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 raised against the conduct of his judges. Weyland was the first victim. He was charged with inciting his esquires to commit a homicide, and of giving them refuge and protection after the perpetration of the murder. The ‘Annals of Dunstable’ (p. 355) say that he was found guilty of this by a jury; but the ‘Osney Annals,’ with more probability, assert that he ran away to avoid the king's judgment being passed upon him. Anyhow, before 19 Sept. the king had ordered all his estates to be seized (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1282–91, p. 323), and on 24 Sept. Ralph of Sandwich [q. v.] was made chief justice of the bench, ‘the king not desiring that Thomas de Weyland should exercise that office until further order’ (ib. p. 324). Thereupon Weyland fled for sanctuary to the convent of the Franciscans, established at Babwell, just outside the north gate of Bury St. Edmunds, where he was allowed to assume the friar's habit. The convent was watched by Sir Robert Malet, and as Weyland did not withdraw after the traditional forty days, Edward resolved to starve out the inmates. Great commotion was excited among the stricter clergy by the severity of the king. Archbishop Peckham wrote twice to Malet by 22 Nov., urging him to have pity on the poor friars. The primate now first discovered that Weyland was a subdeacon, and strove to claim for him the immunity of his clergy (, Letters, iii. 968–9). Edward allowed the friars to leave the convent, and eventually Weyland himself was starved out and conducted by Malet to the Tower. There Weyland was offered a threefold option. He might stand trial by his peers, endure perpetual imprisonment, or abjure the realm for ever. Other charges had in the interval been formulated against him. Moreover, the storm had now burst against the other judges, and further complaints were threatened. Accordingly Weyland agreed to abjure the realm. On 20 Feb. 1290 Sir R. Malet was appointed to deliver Weyland from the Tower, with power to grant him life and liberty if he confess his felony and abjure the realm (Cal. Rot. Pat. 1282–91, p. 344). On the same day Weyland abjured the realm. Dover was assigned as his port of embarkation, and thither the ex-judge went with bare feet, uncovered head, and cross in hand (Ann. Dunstaple, p. 356. For the ceremonial and legal incidents involved in the abjuratio regni, see A. Réville in Revue Historique, 1892, l. 1–42). He took refuge in France (, ii. 185). Unlike Ralph de Hengham [q. v.] and other judges, he was never pardoned or allowed to return. His subsequent history in exile is unknown.

Weyland's goods and chattels were forfeited by the mere fact of his abjuration, and were already in the king's hands. However, he had carefully provided against the complete ruin of his family by jointly enfeoffing his second wife, Margaret, and their son Richard with some of his property, while other lands had been held jointly by him, his elder son John, and his daughter Eleanor. A vigorous attempt was made by Gilbert de Clare, eighth earl of Gloucester [q. v.], to upset this arrangement with regard to the manor of Sodbury, of which Gloucester was capital lord. He urged that there was no precedent for the wife of a felon holding his lands during his life, and that it would be a great prejudice to all capital lords were this done. It was, however, decided that the joint feoffment had been formally made, and judgment in favour of Margaret and her son was duly given. She was, however, ordered not to give support, openly or secretly, to her banished husband (Rot. Parl. i. 66–67). In this and in similar cases Edward treated Weyland's family with such rigid justice that he even declined to set aside the ‘maritagium’ that Weyland had procured of the heir of John de Neville, though his kin pleaded that it would now be disparagement to marry him to the felon's daughter (ib. i. 52).

Weyland was twice married. Though Archbishop Peckham denied the validity of both of the marriages of the ex-subdeacon, they were never questioned by any other authority. By his first wife he seems to have been the father of Thomas and John de Weyland, both of whom retained scraps of his property (ib. i. 51). By Margaret de Mose, Maze, or Moyes, he was the father of Richard de Weyland, and probably also of his daughter Eleanor. His wife Margaret died in 1326 (Cal. Inq. post mortem, i. 317).

[Ann. of Dunstable (iii. 355–6), Ann. of Osney (iv. 320), and Ann. of Worcester (iv. 499) in Annales Monastici; Ann. London and Monk of Malmesbury in Chronicles Edward I and Edward II (i. 97, ii. 239); Peckham's Letters, pp. 169, 392, 968–9, B. Cotton, pp. 171–3, John Oxenedes, p. 273, all in Rolls Ser.; Hemingburgh, iii. 16 (Engl. Hist. Soc.); Political Songs, pp. 224–30 (Camden Soc.); Rot. Parl. i. 9, 23, 46–8, 51–3, 57, 59, 66–7; Parl. Writs, vol. i.; Calendars of Patent Rolls, Edward I; Cal. Doc. Ireland; Abbreviatio Rotulorum Originalium, Abbreviatio Placitorum; Cal. Rotulorum Cartarum; Rymer's Fœdera, vol. i.; Calendarium Genealogicum; Dugdale's Monasticon, vi. 1532; Excerpta e Rot. Fin. ii. 360–80; Madox's Hist. of the Exchequer; Dugdale's Origines Judiciales and Chronica Ser.; Foss's Judges of England, iii. 170–3; Blomefield's Norfolk.]


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 WEYMOUTH,. [See, first viscount, 1640-1714; , third viscount, 1734-1795.]

WEYMOUTH or WAYMOUTH, GEORGE (fl. 1607), voyager, concluded an agreement with the East India Company in September 1601 to make a voyage to the north-west for the discovery of a passage to India, by the terms of which he was to have 100l. to prepare his instruments and other necessaries, and 500l. if he discovered the passage, otherwise—nothing. He sailed from Ratcliffe on 2 May 1602 with two small vessels of 70- and 60-tons burden respectively and thirty-five men and boys all told. The expedition is said (, iii. 809) to have been made at the cost of the Muscovy and Turkey companies. They may have taken a share in the outlay, but the official record shows that the East India Company was really responsible (Cal. State Papers, East Indies, 1601–2). After penetrating some way into Hudson's Strait a mutiny of his men, instigated by John Cartwright, the chaplain, compelled Weymouth to return. He got back to Dartmouth in September. The direct results of his voyage were trifling; but ‘he did, I conceive,’ says Luke Fox, ‘light Hudson into his Straits.’ On 24 Nov. 1602 he was examined before the court of the East India Company, which then resolved that a new attempt should be made with the two ships, one of which should be commanded by Weymouth, the details of the voyage to be settled afterwards. It does not appear that this attempt got any further than this resolution.

In 1605 Weymouth was put in command of the Archangel, a vessel fitted out for trade and discovery by the Earl of Southampton and Lord Arundell of Wardour. She sailed from Ratcliffe in the beginning of March, but did not clear the Channel till 1 April. On the 14th they sighted Flores, and on 14 May made the land, described as ‘a whitish, sandy cliff,’ identified as Sankaty Head, the eastern extremity of Nantucket. On 18 May they arrived at an island now identified as Monhegan, eighty-four miles to the north-east from Cape Ann, and the next day they found a snug anchorage, into which they took the ship. A trade was quickly established with the Indians, and a valuable cargo of skins obtained at a very small cost. Meantime Weymouth went away in a boat and presently discovered a large river, up which he went for a considerable distance. He and those with him seem to have held this discovery to be the great result of the voyage; but from that day to this no one has ever been able to determine positively what river it was, capable opinion in the United States being divided between the Penobscot, St. George's River, and the Kennebec. Having got as much cargo as they could carry, they sailed for England on 15 June, and arrived at Dartmouth on 18 July, bringing with them five Indians, who were handed over to Sir Ferdinando Gorges [q. v.] at Plymouth. Weymouth reported pleasant climate, excellent soil, good harbours, facilities for trade; but opinion still set in favour of gold and precious stones rather than of commerce, agriculture, and hard work, and for several years no further notice was taken of Weymouth's discoveries. It does not seem that Weymouth lived to help in settling the New England coast. The last mention of him is on 27 Oct. 1607, when he was granted a pension of 3s. 4d. per diem ‘until such time as he shall receive from his majesty some other advancement.’

[Cal. State Papers, East Indies; Purchas his Pilgrimes, iii. 809, iv. 1659; Stevens's Dawn of British Trade to the East Indies; Rosier's True Relation of the most prosperous Voyage made this present yeere by Captaine George Waymouth, 1605, black letter. This small book is very rare, and is quoted as having fetched eight hundred dollars at book sales. It was reprinted in 1887 for the Gorges Society, edited, with an introduction (including a forty-page discussion of the river question), by H. S. Burrage; Belknap's American Biography, vol. ii.; Winsor's History of America, iii. 189–92.]  WHALEY or WHALLEY, THOMAS (1766–1800), Irish politician and eccentric, sometimes called ‘Buck’ or ‘Jerusalem’ Whaley, was born in 1766, probably in the north of Ireland. His father, Richard Chapel Whaley of Whalley Abbey, co. Wicklow, a staunch protestant, held considerable property in Ulster, and became known as ‘Burn-Chapel’ Whaley owing to his frequent burnings of catholic chapels in 1798. He married a woman considerably younger than himself, by whom he had seven children. Thomas was the eldest son. The eldest daughter, Anne, married John Fitzgibbon (afterwards Earl of Clare) [q. v.] on 1 July 1786.

When Thomas was sixteen years of age he was sent to Paris, and was there placed under a tutor who was unable to control the youth's mania of extravagance. He had an income valued at 10,000l. a year, but resorted to gaming as a means of meeting his heavy expenses. While in Paris, he kept up a town house and a country house, which many of his acquaintances made their home. At length, having lost in one evening 14,000l.


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 at cards, he gave a bill for the amount on his banker, Latouche of Dublin, who dishonoured it, and he had to leave Paris. He next went to London, and thence returned in 1788 to Dublin, where, soon after his arrival, he accepted a curious wager. Some friends of his, hearing of his intention to revisit the continent, happened to ask him where he was going, to which he abruptly replied ‘Jerusalem.’ Upon this they wagered him a sum variously estimated at from 15,000l. to 30,000l. that he would never reach the Holy City. He at once took up the wager, and on 22 Sept. 1788 started on his journey. He returned in June 1789, having duly, as arranged, played ball against the walls of Jerusalem. This wager made him famous. He immediately recommenced his riotous mode of life in Dublin, and indulged in various foolish wagers, which made him notorious. On one occasion, in Daly's Club-house, he wagered he would jump from the drawing-room windows of his palace in Stephen's Green (now the Catholic University building) into the first barouche that passed, and kiss its occupant. This feat he accordingly performed. After further escapades, he again went to Paris, where he witnessed many of the scenes of the Revolution, but was obliged to leave during the height of the ‘Reign of Terror.’ He reappeared in Dublin for a time, and thence retired to the Isle of Man. Whaley was a member of the Irish parliament for years, and took a somewhat erratic part in politics. He was elected member for Newcastle, co. Down, in 1785, before he was of age, and represented the constituency till 1790. From 1797 to 1800 he was M.P. for Enniscorthy, and was bribed first to vote for the union, and afterwards to vote against it (, Rise and Fall of the Irish Nation).

In 1800, while passing through England on his way to London, he caught a chill, which developed an old complaint—rheumatic fever. He died of it on 2 Nov. at Knutsford in Cheshire. In the previous January, after the death of a mistress by whom he had had several children, he had married Mary Catherine, daughter of Nicholas Lawless, first lord Cloncurry.

So that his career might prove a warning to others, Whaley wrote his memoirs in two large quarto volumes, and left them to be published by his executors, who, however, did not carry out his wish. They were in existence in manuscript as late as 1866, being then in the possession of a firm of London solicitors, but since seem to have disappeared.

[Whaley's Memoirs, ed. Sir E. Sullivan, London, 1906; Fitzpatrick's Ireland before the Union, appendix; Webb's Compendium of Irish Biogr.; Burke's Peerage; Gent. Mag. 1800, ii. 1114, 1209; Gilbert's Hist. of Dublin.]  WHALLEY. [See also .]

WHALLEY, EDWARD (d. 1675?), regicide, was second son of Richard Whalley of Kirkton and Screveton, Nottinghamshire, by his second wife, Frances, daughter of Sir Henry Cromwell of Hinchinbrook, and aunt of the protector, Oliver Cromwell (, House of Cromwell, ii. 141;, Nottinghamshire, i. 248; , London Marriage Licences, col. 1443). Richard Whalley [q. v.] was his great-grandfather. Edward was brought up to trade and, according to Heath, became a woollen-draper; some royalist accounts describe him as ‘broken clothier’ (, Chronicle, p. 372). He took up arms for the parliament at the beginning of the war, and was possibly the ‘Edward Walley’ who appears in Essex's army list as cornet to Captain John Fiennes (, Army Lists, p. 55). In 1643 he became major of Cromwell's regiment of horse, and distinguished himself at Gainsborough fight. ‘The honour of this retreat,’ said Cromwell's despatch, ‘is due to God, as also all the rest: Major Whalley did in this carry himself with all gallantry becoming a gentleman and a Christian’ (, Cromwell, letter xii). Whalley fought at Marston Moor, and in 1644 is styled lieutenant-colonel. On the formation of the new model in 1645 Cromwell's regiment was divided into two parts, and the command of one of them was given to Whalley. He served at its head at Naseby, and at the storming of Bristol, and was sent with it into Oxfordshire in December 1645 to watch the motions of the garrison of Oxford (, Anglia Rediviva, ed. 1854, pp. 40, 116, 174). Banbury surrendered to him on 9 May 1646, after a siege of eleven weeks (ib. p. 259;, Memorials of the Civil War, i. 28). He next besieged Worcester, which fell on 23 July, but not till Whalley had been superseded by Colonel Rainsborough. According to Richard Baxter, then chaplain of Whalley's regiment, his colonel was superseded because he was not a sectary, but orthodox in religion, and therefore in disfavour at headquarters (Reliquiæ Baxterianæ, pp. 52, 56;, p. 290; , Civil War in Herefordshire, ii. 272).

Whalley's regiment, however, was full of sectaries, and was one of those which took the lead in opposing the attempted disbandment in April 1647, and Whalley himself was very forward in representing the griev-


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T about the time that this conversation was taking place in Ho-Pin’s catacombs, Detective-Inspector Dunbar and Detective-Sergeant Sowerby were joined by a third representative of New Scotland Yard at the appointed spot by the dock gates. This was Stringer, the detective to whom was assigned the tracing of the missing Soames; and he loomed up through the rain-mist, a glistening but dejected figure.

“Any luck?” inquired Sowerby, sepulchrally.

Stringer, a dark and morose looking man, shook his head.

“I’ve beaten up every ‘Chink’ in Wapping and Limehouse, I should reckon,” he said, plaintively. “They’re all as innocent as babes unborn. You can take it from me: Chinatown hasn’t got a murder on its conscience at present. Brr! it’s a beastly night. Suppose we have one?”

Dunbar nodded, and the three wet investigators walked back for some little distance in silence, presently emerging via a narrow, dark, uninviting alleyway into West India Dock Road. A brilliantly lighted hostelry proved to be their objective, and there, in a quiet corner of the deserted billiard room,

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 over their glasses, they discussed this mysterious case, which at first had looked so simple of solution if only because it offered so many unusual features, but which, the deeper they probed, merely revealed fresh complications.

“The business of those Fry people, in Scotland, was a rotten disappointment,” said Dunbar, suddenly. “They were merely paid by the late Mrs. Vernon to re-address letters to a little newspaper shop in Knightsbridge, where an untraceable boy used to call for them! Martin has just reported this evening. Perth wires for instructions, but it’s a dead-end, I’m afraid.”

“You know,” said Sowerby, fishing a piece of cork from the brown froth of a fine example by Guinness, “to my mind our hope’s in Soames; and if we want to find Soames, to my mind we want to look, not east, but west.”

“Hear, hear!” concorded Stringer, gloomily sipping hot rum.

“It seems to me,” continued Sowerby, “that Limehouse is about the last place in the world a man like Soames would think of hiding in.”

“It isn’t where he’ll be thinking of hiding,” snapped Dunbar, turning his fierce eyes upon the last speaker. “You can’t seem to get the idea out of your head, Sowerby, that Soames is an independent agent. He isn’t an independent agent. He’s only the servant; and through the servant we hope to find the master.”

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 “But why in the east-end?” came the plaintive voice of Stringer; “for only one reason, that I can see—because Max says that there’s a Chinaman in the case.”

“There’s opium in the case, isn’t there?” said Dunbar, adding more water to his whisky, “and where there’s opium there is pretty frequently a Chinaman.”

“But to my mind,” persisted Sowerby, his eyebrows drawn together in a frown of concentration, “the place where Mrs. Vernon used to get the opium was the place we raided in Gillingham Street.”

“Nurse Proctor’s!” cried Stringer, banging his fist on the table. “Exactly my idea! There may have been a Chinaman concerned in the management of the Gillingham Street stunt, or there may not, but I’ll swear that was where the opium was supplied. In fact I don’t think that there’s any doubt about it. Medical evidence (opinions differed a bit, certainly) went to show that she had been addicted to opium for some years. Other evidence—you got it yourself, Inspector—went to show that she came from Gillingham Street on the night of the murder. Gillingham [sic] Street crowd vanished like a beautiful dream before we had time to nab them! What more do you want? What are we up to, messing about in Limehouse and Wapping?”

Sowerby partook of a long drink and turned his eyes upon Dunbar, awaiting the inspector’s reply.

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 “You both have the wrong idea!” said Dunbar, deliberately; “you are all wrong! You seem to be under the impression that if we could lay our hands upon the missing staff of the so-called Nursing Home, we should find the assassin to be one of the crowd. It doesn’t follow at all. For a long time, you, Sowerby,”—he turned his tawny eyes upon the sergeant—“had the idea that Soames was the murderer, and I’m not sure that you have got rid of it yet! You, Stringer, appear to think that Nurse Proctor is responsible. Upon my word, you are a hopeless pair! Suppose Soames had nothing whatever to do with the matter, but merely realized that he could not prove an alibi? Wouldn’t you bolt? I put it to you.”

Sowerby stared hard, and Stringer scratched his chin, reflectively.

“The same reasoning applies to the Gillingham Street people,” continued Dunbar. “We haven’t the slightest idea of their whereabouts because we don’t even know who they were; but we do know something about Soames, and we’re looking for him, not because we think he did the murder, but because we think he can tell us who did.”

“Which brings us back to the old point,” interrupted Stringer, softly beating his fist upon the table at every word; “why are we looking for Soames in the east-end?”

“Because,” replied Dunbar, “we’re working on the theory that Soames, though actually not

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 to the crime, was in the pay of those who were”…

“Well?”—Stringer spoke the word eagerly, his eyes upon the inspector’s face.

“And those who were accessory,”—continued Dunbar, “were servants of Mr. King.”

“Ah!” Stringer brought his fist down with a bang—“Mr. King! That’s where I am in the dark, and where Sowerby, here, is in the dark.” He bent forward over the table. “Who the devil is Mr. King?”

Dunbar twirled his whisky glass between his fingers.

“We don’t know,” he replied quietly, “but Soames does, in all probability; and that’s why we’re looking for Soames.”

“Is it why we’re looking in Limehouse?” persisted Stringer, the argumentative.

“It is,” snapped Dunbar. “We have only got one Chinatown worthy of the name, in London, and that’s not ten minutes’ walk from here.”

“Chinatown—yes,” said Sowerby, his red face glistening with excitement; “but why look for Mr. King in Chinatown?”

“Because,” replied Dunbar, lowering his voice, “Mr. King in all probability is a Chinaman.”

“Who says so?” demanded Stringer.

“Max says so…”

“Max!”—again Stringer beat his fist upon the table. “Now we have got to it! We’re working,

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 then, not on our own theories, but on those of Max?”

Dunbar’s sallow face flushed slightly, and his eyes seemed to grow brighter.

“Mr. Gaston Max obtained information in Paris,” he said, “which he placed, unreservedly, at my disposal. We went into the matter thoroughly, with the result that our conclusions were identical. A certain Mr. King is at the bottom of this mystery, and, in all probability, Mr. King is a Chinaman. Do I make myself clear?”

Sowerby and Stringer looked at one another, perplexedly. Each man finished his drink in silence. Then:

“What took place in Paris?” began Sowerby.

There was an interruption. A stooping figure in a shabby, black frock-coat, the figure of a man who wore a dilapidated bowler pressed down upon his ears, who had a greasy, Semitic countenance, with a scrubby, curling, sandy colored beard, sparse as the vegetation of a desert, appeared at Sowerby’s elbow.

He carried a brimming pewter pot. This he set down upon a corner of the table, depositing himself in a convenient chair and pulling out a very dirty looking letter from an inside pocket. He smoothed it carefully. He peered, little-eyed, from the frowning face of Dunbar to the surprised countenance of Sowerby, and smiled with native amiability at the dangerous-looking Stringer.

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 ances of his soldiers (Clarke Papers, i. 33, 36, 58, 70). When Cornet Joyce seized Charles I at Holdenby, Sir Thomas Fairfax ordered Whalley and his regiment to take the charge of the king (ib. i. 122; Old Parliamentary History, xv. 401, 409, 414, 494). This led to a dispute between Whalley and the parliamentary commissioners, who ordered him to remove the king's episcopalian chaplains, which he declined to do without instructions from his general (ib. xvi. 46–9). As the custodian of the king he showed both courtesy and firmness, and when Charles fled from Hampton Court he left behind him a letter thanking Whalley for his civility (ib. xvi. 327;, vii. 795, 843). The narrative of the king's flight which Whalley gave the House of Commons is printed in Peck's ‘Desiderata Curiosa’ (ed. 1779, p. 374).

When the second civil war broke out Whalley fought under Fairfax at the battle of Maidstone, was then sent to pursue the Earl of Norwich, and finally took part in the siege of Colchester (Clarke Papers, ii. 24–7;, Great Civil War, iv. 142, 145). He was appointed on 6 Jan. 1649 one of the commissioners for the trial of the king, attended every sitting with one exception, and signed the death-warrant (, Trial of Charles I).

During the republic Whalley's importance was purely military; he neither sat in the Long parliament nor was he a member of any of the councils of state. In 1650 he accompanied Cromwell in his invasion of Scotland, with the rank of commissary-general of the horse, and played a prominent part in the battle of Dunbar, where he was wounded and had his horse killed under him (Memoirs of Sir H. Slingsby and Captain John Hodgson, ed. 1806, pp. 228, 302; Portland MSS. i. 608;, Cromwell, letter cxl). In October 1650 Whalley was posted at Carlisle to watch the remonstrants under Ker and Strachan in south-west Scotland. He tried to convert the leaders by controversial letters, which failing, he assisted Lambert in defeating Ker at Hamilton on 1 Dec. 1650 (ib. p. 330;, Cromwell, letter cliii; Mercurius Politicus, p. 429). In 1651 he accompanied Cromwell in his pursuit of Charles II, and fought at Worcester on 3 Sept. (Old Parliamentary History, xix. 511).

Whalley presented the petition of the army to parliament on 13 Aug. 1652 (ib. xx. 97), approved of the expulsion of the parliament by Cromwell, and was an active supporter of the protectorate. In the two parliaments called by the Protector he represented Nottinghamshire, but took little part in their debates, except on the case of James Naylor [q. v.], the quaker, against whom he was extremely zealous (, Diary, i. 101, 153, 260). A bill dealing with the division of commons was his sole attempt at legislation (ib. i. 175). When the major-generals were established, Whalley was appointed to take charge of the counties of Lincoln, Notts, Derby, Warwick, and Leicester (31 Oct. 1655;, Life of Milton, v. 49), and was very active in suppressing alehouses, ejecting scandalous ministers, and taxing cavaliers (Life of Colonel Hutchinson, ed. 1885, ii. 201, 204). Many of Whalley's letters during his tenure of that command are printed in the ‘Thurloe Papers’ (vols. iii. iv.). Whalley disliked the proposed revival of the royal title in 1657, but approved of the rest of the petition and advice, and was made one of the members of the new House of Lords established in December 1657 (, ii. 43;, vi. 668). The republican pamphleteer who drew the characters of the new lords could find little to say to his discredit, save that he was no great zealot for the cause (Harleian Miscellany, ed. Park, iii. 454, 482). In 1659 Whalley had a violent quarrel with Colonel Ashfield concerning the merits of the second chamber, for which Richard Cromwell threatened to cashier Ashfield (, Memoirs, ed. 1894, ii. 61). He supported Richard against the army, and would have fought for him had not his regiment refused obedience to his orders (ib. ii. 64, 69). As a kinsman of the Protector he was naturally distrusted, and the restored Long parliament gave the command of his regiment to its major, Robert Swallow, and negatived the proposal to appoint Whalley to another (Commons' Journals, vii. 749). On 1 Nov. the army persuaded Whalley to go as its agent to Scotland in order to mediate with General Monck, but he met with no success (True Narrative of the Proceedings in Parliament, Army, &c., from 22 Sept. 1659, 4to. p. 63;, Chronicle, ed. Phillips, p. 690).

The Restoration made Whalley's position desperate. He lost by it the estate of Sibthorpe, purchased from the Duke of Newcastle's trustees, and the manors of West Walton and Torrington, which he had bought when the queen's lands were sold, in addition to lands in Scotland worth 500l. per annum, which the Long parliament had given him (, House of Cromwell, ii. 147;, Memoirs, i. 285; Commons' Journals, vii. 14). As a regicide who did not obey the proclamation for the surrender


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 “Excuthe me,” he said, and his propitiatory smile was expansive and dazzling, “excuthe me buttin’ in like thith. It theemth rude, I know—it doth theem rude; but the fact of the matter ith I’m a tailor—thath’s my pithneth, a tailor. When I thay a tailor, I really mean a breecheth-maker—tha’th what I mean, a breecheth-maker. Now thethe timeth ith very hard timeth for breecheth-makerth.”…

Dunbar finished his whisky, and quietly replaced the glass upon the table, looking from Sowerby to Stringer with unmistakable significance. Stringer emptied his glass of rum, and Sowerby disposed of his stout.

“I got thith letter lath night,” continued the breeches-maker, bending forward confidentially over the table. (The document looked at least twelve months old.) “I got thith letter latht night with thethe three fiverth in it; and not havin’ no friendth in London—I’m an American thitithen, by birth,—Levinthky, my name ith—Abraham Levinthky—I’m a Noo Englander. Well, not havin’ no friendth in London, and theein’ you three gentlemen thittin’ here, I took the liberty”…

Dunbar stood up, glared at Levinsky, and stalked out of the billiard-room, followed by his equally indignant satellites. Having gained the outer door:

“Of all the blasted impudence!” he said, turning to Sowerby and Stringer; but there was a glint of merriment in the fierce eyes. “Can you beat that? Did you tumble to his game?”

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 Sowerby stared at Stringer, and Stringer stared at Sowerby.

“Except,” began the latter in a voice hushed with amazement, “that he’s got the coolest cheek of any mortal being I ever met.”…

Dunbar’s grim face relaxed, and he laughed boyishly, his square shoulders shaking.

“He was leading up to the confidence trick!” he said, between laughs. “Damn it all, man, it was the old confidence trick! The idea of a confidence-merchant spreading out his wares before three C.I.D. men!”

He was choking with laughter again; and now, Sowerby and Stringer having looked at one another for a moment, the surprised pair joined him in his merriment. They turned up their collars and went out into the rain, still laughing.

“That man,” said Sowerby, as they walked across to the stopping place of the electric trams, “is capable of calling on the Commissioner and asking him to ‘find the lady’!”

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ERTAINLY, such impudence as that of Mr. Levinsky is rare even in east-end London, and it may be worth while to return to the corner of the billiard-room and to study more closely this remarkable man.

He was sitting where the detectives had left him, and although their departure might have been supposed to have depressed him, actually it had had a contrary effect; he was chuckling with amusement, and, between his chuckles, addressing himself to the contents of the pewter with every mark of appreciation. Three gleaming golden teeth on the lower row, and one glittering canine, made a dazzling show every time that he smiled; he was a very greasy and a very mirthful Hebrew.

Finishing his tankard of ale, he shuffled out into the street, the line of his bent shoulders running parallel with that of his hat-brim. His hat appeared to be several sizes too large for his head, and his skull was only prevented from disappearing into the capacious crown by the intervention of his ears, which, acting as brackets, supported the whole weight of the rain-sodden structure. He mounted

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 a tram proceeding in the same direction as that which had borne off the Scotland Yard men. Quitting this at Bow Road, he shuffled into the railway station, and from Bow Road proceeded to Liverpool Street. Emerging from the station at Liverpool Street, he entered a motor-’bus bound westward.

His neighbors, inside, readily afforded him ample elbow room; and, smiling agreeably at every one, including the conductor (who resented his good-humor) and a pretty girl in the corner seat (who found it embarrassing) he proceeded to Charing Cross. Descending from the ’bus, he passed out into Leicester Square and plunged into the network of streets which complicates the map of Soho. It will be of interest to follow him.

In a narrow turning off Greek Street, and within hail of the popular Bohemian restaurants, he paused before a doorway sandwiched between a Continental newsagent’s and a tiny French café; and, having fumbled in his greasy raiment he presently produced a key, opened the door, carefully closed it behind him, and mounted the dark stair.

On the top floor he entered a studio, boasting a skylight upon which the rain was drumming steadily and drearily. Lighting a gas burner in one corner of the place which bore no evidence of being used for its legitimate purpose—he entered a little adjoining dressing-room. Hot and cold water were laid on there, and a large zinc bath stood

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 upon the floor. With the aid of an enamel bucket, Mr. Abraham Levinsky filled the bath.

Leaving him to his ablutions, let us glance around the dressing-room. Although there was no easel in the studio, and no indication of artistic activity, the dressing-room was well stocked with costumes. Two huge dress-baskets were piled in one corner, and their contents hung upon hooks around the three available walls. A dressing table, with a triplicate mirror and a suitably shaded light, presented a spectacle reminiscent less of a model’s dressing-room than of an actor’s.

At the expiration of some twenty-five minutes, the door of this dressing-room opened; and although Abraham Levinsky had gone in, Abraham Levinsky did not come out!

Carefully flicking a particle of ash from a fold of his elegant, silk-lined cloak, a most distinguished looking gentleman stepped out onto the bleak and dirty studio. He wore, in addition to a graceful cloak, which was lined with silk of cardinal red, a soft black hat, rather wide brimmed and dented in a highly artistic manner, and irreproachable evening clothes; his linen was immaculate; and no valet in London could have surpassed the perfect knotting of his tie. His pearl studs were elegant and valuable; and a single eyeglass was swung about his neck by a thin, gold chain. The white gloves, which fitted perfectly, were new; and if the glossy boots were rather long in the toe-cap from an

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 point of view, the gold-headed malacca cane which the newcomer carried was quite de rigeur.

The strong clean-shaven face calls for no description here; it was the face of M. Gaston Max.

M. Max, having locked the study door, and carefully tried it to make certain of its security, descended the stairs. He peeped out cautiously into the street ere setting foot upon the pavement; but no one was in sight at the moment, and he emerged quickly, closing the door behind him, and taking shelter under the newsagent’s awning. The rain continued its steady downpour, but M. Max stood there softly humming a little French melody until a taxi-cab crawled into view around the Greek Street corner.

He whistled shrilly through his teeth—the whistle of a gamin; and the cabman, glancing up and perceiving him, pulled around into the turning, and drew up by the awning.

M. Max entered the cab.

“To Frascati’s,” he directed.

The cabman backed out into Greek Street and drove off. This was the hour when the theaters were beginning to eject their throngs, and outside one of them, where a popular comedy had celebrated its three-hundred-and-fiftieth performance, the press of cabs and private cars was so great that M. Max found himself delayed within sight of the theater foyer.

Those patrons of the comedy who had omitted

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 to order vehicles or who did not possess private conveyances, found themselves in a quandary tonight, and amongst those thus unfortunately situated, M. Max, watching the scene with interest, detected a lady whom he knew—none other than the delightful American whose conversation had enlivened his recent journey from Paris—Miss Denise Ryland. She was accompanied by a charming companion, who, although she was wrapped up in a warm theater cloak, seemed to be shivering disconsolately as she and her friend watched the interminable stream of vehicles filing up before the theater, and cutting them off from any chance of obtaining a cab for themselves.

M. Max acted promptly.

“Drive into that side turning!” he directed the cabman, leaning out of the window. The cabman followed his directions, and M. Max, heedless of the inclement weather, descended from the cab, dodged actively between the head lamps of a big Mercedes and the tail-light of a taxi, and stood bowing before the two ladies, his hat pressed to his bosom with one gloved hand, the other, ungloved, resting upon the gold knob of the malacca.

“Why!” cried Miss Ryland, “if it isn’t…M. Gaston! My dear…M. Gaston! Come under the awning, or”—her head was wagging furiously—“you will be…simply drowned.”

M. Max smilingly complied.

“This is M. Gaston,” said Denise Ryland,

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 to her companion, “the French gentleman…whom I met…in the train from…Paris. This is Miss Helen Cumberly, and I know you two will get on…famously.”

M. Max acknowledged the presentation with a few simple words which served to place the oddly met trio upon a mutually easy footing. He was, par excellence, the polished cosmopolitan man of the world.

“Fortunately I saw your dilemma,” he explained. “I have a cab on the corner yonder, and it is entirely at your service.”

“Now that…is real good of you,” declared Denise Ryland. “I think you’re…a brick.”…

“But, my dear Miss Ryland!” cried Helen, “we cannot possibly deprive M. Gaston of his cab on a night like this!”

“I had hoped,” said the Frenchman, bowing gallantly, “that this most happy reunion might not be allowed to pass uncelebrated. Tell me if I intrude upon other plans, because I am speaking selfishly; but I was on my way to a lonely supper, and apart from the great pleasure which your company would afford me, you would be such very good Samaritans if you would join me.”

Helen Cumberly, although she was succumbing rapidly to the singular fascination of M. Max, exhibited a certain hesitancy. She was no stranger to Bohemian customs, and if the distinguished

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 had been an old friend of her companion’s, she should have accepted without demur; but she knew that the acquaintance had commenced in a Continental railway train, and her natural prudence instinctively took up a brief for the prosecution. But Denise Ryland had other views.

“My dear girl,” she said, “you are not going to be so…crack-brained…as to stand here…arguing and contracting…rheumatism, lumbago…and other absurd complaints…when you know perfectly well that we had already arranged to go…to supper!” She turned to the smiling Max. “This girl needs…dragging out of…her morbid self…M. Gaston! We’ll accept…your cab, on the distinct…understanding that you are to accept our invitation…to supper.”

M. Max bowed agreeably.

“By all means let my cab take us to your supper,” he said, laughing.

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T a few minutes before midnight, Helen Cumberly and Denise Ryland, escorted by the attentive Frenchman, arrived at Palace Mansions. Any distrust which Helen had experienced at first was replaced now by the esteem which every one of discrimination (criminals excluded) formed of M. Max. She perceived in him a very exquisite gentleman, and although the acquaintance was but one hour old, counted him a friend. Denise Ryland was already quite at home in the Cumberly household, and she insisted that Dr. Cumberly would be deeply mortified should M. Gaston take his departure without making his acquaintance. Thus it came about that M. Gaston Max was presented (as “M. Gaston”) to Dr. Cumberly.

Cumberly, who had learned to accept men and women upon his daughter’s estimate, welcomed the resplendent Parisian hospitably; the warm, shaded lights made convivial play in the amber deeps of the decanters, and the cigars had a fire-side fragrance which M. Max found wholly irresistible.

The ladies being momentarily out of ear-shot, M. Gaston glancing rapidly about him, said: “May I beg a favor, Dr. Cumberly?”

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 “Certainly, M. Gaston,” replied the physician—he was officiating at the syphon. “Say when.”

“When!” said Max. “I should like to see you in Harley Street to-morrow morning.”

Cumberly glanced up oddly. “Nothing wrong, I hope?”

“Oh, not professionally,” smiled Max; “or perhaps I should say only semi-professionally. Can you spare me ten minutes?”

“My book is rather full in the morning, I believe,” said Cumberly, frowning thoughtfully, “and without consulting it—which, since it is in Harley Street, is impossible—I scarcely know when I shall be at liberty. Could we not lunch together?”

Max blew a ring of smoke from his lips and watched it slowly dispersing.

“For certain reasons,” he replied, and his odd American accent became momentarily more perceptible, “I should prefer that my visit had the appearance of being a professional one.”

Cumberly was unable to conceal his surprise, but assuming that his visitor had good reason for the request, he replied after a moment’s reflection:

“I should propose, then, that you come to Harley Street at, shall we say, 9.30? My earliest professional appointment is at 10. Will that inconvenience you?”

“Not at all,” Max assured him; “it will suit me admirably.”

With that the matter dropped for the time, since

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 Helen and her new friend now reentered; and although Helen’s manner was markedly depressed, Miss Ryland energetically turned the conversation upon the subject of the play which they had witnessed that evening.

M. Max, when he took his departure, found that the rain had ceased, and accordingly he walked up Whitehall, interesting himself in those details of midnight London life so absorbing to the visitor, though usually overlooked by the resident.

Punctually at half-past nine, a claret-colored figure appeared in sedate Harley Street. M. Gaston Max pressed the bell above which appeared:

He was admitted by Garnham, who attended there daily during the hours when Dr. Cumberly was visible to patients, and presently found himself in the consulting room of the physician.

“Good morning, M. Gaston!” said Cumberly, rising and shaking his visitor by the hand. “Pray sit down, and let us get to business. I can give you a clear half-hour.”

Max, by way of reply, selected a card from one of the several divisions of his card-case, and placed it on the table. Cumberly glanced at it and started slightly, turning and surveying his visitor with a new interest.

“You are M. Gaston Max!” he said, fixing his

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 of the late king's judges, he was excluded from the act of indemnity, and had no chance of life if he were captured. On 22 Sept. 1660 the government offered a reward of 100l. for his arrest (, Register, p. 264). But before this was issued Whalley, in company with his son-in-law, Major-general William Goffe [q. v.], had landed at Boston. In March 1661 they removed to Newhaven, and in October 1664 to Hadley, Massachusetts. At first Kirk and Kellond, two English merchants sent over by Charles II to secure their arrest, found little help in the colonies, and, though long obliged to remain in strict concealment, the two regicides were never betrayed. On 5 Sept. 1661 the commissioners of the united colonies published a declaration against harbouring either of them, but it remained a dead letter. In 1665 the commissioners sent to look into the government of the American colonies were directed to search for them, but the search was equally fruitless. A detailed account of the wanderings of Whalley and his companion, of their places of concealment, and of the different local traditions respecting them, is contained in the ‘History of Three of the Judges of Charles I,’ by Ezra Stiles (Hartford, 1794).

A letter from Goffe to his wife in 1674 describes Whalley as still alive but extremely infirm. ‘He is scarce capable of any rational discourse, his understanding, memory, and speech doth so much fail him, and seems not to take much notice of anything that is either done or said, but patiently bears all things’ (, p. 118). The date of his death is uncertain, but it is evident from the remainder of the letter that it cannot have been long delayed. The stone bearing the letters ‘E. W.’ supposed to have been erected over his remains at Newhaven probably marks the tomb of a different person (, Genealogical Dictionary of New England, iv. 493). Whalley married (1) Judith, daughter of John Duffell of Rochester; (2) Mary Middleton. By his first wife he had, besides other children, a son John, who married a daughter of Sir Herbert Springatt; and a daughter Frances, who married Major-general William Goffe (Visitation of Nottinghamshire, Harl. Soc. iv. 118;, Leicestershire, ii. 736).

Major-general Whalley's younger brother Henry, who was an attorney in Guildhall in 1628, was admitted to Gray's Inn on 3 Sept. 1649, and was appointed in March 1652 one of the judges of the Scottish admiralty court (, Gray's Inn Register; Report on the Duke of Portland's MSS. i. 629). In 1655 he was advocate-general of the army in Scotland, and was employed to examine into Overton's plot (, iii. 205;, Diary, i. 356, iv. 155). He represented the counties of Selkirk and Peebles in the parliaments of 1656 and 1659. Whalley was no great friend of freedom of opinion; in 1654 he was concerned in the suppression of the Racovian catechism, and in 1657 endeavoured to induce parliament to suppress an astrological work (, Life of Milton, iv. 423, 438;, Diary, i. 80, 305). He married Rebecca Duffell, a sister of his brother's first wife.

[A life of Whalley is given in Noble's Lives of the Regicides, and in the history of the Whalley family contained in vol. ii. of Noble's Memoirs of the Protectoral House of Cromwell. Documents relating to his exile in New England are to be found in the collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 3rd ser. i. 60, 4th ser. viii. 122, and in the Hutchinson Papers published by the Prince Society, vol. ii. See also Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts; the Calendar of Colonial State Papers; Ezra Stiles's History of Three of the Judges of Charles I, Hartford, 1794; Notes and Queries, 4th ser. iii. 591, 5th ser. v. 463, vii. 81.]  WHALLEY, GEORGE HAMMOND (1813–1878), politician, born on 23 Jan. 1813, was the eldest son of James Whalley, a merchant and banker of Gloucester city, by his wife Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Morse of Gurshill, Gloucestershire. Educated at University College, London, where he gained the first prize for rhetoric and metaphysics, he entered Gray's Inn on 20 April 1835, was called to the bar in 1839, and went the Oxford circuit. From 1836 to 1847 he acted as an assistant tithe commissioner. He possessed great knowledge of the law of tithes, and between 1838 and 1842 wrote weekly articles on tithe commutation in the ‘Justice of the Peace.’ They also appeared separately in serial form. In 1838 he published ‘The Tithe Act and the Tithe Amendment Act; with Explanatory Notes … together with the Report of the Tithe Commissioners’ (London, 8vo); and in the following year issued separately ‘The Tithe Amendment Act’ (London, 12mo). In 1848 he enlarged his treatise under the title ‘The Tithe Act and the Whole of the Tithe Amendment Acts … with a Treatise on the Recovery of Tithe Rent Charge’ (London, 12mo); and in 1879 another edition appeared which he had prepared, entitled ‘The Whole of the Tithe Acts to the Present Time’ (London, 12mo). The latest edition, revised by George Pemberton Leach, appeared in 1896 (London 8vo).


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 gray eyes upon the face of the man before him. “I understood my daughter to say”…

Max waved his hands, deprecatingly.

“It is in the first place to apologize,” he explained, “that I am here. I was presented to your daughter in the name of Gaston—which is at least part of my own name—and because other interests were involved I found myself in the painful position of being presented to you under the same false colors”…

“Oh, dear, dear!” began Cumberly. “But—”

“Ah! I protest, it is true,” continued Max with an inimitable movement of the shoulder; “and I regret it; but in my profession”…

“Which you adorn, monsieur,” injected Cumberly.

“Many thanks—but in my profession these little annoyances sometimes occur. At the earliest suitable occasion, I shall reveal myself to Miss Cumberly and Miss Ryland, but at present,”—he spread his palms eloquently, and raised his eyebrows—“morbleu! it is impossible.”

“Certainly; I quite understand that. Your visit to London is a professional one? I am more than delighted to have met you, M. Max; your work on criminal anthroposcopy has an honored place on my shelves.”

Again M. Max delivered himself of the deprecatory wave.

“You cover me with confusion,” he protested;

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 “for I fear in that book I have intruded upon sciences of which I know nothing, and of which you know much.”

“On the contrary, you have contributed to those sciences, M. Max,” declared the physician; “and now, do I understand that the object of your call this morning?”…

“In the first place it was to excuse myself—but in the second place, I come to ask your help.”

He seated himself in a deep armchair—bending forward, and fixing his dark, penetrating eyes upon the physician. Cumberly, turning his own chair slightly, evinced the greatest interest in M. Max’s disclosures.

“If you have been in Paris lately,” continued the detective, “you will possibly have availed yourself of the opportunity—since another may not occur—of visiting the house of the famous magician, Cagliostro, on the corner of Rue St. Claude, and Boulevard Beaumarchais”…

“I have not been in Paris for over two years,” said Cumberly, “nor was I aware that a house of that celebrated charlatan remained extant.”

“Ah! Dr. Cumberly, your judgment of Cagliostro is a harsh one. We have no time for such discussion now, but I should like to debate with you this question: was Cagliostro a charlatan? However, the point is this: Owing to alterations taking place in the Boulevard Beaumarchais, some of the end houses in Rue St. Claude are being pulled down,

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 among them Number 1, formerly occupied by the Comte de Cagliostro. At the time that the work commenced, I availed myself of a little leisure to visit that house, once so famous. I was very much interested, and found it fascinating to walk up the Grande Staircase where so many historical personages once walked to consult the seer. But great as was my interest in the apartments of Cagliostro, I was even more interested in one of the apartments in a neighboring house, into which—quite accidentally, you understand—I found myself looking.”

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 Whalley unsuccessfully contested Leominster in 1845 and Montgomery in 1852; but on 6 Dec. 1852 he was returned for Peterborough in the liberal interest. In May 1853 he was unseated on petition, but was again returned on 30 April 1859 at the general election, and retained his seat until his death nineteen years later. During the famine of 1847 he established fisheries in the west of Ireland, and in his yacht explored the fishing banks off the coast, receiving for his services the thanks of the British Association. In 1853 he was appointed examiner of private bills for parliament. In 1863 he introduced a bill for ‘Abolishing Committees as a Court for Private Bill Legislation,’ and in 1865–6 another for ‘Abolishing Turnpikes in England.’ He served the office of sheriff of Carnarvonshire in 1852, and was also deputy lieutenant of Denbighshire and captain of the Denbighshire yeomanry. At the time of the Crimean war he volunteered the service of his troop, and received the thanks of the war office. Whalley was an ardent protestant, and made himself notorious by the frequency and bitterness of his denunciations of the jesuits, whom he suspected of all manner of intrigues. He warmly espoused the cause of the Tichborne claimant, and was so intemperate in his advocacy that he was committed to prison by Lord-chief-justice Cockburn for contempt of court. He died on 8 Oct. 1878 at King William's Tower, near Llangollan in Denbighshire, and was buried on 12 Oct. in the family vault at Ruabon. He married at Brighton, on 25 Jan. 1846, Anne Wakefield, eldest daughter of Richard Attree of Blackmoor, Selborne, Hampshire. By her he had a son and two daughters.

 WHALLEY, JOHN (1653–1724), quack, the son of a Cromwellian adventurer, was born in Ireland on 29 April 1653. He was a shoemaker by trade. He came to Dublin in 1682, where he established himself as a compounder of universal medicines, and gained a reputation as a necromancer and as a compiler of prophetic almanacs. So great was his fame that the authorities consulted him concerning the whereabouts of the Duke of Monmouth. In 1688 he was placed in the pillory for a political offence, and somewhat roughly used by the crowd. He was very unpopular with the native Irish, whom he perpetually assailed with abuse, and with the Roman catholics, whose religion he constantly denounced, and during the Jacobite ascendency in Dublin he withdrew to England to avoid punishment. During his sojourn in that country he became a coffee-house keeper, but after the conclusion of the Irish war he returned to Dublin and took up his residence at the ‘Blew post, next door to the Wheel of Fortune, on the west side of St. Stephen's Green,’ where he resumed his practice ‘in physick and mathematicks,’ and regularly published his astrological almanacs, styled ‘Vox Urani,’ a title which he changed towards the close of his life to ‘Advice from the Stars.’ In 1687 and 1688 these annuals were compiled in the interests of the Roman catholics who were then dominant in Dublin. Before 1698 Whalley removed to Nicholas' Street, next door to the Fleece tavern, where in 1701 he translated ‘Ptolemy's Quadripartite, or four books concerning the influences of the stars. Faithfully render'd into English from Leo Allacius’ (London, 16mo), of which a second revised edition was published by Manoah Sibly [q. v.] in 1786 (London, 8vo). He also issued, with a preface, dated from his house in Nicholas' Street in January 1701–2, ‘A Treatise of Eclipses’ (Dublin, 12mo). In 1703 he was living in Patrick Street, at No. 1, a house built in the old wall, and he finally removed to Arundel Court, just without St. Nicholas' Gate. In 1711 John Mercer, a coal-dealer, commenced a prosecution against him for having printed as an address to parliament the case of several poor inhabitants of Dublin against Mercer as an engrosser or forestaller of coal. Whalley, however, obtained relief on petitioning the House of Commons, who directed proceedings to be taken against Mercer ‘as a common and notorious cheat.’ In 1714 the astrologer started ‘Whalley's News Letter, containing a full and particular Account of Foreign and Domestic News.’ This newsletter contained weekly supplements, in which some leading citizen was grossly satirised. These scurrilous attacks were advertised beforehand, and frequently procured Whalley hush-money, though occasionally they earned him a horsewhipping instead.

Whalley died at Dublin on 17 Jan. 1723–4. Swift's lines on John Partridge [q. v.], commencing Here, five foot deep, lies on his back A cobbler, starmonger, and quack, were adapted to Whalley and circulated through the city. By his will, printed in Evans's ‘History of Irish Almanacs,’ he


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  all his possessions to his wife Mary. After Whalley's death, Jemmy Hoey, at the ‘Sign of the Mercury,’ published for some years a spurious edition of Whalley's almanac, but his real successor was his favourite apprentice, Isaac Butler of Patrick Street, at the corner of Bull Alley, who, from 1725, continued Whalley's almanac until his own death. It was afterwards taken up by another astrologer.

Besides the works already mentioned, Whalley was the author of ‘An Account of the Great Eclipse of the Moon … on 29 Aug. 1718.’ The British Museum contains a copy of an almanac compiled by him during his sojourn in England, and published in London, entitled ‘England's Mercury, or … an Ephemeris for 1690.’ Another copy is in the Bodleian Library. Several of his Irish almanacs are in the library of Trinity College, Dublin. About 1690 also ‘Ferdoragh O'Daly’ composed a satire in verse of thirty-one stanzas on him in retaliation for his having caused the bard's brother to be prosecuted and hanged. This satire is printed in Erse in the introduction to Dr. John O'Donovan's edition of Aengus O'Daly's ‘Tribes of Ireland.’ Ferdoragh O'Daly's imprecations are so malignant that the poem has never been rendered into English.

WHALLEY, PETER (1722–1791), author and editor, was the son of Peter Whalley of Rugby, and was born on 2 Sept. 1722. Ecton is said to have been his birthplace (Beauties of England, ‘Northamptonshire,’ p. 177). He was at Merchant Taylors' school from 1731 to 1740, and in June 1740 was elected to a scholarship at St. John's College, Oxford. He graduated B.A. in 1744, and proceeded B.C.L. in 1768. In 1743 he was elected to a fellowship at St. John's College, and held it for some years. For a time he kept a school in Northamptonshire and probably at Courteenhall. He also held the vicarage of St. Sepulchre, Northampton.

In 1760 Whalley succeeded (1714–1778) [q. v.] in the post of upper grammar master at Christ's Hospital, and retained it until the summer of 1776. Subsequently, it is said, he was master of St. Olave's school, Southwark. He was appointed on 5 Feb. 1766 by the corporation of the city of London to the rectory of the united parishes of St. Margaret Pattens and St. Gabriel, Fenchurch Street, London; and in 1768 he was presented by Christ's Hospital to the vicarage of Horley in Surrey. Both these preferments he retained until his death.

Whalley married, on 16 Jan. 1768, Betsey Jacobs of List Lane (Gent. Mag. 1768, p. 47), and, owing to her extravagance, was in later life involved in pecuniary difficulty. He lived for some months concealed in the house of his friend Francis Godolphin Waldron [q. v.], but his hiding-place was discovered and he fled to Flanders. After a few months' residence there he died at Ostend on 12 June 1791. His widow survived until 16 March 1803. His portrait, drawn by Harding and engraved by Ridley, is in Harding's ‘Shakespeare Illustrated.’

When [q. v.] declined in 1755 the labour of preparing for publication the manuscripts of (1666–1724) [q. v.] on the history of Northamptonshire, the task fell to Whalley. The first volume of Bridges's ‘History and Antiquities of Northamptonshire’ was brought out by Whalley in 1762, and the first part of the second volume appeared in 1769. A protracted delay then ensued, and the printer made a fresh appeal for money to the gentlemen of the county. Further assistance was found, and the finished work at last came out in 1791 in two folio volumes.

Whalley edited in 1756 ‘The Works of Ben Jonson in seven volumes,’ and the edition was reissued, as far as regards the dramatic works, in conjunction with those of Beaumont and Fletcher, in 1811. He did little for his author, but the memoir of Jonson was ‘not injudicious in the main, though composed in a style uncouth and antiquated.’ Waldron, in his edition of ‘The Sad Shepherd’ (1783), reproduced his friend's annotations, with ‘supplemental notes’ (pp. 113–140). Whalley went on with preparations for a second edition of Jonson's works, which Waldron commenced publishing in 1792 in numbers. The issue stopped with the second number. Whalley's corrected copy came into Gifford's hands (Jonson, ed. Gifford, 1846 ed., pp. 69–71 of ‘Memoir’). Whalley's original works comprise: 1. ‘An Essay on the Manner of Writing History’ (anon.), 1746. 2. ‘An Enquiry into the Learning of Shakespeare,’ 1748. 3. ‘Vindication of the Evidences and Authenticity of the Gospels from the Objections of the late Lord Bolingbroke,’ 1753. His library was sold in 1792. Before leaving England he collected subscriptions of a guinea each for a work on the royal hospitals of London, but it never appeared.


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  [Foster's Alumni Oxon. 1715–1886; Robinson's Merchant Taylors' School, ii. 79; Gent. Mag. 1791 i. 588, ii. 773, 1803 i. 293; Trollope's Christ's Hospital, p. 333; Nichols's Illustrations of Lit. iii. 521–34; Nichols's Lit. Anecdotes, ii. 107–8, iii. 643, viii. 348–9.]  WHALLEY, RICHARD (1499?–1583), politician, born about 1499, was the only son and heir of Thomas Whalley of Kirkton, Nottinghamshire, by his wife Elizabeth, daughter of John Strelley of Woodborough in the same county. He was no doubt related to the Whalley of Screveton who was physician to Henry VII, and some of whose medical receipts are extant in the Bodleian (Rawlinson MS. A 393, f. 72). He is also said to have been related to Protector Somerset. He was educated at St. John's College, Cambridge, but does not seem to have taken a degree. He was introduced at court, where he ingratiated himself with Henry VIII by his grace and skill in martial exercises; he was one of the ‘young gentlemen’ who attended Sir Thomas Lovell's funeral on 25 May 1524, and three years later seems to have been employed by Cromwell in business relating to monasteries dissolved by Wolsey (Letters and Papers, iv. 150, Nos. 5835, 5849, 6033). In 1536 he was engaged in visiting lesser monasteries in Leicestershire, and on 9 July 1538 he was placed on the commission of the peace for the North Riding of Yorkshire. He also practised law, and was paid twenty shillings for his services as counsel at the York sessions during the trial of the northern rebels. On 26 Feb. 1538–9 he was granted the site of the dissolved Welbeck Abbey and other lands, and on 25 July 1546 he obtained the manor of Sibthorp.

During the protectorate of Somerset Whalley appears to have shared with Sir John Thynne [q. v.] the office of steward to the duke, a position which, coupled with his intriguing disposition, brought him into prominence. On 17 Oct. 1547 he was returned to parliament as member for Scarborough, and he was appointed a commissioner of chantries under the act passed that year (, English Schools, p. 282); he was also crown receiver for Yorkshire. In April 1549 Cecil requested his aid in obtaining the grant of Wimbledon manor, which Queen Catherine Parr had held for her lifetime, but Whalley secured it for himself (, i. 276–7, misdated 1550). He was one of the Protector's adherents whom Sir Anthony Wingfield [q. v.] was directed to arrest at Windsor on 10 Oct. 1549, but he had on the previous day been sent by Somerset to the duchess at Beddington, and he used the respite to convey a goodly portion of the duke and duchess's goods to his own house at Wimbledon. On 25 Jan. 1549–1550 he and Cecil were bound in recognisances of a thousand marks. Warwick now sought to enlist Whalley's, as he did Cecil's, support, and in the following June warned him against Somerset's endeavours to regain his position (ib. ii. 21–4, misdated 1551). Whalley, however, remained faithful for the time, and in February 1550–1 was engaged in promoting a movement among the nobility for restoring Somerset to the protectorship; in the event of success Somerset is improbably said to have intended creating Whalley earl of Nottingham; a patent is even stated to have been made out (, House of Cromwell, ii. 138). Whalley's intrigue came to the notice of the council, and on 16 Feb. he was committed to the Fleet prison. He was released on 2 April, but was bound in the heavy sum of a thousand pounds. On 18 Oct. following, two days after Somerset's second arrest, Whalley was sent to the Tower. He was repeatedly examined with a view to procuring evidence against Somerset, and his fidelity broke down under the pressure put upon him. At the Protector's trial on 1 Dec. Whalley was one of the principal witnesses against him (Harl. MS. 2194). Perhaps as a reward Whalley himself was not brought to trial, but he remained in the Tower until June 1552, when he was forced to surrender his receivership and fined to such an extent that he had to part with Welbeck, Wimbledon, and other manors (, Illustrations, i. 170, misdated 1551). On 19 Sept. following he was once more sent to the Tower on a charge of peculation; according to Edward VI, Whalley confessed to these misdemeanours, but that his offences were chiefly political seems probable from the fact that he was released immediately upon Queen Mary's accession (6 Aug. 1553).

In the parliament that met on 2 April 1554, Whalley sat for East Grinstead; on 29 Oct. following and on 30 Sept. 1555 he was returned for Nottinghamshire. He instituted a suit in the court of exchequer for his restoration to the receivership of Yorkshire, but the privy council intervened on 19 Feb. 1555–6, and decided against him on the ground of his surrender in June 1552. On 3 July 1561, however, Elizabeth granted him the manors of Whatton, Hawksworth, and Towton, and he is said to have been very rich when he died at the age of eighty-four on 23 Nov. 1583. He was buried in Screveton church, where his widow raised a fine alabaster monument to his memory


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Hoopoe

HOOPOE, hoo'pō, a peculiar bird of the Old World, which takes both its vernacular and scientific name (Upupa) from its whooping cry. It is of the group Coccygomorphæ (q.v.) and represents a family (Upupidæ), many species of which inhabit southern Asia and Africa, while one (U. epops) is a well-known migrant in Europe. It is about 12 inches long, is brown above and white beneath, with black, white-barred wings and a very large cinnamon-red black-tipped crest and a long, sharp, curved bill. It seeks its food on the ground, nests in holes in trees, crannies in walls, etc., and has many curious trails and habits which have caused the bird to take a prominent place in the folklore of all countries. The African hoopoes belong to the genus Irrisor and are called wood-hoopoes. They have brilliant plumage but no crest. They go about in noisy flocks and have much the appearance and habits of woodpeckers.


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 (figured in, Nottinghamshire, i. 250). In 1543 Robert Recorde [q. v.] dedicated to Whalley his ‘Grounde of Artes.’

Whalley was thrice married, and is said to have had twenty-five children. His eldest son predeceased him in 1582, and he was succeeded by his grandson Richard, who was sheriff of Nottinghamshire in 1595–1596, knight of the shire in 1597, married as his second wife Frances, daughter of Sir Henry Cromwell, and was father of Colonel Edward Whalley [q. v.]

[Letters and Papers of Henry VIII; Roll of Somerset's Expenses (Egerton MS. 2815); Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1547–80; Hist. MSS. Comm. 12th Rep. App. v. 56, 66, 111, 124; Hatfield MSS. i. 95–6; Acts P.C. ed. Dasent; Ellis's Orig. Letters, I. ii. 173; Lit. Rem. of Edward VI (Roxburghe Club); Machyn's Diary; Narr. of the Reformation, Wriothesley's Chron., Troubles connected with the Prayer Book and Visit. of Huntingdonshire (Camden Soc.); Visit. of Nottinghamshire (Harl. Soc.), p. 117; Richmondshire Wills (Surtees Soc.), p. 79; Off. Ret. Memb. Parl.; Thoroton's Nottinghamshire, vol. i.; Hayward's Edward VI; Burnet's Hist. ed. Pocock; Strype's Eccl. Mem.; Noble's House of Cromwell, ii. 135–40; Tytler's Hist. of Edward VI and Mary; Froude's Hist.; Cooper's Athenæ, i. 116, 544; Brown's Nottinghamshire Worthies, pp. 107–8.]

 WHALLEY, THOMAS SEDGWICK (1746–1828), poet and traveller, born at Cambridge in 1746, was the third son of John Whalley, D.D., master of St. Peter's College, Cambridge, and regius professor of divinity in that university (d. 1748), who married the only child of Francis Squire, canon and chancellor of Wells Cathedral. His mother died at Winscombe Court, Somerset, on 14 Sept. 1803, aged 96. He was educated at St. John's College, Cambridge, graduating B.A. in 1767, M.A. in 1774, and about 1770 was ordained in the English church. In March 1772 Dr. Keene, bishop of Ely, presented him to the rectory of Hagworthingham, near Spilsby in Lincolnshire, and, in consequence of its unhealthy situation in the fens, made it a condition that he should never enter into residence. This stipulation he readily complied with, and for the long period of more than fifty years the duties were discharged by a curate. About 1825 Whalley built a parsonage-house for the benefice. He was appointed on 22 Aug. 1777 to the prebendal stall of Combe (13) in Wells Cathedral, and retained it until 1826.

Whalley married, on 6 Jan. 1774, Elizabeth, only child of Edward Jones of Langford Court in Burrington parish, Somerset, and widow of John Withers Sherwood, with whom he obtained a great fortune. About 1776 he purchased the centre house in the Crescent at Bath, and entertained with great hospitality both there and at Langford. He was a conspicuous figure in the set that fluttered around Lady Miller at Bath Easton, and wrote verses for her. Miss Burney described him as ‘immensely tall, thin and handsome, but affected, delicate, and sentimentally pathetic’ (Diary, i. 314). In the summer of 1783, under the spur of economy, he and his wife broke up their establishments in England and went abroad. Langford Court, after being let for many years, was sold in 1804. Whalley spent the spring and winter for a long period in southern France, Italy, Switzerland, and Belgium. At Paris in 1783 his appearance drew from Marie-Antoinette the compliment of ‘Le bel Anglais.’ Whalley kept journals of his continental experiences, which are of much interest.

As a rule Whalley now spent the summer at Mendip Lodge, formerly called Langford Cottage, on the Mendip hills, where the grounds were remarkable for their grottos and terrace walks. Mrs. Siddons often visited him there, and Hannah More was a neighbour (, Somerset Handbook, p. 395). He supported her action over the school at Blagdon in an anonymous pamphlet, ‘Animadversions on the Curate of Blagdon's Three Publications, 1802.’

Whalley was created D.D. of Edinburgh University on 10 July 1808. Next winter he bought a house in Baker Street, London, and for some years lived there in great extravagance. After the peace of 1814 he went abroad again. On his return in 1818 he purchased the centre house in Portland Place, Bath. In 1825 Whalley bought the lease of a house at Clifton, and in 1828 he left England, for the last time. A few weeks after his arrival at La Flèche in France he died there of old age, on 3 Sept. 1828, and was buried in the consecrated ground of the Roman catholic church, a handsome sarcophagus of dark slate with Latin inscription marking the spot. His first wife died on 8 Dec. 1801. In May 1803 he married a Miss Heathcote, a lady of good family and property in Wiltshire; she died at Southbroom, near Devizes, on 10 or 11 Oct. 1807. In 1813 he married the widow of General Horneck (probably Charles Horneck who died at Bath on 8 April 1804). He soon discovered that she was heavily in debt, and they agreed to separate. She received from Whalley a comfortable settlement and a


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 large house in Catherine Place, Bath, in which she gave grand parties.

Two volumes of Whalley's ‘Journals and Correspondence’ were edited in 1863 by Hill Wickham, rector of Horsington. Prefixed to the first volume is a print by Joseph Brown of Whalley's portrait by Reynolds. They contain many interesting letters from Mrs. Piozzi and Mrs. Siddons, but are burdened with huge epistles from Miss Seward. Wilberforce described him in 1813 as ‘the true picture of a sensible, well-informed and educated, polished, old, well-beneficed, nobleman's and gentleman's house-frequenting, literary and chess-playing divine.’ Whalley was a patron of painting; the celebrated picture of ‘The Woodman,’ by Barker of Bath, was painted for him, and, at his request, Sir Thomas Lawrence made an admirable crayon drawing of Cecilia Siddons, his god-daughter.

His writings include: 1. ‘Edwy and Edilda’ [anon.]; a poetic tale in five parts, 1779; republished in 1794 in handsome quarto edition, with six engravings by a young lady (i.e. daughter of Lady Langham). 2. ‘The Castle of Montval,’ a tragedy in five acts, 1781; 2nd edit., with a dedication to Mrs. Siddons, 1799; it was brought out at Drury Lane in 1799, and ‘tolerably well received’ (, Biogr. Dram. ii. 87). 3. ‘The Fatal Kiss,’ a poem [anon.], 1781; ‘an improbable story, written in the florid manner of Mrs. Aphra Behn’ (Monthly Rev. lxiv. 311). 4. ‘Verses addressed to Mrs. Siddons on her being engaged at Drury Lane Theatre,’ 1782. 5. ‘Mont Blanc,’ a poem, 1788. 6. ‘Poems and Translations,’ circa 1797. This is assigned to him in ‘Literary Memoirs’ (1798). 7. ‘Kenneth and Fenella,’ a legendary tale, 1809.

[Memoir in Journals and Correspondence; Le Neve's Fasti, i. 210; Gent. Mag. 1772 p. 151, 1804 i. 389, 1807 ii. 1078, 1828 ii. 474; Collinson's Somerset, i. 204.]  WHARNCLIFFE, first. [See, 1776-1845.]

WHARTON, ANNE (1632?–1685), poetess, born in Oxfordshire about 1632, was the second daughter and coheiress of Sir Henry Lee, third baronet, of Ditchley, by Anne, daughter of Sir John Danvers, knight, of Cornbury. On 16 Sept. 1673 she married, as his first wife, Thomas Wharton (afterwards first Marquis of Wharton) [q. v.], to whom she brought a dowry of 10,000l. and 2,500l. a year. In 1680 and 1681 she was in Paris, and both then and afterwards had some correspondence with Dr. Gilbert Burnet [q. v.], who sent poems for her to criticise, among them his ‘Paraphrase on the Fifty-third Chapter of Isaiah, in imitation of Mrs. Anne Wharton.’ Her own ‘Lamentations of Jeremiah paraphrased,’ written apparently in 1681, appeared in the collection entitled ‘The Temple of Death,’ 1695 (it was reprinted with some addition in the second volume of ‘Whartoniana,’ 1727, pp. 64–92). Her ‘Verses on the Snuff of a Candle’ appeared in the first volume of ‘Dryden's Miscellanies’ (1684, i. 144); her ‘Penelope to Ulysses’ in Tonson's ‘Ovid's Epistles by several Hands,’ of 1712, and some minor pieces, including a song, ‘How hardly I conceal'd my Tears,’ in Tooke's ‘Collection’ (1716, p. 209), and in other miscellanies. Her ‘Elegy on the Death of the Earl of Rochester’ (in the ‘Examen Miscellaneum’ of 1702, p. 15) drew from Waller the lines to ‘fairest Chloris,’ commencing ‘Thus mourn the Muses!’ and her ‘Paraphrase on the Lord's Prayer,’ some tumid verses commencing Silence, you Winds; listen, Etherial Lights, While our Urania sings what Heav'n indites. Waller pays the lady the somewhat doubtful compliment of assuring her that she was allied to Rochester ‘in genius as well as in blood.’ The kinship in either case was remote; the earl's mother was aunt to Anne's father, Sir Henry Lee. Her verses were also commended by Dryden, who upon the death of her elder sister, the Countess of Abingdon, in 1691, wrote the panegyrical poem ‘Eleonora.’ Anne Wharton died at Adderbury on 29 Oct. 1685, and was buried at Winchendon on 10 Nov. following. Her marriage had proved childless and unhappy, and it was only the good counsel of Burnet that prevented her from leaving her husband about 1682. A collection of ‘Copies of Mrs. Wharton's Poems’ was appended to the Bodleian copy of Edward Young's ‘Amoris Christiani mnēmoneutikon’ (1686). In addition to her printed writings, Mrs. Wharton left in manuscript a blank-verse tragedy in five acts called ‘Love's Martyr, or Witt above Crowns.’ The subject is the love of Ovid for Julia, daughter of the emperor Augustus. The tragedy, formerly at Strawberry Hill, now forms Additional MS. 28693. A portrait, painted by Lely, was engraved by R. Earlom. Another, engraved by Bocquet, is given in Walpole's ‘Royal and Noble Authors’ (1806, iii. 284).

[Ballard's Memoirs of Learned Ladies, p. 297; Burke's Extinct Peerage, pp. 347, 582; E. R. Wharton's Whartons of Wharton Hall, 1898, p. 47; Nichols's Lit. Anecdotes, v. 644; Waller's


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Hoorn, Count of

HOORN, hōrn, or HOORNE, hōr'nė, or HORN, or HORNES, ŏrn. , Flemish soldier and statesman: b. about 1520; d, Brussels, 5 June 1568. His father was a descendant of the French family of Montmorency, and on the mother's side he was related to Lamoral Egmont, with whose fate his own was linked. His mother became a widow when he was about eight, and was married again to John, Count van Horn, one of the wealthiest nobles of the Netherlands, who left his estates to his wife's children on condition that they should assume his name. Philip was thus at the outset of his career one of the most influential of his order, and received from Charles V and Philip II important trusts and distinctions. He accompanied Philip II to Spain, where he is supposed to

have received information of the designs of the Spanish court against the Netherlands and to have communicated them to the Prince of Orange. Returning to the Netherlands he joined Orange and Egmont in resisting the aggressive policy of Philip; yet continued loyal to the Crown. He was, however, suspected by the Spanish court, and upon the arrival of Alva in Brussels was enticed with Egmont to that city, and arrested in September 1567, on a charge of high treason. Ceaseless but vain efforts were made to obtain for him a fair trial, and appeals for clemency on his behalf were made by potentates in all parts of the Continent. He was executed with Egmont in June 1568. Consult ‘Cambridge Modern History’ (Vol. III, 1905).


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  Poems, ed. Drury, 1893, p. 342; General Dict. x. 122; Nichols's Select Collection of Poems, 1780, i. 51, ii. 329, iii. 44, iv. 356; Chaloner Smith's Mezzotint Portraits, p. 258, where Anne Wharton is wrongly entitled marchioness.]  WHARTON, EDWARD ROSS (1844–1896), philologer and genealogist, born at Rhyl, Flint, on 4 Aug. 1844, was second son of Henry James Wharton, vicar of Mitcham, whose ancestors had long been settled at Winfarthing in Norfolk. His mother was a daughter of Thomas Peregrine Courtenay [q. v.] He was educated as a day-boy at the Charterhouse under Canon Elwyn, and elected to a scholarship at Trinity College, Oxford, in 1862, graduating B.A. in 1868 and M.A. in 1870. Though never robust in health, and suffering at this time from weak eyesight, he had a distinguished university career. In his second year he won the Ireland scholarship, though for the Hertford and Craven he only came out proxime. He was placed in the first class in classical moderations, and also in the final classical school. In 1868 he was elected to a fellowship at Jesus, with which college he was connected almost continuously until his death, as assistant tutor and Latin lecturer. After his election he devoted himself to acquiring an exhaustive knowledge of both Latin and Greek, to which was added a sufficient acquaintance with the cognate languages. The first-fruits of his labour was ‘Etyma Græca,’ an etymological lexicon of classical Greek (1882), in which are given (somewhat dogmatically and without adequate explanation) the derivations of about five thousand words to be found in the standard authors. This was followed in 1890—when he had gained a firmer grasp of the principles of scientific philology—by ‘Etyma Latina,’ constructed on a similar plan, though with some concessions to weaker brethren, notably an appendix showing the changes that letters undergo in the sister tongues as well as in Latin. He also contributed several papers to the London Philological Society and to the French Société Linguistique. His other published works are translations of Aristotle's ‘Poetics’ and Book i. of Horace's ‘Satires,’ in which it pleased him to display verbal fidelity to the original, combined with a mastery of English idiom. During the last few years of his life much of his interest was transferred to genealogy. The results of his researches, largely among original documents, are contained in six manuscript volumes, which he bequeathed to the Bodleian Library, dealing with all who have borne the name of Wharton or Warton. The most illustrious of these is, of course, the baronial family of Wharton of Wharton Hall in Westmorland. A popular sketch of this family, which he had finished just before his death, has been printed by his widow as a memorial volume, with a full bibliography, a portrait, and other illustrations (1898). He died at Oxford on 4 June 1896, and his remains were cremated at Woking. In 1870 he married Marie, daughter of Samuel Hicks Withers of Willesden, but they had no children; the widow died in 1899. There is a portrait of him in the common room of Jesus College.

A younger brother, (1846–1895), born at Mitcham in 1846, was educated at the Charterhouse and Wadham College, Oxford, where he graduated with honours in natural science in 1871. He is best known for an admirable book on Sappho—memoir, text, selected renderings, and a literal translation (1885)—which has passed through four editions. He was also one of the joint compilers of the official list of British birds issued by the British Ornithologists’ Union (1883), his special task being to supervise and elucidate the Latin nomenclature; and he contributed a chapter on the local flora to a work entitled ‘Hampstead Hill’ (1889). He died on 22 Aug. 1895 at South Hampstead, where he had practised for some years as a medical man, and was buried in the neighbouring cemetery of Fortune Green.

[Private information.]  WHARTON, GEORGE (1617–1681), first baronet, astrologer and royalist, born at Strickland, near Kendal in Westmorland, on 4 April 1617, was son of George Wharton, a blacksmith of Kendal, who left his son an estate of about 50l. a year. His arms (sable, a maunch argent) suggest that he was descended from the Whartons of Kirkby Thore (Whartons of Wharton Hall, p. 66). His father died during George's infancy, and he was brought up by his uncles William and Cuthbert Wharton. After 1633 he spent some time at Oxford, where he chiefly studied astronomy and mathematics. Retiring to Westmorland, he issued under the anagram of George Naworth an almanac for 1641. William Milbourne, curate of Brancepeth, near Durham, gave him some assistance. The little volume proved the first of a series of almanacs which Wharton published year by year under various titles until 1666 excepting only 1646.

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 raised a troop of horse for the royalists. He was defeated by parliamentary troops at Stow-on-the-Wold in Gloucestershire in 1643, and next year joined the king's headquarters at Oxford. He was soon appointed paymaster to the magazine and artillery, and on 8 Oct. 1645 a captain of horse (, Life, p. 299). He pursued his astrological studies at Oxford with much industry. ‘He was esteemed a member of the Queens Coll. being entred among the students there, and might, with other officers, have had the degree of master of arts confer'd on him by the members of the Ven. Convocation, but he neglected it’. On 22 March 1644–1645 he made, at Oxford, the acquaintance of Elias Ashmole, whom he first instructed in alchemy and astrology. Ashmole and Wharton remained friends for life.

Meanwhile Wharton involved himself in embittered controversy with rival astrologers who were politically opposed to him. He attacked with especial rancour William Lilly, John Partridge, and John Booker, and for many years he maintained against them a war of vituperation. Wharton's almanac for 1644, which he printed at Oxford under the name of Naworth, ‘with His Maiesties command,’ was severely assailed by Booker in his pamphlet entitled ‘Mercurius Cœlius.’ Wharton retorted in ‘Mercurio-Cœlicio-Mastix; or, an Anti-caveat to all such, as have (heretofore) had the misfortune to be Cheated and Deluded by that Grand and Traiterous Impostor of this Rebellious Age, John Booker … Printed Anno Dom. 1644.’ In Wharton's almanac for next year he first supplied his own name on the title-page and described himself as student in ‘the Mathematicks.’ In the preface he denounced Booker as ‘that clubfisted fellow,’ and Booker's friend Partridge as ‘that blood hound.’ Under each month of the calendar he catalogued the chief events of the war then in progress, and interspersed his work with scurrilous rhymes. ‘An Astrologicall Judgement upon his Majesties Present March: Begun from Oxford May 7, 1645. … By George Wharton,’ was published at Oxford by H. Hall in the same year. At the same time Lilly, in his ‘Starry Messenger,’ denounced Wharton as a man of ‘no worth’ (a pun on Naworth), and charged him with plagiarism.

After the surrender of Oxford in 1646, Wharton ‘was put to his shifts and lived as opportunity served.’ He was in Yorkshire in September 1646, when he wrote ‘Bellum Hybernicale: or Irelands Warre. Astrologically demonstrated, from the late Celestiall congresse of the two Malevolent planets Saturne and Mars in Taurus, the Ascendent of that Kingdome’ (1646–7, 4to). Shortly afterwards he renewed his attack on Lilly in ‘Merlini Anglici Errata.’ Subsequently he removed to his native place in Westmorland. In August 1647 he was ill of the plague. On his recovery he took part in publishing a quarto sheet week by week in London under the title ‘Mercurius Elenchicus.’ There he venomously satirised the proceedings of the parliament. On 12 March 1648–9 he was arrested and sent to Newgate by order of the parliament. On 26 Aug. he escaped from the prison, and remained in concealment until 21 Nov. 1649, when he was recaptured and committed to the Gatehouse, Westminster. In the autumn of 1650 Ashmole, who befriended him throughout his troubles, learned that John Bradshaw, the president of the council of state, had resolved to have him hanged. Ashmole appealed to Lilly to use his interest with his patron, Bulstrode Whitelocke, so as to procure Wharton's release. In the result Wharton was discharged from prison after engaging to write nothing thenceforth ‘against the parliament or state.’ On regaining his liberty he was quite destitute, and Ashmole generously invited him and his family to occupy his house at Bradfield in Berkshire. For a time Wharton acted as Ashmole's agent on the estate, but he chiefly occupied himself with his almanacs. In 1657 and three following years he gave them the new title of ‘Calendarium Ecclesiasticum,’ and added under the title of ‘Gesta Britannorum’ a useful chronological table of the leading events in English history from 1600. In 1652 he brought out a translation of a Latin treatise on palmistry or chiromancy, called ‘The Art of Divining, by the Lines and Signatures engraven in the hand of man, written by John Rothman, M.D.’

After the Restoration Wharton settled in London, and was appointed treasurer and paymaster to the office of the royal ordnance. He retained the post till his death, and had an official residence in the Tower of London. He continued to publish his almanac until 1666, giving it from 1661 onwards the new title of ‘Calendarium Carolinum.’ The last entry in his ‘Gesta’ is 23 Nov. 1665. In 1661 he collected the various verses with which he had enlivened his calendars in a volume called ‘Select and Choice Poems collected out of the Labours of George Wharton, Esquire. Composed upon severall occasions, during the late unnaturall Wars between the King and the Rump Parliament,’ London, 1661, 8vo. He was created a baronet, in consideration of his services to the royalist cause, on 31 Dec. 1677. He died


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 at his house at Enfield on 12 Aug. 1681, aged 64, and was buried on the 25th of that month in the chapel of St. Peter ad Vincula, within the Tower of London. Wood calls him ‘a constant and thoroughpaced royalist, a good companion, a witty droll, and a waggish poet.’

By his wife, Anne Butler, Wharton had four sons and three daughters. His eldest surviving son, Polycarpus, succeeded to the baronetcy; Sir Polycarpus married Theophila, daughter of Justinian Sherburne, second brother of Sir Edward Sherburne, knt., but died without issue before 1741, and the baronetcy became extinct. He is stated to have lost 24,000l. in the powder works at Chilworth, near Guildford.

After his death Wharton's writings were collected under the title of ‘The Works of that most excellent Philosopher and Astronomer, Sir George Wharton, bart., collected into one entire volume. By John Gadbury, Student in Physic and Astrology,’ London, 1683, 8vo. Gadbury supplied a preface. From the chronological tables, entitled ‘Gesta Britannorum,’ which appeared in Wharton's almanacs from 1657 to 1666, W. Crook compiled the greater part of his ‘Historian's Guide from 1600 until the year 1679’ (London, 1679, 12mo). Some of Wharton's astrological papers and his letters to Ashmole are in the Ashmolean Library at Oxford (cf., Cat. Ashmolean MSS.) A portrait of Wharton, assigned to Faithorne, was prefixed to his ‘Works.’ Another portrait of Wharton, at the age of forty-six, was engraved ‘ad vivum’ by D. Loggan in 1663.

WHARTON, HENRY (1664–1695), divine and author, was the son of Edmund Wharton (a descendant of Thomas Wharton, second son of Thomas, second baron Wharton [see under, first ]), vicar of Worstead, Norfolk, rector of Stoley, and afterwards rector of Saxlingham, and Susan his wife (Henry calls her Mary, so her name may possibly have been Susan Mary), daughter of John Burr, a well-to-do clothmaker of Dedham in Essex. He was born at Worstead on 9 Nov. 1664, and baptised on 20 Nov. Both his father and his mother survived him. He had a younger brother, Edmund, born 1666, ‘an apothecary and great rake,’ and a sister Susan.

He was born with two tongues, both of the same shape and size. The lower gradually lessened and the upper grew till the deformity ceased to be inconvenient (Philosophical Transactions, 1748, xlv. 232–233, from a manuscript of Wharton's). At the age of six he was sent to a ‘public school’ at Norwaltham for a year, after which he was taught by his father so thoroughly ‘that at his entrance into the university he had the reputation of an extraordinary young man’ (‘Life’ prefixed to Sermons, vol. i.) His manuscript autobiography records many youthful classical exercises in verse. He was admitted pensioner of Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, on 15 Feb. (‘Autobiography’ in Life of Sancroft, ii. 109; but the ‘Life’ says 17 Feb.) 1679–80, of which college his father had been a fellow. His tutor was Dr. John Ellys, ‘a person of eminent learning, singular piety, and strictness of life.’ In November of the same year he was elected scholar of his college. He held this scholarship by special favour until 1687, though he went out of residence a year before. As an undergraduate he seldom studied less than twelve hours a day, and he became proficient not only in classics, but in philosophy, French, Italian, and mathematics, being in the last private pupil of Isaac Newton, then fellow of Trinity, and Lucas, professor of mathematics. He graduated B.A. Hilary term 1683–4, having ‘deservedly the first place given him by the then proctor of the university, the learned Rev. William Needham, fellow of Emmanuel College, afterwards his dear friend and fellow chaplain at Lambeth.’ He bore the highest character as an undergraduate, and was especially noted as ‘constant in frequenting the prayers and sacraments in the chapel.’

He remained in college till the spring of 1686, when, seeing no likelihood of a vacant fellowship, he accepted the recommendation of Dr. Barker, a senior fellow of his college, to [q. v.], the ecclesiastical historian, who promised him a salary of ten pounds a year and free access to his fine library. He greatly assisted Cave in his ‘Historia Litteraria’ (published 1688), and he considered that his help was not adequately acknowledged (cf. his own account in Life of Sancroft, ii. 111–12, with Cave's letter to Archbishop Tenison, ib. 165 sqq.). He visited Windsor with Cave in April, and was made acquainted with many learned persons and with a Roman priest named Matthews, who said mass for James II privately, and who tried to lure Wharton into hideous vice, alleging his own