in acquiring goods and techniques of production there.

Article 13
This Agreement shall not affect the Credit Agreement between the German Reich and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics of August 19, 1939, which shall remain completely in force.

Article 14
This Agreement shall become effective upon signature.

Done in two original copies in the German and the Russian lan- guages respectively, both texts being equally authentic.

Done in Moscow, February 11, 1940.

For the Government Representing the Government of the

of the German Reich : Union of Soviet Socialist Republics :

K. RlTTER                            A.MIKOYAN

K. SCHNTORE                       N. BABURIN

CONFIDENTIAL PROTOCOL
In connection with the Economic Agreement signed today between the German Reich and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the 1 undersigned Plenipotentiaries of the Governments of both Parties have agreed concerning the following :

The Government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics shall instruct the proper Soviet commercial organizations to enter into negotiations with the German organizations and firms designated by the Government of the German Reich in regard to the purchase by the Soviet Union of metals and other goods in third countries and in

regard to the sale of these metals and goods to Germany. Such sales shall be made by the Soviet organizations on the following basis :

Payment for the goods by the German purchasers up to 70 percent in transferable foreign currency to be designated by the Soviet commercial organization making the delivery and 30 percent in reichsmarks in accordance with the German-Soviet Agreement regarding exchange of goods and payments of December 31, 1939. If the German purchaser is not in a position to make payment in the currency suggested by the Soviet commercial organization, he may offer to make payment in another transferable currency. If the Soviet commercial organization refuses this currency, payment shall be made in gold on conditions to be agreed upon between the purchaser and the Soviet commercial organization making delivery.

In this connection the Germans shall, for the purpose of utilization of the sums in reichsmarks paid by the Germans to the Soviet commercial organizations, lend their cooperation in placing orders in Germany and in the acquisition of goods and production techniques in Germany.

Moscow, February 11, 1940.

For the Government Representing the Government of the

of the German Reich : Union of Soviet Socialist Republics :

K. RlTTER                            A.MIKOYAN

K. SCHNTORE                       N. BABURIN


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Rh desconocido"; and whole tribes of Indians that have never been brought in contact with the white man, and repel all attempts at visitation or government supervision.

During the three hundred years, also, when Mexico was under Spanish dominion, access to the country was almost absolutely denied to foreigners; the most noted exception being the case of Humboldt, who, through the personal favor and friendship of Don Marino Urquijo, first Spanish Secretary of State under Charles IV, received privileges never before granted to any traveler; and thus it is that, although more than three quarters of a century have elapsed since Humboldt

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Udall ’ it. The second volume came out in 1549, but in that Udall had no hand.

Edward VI showed Udall much favour. When Gardiner preached before the young king on 29 June 1548, and he was expected to deny the authority of the king to make religious changes during his minority, Udall was directed to report the sermon by ‘a noble personage of this realm’. The ‘noble personage’ was doubtless Protector Somerset. Foxe printed Udall's report of Gardiner's sermon in his ‘Acts and Monuments.’ In 1549 a more responsible task was entrusted to him. He was ordered to reply to the catholic rebels of the west, who had put forward ‘certen artycles of us the comoners of Devonsheir and Cornwall in divers campes by Est and West of Exeter.’ The insurgents demanded the restoration of the mass, of the abbey lands, and of the Six Articles, together with the recall of Cardinal Pole from exile. Udall's answer bears the title ‘An answer to the articles of the comoners of Devonsheir and Cornewall, declaring to the same howe they haue been seduced by evell persons, and howe their consciences may be satysfyed and stayed, concerning the sayd artycles, sette forthe by a countryman of theirs, much tendering the welth, bothe of their bodyes and solles.’ Udall reasoned with great force against the catholic arguments, and defended the royal authority in matters of religion. His tract, which runs to eighty closely written folio pages, is preserved at the British Museum (Royal MS. 18, B. xi.). It was printed for the first time by the Camden Society in ‘Troubles connected with the Prayer Book of 1549,’ which was edited by Nicholas Pocock in 1884.

Further literary work of similar tendency followed. About 1550 he issued an English translation (from the Latin) of Peter Martyr's ‘Discourse or Traictise … concernynge the Sacrament of the Lordes Supper’ [see ]. Edward VI marked his approbation by issuing letters patent securing to Udall exclusive rights in the original Latin version of Peter Martyr's ‘Treatise of the Eucharist,’ as well as in the English translation; and at the same time gave Udall permission ‘to preynt the Bible in Englyshe as well in the large volume for the use of the churches wth in this our Realme and other Dominions as allso in any other convenient volume.’ Of this privilege Udall does not seem to have availed himself. He contributed Latin poems to the two collections of elegies published in 1551, respectively on Henry and Charles Brandon, dukes of Suffolk, and Martin Bucer. In 1552 he translated the ‘Compendiosa totius Anatomie delineatio’ of Thomas Gemini [q. v.], whose copperplate engravings give the work high artistic interest. The book was dedicated to the king.

Despite the circumstances attending Udall's dismissal from Eton, scholastic employment was also found for Udall by the ministers of his royal patron, and he was appointed ‘schoolmaster’ of the young Edward Courtenay, then a prisoner in the Tower (Trevelyan Papers, Camden Soc. ii. 31, 33). At the same time Edward VI bestowed new church preferment on Udall. In November 1551 he was nominated to a prebend at Windsor, but he failed to take up his residence there, and continued to preach elsewhere. He was consequently held in the following year to have forfeited his rights to the emoluments of the prebend. But in September 1552 a royal letter directed the dean and chapter of Windsor to pay Udall the income of the preferment ‘during the time of his absence.’ On 26 March 1553 he was presented to the rectory of Calborne in the Isle of Wight.

The accession of Queen Mary in no way injured his fortunes. She had taken part with him in the translation of Erasmus's paraphrase, and Udall knew how to adjust his sails to the passing breeze. In 1553 he endeavoured to extract from the protestant martyr Thomas Mountain [q. v.], while in prison, a recantation of protestantism (, Narratives of the Reformation, Camden Soc. p. 178). The lord chancellor, Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, encouraged Udall's pusillanimity, and gave him the post of schoolmaster in his household, where several boys were brought up under the bishop's superintendence. Gardiner left forty marks to his ‘schoolmaster,’ Udall, in his will, dated 9 Nov. 1555 (Wills from Doctors' Commons, Camden Soc. 43, 44). Udall's repute as a dramatic writer was not exhausted. In 1554 a warrant from Queen Mary directed Udall to prepare ‘dialogues and interludes,’ to be performed in the royal presence; and ordered such dresses and apparel to be delivered to him from the office of the revels as from time to time he might require (Losely MSS. ed. Kempe, p. 63).

At the close of his life Udall again filled the office of master of a great public school. He succeeded Alexander Nowell about 1554 as headmaster of Westminster school, which Henry VIII had established in 1540; and he held that post until the school was absorbed in the monastery of Westminster, which Queen Mary refounded in November 1556. Udall died next month, and was buried in the church of St. Margaret's, Westminster, on 23 Dec. 1556. Entries of the burial in


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Rh or even himself? Impoverished; broken-hearted, I went forth, and my friends gladly saw me depart. In every country this self-same miserable farce was repeated. They would willingly have lent me their aid, confided in me, probably have loved me, had I but possessed this so called religion. The foolish virtue of my probity was lost sight of, that I would pretend to none, even to the very best of them. A few marriages which were almost decided upon with me, were broken off for the same cause. It did not fare better with mein other quarters of the world; thus am I become an old man, thus am I become a villain, and I returned, to revenge myself on my beloved countrymen, and on my friends. Then you came and spoiled the thing with me: just, you yourself! strange enough!"

"How so?" asked Edmond excited.

"Come let us go," said the stranger, "we ought to seek our comrades again."

They arose and walked as chance directed through mountain and wood. When


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Rh they ascended higher, they observed a thick smoke advancing towards them, blackening the heavens with dark clouds. A distant cry directed their steps. As they proceeded, they beheld on the summit of the mountain a number of rebels moving hurriedly to and fro. When Edmond approached he thought he recognised Roland. It was he too, but before he was able to advance towards the leader, a young man rushed with a terrific shout, to meet him. "Brother!" exclaimed he, interrupted by sobs and rage, "brother, all is over! The incendiaries have rendered thee for ever unhappy."

It was diflicult for Edmond to recognise his young friend Vila. "What is the matter with thee? whence comest thou?" asked he at length, amazed.

"I am now one of yours!" exclaimed Vila: "I have not been able to govern my heart, since I beheld the affliction of our people. Yes, I will assist you to annihilate, to murder, to tear to pieces these


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 Udall the same place of ‘Katherin Woodall’ and of ‘Elizabeth Udall’ figure in the parish register under the respective dates 2 Dec. 1556 and 8 July 1559; but there is no means of determining the relationship of either of these persons to Nicholas Udall.

Udall owes his permanent fame to his work as a dramatist. Bale attributes to him not merely many comedies, but also a ‘Tragœdia de Papatu.’ Of the last nothing is known. Bale says that Udall translated it for Queen Catherine [Parr]. It is possible that Bale made a confused reference to ‘A Tragedie or Dialoge of the unjuste usurped Primacie of the Bishop of Rome’ (London, 1549, 8vo), which John Ponet translated from the Italian of Bernardino Ochino. Subsequent mention was made of another lost play by Udall. When Elizabeth visited Cambridge University in the autumn of 1564 on the night of 8 Aug. there was performed in her presence ‘an English play called “Ezekias,” made by Mr. Udall, and handled by King's College men only.’

The only extant play by Udall is ‘Ralph Roister Doister,’ a homely English comedy on the Latin model, which may have been originally written for performance by his pupils at Eton before 1541. A reference (act ii. sc. i.) to a ballad-monger, Jack Raker, who is more than once mentioned by Skelton and is noticed in Udall's play as a contemporary, and Ralph Roister Doister's favourite form of oath, ‘by the armes of Caleys,’ suggest that the piece was originally composed in Henry VIII's reign. It is in rhymed doggerel and is divided into five acts, each with numbered scenes varying from four to eight. Besides songs which are interspersed through the text, four songs to be sung ‘by those which shall use this comedy’ are collected in an appendix. The story, which is crudely developed, deals with the unsuccessful efforts of the swaggering hero, Ralph Roister Doister, to win the hand of a wealthy widow, Dame Christian Custance. It is doubtful if the piece were printed in Udall's lifetime.

A quotation of Ralph's letter to Dame Custance (Ralph Roister Doister, act iii. sc. iv.), which is shown to be capable of expressing two directly opposite significations by changes of punctuation, appeared in the third edition of Dr. Thomas Wilson's ‘Rule of Reason,’ 1553, with the note that the passage was quoted from ‘An Entrelude, made by Nicolas Vdal.’ In 1566 Thomas Hackett obtained a license ‘for pryntinge of a play intituled Rauf Ruyster Duster.’ The only early copy now known lacks a title-page; it was accidentally acquired by the Rev. Thomas Briggs, an Etonian, in 1818, and may be the edition printed by Hackett, which probably represents a revised version of the piece. The concluding verses plainly refer to Queen Mary or Queen Elizabeth, and were doubtless interpolated at a date subsequent to the composition of the play. In 1818 Briggs reprinted the comedy in London, in an edition of thirty copies, as an anonymous work, and at the same time presented the unique original to Eton College Library, in ignorance of the fact that the play was from the pen of an Eton headmaster. Another reprint followed in 1821; but the anonymous editor again had no information to give respecting the authorship of the play. John Payne Collier, in a note in Dodsley's ‘Old Plays’ (1825, ii. 3; cf. History of English Dramatic Poetry, 1831, ii. 445), was the first to recognise in ‘Ralph Roister Doister’ the interlude which Wilson assigned to Udall in 1551. The work has subsequently been four times reprinted—in Thomas White's ‘Old English Drama’ (1830, 3 vols. 18mo); in the publications of the Shakespeare Society, 1847; in Arber's ‘English Reprints,’ 1869; and in Dodsley's ‘Old Plays,’ ed. W. C. Hazlitt, 1874 (iii. 53–161). ‘Ralph Roister Doister’ enjoys the distinction of being the earliest English comedy known, and, in the capacity of its author, Udall is universally recognised as one of the most notable pioneers in the history of English dramatic literature [cf. art. STILL, JOHN]. Collier, in his ‘Bibliographical Catalogue’ (ii. 176), attributes to Udall, the first and last letters of whose surname figure on the undated title-page, a curious doggerel poem in which an old man gives the author much moral counsel. The poem bears the title: ‘The pleasaunt playne and pythye Pathewaye leadynge to a vertues and honest lyfe, no lesse profytable then delectable. U. L. Imprynted at London by Nicolas Hyll, for John Case,’ 4to.

[The fullest account of Udall is by William Durrant Cooper, and is prefixed to the Shakespeare Society's edition of ‘Ralph Roister Doister.’ See also Troubles connected with the Prayer Book of 1549, ed. Nicholas Pocock (Camden Soc.), pp. xx–xxv; Wood's Athenæ Oxon. ed. Bliss, i. 211; Tanner's Bibl. Brit.; Strype's Works; Fleay's Biographical Chronicle of the English Drama; Collier's History of English Dramatic Poetry.]  UFFORD, JOHN (d. 1349), chancellor. [See .]

UFFORD, ROBERT, first of his house  (1298–1369), was the second but eldest surviving son and heir of


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16 made his journey and explorations, he is still quoted as the best and, in many particulars, as the only reliable authority in respect to Mexico.

In 1850, Bayard Taylor, returning from California, visited Mexico, landing at Mazatlan, and crossing the country by way of the city of Mexico to Vera Cruz. His journey lasted from the 5th of January to the 19th of February—a period of about six weeks—and the distance traversed by him in a straight line could not have been much in excess of seven hundred miles—a rather small foundation in the way of exploration for the construction of a standard work of travel; yet, whoever reads his narrative and enters into sympathy with the author (as who in reading Bayard Taylor does not?) is heartily glad that it is no longer. For Mungo Park in attempting to explore the Niger, or Bruce in seeking for the sources of the Nile, or Livingstone on the Zambesi, never encountered greater perils or chronicled more disagreeable experiences of travel. It was not enough to have "journeyed," as he expresses it, "for leagues in the burning sun, over scorched hills, without water or refreshing verdure, suffering greatly from thirst, until I found a little muddy water at the bottom of a hole"; to have lived on frijoles and tortillas (the latter so compounded with red pepper that, it is said, neither vultures nor wolves will ever touch a dead

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Rh slaves, which, to the shame of all created beings, bear but the figures of men." When Edmond desired to question, to gain some information, Vila drew him higher up the mountain, and the youth stood again above, and looked down, as on that night, upon his father’s garden and house; but the house was in ruins, the fire was still raging through the apartments, and thick columns of smoke arose, between which was seen a consuming glow, that frequently sent red streams sideways and upwards; shepherds and peasants stood beneath, many were gazing fixedly on the spectacle, some seeking powerless help and deliverance.

"Where is my father?" exclaimed Edmond, when he had recovered from the first shock. "Fled," answered Vila, "no one knows whither; child, servants, all were compelled to escape, for the Marshal and the Intendant had summoned him to a severe account at Nismes. When miscreants, who call themselves soldiers, found the


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Rh house quite empty, they plundered, and then set fire to it."

"I have now nothing more to care for," said Edmond coldly.

"Ah! ha!" cried Lacoste, "has it then fared so ill with the old Lord, my ancient rival, my former friend and foe? see now yourself, we had lately scarcely an idea of worse than what has now happened, when you, Ned, stopped us in the business."

No one heard him, and all gazed in silence, Edmond with deadly pale countenance, down on the raging fire.


text: The Rebellion in the Cevennes/Volume 2/Chapter III


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Vokes

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Vokes


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Rh Mexican), and to have found an adequate supply of even these at times very difficult to obtain; to sleep without shelter or upon the dirt floors of adobe huts, or upon scaffolds of poles, and to have even such scant luxuries impaired by the invasion of hogs, menace of ferocious dogs, and by other enemies "without and within," in the shape of swarms of fleas, mosquitoes, and other vermin; but, in addition to all this, he was robbed, and left bound and helpless in a lonely valley, if not with the expectation, at least with a feeling of complete indifference, on the part of his ruffianly assailants, as to whether he perished by hunger and cold, or effected a chance deliverance. And if any one were to travel to-day in Mexico, over routes as unfrequented as that which Bayard Taylor followed, and under the same circumstances of personal exposure, he would undoubtedly be subject to a like experience.

In August, 1878, Hon. John W. Foster, then United States minister to Mexico, writing from the city of Mexico to the Manufacturers' Association of the Northwest, at Chicago, made the following statement concerning the social condition of the country at that time: "Not a single passenger-train leaves this city (Mexico) or Vera Cruz, the (then) termini of the only completed railroad in the country, without being escorted by a company of soldiers to protect it from assault and robbery.

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290 is done, it is said, with the object of removing the child’s fear, and part of the puberty rites of the Paraiyans is for the mother to strike the ground behind her son with a rice-pestle. The meaning of these rites is obscure: possibly they may be fertility observances intended to arouse the Earth Mother to strengthen the boy.

The great gods, Vishnu and others, also sleep from June-July till October-November, that is to say, during the rainy season when field work is slack. The same considerations, based on the cessation of work during the rains, account for the annual Buddhist Retreat (varsika, vassa, vassavasa), during which the monks ceased to make their usual visits to their disciples. The similar Retreat of the Jains (pajjusana, pachusan) should be held when the rainy season is well advanced, a time when ordinary work is interrupted, and there is danger of destruction of life, animal and vegetable, which is then abundant.

Similar animistic beliefs regarding the personification of Mother Earth and the danger of destroying the life which she fosters account for the prejudice against agriculture which prevails among some tribes, castes, or religious orders. The Laws of Manu, the official manual of Brahmanical social observances, direct that a Brāhman or a Kshatriya shall carefully avoid agriculture, “which causes injury to many beings and depends on others. Some declare that agriculture is something excellent, but that means of subsistence is blamed by the virtuous: for the wooden implement with iron point injures the Earth and the beings living in the Earth.” A religious sanction was thus given to the prejudice against agriculture, work which

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42 in British, is Cen in Gaelic; and we can roughly tell where the population was British by noticing the place names, such as those beginning with Pen. When these were Gaels, the same headlands would begin with Cen. and this at once decides that the inhabitants of the western peninsula were not Gaels. From the lakes of Switzerland the Britons had brought with them their great aptitude for wattlework. They built their houses and halls, not of stone, but of woven withies. Cæsar says that they were wont to erect enormous basket-work figures, fill them with human victims, and burn the whole as sacrifices to their gods. It is a curious coincidence that on some of the old Celtic crosses are found carved imitations of men made of wicker-work. These represent saints made of the same material and in the same manner by the same people, after they had embraced Christianity and abandoned human sacrifices. Let us try to imagine what was the mode of life of those people who raised their monuments on Dartmoor. They were pastoral, but they also certainly had some knowledge of tillage. In certain lights, hillsides on the moor show indications of having been cultivated in ridges, and this not with the plough, but with the spade. We cannot say

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18 The manufacturers of this city, who own factories in the valley within sight of it, in sending out money to pay the weekly wages of their operatives, always accompany it with an armed guard; and it has repeatedly occurred, during the past twelve months (1878), that the street railway-cars from this city to the suburban villages have been seized by bands of robbers and the money of the manufacturers stolen. Every mining company which sends its metal to this city to be coined or shipped abroad always accompanies it by a strong guard of picked men; and the planters and others who send money or valuables out of the city do likewise. The principal highways over which the diligence lines pass are constantly patroled by the armed rural guard or the Federal troops; and yet highway robbery is so common that it is rarely even noticed in the newspapers. One of the commercial indications of the insecurity of communication between this capital and the other cities of the republic is found in the rate of interior exchange," which at that time, according to the minister, varied from ten per cent in the case of Chihuahua, distant a thousand miles, to two and two and a half per cent for places like Toluca, not farther removed than sixty miles.

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Rh Matters are, however, in a much better state at present, and for reasons that will be mentioned hereafter; but the following item of Mexican news,

great offense to the Mexican people; and, in addition to numerous newspaper criticisms, was regarded as of such importance by the Government, that an extended official reply (325 quarto pages) was made to it (in 1880) by the Mexican Secretary of Finance. It was claimed therein that, while the report of Minister Foster "contains many exact data and estimates worthy of attention, it is unfortunately marred by conceptions and deductions which are entirely without foundation," and "that it is the duty of the Government of Mexico to vindicate the country, clearing away the dark coloring under which the report in question presents it." In further illustration of the character and strength of this rejoinder on the part of the Mexican Government, the following is a summary of the answers to the specific points made by Mr. Foster, in that part of his report above quoted: Thus, in regard to the statement that passenger-trains on the Vera Cruz Railroad were escorted by soldiers, it was said: "The fact is true, but nowise worthy of censure; for, on the contrary, it is the best proof of the care with which the Government endeavors to give guarantees to travelers. Even in the most civilized countries the police forces watch over the security of the roads, and the way of doing it makes little matter, whether it be by escort or stationed forces, for in both cases it indicates a sad necessity, to wit, that of sheltering individuals from the attack of evildoers, who exist not only in Mexico, but in every part of the world."

Again, the fact of excessive rates of exchange between the interior cities and towns of Mexico was explained by saying that it is not due to the insecurity of the roads, but rather "to the difficulty of communication, occasioned principally by long distances, bad roads, and the lack of conveniences"; and also by "the circumstance that exchange takes place in one sense only—that is to say, to place in Mexico funds that are outside of the capital."

And the report thus further sharply continues: "For every crime against life or property occurring in Mexico, a greater number of similar cases that have taken place in the United States could be cited; and this is not strange, for, in proportion as the population of the country is larger, it appears that its criminal record must be larger also. Moreover, horrible crimes have been committed in the United

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20 telegraphed from Saltillo (Northern Mexico), under date of February 15, 1885, pretty clearly indicates the scope and desirability for future improvement, and also the present limitation on the authority of the existing national Government: "The commission of officers sent from Zacatecas by the Government to treat for a surrender with the noted bandit leader, Eraclie Bemal, has returned, having been unsuccessful in its mission. The chief demanded the following conditions: Pardon for himself and band, a bonus of thirty thousand dollars for himself, to be allowed to retain an armed escort of twenty-five men, or to be appointed to a position in the army commanding a district in Sinaloa." How such a statement as the foregoing carries the reader back to the days of the "Robbers of the Rhine," or the "free lances" of the middle ages! On the other hand, a recent consular report calls attention to the circumstance "that a certain local notoriety of the mountain districts, who had acquired a formidable reputation as an independent guerrilla leader in past wars, and as a frank highwayman in the intervals of peace, had made a descent upon the city (Mexico); unarmed and unattended, and purchased two plows."

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Rh that these belong to the early population, but as they are found near their settlements it is possible that they may be traces of original cultivation. But we know from the remains of grain found in the habitations and tombs of the same people in limestone districts that they were acquainted with cereals, and their grindstones have been found on Dartmoor in their huts. Still, grain was not the main element of their diet; they lived chiefly on milk and flesh. In the huts have been found broad vessels that were covered with round discs of slate, and it is probable that these were receptacles for milk or butter, but the milk would mainly be contained in wooden or leathern vessels. Elsewhere their spindle-whorls have been found in fair abundance; not so on Dartmoor—as yet only two have been recovered. This shows that little spinning was done, and no weights such as are used by weavers have been found. The early occupants were in the main clothed in skins. Their huts were circular, of stone, with very frequently a shelter wall, opposed to the prevailing south-west wind, screening the door, which opened invariably to the south or south-west. The whole was roofed over by poles planted on the walls, brought together in the middle, and thatched over with rushes or heather. The walls were rarely above four feet six inches high. They are lined within with large stones, set up on end, their smooth surfaces inwards, and the stone walls were backed up with turf without, making of the huts green mounds. This gave occasion to the fairy legends

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 Ufford Robert de Ufford (1279–1316), and of his wife, Cicely de Valognes.

His grandfather, (d. 1298), was the founder of the greatness of the family. A younger son of a Suffolk landowner, John de Peyton, Robert assumed his surname from his lordship of Ufford in Suffolk, and attended Edward I on his crusade. Between 1276 and 1281 he acted as justice of Ireland. He was instructed by Edward I to introduce English laws into Ireland (Fœdera, i. 540), and practised skilfully but unscrupulously the policy of sowing dissension among the different Irish septs (, Viceroys of Ireland, pp. 108–10). He also built the castle of Roscommon ‘at countless cost’ (Cal. Documents, Ireland, 1302–7, p. 137). On 21 Nov. 1281 Stephen de Fulburn, bishop of Waterford, was appointed justice in his place, since Ufford ‘by reason of his infirmities could not perform his duties’ (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1281–92, p. 1). He died in 1298. His son Robert, who was born on 11 June 1279, further increased the family possessions and importance by his marriage to the heiress Cicely de Valognes. He was summoned to parliament as a baron between 1308 and 1311, and died in 1316. Of his six sons, William, the eldest, died without issue before his father. The fifth son, (d. 1346), became justice of Ireland like his grandfather, having married Maud, daughter of Henry, earl of Lancaster [q. v.], and widow of William de Burgh, earl of Ulster. Appointed justice in February 1344, Ralph held office until his death on Palm Sunday, 9 April 1346. He had the reputation of a vigorous and energetic but not very popular ruler (, pp. 197–204). The youngest son, Sir Edmund de Ufford, was also a man of some note. The suggestion sometimes made that John de Offord or Ufford [q. v.], archbishop-elect of Canterbury, and his brother, Andrew de Offord [q. v.], were also sons of this Robert de Ufford, is highly improbable. In all probability these latter were of an entirely different family, which derived its name from Offord Darcy, Huntingdonshire.

The second but eldest surviving son, Robert, was born about 10 Aug. 1298, and succeeded to his father's estates. On 19 May 1318 he received livery of his father's Suffolk lands, which are enumerated in ‘Calendarium Inquisitionum post mortem,’ i. 146 (cf. Cal. Close Rolls, 1313–18, p. 542). He was knighted and received some subordinate employments, being occupied, for example, in 1326 in levying ships for the royal use in Suffolk (ib. 1323–7, p. 644), and serving in November 1327 on a commission of the peace in the eastern counties under the statute of Winchester (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1327–30, p. 214). In May and June 1329 he attended the young Edward III on his journey to Amiens, receiving letters of protection on 10 May (ib. p. 388). He was employed on state affairs down to the end of the rule of Isabella and Mortimer, and on 1 May 1330 received ‘for his better maintenance in the king's service’ a grant for life of the royal castle and town of Orford, Suffolk, which had been previously held by his father (ib. p. 522; Cal. Inquis. post mortem, i. 146). He also obtained grants of other lands in special tail, including the manors of Gravesend, Kent, Costessy and Burgh, Norfolk (, ii. 48). On 28 July he was appointed to array and command the levies of Norfolk and Suffolk summoned to fight ‘against the king's rebels.’ Nevertheless in October he associated himself with William de Montacute (afterwards first Earl of Salisbury) [q. v.] in the attack on Mortimer at Nottingham. He took personal part in the capture of Mortimer in Nottingham Castle, and was so far implicated in the deaths of Sir Hugh de Turplington and Richard de Monmouth that occurred during the scuffle that on 12 Feb. 1331 he received a special pardon for the homicide (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1330–4, p. 74). He was rewarded by the grant of the manors of Cawston and Fakenham in Norfolk, and also of some houses in Cripplegate that had belonged to Mortimer's associate, John Maltravers [q. v.] (ib. pp. 73, 106). He also succeeded Maltravers as keeper of the forests south of Trent and as justice in eyre of the forests in Wiltshire, receiving on 3 Feb. 1331 a similar appointment for Hampshire (ib. pp. 66, 69). He was summoned as a baron to parliament on 27 Jan. 1332. Henceforth he was one of the most trusted warriors, counsellors, and diplomatists in Edward III's service.

On 1 Nov. 1335 Ufford was appointed a member of an embassy empowered to treat with the Scots (Fœdera, ii. 925). He served against the Scots and was made warden of Bothwell Castle (Chron. de Lanercost, p. 288). On 14 Jan. 1337 he was made admiral of the king's northern fleet jointly with Sir John Ros (Fœdera, ii. 956; Ufford ceased to hold this office after 11 Aug.) On 16 March he was created Earl of Suffolk (cf. Lords' Reports on the Dignity of a Peer, v. 31; Rot. Parl. ii. 56; Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1334–8, p. 418). On 18 March he received ‘for the better support of his dignity’ letters patent conferring on him and his heirs male lands and rents worth a thousand marks a year (Cal. Rot. Pat. 1334–8, pp. 418, 479, 496; Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1338–40, pp.


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44 of the Celts, who represented the earlier population as living in mounds, which the Irish called sidi, and the people occupying them the Tuatha da Danann. As already said, this same name meets us in Damnonii, the oldest appellation for the people of Devon. They were a sociable people, clustering together for mutual protection in pounds. These pounds are large circular inclosures, the walls probably only about four feet high, but above this was a breastwork of turf or palisading. Outside the pound were huts, perhaps of guards keeping watch. Many of the huts have paddocks connected with them, as though these latter had been kail gardens, but some of these paddocks are large enough to have been tilled for corn. Their plough, if they used one, was no more than a crooked beam, drawn by oxen. It is possible that the numerous sharp flakes of flint that are found were employed fastened into a sort of harrow, as teeth. Their cooking was done either in pots sunk in the soil, or in holes lined with stones.

Rounded pebbles, water-worn, were amassed, and baked hot in the fire, then rolled to the "cookinghole," in which was the meat, and layers of hot stones and meat alternated, till the hollow receptacle was full, and the whole was then covered with sods till the flesh was cooked. The following account of the manner in which the Fiana, the Irish militia, did their cooking in pre-Christian times will illustrate this custom:— "When they had success in hunting, it was their custom in the forenoon to send their huntsman, with what they

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text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Voivode

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Voivode


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 Ufford 14, 265). He also received a grant of 20l. a year from the issues of his shire (''Rot. Parl''. iii. 107). On 25 June he was released from all his debts to the crown (''Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1334–8, p. 461). During his absence in parliament the Scots retook his charge, Bothwell Castle (Chron. de Lanercost'', p. 288).

On 3 Oct. 1337 Suffolk was sent, with Henry Burghersh, bishop of Lincoln, the Earl of Northampton, and John Darcy, to treat for peace or truce with the French (Fœdera, ii. 998). Further powers were given them to treat with the Emperor Louis and Edward's other allies (ib. ii. 999), and on 7 Oct. they were also commissioned to treat with David Bruce, then staying in France (ib. ii. 1001), and were credited to the two cardinals sent by the pope to effect a reconciliation (ib. ii. 1002). On 4 Oct. Suffolk had letters of attorney until Easter, and many of his followers received letters of protection (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1334–1338, pp. 527, 532, 535, 537). His occupation on this embassy seems to confute Froissart's statement (, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, ii. 430, 432, 434) that he took part in Sir Walter Manny's attack on Cadsand on 10 Nov. [see ]. Next year, on 1 July, Suffolk was associated with Archbishop Stratford and others on an embassy to France, and left England along with the two cardinals sent to treat for peace (Fœdera, ii. 1084;, p. 61). He either accompanied Edward III to Antwerp (, ii. 443) or soon followed him, for on 10 Nov. he attested a charter at Antwerp (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1338–40, p. 193), and on 16 Dec. the same embassy was again empowered at the instance of the two cardinals (ib. p. 196). After this Suffolk remained in attendance on the king in Brabant, serving in September 1339 in the expedition that invaded the Cambresis and besieged Cambrai, and being in the army that prepared to fight a great battle at Buironfosse (, iii. 10–53), where he and the Earl of Derby commanded the right wing of the second ‘battle’ (, ii. 347). On 15 Nov. of the same year he was appointed joint ambassador to Count Louis of Flanders and the Flemish estates, to treat of an alliance (Fœdera, ii. 1097; Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1338–40, p. 397). He several times became security for the king's loans (ib. pp. 372, 378, 391, 403). After Edward's return Suffolk stayed behind in the Low Countries with Salisbury. The two earls remained in garrison at Ypres (, iii. 129). In Lent 1340 they attacked the French near Lille, a town which upheld Philip of Valois. Rendered rash by their easy success, they pursued the enemy through one of the gates into the town. But their retreat was cut off, and they were made prisoners and despatched to Paris, which they reached on Palm Sunday. The English chroniclers wax eloquent on the indignities to which they were exposed on the road (, p. 67). Philip VI, it was said, wished to kill them, and they were spared only through the entreaties of King John of Bohemia (ib. pp. 67–8;, pp. 104–5; , i. 226; Chron. Angliæ, 1328–88, p. 10; Cont. G. de Nangis, ii. 167, calls him ‘Comes Auxoniæ;’ , iii. 122–31, gives a very different account of the capture; , Baronage, ii. 48, and , Hist. of Edward III, pp. 168–70, say that Robert Ufford, Suffolk's eldest son, and not Suffolk himself, was taken prisoner, but this is disproved by Fœdera, ii. 1170, and Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1338–1340, p. 531).

The truce of 25 Sept. 1340 provided for the release of all prisoners, but it was only after a heavy ransom, to which Edward III contributed 500l., had been paid that Suffolk obtained his freedom. He took part in a famous tournament at Dunstable in the spring of 1342 and at great jousts in London (, iv. 127–8). He was one of the members of Edward's ‘Round Table’ at Windsor, which assembled in February 1344 (, p. 232), and fought in a tournament at Hertford in September 1344 (ib. p. 159). Though not a ‘founder’ of the order of the Garter, he was one of the earliest members that afterwards joined it (, Order of the Garter, cl., 98).

Suffolk served through the Breton expedition of July 1342, and was conspicuous at the siege of Rennes (, iv. 137, 168). In July 1343 he was joint ambassador to Clement VI at Avignon, receiving further powers to treat with France on 29 Aug. and 29 Nov. On 8 May 1344 he was appointed captain and admiral of the northern fleet (Fœdera, iii. 13;, Royal Navy, ii. 83). He busied himself at once in collecting vessels for a new expedition, and on 3 July accompanied Edward on a short expedition to Flanders. He continued admiral in person or deputy until March 1347, when he was succeeded by Sir John Howard (Fœdera, iii. 111; for his activity see ib. iii. 57, 70).

On 11 July 1346 Suffolk sailed with the king from Portsmouth on the famous invasion of France which resulted in the battle of Crecy. On the retreat northwards, a day after the passage of the Seine, Suffolk and Sir Hugh le Despenser defeated a consider-


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your hands? . . . What mean they, dear?

I, unworthy,—dare I claim you?

Then, against the world, I hold you:

Mine—forever mine!

Men have waked from dreams of joy:

Teach me to believe this rapture!

Lift your eyes! O my beloved,

Let me read your heart!

Is it true? . . . Ah, me! those eyes!

How divinely kind!—how tender!

13


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 Rh Doubt itself could not distrust them,

Or resist their light!

Dear, without you, I have been

Poorer than the humblest beggar

Who against your door at nightfall

Kneeling, asked for bread:

I have gazed upon your face

And have felt such fear oppress me

That I trembled. From this moment,

Nothing fear I more!

For whatever perils come,

Nothing henceforth can divide us;

Neither follies nor ambitions—

Neither joys nor tears:


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 Rh Never can you go so far

That my love shall fail to find you;

Seeking ever to deserve you,

Upward striving still;

And though seas should lie between,

I shall feel that you are near me:

In the twilight and night-season

I shall hear your voice.


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 Ufford able French force (, p. 368). Suffolk was one of those who advised Edward to select the field of Crecy as his battle-ground (, v. 27). In the great victory he fought in the second ‘battle,’ stationed on the left wing. Next morning, 27 Aug., he took part in Northampton's reconnaissance that resulted in a sharp fight with the unbroken remnant of the French army ( in, p. 369, speaks of the Earl of Norfolk, but there was no such earl at the time, and Suffolk is probably meant).

Suffolk's diplomatic activity still continued. He was one of the commissioners appointed to treat with France on 25 Sept. 1348 (Fœdera, iii. 173), and with Flanders on 11 Oct. (ib. iii. 175). The negotiations were conducted at Calais. On 10 March 1349 (ib. iii. 182), and again on 15 May 1350 (ib. iii. 196), he had similar commissions. On 29 Aug. 1350 he fought in the famous naval victory over the Spaniards off Winchelsea (, v. 258, 266). In May 1351 and in June 1352 he was chief commissioner of array in Norfolk and Suffolk.

In September 1355 Suffolk sailed with the Black Prince, Edward, prince of Wales (1330–1376) [q. v.], to Aquitaine. Between October and December he was engaged in the prince's raid through Languedoc to Narbonne, where he commanded the rear-guard, William de Montacute, second earl of Salisbury [q. v.], son of his old companion in arms, serving with him. After his return he was quartered at Saint-Emilion, his followers being stationed round Libourne (, p. 44). Thence in January 1356 he led another foray, that lasted over twelve days, towards Rocamadour (‘Notre-Dame de Rochemade,’ in, p. 449). Suffolk also shared in the Black Prince's northern foray of 1356, and in the battle of Poitiers which resulted from it, where he commanded, jointly with Salisbury, the third ‘battle’ or the rearward (, p. 143). The reversal of the position of the host, caused by Edward's attempted retreat over the Miausson, threw the brunt of the first fighting upon Suffolk and Salisbury, who had singlehanded to withstand the French assault (, Art of War in the Middle Ages, pp. 623–5). Suffolk distinguished himself greatly, running from line to line, checking the imprudent ardour of the young soldiers, and posting the archers in the best positions (, p. 148;, i. 282). On the march back to Bordeaux he led the vanguard. He drew three thousand florins as his share of the ransom of the Count of Auxerre (, Issue Rolls of the Exchequer, p. 167). Poitiers was his last great exploit, and even there he was a little effaced by Salisbury. He was fifty-eight years old, and his hair was grey (, p. 57). He still, however, took part in the expedition into Champagne in 1359 (, vi. 224, 231). After that he was employed only in embassies, the last of those on which he served being that commissioned on 8 Feb. 1362 to treat of the proposed marriage of Edmund of Langley to the daughter of the Count of Flanders (Fœdera, iii. 636).

In his declining years Suffolk devoted himself to the removal of the abbey of Leiston, near Saxmundham, to a new site somewhat more inland. This convent was a house of Premonstratensian canons, founded in 1182 by Ranulf de Glanville [q. v.], and now become decayed. In 1363 it was transferred to its new home, where its picturesque ruins still remain, though they are mostly of more recent date than the buildings which Suffolk set up.

Suffolk died on 4 Nov. 1369. His will, dated 29 June 1368, is given in Nicolas's ‘Testamenta Vetusta’ (i. 73–4; cf., Complete Peerage, vii. 302). In it he directed that his body should be buried at the priory of Campsey, or Ash, under the arch, between the chapel of St. Nicholas and the high altar. Campsey was a house of Austin canonesses, of which the Uffords were patrons, and where Suffolk's wife had been buried in 1368, and his brother, Sir Ralph de Ufford, the justice of Ireland, in 1346 (Monasticon, vi. 584). To Ralph's widow, Maud, ‘the lady of Ulster,’ Suffolk left twenty marks towards the rebuilding at Bruisyard, Suffolk, of a chantry-college for five secular priests, which she had originally founded at Campsey, but which she now transferred to a new site (ib. vi. 1468), where it was afterwards handed over to Minorite nuns (ib. vi. 1555). A summary of Ufford's extensive fiefs in Suffolk, Norfolk, Lincolnshire, and London is given in ‘Calendarium Inquisitionum post mortem’ (ii. 300). The possession of the castles of Framlingham, Eye, and Orford with extensive estates in Central Suffolk, gave him an exceptionally strong position in that county.

It has generally been said that Suffolk had two wives, but there is no evidence of the existence of his alleged first wife, Eleanor. In 1324 he married Margaret, daughter of Sir Walter de Norwich [q. v.] and widow of Thomas de Cailey (Cal. Close Rolls, 1323–7, pp. 147, 236, show that the date was between 2 July and 13 Nov. 1324). Margaret had promised a fine of 20l. to the crown for license


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wild bird's first exultant strain

Says,—"Winter is over—over!"

And spring returns to the wold again,

With breath as of lilac and clover.

With a certain soft, appealing grace

(Surely some sorrow hath kissed her!)

She gives to our vision her girlish face,

And we know how we've missed her—missed her!

For on a day she went away,

Long ere the leaves were falling,


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 Ufford to marry at will, but five years afterwards she and Ufford obtained, on 21 Oct. 1329, a release from its payment (ib. 1327–30, p. 497). Ufford and Margaret had two sons and three daughters. The eldest son, Robert, was distinguished at the siege of Lochmaben in 1341, and took considerable part in the French wars, and, though commonly distinguished as ‘Robert de Ufford le fitz,’ is not seldom confused with his father. He married Elizabeth, widow of William de Latimer, without royal license, but on 20 Aug. 1337 was pardoned for the offence (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1334–8, p. 495). He died before his father, so that titles and estates passed to the younger son, William de Ufford, second earl of Suffolk [q. v.]. The five daughters were: (1) Joan, betrothed in 1336 to John, son and heir of John de St. Philibert, an East-Anglian landowner. But he was a boy under six, of whose lands Suffolk had the custody (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1330–4 p. 176, 1334–8 p. 176). The marriage was not carried out, and John at last wedded another lady (, ii. 150). (2) Cicely, married to William, lord Willoughby De Eresby. (3) Catharine, married to Robert, lord Scales. (4) Margaret, married to William, lord Ferrers of Groby; and (5) Maud, a canoness at Campsey.

[Rymer's Fœdera, vols. ii. and iii. Record ed.; Rolls of Parliament; Calendars of Patent and Close Rolls; Cal. of Documents relating to Ireland; Lords' Reports on the Dignity of a Peer; Galfridus le Baker, ed. Thompson; Walsingham's Historia Anglicana, Chron. Angliæ 1328–88, Murimuth and Avesbury, and Knighton (these last four in Rolls Ser.); Chronicle of Lanercost (Bannatyne Club); Chandos Herald's Le Prince Noir, ed. F. Michel; Froissart, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove; Hemingburgh, vol. ii. (Engl. Hist. Soc.); Dugdale's Baronage, ii. 47–8; Dugdale's Monasticon, vi. 584, 1468, 1555; Beltz's Memorials of the Garter, pp. 98–101; Nicolas's Royal Navy, vol. ii.; Gilbert's Viceroys of Ireland; Doyle's Official Baronage, iii. 431–2; Nicolas's Hist. Peerage, ed. Courthope, pp. 459, 483; Barnes's Edward III. A very full and detailed summary is in G. E. C[okayne]'s Complete Peerage, vii. 301–2.]  UFFORD, WILLIAM, second of his house  (1339?–1382), was the second but eldest surviving son of Robert de Ufford, earl of Suffolk (1298–1369) [q. v.], and of his wife, Margaret Norwich. He was born about 1339. His elder brother Robert's death made him heir to estates and earldom, and his father's advanced age brought him prominently forward, even before he succeeded to the title. On 3 Dec. 1364 he was summoned as a baron to the House of Lords during his father's lifetime. On 10 Feb. 1367 he was appointed joint commissioner of array in Suffolk, and in the same year received license to travel beyond sea. He was often engaged in local public work. On 4 Nov. 1369 he succeeded, on his father's death, to the earldom of Suffolk. He served in 1370 against the French along with the Earl of Warwick (Fœdera, iii. 895). On 12 June 1371 he was put at the head of the surveyors of a subsidy for the counties of Norfolk and Suffolk, and on 25 Oct. 1371 he was appointed chief warden of the ports and coasts of the same shires (ib. iii. 925). His appointment was renewed when a different commission for this purpose was made out on 10 May 1373 (ib. iii. 976). In August 1372 he was summoned to serve in the abortive expedition which Edward III proposed to lead in person to the relief of Thouars (, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove, viii. 208). In the summer of 1373 Suffolk accompanied John of Gaunt on his long and fruitless foray that started from Calais and finally reached Bordeaux, whence he returned next year in April to England along with the Duke of Lancaster (ib. viii. 280–5, 321). A year later, in July 1375, he was made knight of the Garter.

In the Good parliament, which met in April 1376, Suffolk, though so constantly associated with John of Gaunt abroad, attached himself strongly to the constitutional party headed by Bishop Courtenay and the Earl of March, and inspired by Edward, prince of Wales. He was one of the four earls added to the committee of barons and bishops which held conference with the commons before the houses joined in granting a subsidy (Chronicon Angliæ, 1328–88, pp. 69–70; cf. Rot. Parl. ii. 322). After the death of the Prince of Wales and the break up of the parliament it was still thought worth while to detach Suffolk from his associates, and on 16 July he received the important appointment of admiral of the north (Fœdera, iii. 1057). However, his deprivation of that office so early as 24 Nov., in favour of the courtier Michael de la Pole [q. v.], suggests that he could not be relied upon by John of Gaunt and the ruling clique. Yet Suffolk was still enough in favour to be appointed on 29 April 1377, just before the old king's death, chief commissioner of array for Norfolk and Suffolk (, iii. 432).

At the coronation of Richard II on 16 July 1377 Suffolk acted as bearer of the sceptre and cross. The policy of forgetting the factions of the last reign insured him frequent employment during the next few


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 Rh And came no more for the whitethroat's lay,

Or the pewee's plaintive calling:

In tender tints on her broidered shoon

Blossomed the leaves of the myrtle,

And silky buds of the darling June

Were folded up in her kirtle;

And fair, fair, fair, in her sunlit hair

Were violets intertwining,

That seemed more fresh and unfading there

Than when with dewdrops shining!

She hid them all in her dim retreat:

But, heart! a truce to sighing;

She's here—incomparably sweet,

Unchanging and undying!


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 Rh We see her brow, and we rejoice,

Her cheek, as it pales and flushes,

We hear once more in her thrilling voice

The note of the woodland thrushes;

And through her lashes, tear-empearled,

A mystic light is breaking,

And all the love of the whole wide world

Seems in her eyes awaking!


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 Ufford years, and the patent rolls of the young king contain abundant evidence of his constant activity in local commissions and similar business in Norfolk and Suffolk. In 1377 and in 1378 he was again fighting the French. On 18 June 1378 he received letters of attorney (Fœdera, iv. 45), and followed Lancaster to Brittany, taking part in the siege of Saint-Malo in November of that year (, ix. 64), while a patent of 16 June 1378 refers to his share in ‘the late engagement at sea’ (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1377–81, p. 4). He transferred himself to Scotland when Lancaster was made lieutenant of the Scottish march, and on 6 Sept. 1380 he was one of the commissioners appointed to compose differences and give satisfaction for injuries arising out of the breach of the truce (Fœdera, iv. 96).

Suffolk played a prominent part with reference to the peasants' revolt of 1381. When Geoffrey (wrongly called John) Litster [see ] rose in revolt at North Walsham, and marched on 17 June towards Norwich, Suffolk was staying at one of his Norfolk manors, probably Costessey, which is very near the line of march and about four miles from Norwich. He was so popular with the commons that they formed the design to seize him and put him at their head. Suffolk was at supper when he first learnt the sudden approach of the rebels. He rose at once from table and succeeded in effecting his escape. He disguised himself as the squire of Sir Roger de Boys, a friend who was afterwards his executor, and, avoiding the highways, he rode as hard as he could to St. Albans, whence he joined the king in London (, ii. 5; Chron. Angliæ, p. 305). The rebels at once turned towards Norwich, whereupon the affrighted citizens sent four of their number to Suffolk, asking for his advice and guidance. But the earl had already fled the county.

In the troubles that followed Suffolk was not spared. On 21 June the rebels destroyed his title-deeds at his manor of Burgh (, Le Soulèvement des Travailleurs d'Angleterre, p. 114), while on 28 June the Suffolk insurgents burnt his title-deeds and court rolls at his manors of Hollesley and Bawdsey, near Ipswich. Before this, however, Suffolk was back in East Anglia. The king commissioned him, with Bishop Despenser and others, to suppress the eastern revolts. Suffolk lost no time, and as early as 23 June he was at Bury, attended by a force of five hundred lances. Suffolk's first work was to remove the heads of Chief-justice Cavendish and the prior of Bury, which the rebels had set up over the pillory. But the revolt was already checked, and the trials of the rebels began at once. After three days at Bury, Suffolk removed to Mildenhall, where he also held trials on 27 June. In the days that followed he was occupied in the same work at other Suffolk towns, and on 9 July was holding inquests at Horning in Norfolk (, p. 131). On 29 July he was again holding trials at Bury (ib. p. 127). In all he held nineteen inquests, and at Bury alone 104 rebels were accused. Suffolk and three others were commissioned on 22 July to array the king's lieges against the rebels (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1381–5, p. 74). However, on 18 July Suffolk and his colleagues had already been ordered to suspend their processes (Fœdera, iv. 128), and on 19 Aug. the command was renewed in a more general and peremptory form ({sc|Réville}}, p. 158). On 14 Dec. he received a further commission to put down unlawful meetings and riots (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1381–5, p. 84). Sixteen rebels at least were executed in Suffolk, and still more in Norfolk.

On the breaking out of a fierce quarrel between John of Gaunt [q. v.] and his former ally, Henry Percy, first earl of Northumberland [q. v.], Suffolk attended the council at Berkhampstead in which the duke brought his charges against the earl, and, on the latter being ordered under arrest, Suffolk joined with Warwick in acting as his surety (, ii. 44; Chron. Angliæ, p. 329). Northumberland now became the favourite of the London mob, and Suffolk won back his old popularity. In the parliament that met on 3 Nov. he was again strenuous on the popular side, and towards the end of its sittings he was chosen to express the opinions of the commons to the lords. On 13 Feb. 1382 he died suddenly at Westminster Hall (, ii. 48; Chron. Angliæ, p. 333;, p. 35). He was buried at Campsey Priory, ‘behind the tomb of my honourable father and mother.’ His will, dated 12 June 1381, was proved at Lambeth on 24 Feb. 1382. It is summarised in Nicolas's ‘Testamenta Vetusta’ (pp. 114–115). To his father's estates he added in 1380 those of the Norwiches from his mother, including Mettingham Castle, near Bungay.

Suffolk is praised by Walsingham for the amiability which he showed to all throughout his whole life (Hist. Angl. ii. 49). This is no conventional form of eulogy, for no one among his contemporaries made himself so universally beloved by different parties. Though the champion of the commons in 1376 and 1382, he remained the friend and companion in arms of the unpopular John of Gaunt. The revolted villeins of Norfolk


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 Ufford and the substantial citizens of Norwich alike looked up to him as their natural leader, and even his vigour in suppressing the revolt in Suffolk does not seem to have destroyed his popularity. His premature death was a real loss to England.

Suffolk was twice married. His first wife was Joan, daughter and coheiress of Edward, lord Montacute, and of his wife Alice, the daughter of Thomas of Brotherton, earl of Norfolk [q. v.]. They were married before July 1361, when Joan was twelve and Ufford twenty-two. By her Suffolk had four sons: Thomas, Robert, William, and Edmund. The eldest, Thomas Ufford, had license on 28 Oct. 1371 to marry Eleanor, daughter of Richard Fitzalan (afterwards Earl of Arundel) [see ]. He died, however, before 1374, when still a mere boy, and his three brothers, all then living, also died within a year of that time. Their mother, Joan, died in 1375, without surviving issue, and was buried at Campsey. About a year later Suffolk married Isabella, widow of John le Strange of Blackmere, and fifth daughter of Thomas Beauchamp, earl of Warwick (d. 1369), and sister therefore of his political associate, Thomas de Beauchamp, earl of Warwick [q. v.]. By her he had no issue. His widow became a nun a few weeks after his death, and, surviving him twenty-five years, died in 1416, and was buried at Campsey (, Complete Peerage, vii. 302–3). The earldom of Suffolk thus became extinct, and the somewhat hypothetical barony of Ufford fell into abeyance, according to the doctrine of later times. The coheirs were Suffolk's three nephews—sons of his three sisters, who married—and his surviving sister, Maud de Ufford, a canoness of Campsey. The large estates conferred on the male line of the Uffords to uphold the dignity of the earldom escheated to the crown, and were mostly re-granted in 1385 to Michael de la Pole [q. v.] on his creation in that year as Earl of Suffolk.

[Walsingham's Historia Anglicana, Chronicon Angliæ 1328–88, Knighton's Chronicon, vol. ii. (the above in Rolls Ser.); Monk of Evesham, ed. Hearne; Froissart, ed. Kervyn de Lettenhove; Nicolas's Testamenta Vetusta; Rymer's Fœdera, Record edit.; Cal. of Patent Rolls, 1377–81 and 1381–5; Rolls of Parliament; Dugdale's Baronage, ii. 48–9; Doyle's Official Baronage, iii. 432–3; G. E. C[okayne]'s Complete Peerage, vii. 302–3; Beltz's Memorials of the Garter, pp. 210–12; Powell's East-Anglian Rising of 1381 (1896), pp. 18, 25, 126, 131, and A. Réville's Soulèvement des Travailleurs d'Angleterre en 1381, with M. Petit-Dutaillis's Introduction (Mémoires et Documents publiés par la Société de l'École des Chartes, ii. 1898), both give valuable additions to our knowledge from assize rolls and other unpublished documents.]

 UGHTRED, Thomas, styled   (1291?–1365), eldest son and heir of Robert Ughtred, lord of the manor of Scarborough, Kilnwick Percy, Monkton Moor, and other places in Yorkshire, was born about 1291, being eighteen years of age at his father's death in 1309 (Cal. Close Rolls, 1307–13, p. 271; cf., Cal. Genealogicum, ii. 551). On 8 June 1319 he was appointed commissioner of array for Yorkshire, an office which he frequently filled during Edward II's reign. In October 1319 he served at the siege of Berwick in command of forty-four ‘hobelars’ or light horse (Cal. Doc. relating to Scotland, 1307–1357, No. 668). On 6 Oct. 1320 he was returned to parliament as knight of the shire for his county. He sided with the king against Thomas of Lancaster [q. v.], and on 14 March 1321–2 was empowered to arrest any of the earl's adherents. In the same year he was made constable of Pickering Castle, seems to have been captured by the Scots, and in the following March went to Scotland to release his hostages (ib. No. 806). In the same month he was granted the custody of the manor of Bentele, Yorkshire, during the minority of Payn de Tibetot or Tiptoft. He attended a great council held at Westminster in June 1324, and was knighted in the same year. On 14 April 1328 he was placed on a commission of oyer and terminer, and in 1330 and 1331–2 again represented Yorkshire in parliament.

Edward III confirmed the grants made to Ughtred, and in 1331 placed him on the commissions of the peace between the Ouse and the Derwent and in the North Riding of Yorkshire. In 1332 he acquired a house and garden called ‘Le Whitehalle’ in Berwick, and in the same year he accompanied Edward Baliol on his invasion of Scotland. The expedition landed at Kinghorn and defeated the Earl of Fife at Dupplin Moor on 12 Aug. Ughtred was apparently present at Baliol's coronation at Scone on 24 Sept., and sat in the Scottish parliament as Baron of Innerwick. On 20 Oct. Baliol granted him the manor of Bonkill, which was confirmed by Edward III on 19 June 1334. In the summer of the latter year the Scots rose against Baliol, who sent Ughtred to Edward with a request for help. Baliol was, however, driven out of Scotland, and during the retreat Ughtred with great gallantry held the bridge at Roxburghe against the Scots and


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68 bronze horse-buckle; lastly by Saxons, who left behind an iron sword. Not a trace of continuous occupation has been found in any circle explored on Dartmoor. All belong to the early Bronze Period, when flint was the principal material of which tools and weapons were fabricated. Some account of these huts has been already given. They usually have a raised platform on the side that is towards the hill, and the circle bulges at this point to give additional space on this platform. It was probably used as a bed by night, and was sat upon by day. In one hut at Grimspound the platform was divided into two compartments. In some instances, small upright stones planted in the floor show that the platform was made of logs and brushwood, held in place by these projections. The stone platforms on the other hand were paved. The doorways into the huts are composed of single upright stones as jambs, with a threshold and a lintel, this latter always fallen, and often found wedged between the uprights. The floor within is paved near the door, but there only; the rest consists of hard beaten soil. Occasionally a shelter wall protects the entrance from the prevailing wind. The huts must have been entered on all-fours; the doorways are never higher than three feet six inches, usually less. The huts have hearthstones much burnt or broken, but occasionally hollows lined with stones full of ashes. Cooking-holes are sunk in the floor near the hearths, and piles of cooking-stones are found at hand much cracked by fire. Sometimes

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what you will, I must obey your hest!

Thus much, my lady-bird, seems manifest

To you and me, who well each other know;

What you, small tyrant, beg, I must bestow.

Come; falter not, but proffer your request!

Is it the flower I wear here on my breast?

My favorite nag? The book I love the best?

Some dainty gown? Some brooch or necklace?

No?

Ask what you will!


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 Ughtred secured Baliol's retreat (Chron. de Melsa, ii. 366; Chron. Edw. I and Edw. II, ii. 109, 120). In the same year he was made a knight-banneret. In 1338 Edward III, having no confidence in Baliol's military talents, required him to entrust the command of Perth, then threatened with a siege by Robert the Steward, to Ughtred. He took over the command on 4 Aug., on condition that he was given a garrison of 220 men in time of peace and eight hundred in time of war (Cal. Doc. rel. to Scotland, 1307–57, No. 1283). These conditions were not kept, and early in 1339 Ughtred petitioned the English government to be relieved of his charge. He was urged to remain until the arrival of reinforcements, but these were not despatched in time, and on 16 Aug. 1339 Ughtred was compelled to surrender. This led to aspersions on his courage, and he complained to parliament at Westminster. His explanations were held sufficient, and in April 1340 the grant of Bonkill was confirmed to him (Rot. Parl. ii. 449 a;, Fœdera, Record ed. . ii. 1094, 1119; Cal. Doc. rel. to Scotland, 1307–57, Nos. 1299, 1307, 1316, 1318, 1327).

In the following year Ughtred was attached to Robert of Artois's expedition against France. Siege was laid to St. Omer, and on 26 July 1340 the French attacked the Flemings and would have raised the siege had not Ughtred with his archers restored the fortunes of the day (Chron. de Melsa, iii. 46;, p. 108). He was again summoned to serve against the French on 13 May 1347; on 14 June 1352 he was appointed warden of the sea coast of Yorkshire, and on 16 April 1360 he again received protection on crossing the seas on the king's service. He is said to have received summonses to parliament from 30 April 1343 to 4 Dec. 1364, and is accordingly generally reckoned a peer. But in 1360 he was styled simply ‘chivaler;’ none of his descendants were summoned to parliament, and it was probably he who represented Yorkshire in the House of Commons in 1344 and 1352 (Official Return, i. 140, 152). He died in 1365, being succeeded by his son Thomas, who was constable of Lochmaben Castle in 1376–7, served against the French in 1377 and 1379, and died in 1401; his will is printed in ‘Testamenta Eboracensia’ (Surtees Soc.), i. 241 sqq.

(d. 1534), a later member of the family, took a prominent part in the French and Scots wars of Henry VIII. During 1513–14 he was marshal of Tournay after its capture from the French, and from 1523 to 1528 he was captain of Berwick. He was subsequently appointed governor of Jersey, and held that office till his death in 1534. His widow, Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John Seymour and sister of Protector Somerset, married Gregory, lord Cromwell, eldest son of Thomas Cromwell (Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, vols. i–x. passim).

[Rot. Parl. ii. 110, 449; Rymer's Fœdera, Record edit. vol. ii.; Cal. Patent Rolls, Edward II and Edward III; Cal. Documents relating to Scotland; Parl. Writs, 1316–25 passim; Chron. of Edward I and Edward II, ed. Stubbs; Chron. de Melsa and Robert of Avesbury (Rolls Ser.); Froissart's Chron. ed. Luce, vol. ii.; Cal. Inq. post mortem; Ridpath's Border History; Burke's Extinct Peerage.]  UHTRED or UCHTRED (d. 1016), Earl of Northumbria, was son of Waltheof the elder, earl of Northumbria, who had been deprived of the government of Deira (Yorkshire), the southern part of the earldom. Uhtred helped Ealdhun or Aldhun, bishop of Durham, when in 995 he moved his see from Chester-le-Street, to prepare the site for his new church. He married the bishop's daughter Ecgfrida, and received with her six estates belonging to the bishopric, on condition that as long as he lived he should keep her in honourable wedlock. When in 1006 the Scots invaded Northumbria under their king, Malcolm II (d. 1034) [q. v.], and besieged Durham, Waltheof, who was old and unfit for war, shut himself up in Bamborough; but Uhtred, who was a valiant warrior, went to the relief of his father-in-law the bishop, defeated the Scots, and slew a great number of them. Ethelred II (968?–1016) [q. v.], on hearing of Uhtred's success, gave him his father's earldom, adding to it the government of Deira. Uhtred then sent back the bishop's daughter, restoring the estates of the church that he had received with her, and married Sigen, the daughter of a rich citizen, probably of York or Durham, named Styr Ulfson, receiving her on condition that he would slay her father's deadly enemy, Thurbrand. He did not fulfil this condition and seems to have parted with Sigen also; for as he was of great service to the king in war, Ethelred gave him his daughter Elgiva or Ælfgifu to wife. When Sweyn [q. v.], king of Denmark, sailed into the Humber in 1013, Uhtred promptly submitted to him; but when Canute [q. v.] asked his aid in 1015 he returned, it is said, a lofty refusal, declaring that so long as he lived he would keep faithful to Ethelred, his lord and father-in-law. He joined forces with the


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70 a flat stone is found bedded in the soil near the centre to support a pole that sustained the roof. In some instances a hole has been discovered sunk in the floor near the middle, with the charred remains of the bottom end of the post in it. In the cooking-holes have been found cooking-pots made by hand of the coarsest clay, usually round at the bottom; where not round, with transverse ridges of thick clay forming a cross to strengthen the bottom. These pots were too fragile to stand the action of fire on a hearth, and served by having meat and red-hot stones placed in them. Consequently they do not show signs of exposure to strong fire externally, and are black with animal matter within, which may be extracted by means of a blowpipe. One found at Legis Tor had been cracked and was mended with china-clay. It had a cooking-stone in it. There would seem to have been in use as well shallower vessels that were covered with round slate discs. None of these have been recovered whole. Possibly they were employed to hold curd or butter. Occasionally round stones, flat on one side and convex on the other, have been disinterred in the huts. They served to protect the apex of the roof, where the poles were drawn together, from the action of the rain, which would rot them, as well as to prevent the rain from entering at this point. An example of a stone of the same character employed for this very purpose may be seen in actual use on a thatched circular pounding-house on Berry Down, near Throwleigh.

title: Page:A Book of Dartmoor.djvu/104


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Page:Florence Earle Coates Mine and Thine 1904 017.jpg

 Rh See how the sun, down-sinking to his rest,

Gilds with his glory all the roseate west!

I linger on, in life's chill afterglow.

Nay; smile, beloved!—like your mother—so!

Stay but a moment! Now—my own! my blest!

Ask what you will.


text: Author:Chedomille Mijatovich

title: Author:Chedomille Mijatovich