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 the 15th the passage of the Finn was forced at Cladyford, Lundy fled to Londonderry, and the gates were shut in Walker's face. The next day, he says, ‘we got in with much difficulty, and some violence upon the sentry’ (True Account). Walker certainly believed Lundy to be a traitor; but this was hard to prove, and he had King William's commission. His escape on 19 April was therefore connived at, Walker and Baker becoming joint-governors. The commissariat was Walker's special department, but he had the rank of colonel and a regiment of nine hundred men under him. ‘There were,’ he says, ‘eighteen clergymen in the town of the communion of the church who, in their turns, when they were not in action, had prayers and sermons every day; the seven nonconforming ministers were equally careful of their people, and kept them very obedient and quiet’ (ib.) John Mackenzie (1648?–1696) [q. v.] acted as chaplain to the presbyterians of Walker's own regiment. It was arranged that the church people should use the cathedral in the morning, and the nonconformists in the afternoon.

In the sally of 21 April Walker relieved Murray, whom he saw surrounded by the ‘enemy, and with great courage laying about him’ (ib.) A few days later he had himself a narrow escape, being treacherously fired on while going to meet a flag of truce. Baker, falling ill in June, made John Michelborne [q. v.] his deputy, and when he died the latter remained joint-governor with Walker to the end of the siege. His conduct met with some criticism. Mackenzie charges him with too great subservience to Kirke. It was known that the Jacobites were making great efforts to buy him, and some saluted him in the streets by the titles he was supposed to wish for (True Account, 2 July). It was reported that he had secreted provisions, but his house was searched at his own suggestion and the calumny disproved. Mackenzie accuses him of having preached a disheartening sermon just before the end of the siege, but his extant sermons and speeches are most inspiriting. The town was relieved by water on 28 July. Walker resigned his office into the hands of Kirke, who allowed him to name a new colonel for his regiment. He named Captain White, who had done good service during the siege. Michelborne was made sole governor by Kirke.

The rescued garrison adopted a loyal address, which was entrusted to Walker, and he sailed from Lough Foyle on 9 Aug. (, Diary). This mission to England is some proof of the estimation in which he was held. He landed in Scotland, and received the freedom of Glasgow and Edinburgh on 13 and 14 Aug. (, p. 303). On his way south he halted at Chester, where Scravenmore received him with open arms (cf., p. 133 n.) He was in London a few days later, some admirers going as far as Barnet to welcome him. On 20 Aug., before his arrival, the Irish Society appointed a deputation to wait on him with thanks for his services, and later he was entertained at dinner (Concise View of the Irish Society). On 6 Sept. he attended the society to represent that most of the houses in Londonderry were down, and to ask for help; 1,200l. was voted by the city companies for immediate relief of the houseless people (ib.) Walker presented the Londonderry address to the king in person at Hampton Court, and William gave him an order for 5,000l., remarking that this was no payment, and that he considered his claims undiminished (, chap. xv.). The money was paid next day ({{sc|Luttrell}, Diary, 25 Aug.). ‘It seemed,’ said a contemporary writer, ‘as if London intended him a public Roman triumph, and the whole kingdom to be actors and spectators of the cavalcade’ (, p. 270). Portraits of him were scattered broadcast. ‘The king,’ wrote Tillotson on 19 Sept., ‘besides his first bounty to Mr. Walker, whose modesty is equal to his merit, hath made him bishop of Londonderry (sic), one of the best bishoprics in Ireland … it is incredible how everybody is pleased’ (, Letters, ed. 1801). Ezekiel Hopkins [q. v.] was still bishop of Derry, but it was intended to translate him, and Walker was named as his successor (, Life, iii. 209). There were doubts about his willingness to accept a mitre (ib.) Hopkins died three weeks before Walker, who was thus actually bishop-designate only for that time. On 18 Nov. a petition from Walker was presented to the House of Commons, setting forth the case of two thousand persons made widows and orphans by the siege. He asked nothing for himself. Next day he was called in and received the thanks of the house. Speaker Powle informed him that an address had been voted to the king for 10,000l. to relieve the sufferers, and desired Walker to give the thanks of the house to those who had fought with him, ‘when those to whose care it was committed did most shamefully if not perfidiously desert the place’ (‘Commons' Journal’ in, p. 113 n.) On 8 Oct. Walker was made D.D. at Cambridge, ‘juxta tenorem regii præcepti,’ but it is uncertain whether he was present (, Life, iii. 312; , p. 113 n.) He visited Oxford on his way to Ireland, and the


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Rh In the primary schools in the country there is a three years' course consisting of religious instruction, reading, writing, the first elements of French grammar, Haitian geography and history, elementary arithmetic; the rudiments of agriculture for the boys, and sewing for the girls.

In the primary schools of the city there is a four years' course of the same subjects as taught in the country schools, with the addition of the outlines of general history and geography and elementary physics and natural history.

In the three years' course the following subjects are taught in the classical schools: French language and literature; Spanish and English; arithmetic; rudimentary algebra and geometry; cosmography and bookkeeping; physics and natural history and their relation to agriculture, industry and hygiene; drawing, elementary political economy; Haitian history and geography; general history and geography.

In the girls' schools most of the same subjects are taught, the subjects omitted being replaced by ornamental drawing, music, sewing, and embroidery.

The complete course in the Lycées and colleges takes seven years and comprises moral and religious instruction, French, English and Spanish grammar and literature; Latin; Greek; general history and geography; philosophy; political economy; mathematics; physics; chemistry; natural history; elocution; mechanical drawing; vocal and instrumental music.

My excuse to my readers for giving these details is that this is the best refutation that can be given to the detractors of Haiti. By thus revealing the unceasing efforts made by that country toward the education of her inhabitants, the truth of which statements is amply

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Rh to this wooden symbol in the name of God, in order to satisfy under pretext of eternal love, the horrible feeling, which never should be awakened in the breast of man. No, what may be an innocent amusement in times of peace and happiness, and serve as an exalting, edifying, pious institution, often becomes a banner for the human mind if once wild rebellion has swayed it, followed exultingly by all the horrors of hell. I should consider myself a murderer, if I did not bury this protectress to-day, as our neighbours will inter the poor unprotected to-morrow. Should the Eternal Decree will it otherwise, he will easily render my trouble unnecessary".

As they again issued from the ruins, they were met by the tall figure of Lacoste. "Edmond," cried he, "you and your compeers carry on a damnable trade. I have kept myself concealed the whole day, that I might not look upon the enormity. The ceremony of your worship is


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Rh too severe. Your God is indulgent, for otherwise he would shew himself somewhat more rigorous in it. I thought I had already experienced every thing and understood every body; but in my present high school I still learn many new things."

How astounded were Lacoste and the priest as each found again a friend of his youth in the other. "You are then that pious, sighing, youth," exclaimed Lacoste in amazement, who in the eyes of his Euphemie would see and find the whole Empyraeum? We now wander afar over the flowers of your religious elysium. But tread firmly, for these eyes and noses no longer feel our heels, these faces are only the discarded masks, which still lie about from yesterday’s gala. Yes, these masqueraders have destroyed much clothing, that can never be mended again, they have been reduced to tatters at once by extravagant insolence. Aye! aye! Edmond, your reverend cordelier, his hair is become white since then,


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 chancellor of the university, the second Duke of Ormonde, wrote to recommend him for the doctorate. On 26 Feb. 1689–90 Vice-chancellor William Jane presented him to convocation as a divine of the church of Ireland, governor and preserver of Derry city, champion of liberty, ‘utraque Pallade magnum ut a militia ad togam redeat’ (ib. p. 326). The diploma says that by saving Derry he saved Ireland (, p. 272).

Walker was at Belfast on 13 March 1689–1690 (contemporary account in, Hist. of Belfast, p. 178), when Schomberg and the Duke of Würtemberg were there. William landed at Carrickfergus on 14 June, and was met by Walker outside the north gate of Belfast (ib. p. 181;, Diary, 31 May and 15 June). Walker was again presented to the king by Schomberg and Ormonde (ib.) He followed him to the Boyne, and fell at the passage of the river on 1 July. ‘What took him there?’ is said to have been the king's comment; but Story, the historian, who was himself present as a regimental chaplain, had heard that Walker was shot while going to look after the wounded Schomberg. If this was the case, William's sarcasm was unjust, and it is doubtful whether he ever uttered it. Walker was buried where he fell. Some years later his widow had the remains disinterred, as she believed, and buried on the south side of Castle Caulfield church with a suitable inscription, but it is not certain that the bones so transferred were really Walker's (, p. 273).

Walker had several sons, four of whom were in King William's service (Vindication; Pedigree in, p. 135 n.)

While in London Walker was asked to write an account of the siege of Londonderry, which he did in the form of a diary. It appeared as ‘A true Account of the Siege of Londonderry’ (London, 1689, 4to). Second and third editions were speedily called for in the same year; and also in the same year a German translation was published at Hamburg, and a Dutch version at Antwerp (Brit. Mus. Cat.) Mackenzie saw Walker's ‘True Account’ in December, and his ‘Narrative’ in answer to it was not long delayed (London, 1690, 4to). His object was to minimise Walker's share in the defence, and he even goes so far as to make the absurd statement that Walker was not governor of Londonderry. A more serious accusation is that he claimed too much credit for himself, and gave too little to others, especially to the presbyterian ministers, whom he does not name. Walker in his ‘Vindication’ (dated London, 1689, 4to, though Mackenzie's ‘Narrative’ is dated 1690) is able to answer most of the charges brought against him. Perhaps he was not careful enough to give credit to others, and especially to the heroic Adam Murray [q. v.]; but his book, which makes no pretence to completeness, was written in a hurry to meet a pressing demand, and the general tone of it is not egotistical. The whole facts of the siege can be arrived at only by a careful comparison of several narratives, but of these Walker's is by far the most vivid. The ‘True Account’ and ‘Vindication’ should be read together.

In Burnet's manuscript there is much praise of Walker (printed by, p. 130 n.), and Macaulay, Swift, and others wondered why it failed to appear in his printed history.

While in London Walker sat to Kneller by the king's desire, and the engraved portrait has been reproduced by Canon Dwyer, who mentions various relics (p. 135 n.) Another print is given in the ‘Journal of the Ulster Archæological Society,’ vol. ii. It was also engraved by Peter Vanderbank in 1689, by Loggan, R. White, Schenck, and others (, p. 184). In 1828 a pillar was raised at Derry in memory of the long-buried governor, and his statue was placed on the top. ‘In one hand,’ says Macaulay, ‘he grasps a Bible. The other, pointing down the river, seems to direct the eyes of his famished audience to the English topmasts in the distant bay.’

[Authorities as for ; ; and. Siege of Londonderry in 1689, by the Rev. P. Dwyer, London, 1893, contains a reprint of Walker's ‘True Account’ and ‘Vindication,’ with sermons, speeches, letters, and valuable notes. There is a memoir by the Rev. A. Dawson in the Ulster Journal of Archæology, vol. ii. Everything that can be raked up against Walker is set forth in Witherow's Derry and Inniskillen, 3rd ed. Belfast, 1885.]  WALKER, GEORGE (d. 1777), privateer, as a lad and a young man served in the Dutch navy, and was employed in the Levant apparently for the protection of trade against Turkish or Greek pirates. Later on he became the owner of a merchant ship and commanded her for some years. In 1739, he was principal owner and commander of the ship Duke William, trading from London to South Carolina, and, the better to prepare for defence, took out letters of marque. His ship mounted 20 guns, but had only thirty-two men. The coast of the Carolinas was infested by some Spanish privateers, and, in the absence of any English man-of-war, Walker


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THE FROG AND THE PUDDLE until the brush blurred in with the faded red roses on the carpet. When she found it doing that she got up, wadded her hair viciously into a hard bun in the back instead of braiding it carefully as usual, crossed the room (it wasn't much of a trip), picked up the brush, and stood looking down at it, her under lip caught between her teeth. That is the humiliating part of losing your temper and throwing things. You have to come down to picking them up, anyway.

Her lip still held prisoner, Gertie tossed the brush on the bureau, fastened her nightgown at the throat with a safety pin, turned out the gas and crawled into bed.

Perhaps the hard bun at the back of her head kept her awake. She lay there with her eyes wide open and sleepless, staring into the darkness.

At midnight the Kid Next Door came in whistling, like one unused to boarding-house rules. Gertie liked him for that. At the head of the stairs he stopped whistling and came softly into his own third floor back just next to Gertie's. Gertie liked him for that, too.

The two rooms had been one in the fashionable days of the Nottingham curtain district, [5]

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Rh like the yellow flowers of the meadow, which the first blast uproots. Where is Euphemie? Where Lucy, where our tears and sighs of those days? You have become a little old man in an instant: and, is it not true, that those youthful feelings appeal to you even now sometimes, but like dumb children, with their countenances? Now perform a little bit of a miracle with your superabundant love, and awaken these dead again which lie here in our way. But the question is, whether they would thank you for it, since they have once made a step to the other side, though rather in a neck-breaking manner; for if examined closely, that so called life is a cursedly tedious and base affair, and if one is to expect jokes like these every day, such as have been practised on these fellows here, then really one must be damnably sunk in bad habits, not to put an end to this miserable existence by a single gash on the throat. But thus indeed are we all.


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 put the Duke William at the service of the colonial government. His offer was accepted; he increased the number of his men to 130, and presently succeeded in driving the Spaniards off the coast. Towards the end of 1742 he sailed for England with three merchantmen in convoy. But in a December gale, as they drew near the Channel, the ship's seams opened, planks started, and with the greatest difficulty she was kept afloat till Walker, with her crew, managed to get on board one of the merchantmen. This was in very little better state, and was only kept afloat by the additional hands at the pumps. When finally Walker arrived in town, he learned that his agents had allowed the insurance to lapse, and that he was a ruined man.

For the next year he was master of a vessel trading to the Baltic; but in 1744, when war broke out with France, he was offered the command of the Mars, a private ship of war of 26 guns, to cruise in company with another, the Boscawen, somewhat larger and belonging to the same owner. They sailed from Dartmouth in November, and on one of the first days of January 1744–5 fell in with two homeward-bound French ships of the line, which captured the Mars after the Boscawen had hurriedly deserted her. Walker was sent as a prisoner on board the Fleuron. On 6 Jan. the two ships and their prize were sighted by an English squadron of four ships of the line, which separated and drew off without bringing them to action [see ; ; ]. The Frenchmen, who were sickly, undermanned, and had a large amount of treasure on board, were jubilant and boastful; but they treated Walker with civility, and he was landed at Brest as a prisoner at large. Only the very next day the Fleuron accidentally, or rather by gross carelessness, was blown up, and a letter of credit which Walker had was lost. He was, however, able to get this arranged, and within a month was exchanged. On returning to England he was put in command of the Boscawen, and sent out in company with the Mars, which had been recaptured and bought by her former owners. The two cruised with but little success during the year, and, coming into the Channel in December, the Boscawen, a weakly built ship, iron-fastened, almost fell to pieces; and only by great exertions on the part of Walker was preserved to be run ashore on the coast of Cornwall. It was known in London that but for Walker's determined conduct the ship would have gone down in the open sea with all hands; and he was almost immediately offered a much more important command.

This was a squadron of four ships—King George, Prince Frederick, Duke, and Princess Amelia—known collectively as the ‘Royal Family,’ which carried in the aggregate 121 guns and 970 men. The prestige of this squadron was very high, for in the summer of 1745, off Louisbourg [see ], it had made an enormously rich prize, which, after the owners' share of 700,000l. was deducted, had yielded 850l. to each seaman, and to the officers in proportion. The result was that far more men than were wanted now offered themselves, and the ships were consequently better manned than usual. After cruising for nearly a year, and having made prizes considerably exceeding 200,000l., the Royal Family put into Lisbon; and, sailing again in July 1747, had been watering in Lagos Bay, when on 6 Oct. a large ship was sighted standing in towards Cape St. Vincent. This was the Spanish 70-gun ship Glorioso, lately come from the Spanish Main with an enormous amount of treasure on board. The treasure, however, had been landed at Ferrol, and she was now on her way to Cadiz. Walker took for granted that she had treasure, and boldly attacked her in the King George, a frigate-built ship of 32 guns. Had the other members of the Royal Family been up, they might among them have managed the huge Spaniard; as it was, it spoke volumes for Spanish incompetence that in an action of several hours' duration, in smooth water and fine weather, the King George was not destroyed. She was, however, nearly beaten; but on the Prince Frederick's coming up, the Glorioso, catching the same breeze, fled to the westward, where she was met and engaged by the Dartmouth, a king's ship of 50 guns. The Dartmouth accidentally blew up, with the loss of every soul on board except one lieutenant; but some hours later the 80-gun ship Russell brought the Glorioso to action and succeeded in taking her. The Russell was only half manned, and was largely dependent on the privateers to take the prize into the Tagus. One of his owners, who had come to Lisbon, gave Walker ‘a very uncouth welcome for venturing their ship against a man-of-war.’ ‘Had the treasure,’ answered Walker, ‘been aboard, as I expected, your compliment had been otherways; or had we let her escape from us with that treasure on board, what had you then have said?’ The Royal Family continued cruising, with but moderate success—for the enemy's ships had been wiped off the sea—till the end of the war. Altogether, the prizes taken by the


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Rh In these conversations they passed the night. The venerable pastor replied but little. Neither did his exhaustion permit him, which was so great, that he was often compelled to rest. As the hours passed the more agitated he became and the more he wished to end quickly his days in the ruins of his beloved commune, for he did not know why he should still wish to live. Edmond talked to him filially and affectionately, as a son, and the old man heartily forgave all the evil that the youth had drawn upon him. "If I could only see thy father once more before my death!" exclaimed he much affected, "or"—grief did not permit him to say more, but Edmond guessed what he meant. After they had reposed several times, with the early dawn they reached a village, which lay pleasantly among some green trees. They determined on breakfasting here, in order to be able to continue their way to Florac, Edmond felt as if his whole life and being would dissolve in dream and mist. As


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136 transition from the Middle Ages to the Modern World, or to dwell on the spirit of the time which witnessed the liberation of reason and gave rise to that passionate recognition of humanity—that escape, "at first hesitating and then triumphant, from a circumscribed life of ecclesiastical tradition into "joyous freedom and unfettered spontaneity." It is not the intellectual side of the New Birth that concerns us here: there was movement everywhere, affecting every sphere of life. The awakening of the nation meant new energy in every department—an energy that was daily gaining strength under Tudor rule. A new England was shaping itself—Englishmen had broken with tradition; they questioned where once they were dumb; they were filled with new hopes, new desires, new ideas. But if men were thirsting after a wider knowledge, they were still as boisterous and merry as in the olden times; if they were ready to educate their children more effectually, they were still keen on festivities, shows, masques, revels, public processions and tournaments; if they reasoned within themselves on matters of State and reform, they were just as unreasoning as heretofore on matters of dress. Thus the age that saw the great Reformation


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Rh they arrived before a small house, in the upper story of which some men appeared, but who quickly drew back at the sight of the regimentals, Edmond said to himself, "I am on the point of becoming mad, for I now see the figures of my mind; it was indeed as if I perceived my father and Christine, and Eveline; and only because I here escort the two friends of his youth." They were going to inquire for the inn of an old man, who was gathering herbs in a small garden, when the wife came out of the house and begged of them to accompany her, since she herself had business at the inn, and that it was not so easy to find it, because it lay in another street, and in an out of the way place, where there was but very little business carried on, and had no communication with any high road.

With this information, the chatterer accompanied them to the neat little inn of the place. The people had only just risen, and were terrified when they saw the soldiers, for since the attack on the not


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Rh far distant district, the whole country was filled with terror. Wine, bread, and warm drink also revived the weary travellers, and Eustace and Bertrand with some others kept watch, that they might not be unexpectedly surprised. "Who lives in the upper story of your house?" inquired Edmond of the old woman.

"Ah! good heavens!" responded. she, "they are poor unfortunate people, whose property the wicked rebels have burnt. A peasant, a poor cousin of mine, has now fled to me with his daughter and his sister's son, and who knows whether the flambeau of wrath, with which the Lord of Hosts in his anger will light us home, is not already on its way to our little cottage. For where is safety, or security now a days as formerly? Verily, all is affliction and warfare, and the strangest fatality drives men here and there, as has happened only in old marvelous stories, and the troubles only increase, and suspicion becomes greater. Where one only sees a soldier, one might


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Rh creep into a mole's hole, even though one should be of the very best and exact faith."

"Is your trumpeter not come back yet?"

"He must have clean disappeared," answered the old woman; "but my foolish husband grieves about the knave, and thinks that some misfortune must have happened to him in the mountains, because the long bellows was already old and broken down, and is sometimes troubled with a bad cough. As if it mattered much about such vagabonds, when so many respectable people bite the grass, who have more connexion and authority than the adventurer, who wants to play Moonseignor here."

"Aye, truly," said the landlord, "but how goes it though with the Catholics, particularly with the poor clergy, as well as with the old, venerable lord there, who has now fled likewise? Some of them are said to have already arrived at Florac yesterday. The convents too suffer. A wayfarer arrived here in the night, who brought intelligence of an attack on a castle, where


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Rh witnessed the Field of the Cloth of Gold: the same King who encouraged the new learning set his people an example of every kind of extravagance. In one year he spent £5,000 on silks and velvets, and during his reign banquets and pageants reached the summit of luxury. Familiar enough is the description of Henry VIII. at the famous Field of the Cloth of Gold, from which he returned "all safe in body but empty in purse." "His grace—the most goodliest Prince that ever reigned over the Realme of England—was apparelled in a garment of Clothe of Silver, of Damaske, ribbed with Clothe of Gold, so thick as might be; the garment was large and plited verie thicke and canteled of verie good intaile, of suche shape and makyng, that it was marveillous to beholde." What the King did the people did, then as now. When Wolsey became Chancellor of the kingdom, his gorgeous dress rivalled that of the King himself He wore silks and satins of the finest texture dyed a rich crimson, his shoulders were covered by a tippet of costly sables, his gloves were of red silk, his hat was scarlet, his shoes were silver gilt inlaid with pearls and diamonds. His retinue consisted of some 800 persons, his very cook wore a velvet jerkin


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Rh several holy women had been on a visit, who may belong to Nismes or Montpellier. Crosses and misery are in the whole land. And whence has the misfortune come? Each party lays the blame on the other."

They set forward again, and those who were placed to keep watch rejoined the troop. A fiery red had spread itself over the whole heavens, as far as the eye could reach, when they emerged from the valley, the sky was illumined with the most singular and varied burning lights. From a wood, situated on an eminence on the left, rushed an aged female attendant, and cried, "Oh, God be praised, that I see royal troops! Help, my good mistress! she ran back, and led an old nun, who appeared fainting. They approached, they revived her with wine. When the priest heard her family name called, he exclaimed, "Euphemie!" and dropped down before her. It was she, she had escaped with difficulty with her attendant from the burning castle, where she had passed the night in


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 Edward Clodd, W. Crooke, C.I.E., D.Sc, Sir J. G. Frazer, D.C.L., LL.D., M. Gaster, Ph.D., E. S. Hartland, F.S.A., LL.D., R. R. Marett, D.Sc, W. H. D. Rouse, Litt.D., The Rev. Professor A. H. Sayce, LL.D., D.D., and A. R. Wright, F.S.A.

As Members of Council—Mrs. M. M. Banks, G. R. Carline, M. Longworth Dames, Capt. A. Allan Gomme, Lady Gomme, P. J. Heather, W. L. Hildburgh, M.A., Ph.D., T. C. Hodson, Miss E. Hull, Sir E. F. im Thurn, C.B., K.C.M.G., E. Lovett, A. F. Major, Miss Moutray Read, W. H. R. Rivers, M.D., F.R.S., H. A. Rose, C. J. Tabor, His Hon. J. S. Udal, F.S.A., and Sir B. C. A. Windle, F.R.S.

As Hon. Treasurer—Edward Clodd.

As Hon. Auditor.—C. J. Tabor.

As Editor of  Folk-Lore—W. Crooke, C.I.E., D.Sc.

The Chairman delivered his Presidential Address, for which he was accorded a hearty vote of thanks on the motion of Dr. Hartland, seconded by Dr. Gaster.

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 # ‘Cinthelia,’ London, 1797, 4 vols.; French translation, Paris, 1798–9. He also published a volume of poems, London, 1801, and ‘The Battle of Waterloo: a poem,’ London, 1815.
 * 1) ‘The Vagabond,’ London, 1799, 2 vols.; French translation, Paris, 1807.
 * 2) ‘The Three Spaniards,’ London, 1800, 3 vols.; French translation, Paris, 1805.
 * 3) ‘Don Raphael,’ London, 1803, 3 vols.
 * 4) ‘Two Girls of Eighteen,’ London, 1806, 2 vols.
 * 5) ‘Adventures of Timothy Thoughtless,’ London, 1813.
 * 6) ‘Travels of Sylvester Tramper,’ London, 1813.
 * 7) ‘The Midnight Bell,’ London, 1824, 3 vols.

 WALKER, GEORGE (1803–1879), writer on chess, born in London in March 1803, was the son of George Walker (1772–1847) [q. v.] After his father's death in 1847, George Walker went on to the Stock Exchange, where he practised until a few years before his death on 23 April 1879. He was buried at Kensal Green.

As a chess-player Walker was bright without being extremely brilliant. His recorded games with masters show that he was an adept in developing his men and making exchanges, but he admits that players of the force of Morphy or Macdonnell could always give him the odds of the pawn and move. He himself was a great laudator temporis acti in chess matters, and contended that a match between Philidor and Ponziani would surpass the play of any of his contemporaries. Among the latter his hero was Labourdonnais, whom he tended in his last illness, and buried at his own expense in Kensal Green cemetery [December 1840; see ]. Walker wrote a memoir of the ‘roi d'échecs’ for ‘Bell's Life,’ which was translated for the Parisian ‘Palamède’ (15 Dec. 1841) as ‘Derniers Moments de Labourdonnais.’ Other players celebrated by Walker are St. Amant, Mouret (the ‘Automaton’), John Cochrane, George Perigal, and Selous and Popert, the joint ‘primates of chess’ along with Walker himself between the death of Macdonnell and the rise of Staunton. From 1840 to 1847, when he ceased playing first-rate chess, he was inferior only to Buckle and Staunton among English players.

As a writer on the game, George Walker's reputation was European. His first publication, a pamphlet of twenty-four pages, on ‘New Variations in the Muzio Gambit’ (1831, 12mo), was followed in less than a year by his ‘New Treatise,’ which gradually supplanted the chess ‘Studies’ of Peter Pratt (1803, &c.) and the far from thorough ‘Treatise’ by J. H. Sarratt (1808) as amended by William Lewis in 1821; of the ‘New Treatise’ a German version went through several editions. Walker's style was bright and often witty. To later editions was appended an excellent bibliography; but this has been almost entirely superseded by the ‘Schachlitteratur’ of A. Van der Linde (Berlin, 1880; cf. however, Chess Monthly, iii. 43). Walker's fine chess library was dispersed by Sotheby on 14 May 1874 (Westminster Papers, 1 May 1874). He was also a benefactor to the cause of chess as a founder and promoter of clubs, notably the Westminster Chess Club (1832–1843), famous as the battle-ground of Macdonnell and Labourdonnais, and of Popert and Staunton, and its successor in reputation, the St. George's Club, which still flourishes.

A good black-and-white portrait of Walker is given in the ‘Westminster Papers,’ 1 Dec. 1876.

Walker's works comprise: Among these papers (some of which had been contributed to ‘Fraser,’ the ‘Chess Player's Chronicle,’ and other magazines) are interesting sketches of the ‘Automaton,’ Ruy Lopez, the Café de la Regence, and stories of Deschapelles, Labourdonnais, and Macdonnell. Walker edited Philidor's well-known ‘Analysis of the Game of Chess … with notes and additions,’ in 1832 (London, 12mo); and three years later he thoroughly revised the ‘Guide to the Game of Drafts,’ originally published by Joshua Sturges in 1800 (another edition 1845). In 1847 he translated from the French the ‘Chess Preceptor’ of C. F. de Jaenisch. He managed the chess column for ‘Bell's Life’ from 1834 to 1873. He is to be distinguished from William
 * 1) ‘A New Treatise on Chess: containing the rudiments of the science … and a selection of fifty chess problems,’ London, 1832, 8vo; 3rd ed. 1841 (Era, 4 April); 4th ed. ‘The Art of Chess Play,’ 1846.
 * 2) ‘A Selection of Games at Chess, actually played by Philidor and his contemporaries … with notes and additions,’ London, 1835, 12mo.
 * 3) ‘Chess made Easy,’ London, 1836, 12mo; 1850; Baltimore, 1837 and 1839.
 * 4) ‘The Philidorian: a Magazine of Domestic Games,’ London, 1838 (chess, draughts, whist, &c.).
 * 5) ‘On Moving the Knight,’ London, 1840, 8vo.
 * 6) ‘Chess Studies: comprising one thousand games actually played during the last half-century,’ London, 1844, 8vo; new edition, with introduction by E. Freeborough, 1893.
 * 7) ‘Chess and Chess Players: consisting of Original Stories and Sketches,’ London, 1850, 8vo.


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Rh the greatest anguish. The old man told her his name. "Hast thou then at times thought of our youth?" asked he in a trembling voice, "Can one forget life?" replied the dying Euphemie, with closing eyes. "And thou, Edmond ?"——"I lived for thee, I die with thee," spoke the aged man, and both expired exhausted by the too strong emotion caused by finding each other again so wonderfully, while the rays of morning shone like a glory on their sanctified features.

Carts which came from Florac, and whose owners heard from Edmond the brief account, conveyed the bodies to the town, that they might be interred in consecrated ground.


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138 with a chain of gold about his neck. The wardrobe of every gentleman was full of furs, frills and feathers; there were doublets of cloth of gold, gowns of rich velvet, coats of crimson satin, hose of crimson, fur-lined hoods, rings and brooches, chains of gold and jewelled caps, broad-toed shoes with huge Tudor ribbon roses on the instep. Indeed, the servants had much ado to tie up the many points of their master's hose, to lace his doublet and to arrange the frilled shirt to his satisfaction. It was well-nigh impossible for a sixteenth-century gentleman to dress alone: all his garments were laced and tied together—even his sleeves were often laced to show his fine lawn shirt beneath, dainty ruffles of which appeared at the wrist. Low velvet hats with large plumes were introduced by the King, who also insisted on his courtiers cutting off their hair, which they had worn long and lavishly dressed for some time past Indeed, an almost effeminate vanity characterised the men of the time, specially with regard to hair-dressing:—

says an old ballad.


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  Walker who published ‘A Selection of Games at Chess’ in 1836.

[Chess Player's Chronicle, 1 June 1879 (notice by the Rev. W. Wayte); Bilguer's Handbuch des Schachspiels, Leipzig, 1891, p. 54; Westminster Papers, 1 Dec. 1876; Walker's Chess Studies, ed. Freeborough, 1893; Bird's Chess History, p. xii; Polytechnic Journal, May and September 1841; Brit. Mus. Cat.; notes kindly given by the Rev. W. Wayte.]  WALKER, GEORGE ALFRED (1807–1884), philanthropist and sanitary reformer, born at Nottingham on 27 Feb. 1807, was second son of William Walker, a plumber of that city, by his wife, Elizabeth Williamson of Barton-under-Needwood in Staffordshire. His earliest schoolmaster, Henry Wild, was a quaker of Notten. As a younger son in a middle-class family of nine children, George Alfred had to choose betimes his craft or profession. Bent upon going up to London to walk the hospitals, he began his preliminary studies before quitting Nottingham. On reaching the metropolis he pursued them at the Aldersgate Street school. In 1829 he was admitted a licentiate of the Society of Apothecaries, becoming in 1831 a member of the Royal College of Surgeons. In 1835 he attended St. Bartholomew's Hospital, and next year studied in Paris in the wards of the Hôtel Dieu. There he visited the great cemeteries on the outskirts of Paris, and continued his study of that great social evil of intramural interment to which his attention had been first directed in boyhood when sauntering through the densely packed graveyards of his native place.

During the autumn of 1837 Walker returned to London, and entered upon medical practice at 101 Drury Lane. His surgery was surrounded by intramural churchyards. At great risk to his health he collected evidence on the subject, and by his writings forced his conclusions upon the public. His first book, which appeared in 1839, was grimly entitled ‘Gatherings from Graveyards.’ Early in the following year he gave important evidence orally before a select committee of the House of Commons. This evidence formed the appendix to Walker's next work, called ‘The Graveyards of London,’ published in 1841. ‘Graveyard Walker,’ as he was thenceforth dubbed, drew up a petition to the House of Commons in 1842 which led to the appointment of a select committee, the labours of which finally insured the removal of the remains of those buried within populous localities. Nine letters from Walker to the ‘Morning Herald’ were collectively reprinted in 1843 as ‘Interment and Disinterment: a further Exposition of the Practices pursued in the Metropolitan Places of Sepulture, and the Results affecting the Health of the Living.’ Walker's subsequent publications were ‘Burial-ground Incendiarism,’ 1846, and a series of lectures on the ‘Actual Condition of the Metropolitan Graveyards,’ delivered in the Mechanics' Institution in Chancery Lane (1847), ‘by order of the Metropolitan Society for the Abolition of Burials in Town.’ In 1847 Walker himself obtained possession of the foulest grave-pit to be found in London, and removed its contents at his own expense to Norwood cemetery. This loathsome death-trap, in which ten thousand bodies were interred, was in the immediate neighbourhood of his surgery. It was a cellar (fifty-nine feet by twenty-nine feet) underneath a baptist conventicle, midway on the west side of St. Clement's Lane, and known as Enon Chapel. In 1849 he issued ‘Practical Suggestions for the Establishment of Metropolitan Cemeteries;’ his last work on that theme, published in 1851, was ‘On the Past and Present State of Intramural Burying Places,’ which in 1852 ran into a second edition. It was largely owing to Walker's efforts that the act of 1850, which placed intramural interments under severe restrictions, was passed.

All through his career in London, Walker, in addition to his surgery in Drury Lane, had another house further west, at 11 St. James's Place, in its way almost as remarkable. At the back of it he built warm vapour baths long before David Urquhart [q. v.] brought to the knowledge of Londoners the luxury of the Turkish bath; but 11 St. James's Place was burnt down, baths and all.

Towards the close of his life Walker withdrew from London to an estate he purchased, Ynysfaig House, near Dolgelly in Carmarthenshire. He spent his leisure in preparing for publication ‘Grave Reminiscences, or Experiences of a Sanitary Reformer;’ but that work was not completed. Walker died suddenly at Ynysfaig House on 6 July 1884.

[Personal Recollections; obituary notice in Athenæum, 12 July 1884; Men of the Time, 1884, p. 1083; Times, 7 July 1884, and holograph manuscript papers and original correspondence.]  WALKER, GEORGE TOWNSEND (1764–1842), general, born on 25 May 1764, was the eldest son of Major Nathaniel Walker, who served in a corps of rangers during the American war, and died in 1780, by Henrietta, only daughter and heiress of Captain John Bagster, R.N., of West Cowes,


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 Isle of Wight. His great-great-grandfather, Sir Walter Walker, of Bushey Hall, Hertfordshire, was advocate to Catherine of Braganza [q. v.], the wife of Charles II.

By Queen Charlotte's desire, he received a commission as ensign in the 95th foot on 4 March 1782. He became lieutenant on 13 March 1783, and on 22 June was transferred to the 71st, the 95th being disbanded. The 71st was also disbanded soon afterwards, and on 15 March 1784 he was transferred to the 36th. He joined that regiment in India, and served with General (afterwards Sir Henry) Cosby's force in the operations against the Poligars in the neighbourhood of Tinnevelli in February 1786, being placed in charge of the quartermaster-general's department. He was invalided home in 1787, and exchanged on 25 July to the 35th foot. In 1788 he was employed on the staff in Ireland as aide-de-camp to General Bruce. On 13 March 1789 he was made captain-lieutenant in the 14th foot, but, instead of joining that regiment in Jamaica, he obtained leave to go to Germany to study tactics and German.

On 4 May 1791 Walker obtained a company in the 60th, all the battalions of which were in America; but he seems to have remained at the depôt, and in 1793 he went to Flanders with a body of recruits who had volunteered for active service. He was present at the action of 10 May 1794 near Tournay, and served in the quartermaster-general's department during the retreat of the Duke of York's army, being employed on various missions. When the army embarked for England he was made an inspector of foreign corps, and was sent to the Black Forest and Switzerland to superintend the raising of Baron de Roll's regiment. He made arrangements for the passage of the men through Italy and their embarkation at Civita Vecchia, and returned to England in August 1796.

Walker was promoted major in the 60th on 27 Aug. In March 1797 he went to Portugal, and was aide-de-camp first to General Simon Fraser (d. 1777) [q. v.], and afterwards to the Prince of Waldeck, who commanded the Anglo-Portuguese army; but ill-health obliged him to go home in June. He was inspecting field-officer of recruiting at Manchester from February 1798 till March 1799. He then joined the 50th in Portugal, having become lieutenant-colonel in that regiment on 6 Sept. 1798; but in October he was summoned to Holland to act as British commissioner with the Russian troops under the Duke of York. He afterwards accompanied them to the Channel Islands, and so missed the campaign in Egypt, in which his regiment had a share. He took over the command of the 50th at Malta in October 1801, returned with it to Ireland in 1802, and served with it in the expedition to Copenhagen in 1807, being in Spencer's brigade of Baird's division.

In January 1808 he went with it to the Peninsula, as part of Spencer's force. It was one of the regiments particularly mentioned by Sir Arthur Wellesley in his report of the battle of Vimiero. It formed part of Fane's brigade, which, with Anstruther's brigade and Robe's guns, occupied a hill in front of Vimiero, and was attacked by a strong column under Laborde. The French had nearly reached the guns when Walker wheeled his right wing round to the left by companies, poured a volley into the flank of the column, charged it both in front and flank, and drove it in confusion down the hillside (see, pp. 105–7, where his own account of the charge is quoted).

In the autumn he went to England, and the 50th was commanded by Major (afterwards Sir Charles James) Napier during Moore's campaign. He returned with despatches for Moore, but reached Coruña two days after the battle. He was made colonel in the army on 25 Sept. 1808. In 1809 he served in the Walcheren expedition, at first in command of his regiment, and afterwards as brigadier.

In August 1810 he went back to the Peninsula with the rank of brigadier-general. He was employed for a year in the north of Spain, aiding and stimulating the authorities of Gallicia and the Asturias to raise troops and take a more active part in the war (see his letters to Lord Liverpool in War Office Original Correspondence, No. 142, at Public Record Office). He had persuaded Lord Liverpool to let him take three thousand British troops to Santona, but Lord Wellesley interposed, and the men were sent to Wellington (Despatches, Suppl. Ser. vii. 268). Finding that he could do no good with the Spaniards, and having become major-general on 4 June 1811, he applied to join the army in Portugal, and in October he was given command of a brigade in the 5th (Leith's) division.

At the storming of Badajoz, on the night of 6 April 1812, Walker's brigade was ordered to make a false attack on the San Vincente bastion, to be turned into a real attack if circumstances should prove favourable. The ladder party missed its way and delayed this attack for an hour. Meanwhile the breaches, which were on the opposite side of the fortress, had been assaulted in vain by the fourth and light division; and the third


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is the doubtful advantage of incipient sciences that they must temporarily furnish refuge for all sorts of vagrant problems. The boundaries of new sciences are necessarily indefinite and indefensible. They are thus open to all the homeless. They therefore gather by degrees a miscellaneous content which cannot be managed. Then the process of limitation begins. The immediate effect is disappointing, but, on the other hand, precise bounds secure sciences against later disappointment. The new science of sociology is entering the stage of definition. It is beginning to assort the confused mass of problems that threatened to overwhelm it. Suffrage within the science is no longer unchallenged. The exact boundaries of the science are not yet beyond dispute, but in every direction earnest scientific efforts are evident to draw permanent lines of division. For a while the term “sociology” seemed to be a magic word that promised to solve all the riddles of history and of practical life, of ethics and of aesthetics, of religion and of politics. The source of this error is in the conception that the subject-matter of sociology is the whole sum of occurrences which take place in society. From that standpoint all problems that do not belong to physical science seem to fall within the scope of sociology. It is self-evident that this standpoint is untenable. It is plainly nonsensical to throw into one big pot labeled “sociology” all those researches which have been satisfactorily conducted by national economy, history of civilization, philosophy, political science, statistics, demography, juridical science, and ethics. That gives us a new name, but no new knowledge. In point of fact, most of the so-called sociological investigations belong within the field of one of these already existing sciences, for there is no content of life which would not be proper


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Rh Ladies, on the other hand, now let their hair flow over their shoulders from beneath little gold nets, which they wore on their heads like caps. The tall head-dress had given way to a diamond-shaped gear, which in its turn was superseded by a close linen cap, projecting forward with a lappet hanging down behind, allowing the hair to be seen. Dresses fitted closely, being cut low in the neck. Very often they were looped up all round, a fashion which prepared the way for the full gathered skirt of Elizabethan times. Thus it would seem that at this period the women were more moderate in their dress than the men.

"I think no realme in the worlde … doth so much in the vanity of their apparell as the Englysh men do at thys present," says a contemporary writer. "Theyr cote must be made after the Italian fashion, theyr cloke after the use of the Spanyards, their gowne after the manner of the Turks, their cappe muste be of the Frenche fashion, and at the laste theyr dagarde must be Scottish, wyth a Venetian tassel of sylke. … O what a monster and a beaste of manye heads is the Englyshe now become. To whom maie he be compared worthely, but to Esoppes crow? For, as the crow decked hys selfe wyth the fethers of all kynde


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 division, which had escaladed the castle, found itself unable to push through into the town. Walker's brigade (4th, 30th, and 44th regiments) reached the glacis undiscovered, but was met by a heavy fire as it descended by ladders into the ditch and placed them against the escarp. The ladders proved too short, for the wall was more than thirty feet high. Fortunately, it was unfinished at the salient, and there the men mounted, by four ladders only. While some of them entered the town, Walker with the main body forced his way along the ramparts, and made himself master of three bastions. Then a sudden scare (the fear of a mine, according to Napier) made the men turn, and they were chased back to the San Vincente bastion, where they rallied on a battalion in reserve.

Walker was shot while trying to overcome this panic and carry the men onward. The ball, fired by a man not two yards distant, struck the edge of a watch which he was wearing in his breast, turned downwards and passed out between his ribs, splintering one of them. He also received four bayonet wounds. He was taken care of for a time by a French soldier, whom he was afterwards able to repay. He was so much weakened by loss of blood and by subsequent hæmorrhage that his life was for some time in danger, and he had to remain three months at Badajoz before he could be sent home. His brigade had lost about half its effective strength, but its success had decided the fall of Badajoz. Wellington in his despatch spoke of his conspicuous gallantry and conduct. On 24 Oct. he was given the colonelcy of De Meuron's regiment.

He was still suffering from his wounds when he returned to the Peninsula in June 1813. The army was in the Pyrenees, covering the blockade of Pamplona, when he joined it on 4 Aug. at Ariscun, and was placed in command of the first brigade (50th, 71st, and 92nd regiments) of the second (Stewart's) division. Stewart had been wounded in the action of Maya ten days before, and in his absence the division was commanded by Walker for a month. He was present at the battle of the Nivelle on 10 Nov., but his brigade, which had suffered very severely at Maya, was not actively engaged. Shortly afterwards he was given temporary command of the seventh (Lord Dalhousie's) division, which formed part of Beresford's corps. At the passage of the Nive and the actions near Bayonne (10–13 Dec.) this division was in second line. It helped to drive the French out of their works at Hastingues and Oeyergave on 23 Feb. 1814. At Orthes, four days later, it was at first behind the fourth division, but it had a prominent share in the latter part of the battle, and in the pursuit. Walker was wounded while leading on one of his brigades. He was mentioned in Wellington's despatch, and was included in the thanks of parliament (see Despatches, Suppl. Ser. viii. 612, for his report to Beresford).

In March he reverted to his former brigade, but in the middle of that month his own wound and the death of his wife caused him to leave the army and return to England. He received the gold medal with two clasps for his services in the Peninsula, was made K.C.B. in January 1815, and knight-commander of the Portuguese order of the Tower and Sword in May.

He was governor of Grenada from 7 April 1815 to 17 Feb. 1816. On 21 April 1817 he received the G.C.B. He was made a member of the consolidated board of general officers, and groom of the chamber to the Duke of Sussex. On 19 July 1821 he was promoted lieutenant-general, and on 11 May 1825 he was appointed commander-in-chief at Madras. He took over that command on 3 March 1826, and held it till May 1831. On 28 March 1835 he was made a baronet, and received a grant of arms commemorating Vimiero, Badajoz, and Orthes.

On 24 May 1837 he was appointed lieutenant-governor of Chelsea Hospital, and on 28 June 1838 he was promoted general. He had been made a colonel-commandant of the rifle brigade on 21 May 1816, De Meuron's regiment being disbanded in that year. He was subsequently transferred to the 84th regiment on 13 May 1820, to the 52nd on 19 Sept. 1822, and, finally, to the 50th on 23 Dec. 1839. He died at Chelsea Hospital on 14 Nov. 1842. He married, first, in July 1789, Anna, only daughter of Richard Allen of Bury, Lancashire, by whom he had two daughters; and, secondly, in August 1820, Helen, youngest daughter of Alexander Caldcleugh of Croydon, Surrey, by whom he had four sons and two daughters.

Walker was a very handsome soldierly man; his likeness is to be found in Thomas Heaphy's picture of the Peninsula heroes.

[United Service Magazine, December 1842; Gent. Mag. 1843, i. 88; Fyler's History of the 50th Regiment; Wellington Despatches; Napier's War in the Peninsula; Jones's Sieges in Spain; Royal Military Calendar, iii. 177; private information.]

WALKER, GEORGE WASHINGTON (1800–1859), missionary, was born in London on 19 March 1800. His mother dying


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 of one or other of these. If, therefore, sociology is to have a peculiar and independent significance, its problems must consequently concern, not the contents of social life, but its form—the form which brings it to pass that all those contents which are treated by the special sciences are “societary.” Sociology rests its whole right of existence as a separate science upon this abstraction of the forms of society, just as mathematics rests upon an abstraction of the mere spatial forms from material things, or as linguistic science rests upon the one abstraction of the forms of speech from the various linguistic representations in which men express themselves.

The subject-matter of sociology is, therefore, the forms or ways in which human beings exist beside, for, and with each other. The purposes for the sake of which these socializations come into being—economic and social, religious and criminal, sexual and military, political and ethical, etc.—will be treated by other sciences. Since now socialization only occurs among human beings for the sake of such purposes, we shall discover the laws of social forms only by collecting such societary phenomena of the most diverse contents, and by ascertaining what is common to them in spite of their diversity. In this way the diverse contents of the forms of socialization nullify each other, and that which is formally the same, the societary form as such, must clearly appear. For instance, we observe the formation of parties on political and artistic, on religious and economic ground. By searching for that which is common in these phenomena, in spite of wide variation of purposes and interests, we discover the laws and species of party formation as such, as a form of the coexistence of human beings in general. By this method we discover, for example, as such forms, superiority and inferiority, the erection of hierarchies, competition, division of labor, imitation, representation, and countless other types of human socialization. Only after all their separate forms, from their most primitive to their most developed types, have been inductively determined


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140 of byrdes to make hys selfe beautifull, even so doeth the vaine Englyshman, for the fonde apparelyng of hymselfe, borrow of every nation to set forth hymselfe galaunt in the face of the world."

Extravagance in dress was but one item of the reckless expenditure and love of display which characterised this period. The pageants which had existed from quite early times were a special feature of the sixteenth century. Full of dramatic elements, together with moralities, interludes, and masques, these pageants were the forerunners of the drama, which was to arise in all its glory before the century had died away.

Though full of fanciful suggestion, they would seem tame spectacles compared with modern ideas of amusement The pageant was drawn before the spectators by two beasts, perhaps a lion flourished all over with gold damask and an antelope with silver damask and tusks of gold, ridden by ladies richly clad, and led by men covered all over with green silk. Chained to the animals by golden chains was a forest scene: the forest was full of trees and flowers, fern and grass, made of green velvet, damask and silk, in the midst of which stood six foresters in coats


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 early and his father removing to Paris, he was brought up by a grandmother at Newcastle-on-Tyne as a unitarian. He was confirmed by a bishop, and placed at a Wesleyan school at Barnard Castle. Apprenticed to a quaker draper of Newcastle, he attended Friends' meetings, and in 1827 joined the society. An attachment to his master's daughter, who soon after became blind and died on 3 Nov. 1828, much influenced his character at this time. In 1831, in obedience to a ‘call,’ he accompanied James Backhouse, a minister of York, on a missionary visit to the Southern Hemisphere. They landed at Hobart Town (now Hobart) on 8 Feb. 1832, after a five months' voyage; Van Diemen's Land, as it was then called, was a dependency of New South Wales, and chiefly known in England for its penal settlements. The governor, Sir George Arthur [q. v.], afforded the Friends every opportunity of visiting the convicts, and at his request they furnished him with reports on penal discipline. They also visited the aborigines on Flinders Island.

In Launceston they gathered a body of quakers who held their first yearly meeting in 1834, and who have since founded an excellent college in Hobart Town for the instruction of their young. By that first yearly meeting Walker was acknowledged a minister.

After three years in Tasmania they passed to Sydney, where they made the acquaintance of Samuel Marsden [q. v.], the oldest colonial chaplain, to whose labours they pay a high tribute in their journals. On returning to Hobart they were solicited by the new governor, Sir John Franklin [q. v.], to give information to his secretary, Captain Maconochie, for the report he was preparing for the House of Commons (Parl. Accounts and Papers, 1837–8, xlii. 21, note g). In 1838, having visited all the Australian colonies and having founded numerous temperance societies (for the drinking of spirits they considered the greatest evil of the land), Backhouse and Walker set sail for Cape Town, calling at Mauritius on the way. They visited all the mission stations (numbering eighty) in South Africa, of whatever denomination, wrote addresses and had them translated into Dutch, and travelled over six thousand miles in a wagon or on horseback. They parted in September 1840, after nine years' united labours; Walker returned to Hobart and set up business as a draper, but, having established a savings bank and a depôt of the Bible Society, both in his shop, he soon became engaged entirely in these and other philanthropic works. He was a member of the board of education and on the council of the high school.

Walker died at Hobart Town on 1 Feb. 1859, and was buried on the 4th. On 15 Dec. 1840 he married at Hobart Sarah Benson Mather, a quaker minister.

In conjunction with Backhouse, Walker wrote several treatises of a religious character addressed to the inhabitants of the countries he visited and to the convicts of New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land.

[Backhouse and Tylor's Life and Labours of Walker, 1862, 8vo; Backhouse's Visit to Austral. Colonies, 1838–41, 8vo, Visit to Mauritius, &c. 1844, and Extracts from Letters, 1838, 3rd edit.; Smith's Catalogue; Friends' Biogr. Cat. p. 681.]

WALKER, HOVENDEN (d. 1728), rear-admiral, second son of Colonel William Walker of Tankardstown, Queen's County, by Elizabeth, daughter of Dr. Peter Chamberlen (1601–1683) [q. v.], is said to have been born about 1656. It would seem more probable that he was quite ten years younger. Sir Chamberlen Walker, described as ‘the celebrated man midwife,’ was his younger brother. His grandfather, John Walker, married Mary, daughter of Thomas Hovenden of Tankardstown, apparently the grandson of Giles Hovenden, who came to Ireland in the train of Sir Anthony St. Leger [q. v.] Hovenden Walker's early service in the navy cannot now be traced. The first mention of him is as captain of the Vulture fireship on 17 Feb. 1691–2, from which date he took post. In the Vulture he was present in the battle of Barfleur, but had no actual share in it, nor yet in the destruction of the French ships at La Hogue. He was shortly afterwards appointed to the Sapphire frigate on the Irish station; and, apparently in 1694, to the Friends' Adventure armed ship. In 1695 he commanded the Foresight of 50 guns, in which, when off the Lizard, in charge of convoy, with the Sheerness frigate in company, he is said to have fought a gallant action with two French ships of sixty and seventy guns, on 29 April 1696, and to have beaten them off. In June 1697 he was appointed to the Content Prize; in September to the Royal Oak, and in February 1697–8 to the Boyne as flag-captain to Vice-admiral Matthew Aylmer [q. v.], going out to the Mediterranean as commander-in-chief, with local rank of admiral—a condition that led Walker afterwards to raise the question whether he ought not to be paid as captain to an admiral. The navy board, he complained, would only pay him as captain to


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Vol. XXX.]

minutes of the January meeting were read and confirmed.

The election of Mrs. Bryan Jones, Mrs. Janvier, Mr. W. Barton Clark, and Mr. H. Jarrett as new members, and the enrolment of Manchester College (Oxford) and the Horniman Museum as subscribers were announced.

The death of Mrs. Pocklington Coltman and the resignations of Prof. J. Estlin Carpenter, Mr. R. F. Hibbert, Miss Jane Harrison, Miss de Brisay and the Rev. H. R. Evans were also announced.

Dr. Hildburgh read a paper entitled “Some magical applications of brooms in Japan,” and in the discussion which followed, the Chairman, Prof. Baudis and Miss Moutray Read took part.

The meeting terminated with a hearty vote of thanks to Dr. Hildburgh for his paper. Rh

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 and psychologically interpreted, can we gradually solve the riddle: “What is society in its essence?” For society is surely not a structure so unitary that a single exhaustive definition is possible. Society consists rather of the sum of all the ways and means of combination that appear among its elements. It cannot be said that “society” must exist before all these separate relations make their appearance in society. Any single relation may be eliminated, to be sure, since in the societies known to us there are always enough remaining relations. If we try to project our thought beyond all these relations, however, there remains no society at all.

Merely as an example of this method I shall attempt in the following to exhibit the specific ways in which society as such maintains itself. In this attempt I use the term “society” not in the now usual sense of the whole great complex of all the individuals and groups held together by common nationality or common culture. I see society rather wherever a number of human beings come into reciprocity and form a transient or permanent unity. In each such unification the phenomenon emerges which also determines the life of the individuals, viz., that at every moment destructive forces attack the life both from within and from without, and, if these alone operated, the unity would soon be resolved into its elements or transformed into other combinations. But opposed to these destructive forces there are preservative influences which hold the individual parts together by maintaining reciprocity between them, from which comes cohesion of parts, and hence a unity of the whole. This unity is of longer or shorter duration, until, like everything earthly, it at last yields to decomposing forces.

At this point the justification must appear for speaking of the society as a special unity over and above its individual elements. These phenomena of the self-preservation of societies are by no means identical with the instinct of self-preservation in the individual members. The latter, on the contrary, calls for quite different treatment; it employs quite different forces from those that preserve the group to which the individual belongs; so that


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 the self-preservation of the individuals may be complete while that of the group is weakened and destroyed, or, on the contrary, the latter may show itself still in full force after the self-sustaining power of the individuals is in decadence. These facts have done the most to recommend the idea that the society, the unified group, is a structure of independent reality, which leads its life after peculiar laws and by virtue of peculiar forces, independent of all its individual components. In fact, when we consider the development and the characteristics of language, morals, church, law, political and social organization, that conception seems inevitable. All these seem to be products and functions of an impersonal structure. They seem to belong to all in common, as a piece of public property belongs to the community, yet in such a way that no individual could be named as the sufficient cause or the determining purpose of the same, nor could the precise share of any single individual in its creation be distinguished. These products stand rather over against the individual as something objective, absolved from the limitations of personal life. On the other hand, it is certain that in the last analysis only individuals exist, that there are human products apart from human beings themselves only in the case of material things; that, on the other hand, spiritual structures like those just mentioned have their existence only in personal minds. Every attempt to think of them outside of persons is a mysticism like the conceptual realism which made independent substantial entities of human ideas. How, then, if we hold fast to the existence of individuals only, shall we explain the super-individual character of those structures, the objectivity and independence of societary forces and organizations?

So far as I can see, this antinomy can be resolved in only one way. From the view point of completed knowledge we must hold unconditionally to the fact that there are only spiritual individuals. An all-penetrating vision would peremptorily resolve that appearance which seems to announce a new independent unity above the individuals into the reciprocity which plays between the individuals, and it would see that, if this


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 were actually separated from the individuals, nothing of it could remain. But this completed knowledge is denied to men. The relations of human beings to each other are so complex, so ramified, and so compact that it would be a wholly hopeless task to resolve them into their elements, and we are consequently compelled to treat them as unities rather than as self-existing structures. It is, therefore, only a methodological device to speak of the essence and the development of the state, of law, of institutions, of fashion, etc., as if each of these were a unified entity. We cannot resolve the unitary aspect which they present to us into its components, and it is, therefore, a scientific interim-filler if we treat this aspect as a something that has an independent existence. This provisional convenience is like our treatment of the “life processes” as though they were a proper entity, although we assume that they are merely the complex of the endlessly complicated mechanical reciprocities of the minutest parts of the organic body. In like manner is the conflict to be adjusted between the individualistic and, as we may term it, the monistic conception of the social structure. The former corresponds with the fact, the latter with the limited power of analysis; the former is the ideal of intelligence, the latter the stage of understanding actually attained. In our knowledge of physical organisms we have succeeded in thinking beyond the idea of a vital power that seemed to sway over the separate organs, and to compose a new entity in addition to them. We have, in part at least, substituted for this conception the reciprocal action of the organs. In like manner we must attempt in the social sciences to approach nearer and nearer to the individual operations which produce the social structure, however far we may be obliged to stop short of complete analysis. In the case of our particular subject-matter the question might be formulated in this way: When we see that the most manifold socializations betray the operation of apparently specific efficient forces, in order to self-maintenance, into what more primary processes may these phenomena be resolved? Although the continuance of the group, after it is once in existence, seems to


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 declare at the same time a special vital force, a stability having a unified source, all this is nevertheless the consequence, or rather summation (Zusammenfassung), of a collection of separate and manifold fragmentary processes of a social nature. Our task, therefore, is to search these out.

The most general case in which the persistence of the group presents itself as a problem occurs in the fact that, in spite of the departure and the change of members, the group remains identical. We say that it is the same state, the same association, the same army, which now exists that existed so and so many decades or centuries ago. This, although no single member of the original organization remains. Here is one of the cases in which the temporal order of events presents a marked analogy with the spatial order. Out of individuals existing side by side, that is, apart from each other, a social unity is formed. The inevitable separation which space places between men is nevertheless overcome by the spiritual bond between them, so that there arises an appearance of unified interexistence. In like manner the temporal separation of individuals and of generations presents their union in our conceptions as a coherent, uninterrupted whole. In the case of persons spatially separated this unity is effected by the reciprocity maintained between them across the dividing distance. The unity of complex beings means nothing else than the cohesion of elements which is produced by the reciprocal exercise of forces. In the case of temporally separated persons, however, unity cannot be effected in this manner, because reciprocity is lacking. The earlier may influence the later, but the later cannot influence the earlier. Hence the persistence of the social unity in spite of shifting membership presents a peculiar problem which is not solved by explaining how the group came to exist at a given moment.

The first and most obvious element of the continuity of group unity is the continuance of the locality, of the place and soil on which the group lives. The state, still more the city, and also countless other associations, owe their unity first of all to the territory which constitutes the abiding substratum for all


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 a vice-admiral. On the return of the Boyne to England in November 1699 the ship was ordered to pay off, and Walker asked for leave of absence to go to Ireland, where, he explained, he had a cause pending in the court of chancery, in which his interests were involved to the extent of a thousand pounds. As the admiralty refused him leave till the ship was safe in Hamoaze and her powder discharged, he begged to ‘lay down’ the command.

In December 1701 he was appointed to the Burford, one of the fleet off Cadiz under Sir George Rooke [q. v.] in 1702; and afterwards of a squadron detached to the West Indies with Walker as commodore (, pp. 599, 603). After calling at the Cape Verd Islands and at Barbados, he arrived at Antigua in the middle of February, and was desired by Colonel Christopher Codrington [q. v.] to co-operate in an attack on Guadeloupe. The first part of the co-operation was to provide the land forces with ammunition, which was done by making up cartridges with large-grained cannon powder and bullets taken from the case-shot. Of flints there was no store, nor yet of mortars, bombs, pickaxes, spades, and such like, necessary for a siege. With officers who had allowed their troops to be in this state of destitution, it was scarcely likely that a warm-tempered man such as Walker could act cordially; and it is very possible that this want of agreement was in a measure answerable for the failure, though the account of the campaign seems to attribute it mainly to the inefficiency of the land forces. The ships certainly took the men over to Guadeloupe, put them safely on shore, cleared the enemy out of such batteries as were within reach of the sea, and kept open the communications. When the French, driven out of the towns and forts, were permitted to retire to the mountains, the English were incapable of pursuing them, and finally withdrew after destroying the town, forts, and plantations. ‘Never did any troops enterprise a thing of this nature with more uncertainty and under so many difficulties; for they had neither guides nor anything else which was necessary’ (, pp. 603–4; Walker's letters to Burchett, Captains' Letters, W. vol. vii.). In the end of May the squadron returned to Nevis, where, a few weeks later, it was joined by Vice-admiral John Graydon [q. v.], with whom it went to Jamaica, and later on to Newfoundland and England.

From 1705 to 1707 Walker commanded the Cumberland, in which, in the summer of 1706, he took out a reinforcement to Sir John Leake [q. v.] in the Mediterranean, and had part in the relief of Barcelona. In December 1707 he was appointed to the Royal Oak; in January 1707–8 to the Ramillies, and in June, under a recent order in council (18 Jan.), to be captain resident at Plymouth, to superintend and hasten the work of the port, and to be commander-in-chief in the absence of a flag-officer. On 15 March 1710–11 he was promoted to be rear-admiral of the white; about the same time he was knighted; and on 3 April he was appointed commander-in-chief ‘of a secret expedition,’ with an order to wear the union flag at the main when clear of the Channel. The ‘expedition’ intended against Quebec, consisting of ten ships of the line, with several smaller vessels and some thirty transports, carrying upwards of five thousand soldiers, commanded by Brigadier-general John Hill [q. v.], sailed from Plymouth in the beginning of May, and arrived in New England on 24 June. The supplies and reinforcements which were expected to be waiting for it were not ready, and the fleet did not sail for the St. Lawrence till 30 July. As they entered the river it began to blow hard, and on 21 Aug. a dense fog and an easterly gale compelled them, on the advice of the pilots, to lie to for the night. By the next morning they had drifted on to the north shore, among rocks and islands, where eight transports were cast away with the loss of nearly nine hundred men, and the rest of the fleet was saved with the greatest difficulty.

The stormy weather continuing, the pilots, ‘who had been forced on board the men-of-war by the government of New England, all judged it impracticable to get up to Quebec with a fleet.’ The ships, too, were short of provisions; the design of the expedition had been ‘industriously hid’ from the admiralty till the last moment; ‘a certain person—probably the Earl of Oxford is meant—seemed to value himself very much that a design of this nature was kept a secret from the admiralty’ (, p. 778), and the ships were neither victualled nor fitted for what was then a very exceptional voyage. A council of war was of opinion that if they had been higher up the river when the gale came on, they must all have been lost; and that now, being left, by the loss of one of the victuallers, with only ten weeks' provisions on short allowance, nothing could be done but to return to England as soon as possible. They arrived at St. Helen's on 9 Oct., ‘and thus ended an expedition so chargeable to the nation and


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 change of their contents. To be sure, the continuance of the locality does not of itself alone mean the continuance of the social unity, since, for instance, if the whole population of a state is driven out or enslaved by a conquering group, we speak of a changed civic group in spite of the continuance of the territory. Moreover, the unity of whose character we are speaking is psychical, and it is this psychical factor itself which makes the territorial substratum a unity. After this has once taken place, however, the locality constitutes an essential point of attachment for the further persistence of the group. But it is only one such element, for there are plenty of groups that get along without a local substratum. On the one hand, there are the very small groups, like the family, which continue precisely the same after the residence is changed. On the other hand, there are the very large groups, like that ideal community of the “republic of letters,” or the other international associations in the interest of culture, or the groups conducting international commerce. Their peculiar character comes from entire independence of all attachment to a definite locality.

In contrast with this more formal condition for the maintenance of the group, of incomparably greater importance to the same end is the physiological connection of the generations—in general the whole concatenation of blood relationships. Community of stock is not always enough to insure unity of coherence for a long time. In many cases the local unity must be added. The social unity of the Jews has been weakened to a marked degree since the dispersion, in spite of their physiological and confessional unity. It has become more compact in cases where a group of Jews have lived for a time in the same territory, and the efforts of the modern “Zionism” to restore Jewish unity on a larger scale calculate upon concentration in one locality. On the other hand, when other bonds of union fail, the physiological is the last recourse to which the self-maintenance of the group resorts. The more the German Zünfte declined, the weaker their inherent power of cohesion became, the more energetically did each Zunft attempt to make itself


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 exclusive, that is, it insisted that no persons should be admitted as Zunftmeister except sons or sons-in-law of masters or the husbands of masters’ widows.

The physiological coherence of successive generations is of incomparable significance for the maintenance of the unitary self of the group, for the special reason that the displacement of one generation by the following does not take place all at once. By virtue of this fact it comes about that a continuity is maintained which conducts the vast majority of the individuals who live in a given moment into the life of the next moment. The change, the disappearance and entrance of persons, affects in two contiguous moments a number relatively small compared with the number of those who remain constant. Another element of influence in this connection is the fact that human beings are not bound to a definite mating season, but that children are begotten at any time. It can never properly be asserted of a group, therefore, that at any given moment a new generation begins. The departure of the older and the entrance of the younger elements proceed so gradually and continuously that the group seems as much like a unified self as an organic body in spite of the change of its atoms. If the substitution of elements took place all at once and suddenly, in such a way as to affect the group throughout, it could scarcely be said that in spite of the disappearance of individuals the group maintains its unitary selfhood. Since at each moment those who were members of the groups in earlier moments constitute a vast majority over the entering members, the identity of the group is saved, in spite of the fact that moments far separated from each other may have no common elements.

The foregoing is one of the few cases in which the fact that change is gradual furnishes a real explanation of the change. In general, care must be taken not to imagine that a change from one condition into another quite different is explained when it is described as “gradual.” When we use that formula, we are apt to think of a multitude of intermediate stages interposed between the two extremes in question. We assume that the difference


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Rh and hoods of green velvet. There, too, stood a golden castle, before the gate of which sat a man making a garland of roses, as a prize for the victor of the joust which would follow. As this strange spectacle—a compound of the real and unreal—rested before the spectators, the six foresters blew their horns, the forest opened, and out stepped four armed knights ready to fight. Equally extravagant were the huge banquets given in this reign. The "glory of hospitality" was an Englishman's boast. For every man who chose to ask for it, there was free food and free lodging, though the latter might be but a mat of rushes in a spare corner of the hall. There was little fear of this privilege being abused, for suspicious characters might not wander at large in these days, and for any one who could not give a satisfactory account of himself there were the village stocks. For the sin of idleness our forefathers had no mercy; they abhorred it as a vice which would undermine their sturdy commonwealth, as, indeed, it is undermining the England of to-day. An Act passed in 1531 decreed that any person "being whole and mighty in body and able to labour," found begging, might


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670 The American Journal of Sociology between any two contiguous stages was so minute as to be a negligible quantity, so that no great spiritual force was demanded to make the transition, but, on the contrary, the mind could glide over easily from the earlier stage to the later. This too frequent attempt to get rid of the problem and its difficulties by simple reference to the gradualness of the change or development is a self-deception as seductive as it is fatal. We are justified in extreme incredulity whenever “gradualness” is alleged as basis of explanation. Even in the case before us, the change itself, the ultimate substitution of wholly different group elements, is not to be explained by the formula of gradualness. The form of gradualness in which the alteration actually occurs explains rather how it happens that we regard the group as persistent in spite of the shifting membership. This form is the vehicle of the group unity throughout the succession of members, somewhat as the form of reciprocity performs the same function for contemporaneous members. This form of gradualness, moreover, is obviously operative, not merely when the unity of the group is to be preserved in spite of the change of membership. It works, also, in cases where change affects other elements of group unity. For instance, where the political forms, the law, the customs, the entire culture of a group change to such an extent that after a time the group presents a wholly altered aspect, our right to speak of it as the identical group depends upon the fact that the alterations did not affect all the vital forms of the group simultaneously. If the change were instantaneous, it is doubtful if we should be justified in calling the group “the same” after the critical moment as before. The circumstance alone that the transition affected in a given moment only a minimum of the total life of the group makes it possible for the group to retain its selfhood through the change. We may express this schematically as follows: If the totality of individuals or other conditions of the life of the group be represented by a, b, c, d, e; in a later moment by m, n, o, p, q; we may nevertheless speak of the persistence of identical selfhood if the development takes the following course: a, b, c, d, e—m, Digitized by Microsoft


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 b, c, d, e—m, n, c, d, e—m, n, o, d, e—m, n, o, p, e—m, n, o, p, q. In this case each stage is differentiated from the contiguous stage by only one member, and at each moment it shares the same chief elements with its neighboring moments.

This continuity in change of the individuals who are the vehicles of the group unity is most immediately and thoroughly visible when it rests upon procreation. The same form is found, however, in cases where this physical agency is excluded, as, for example, within the Catholic clerus. Here the continuity is secured by provision that enough persons always remain in office to initiate the neophytes. This is an extremely important sociological fact. It makes bureaucracies so tenacious, and causes their character and spirit to endure in spite of all shifting of individuals. The physiological basis of self-maintenance here gives place to a psychological one. To speak exactly, the preservation of group identity in this case depends, of course, upon the amount of invariability in the vehicles of this unity, but, at all events, the whole body of members belonging in the group at any given moment only separate from the group after they have been associated with their successors long enough to assimilate the latter fully to themselves, i.e., to the spirit, the form, the tendency of the group. The immortality of the group depends upon the fact that the change is sufficiently slow and gradual.

The fact referred to by the phrase “immortality of the group” is of the greatest importance. The preservation of the identical selfhood of the group through a practically unlimited period gives to the group a significance which, ceteris paribus, is far superior to that of the individual. The life of the individual, with its purposes, its valuations, its force, is destined to terminate within a limited time, and to a certain extent each individual must start at the beginning. Since the life of the group has no such a priori fixed time limit, and its forms are really arranged as though they were to last forever, the group accomplishes a summation of the achievements, powers, experiences, through which it makes itself far superior to the fragmentary individual lives. Since the early Middle Ages this has been the


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 source of the power of municipal corporations in England. They had from the beginning the right, as Stubbs expresses it, “of perpetuating its existence by filling up vacancies as they occur.” The ancient privileges were given expressly only to the burghers and their heirs. As matter of fact, they were exercised as a right to add new members, so that, whatever fate befell the members and their physical descendants, the corporation, as such, was held intact. This had to be paid for, to be sure, by the disappearance of the individual importance of the units behind their role as vehicles of the maintenance of the group, for the group security must suffer the closer it is bound up with the perishable individuality of the units. On the other hand, the more anonymous and unpersonal the unit is, the more fit is he to step into the place of another, and so to insure to the group uninterrupted self-maintenance. This was the enormous advantage through which during the Wars of the Roses the commons repulsed the previously superior power of the upper house. A battle that destroyed half the nobility of the country took also from the house of lords one-half its force, because this is attached to the personalities. The house of commons is in principle assured against such weakening. That estate at last got predominance which, through the equalizing of its members, demonstrated the most persistent power of group existence. This circumstance gives every group an advantage in competition with an individual. It has been remarked of the East India Company that it won its mastery over India by the same means which grand moguls had used before. Its advantage over other usurpers was simply that its life could not be destroyed.

On this account special arrangements are necessary so soon as the life of the group is intimately bound up with that of a leading, commanding individual. What dangers to the integrity of the group are concealed in this sociological form may be learned from the history of all interregnums—dangers which, of course, increase in the same ratio in which the ruler actually forms the central point of the functions through which the group preserves its unity, or, more correctly, at each moment creates its unity


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 anew. Consequently a break between rulers may be a matter of indifference where the prince only exercises a nominal sway—“reigns, but does not govern”—while, on the other hand, we observe even in the swarm of bees that anarchy results so soon as the queen is removed. Although it is entirely false to explain this latter phenomenon by analogy of a human ruler, since the queen bee gives no orders, yet the queen occupies the middle point of the activity of the hive. By means of her antennae she is in constant communication with the workers, and so all the signals coursing through the hive pass through her. By virtue of this very fact the hive feels itself a unity, and this unity dissolves with the disappearance of the functional center.

In political groups the attempt is made to guard against all the dangers of personality, particularly those of possible intervals between the important persons, by the principle: “The king never dies.” While in the early Middle Ages the tradition prevailed that when the king dies his peace dies with him, this newer principle contains provision for the self-preservation of the group. It involves an extraordinarily significant sociological conception, viz., the king is no longer king as a person, but the reverse is the case, that is, his person is only the in itself irrelevant vehicle of the abstract kingship, which is as unalterable as the group itself, of which the kingship is the apex. The group reflects its immortality upon the kingship, and the sovereign in return brings that immortality to visible expression in his own person, and by so doing reciprocally strengthens the vitality of the group. That mighty factor of social coherence which consists of loyalty of sentiment toward the reigning power might appear in very small groups in the relation of fidelity toward the person of the ruler. For large groups the definition that Stubbs once gave must certainly apply, viz.: “Loyalty is a habit of strong and faithful attachment to a person, not so much by reason of his personal character as of his official position.” By becoming objectified in the deathless office the princely principle gains a new psychological power for concentration and cohesion within the group, while the old


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 from which no advantage could reasonably be expected, considering how unadvisedly it was set on foot by those who nursed it up upon false suggestions and representations; besides, it occasioned the drawing from our army in Flanders, under command of the Duke of Marlborough, at least six thousand men, where, instead of beating up and down at sea, they might have done their country service. There may be added to the misfortunes abroad an unlucky accident which happened at their return; for a ship of the squadron, the Edgar of 70 guns—Walker's flagship—had not been many days at anchor at Spithead ere, by what cause is unknown, she blew up and all the men which were on board her perished’ (ib. p. 781). When the Edgar blew up, Walker was happily on shore; but—among other things—all his papers were still on board and were lost, a circumstance which afterwards caused him much trouble. On 14 March 1711–12 he was appointed commander-in-chief at Jamaica, and sailed finally from Plymouth on 30 April with the small squadron and a convoy of a hundred merchant ships. The command was uneventful, and is mainly important as showing that nothing in the conduct of the expedition to the St. Lawrence was considered by the admiralty as prejudicial to Walker's character as an officer. On the peace he was ordered to England, and arrived off Dover on 26 May 1713.

Shortly after the accession of George I Walker was called on by the admiralty to furnish them with an account of the Canada expedition. He replied that they had his official letters written at the time, that all his journals and other papers had been lost in the Edgar, and that any account he could write would be necessarily less perfect than what they already had. He was told that he must make out the best account he could, and was occupied with this when, apparently in April 1715, he received notice from his attorney that his half-pay had been stopped. His name had, in fact, been removed from the list of admirals; not probably, as he then and many others since have believed, for imputed misconduct in the Canada expedition, but—as happened also to many others [cf. ; ]—on suspicion of Jacobitism; the more so as the Canada expedition was certainly intended at the time as a blow to the Marlborough power. Walker, in disgust, left the country and settled in South Carolina as a planter. In a few years, however, he returned to England, and in 1720 published ‘A Journal, or Full Account of the late Expedition to Canada’ (London, 8vo), as a justification of himself against the statements that had been busily circulated.

After this he seems to have resided abroad and in Ireland. In or about 1725 Thomas Lediard [q. v.] was well acquainted with him in Hamburg and Hanover. ‘I found him,’ he says, ‘a gentleman of letters, good understanding, ready wit, and agreeable conversation; and withal the most abstemious man living; for I never saw or heard that he drank anything but water, or eat anything but vegetables’ (, p. 855). He died in Dublin, of apoplexy, in 1728. He was twice married, and left issue, by the second wife, one daughter, Margaret, who died unmarried about 1777.

[The Memoir in Charnock's Biogr. Nav. ii. 455, is very imperfect, and in many respects inaccurate. The account of his official career here given is taken from the List Books, the Commission and Warrant Books, his own Letters (Captains' Letters, W.), in the Public Record Office, from Burchett's Transactions at Sea, Lediard's Naval Hist., and his own journal of the expedition to Canada. The history of his family is given in Gent. Mag. 1824, ii. 38; a note in Notes and Queries, 8th ser. ii. 373, which differs from this in some details, seems less to be depended on; as, among other things, the writer did not know the correct spelling of the maiden name of Walker's mother. In the British Museum Catalogue a translation from the Latin of Cornelius Gallus called ‘Elegies of Old Age’ (London, 1688, 8vo) is doubtfully attributed to Walker (cf. Watt's Bibl. Brit.); the attribution seems highly improbable.]

WALKER, JAMES (1748–1808?), mezzotint engraver, son of a captain in the merchant service, was born in 1748. He became a pupil of Valentine Green [q. v.], but not in his fifteenth year, as has been alleged, for in 1763 Green himself had not begun to engrave in mezzotint. Walker's earliest published plate bears the date 2 July 1780. During the following three years he published a number of good portraits after Romney and others, some domestic scenes, ‘The Spell,’ and ‘The Village Doctress,’ after Northcote; a scene from ‘Cymbeline,’ after Penny. In 1784 he went to St. Petersburg, being appointed engraver to the Empress Catharine II. He remained in Russia till 1802, engraving numerous portraits of the imperial family and of the Russian aristocracy, as well as pictures by the old masters in the imperial collection. Walker's appointment as court engraver was renewed by the Emperor Alexander I, and he was a member of the Imperial Academy