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USAMGIK Ordinance 61

 * HEADQUARTERS
 * UNITED STATES ARMY MILITARY
 * GOVERNMENT IN KOREA
 * Seoul, Korea

ORDINANCE NUMBER 61 29 March 1946

  The Korean Association of protection and Relief of Conscripted Laborers and War Sufferers is hereby dissolved and its corporate existence terminated.

  The Association shall forthwith proceed to pay out all moneys which are now or hereafter subject to its control and which represent payments actually made to or for the benefit of specific conscripted Korean laborers, their families or beneficiaries. The Association shall reimburse our of its funds under Section Ill hereof, governmental organizations which in good faith have made payments to conscripted Korean laborers, their families or beneficiaries, of the type described in this Section.

  All remaining moneys of the Association not identifiable by it as due and owing to specific conscripted Korean laborers, their families or beneficiaries, shall be devoted to welfare purposes for needy Korean conscripted laborers, their families or beneficiaries. An inventory of all real and personal property other than moneys, Custodian of the Government of Korea. The proceeds of the sale of each property shall be similarly used.

  All continuing responsibilities and duties of the Association shall be fulfilled. including its duty to take all necessary steps for collection and payment: of amounts due and owing to conscripted Korean laborers, their families or beneficiaries, from employers. All moneys so collected shall be distributed in accordance with with the provisions of Section Ⅱ or Ⅲ hereof.

  The Bureau of Public Health and Welfare of the Government of Korea shall be responsible for carrying out the provisions of this Ordinance.

  This Ordinance shall be effective on the tenth day after the date appearing hereon.

 * ARCHER L. LERCH

 * Major General, United States Army

 * Military Governor of Korea.

군정법령 제61호

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20 chanted, and the gap is filled in by the organ going through astounding musical frolics; or else one verse is chanted in plain-song, and the next in fauxbourdon—that is to say, the tenor holds on to the plain-song, whilst treble and alto gambol at a higher strain a melody different, but harmonious with the plain-song. In Provence at high mass the Gloria and Credo are divided into paragraphs, and in like manner are sung alternately in plain-song and fauxbourdon. The origin of this part-singing is very curious. The congregation, loving to hear their own voices, and not particularly interested in, or knowing the Latin words, broke out into folk-song at intervals, in the same "mode" as that of the tone sung by the clergy. They chirped out some love ballad or dance tune, whilst the officiants in the choir droned the Latin of the liturgy. Even so late as 1645, the Provençals at Christmas were wont to sing in the Magnificat a vulgar song—

which may be rendered

In order to stop this sort of thing the clergy had recourse to "farcing" the canticles, i.e. translating each verse into the vernacular, and interlarding the Latin with the translation, in hopes that the people, if sing they would, would adopt these words; but the farced canticles were not to the popular taste, and they continued to roar out lustily their folk-songs, often indelicate, always unsuitable. This came to such a pass

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Rh that either the organ was introduced to bellow the people down, or else the system was accepted and regulated; and to this is due the fauxbourdon. But in Italy and in the South of France it passed for a while beyond regulation. The musicians accepted it, and actually composed masses, in which the tenor alone sang the sacred words and the other parts performed folk-songs.

As Mr. Addington Symonds says:—

"The singers were allowed innumerable licences. Whilst the tenor sustained the Gregorian melody, the other voices indulged in extempore descant, regardless of the style of the main composition, violating time, and setting even the fundamental tone at defiance. The composers, to advance another step in the analysis of this strange medley, took particular delight in combining different sets of words, melodies of widely diverse character, antagonistic rhythms, and divergent systems of accentuation, in a single piece. They assigned these several ingredients to several parts, and for the further exhibition of their perverse skill, went even to the length of coupling themes in the major and the minor. The most obvious result of such practice was that it became impossible to understand what was being sung, and that instead of concord and order in the choir, a confused discord and anarchy of dinning sounds prevailed. What made the matter, from an ecclesiastical point of view, still worse, was that these scholastically artificial compositions were frequently based on trivial and vulgar tunes, suggesting the tavern, the dancing-room, or even worse places, to worshippers assembled for the celebration of a Sacrament. Masses bore titles adopted from the popular airs on which they were founded; such, for example, as Adieu, mes amours, À l’ombre d’un buissonnet, Baise moi, Le vilain jaloux. Even the words of love ditties and obscene ballads were being squalled out by the tenor (treble?) while

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22 the bass (tenor?) gave utterance to an Agnus Dei or a Benedictus, and the soprano (alto?) was engaged upon the verses of a Latin hymn. Baini, who examined hundreds of the masses and motetts in MS., says that the words imported into them from vulgar sources 'make one's flesh creep, and one's hair stand on end.' He does not venture to do more than indicate a few of the more decent of these interloping verses. As an augmentation of this indecency, numbers from a mass which started with the grave rhythm of a Gregorian tone were brought to their conclusion on the dance measure of a popular ballata, so that Incarnatus est or Kyrie eleison went jigging off into suggestions of Masetto and Zerlina at a village ball."

The musicians who composed these masses simply accepted what was customary, and all they did was to endeavour to reduce the hideous discords to harmony. But it was this superposing of folk-songs on Gregorian tones that gave the start to polyphonic singing. The state of confusion into which ecclesiastical music had fallen by this means rendered it necessary that a reformation should be undertaken, and the Council of Trent (Sept. 17, 1562) enjoined on the Ordinaries to "exclude from churches all such music as, whether through the organ or the singing, introduces anything impure or lascivious, in order that the house of God may truly be seen to answer to its name, A House of Prayer." Indeed, all concerted and part music was like to have been wholly banished from the service of the church, had not Palestrina saved it by the composition of the "Mass of Pope Marcellus."

A visitor to Provence will look almost in vain for churches in the Gothic style. A good many were built after Lombard models. There remained too many

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Rh relics of Roman structures for the Provençals to take kindly to the pointed arch. The sun had not to be invited to pour into the naves, but was excluded as much as might be, consequently the richly traceried windows of northern France find no place here. The only purely Gothic church of any size is that of S. Maximin in Var. That having been a conventual church, imported its architects from the north. One curious and indeed unique feature is found in the Provençal cathedral churches: the choir for the bishop and chapter is at the west end, in the gallery, over the narthex or porch. This was so at Grasse; it remains intact at Vence.

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Rh past recall. The prevailing language is Romance; that is to say, the vernacular Latin. Verna means a slave; it was the gabble of the lower classes, mainly a bastard Latin, but holding in suspense drift words from Greek and Gaulish and Saracen. In substance it was the vulgar talk of the Latins. Of this we have curious evidence in 813. In his old age Charlemagne concerned himself much with Church matters, and he convoked five Councils in five quarters of his empire to regulate Church matters. These Councils met in Mainz, Rheims, Châlons, Tours, and Arles. It was expressly laid down in all of these, save only in that of Aries, that the clergy should catechise and preach in the vulgar tongue; where there were Franks, in German; where there were Gauls, in the Romance. But no such rule was laid down in the Council of Arles, for the very reason that Latin was still the common language of the people, the simple Latin of the gospels, such as was perfectly understood by the people when addressed in it. The liturgy was not fixed and uniform. In many secondary points each Church had its own use. Where most liberty and variety existed was in the hymns. The singing of hymns was not formally introduced into the offices of the Church till the tenth century; but every church had its collection of hymns, sung by the people at vigils, in processions, intercalated in the offices. In Normandy it was a matter of complaint that whilst the choir took breath the women broke in with unsuitable songs, nugacis cantalenis. At funerals such coarse ballads were sung that Charlemagne had to issue orders that where the mourners did not know any psalm they were to shout Kyrie eleison, and nothing else. Agobard, Bishop of Lyons, A.D. 814-840, says that when he entered on

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26 his functions he found in use in the church an antiphonary compiled by the choir bishop, Amalric, consisting of songs so secular, and many of them so indecent, that, to use the expression of the pious bishop, they could not be read without mantling the brow with shame.

One of these early antiphonaries exists, a MS. of the eleventh century belonging to the church of S. Martial. Among many wholly unobjectionable hymns occurs a ballad of the tale of Judith; another is frankly an invocation to the nightingale, a springtide song; a third is a dialogue between a lover and his lass. It is in the ecclesiastical hymns, religious lessons, and legends couched in the form of ballads, coming into use in the eighth and ninth centuries, that we have the germs, the rudiments, of a new literature; not only so, but also the introduction of formal music gradually displacing music that is recitative. Of melodies there are two kinds, the first used as a handmaid to poetry; in it there is nothing formal. A musical phrase may be repeated or may not, as required to give force to the words employed. This was the music of the Greek and Roman theatre. The lyrics of Horace and Tibullus could be sung to no other. This, and this alone, was the music adopted by the Church, and which we have still in the Nicene Creed, Gloria, Sanctus, and Pater Noster. But this never could have been the music of the people—it could not be used by soldiers to march to, nor by the peasants as dance tunes.

Did rhythmic music exist among the ancients side by side with recitative? Almost certainly it did, utterly despised by the cultured.

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Rh When Julius Caesar was celebrating his triumph at Rome after his Gaulish victories, we are informed that the soldiery marched singing out:— This must have been sung to a formal melody, to which the soldiers tramped in time.

So also Cæsar, in B.C. 49, like a liberal-minded man, desired to admit the principal men of Cisalpine Gaul into the Senate. This roused Roman prejudice and mockery. Prejudice, because the Gauls were esteemed barbarians; mockery, because of their peculiar costume—their baggy trousers. So the Roman rabble composed and sang verses, "ilia vulgo canebantur." These may be rendered in the same metre:— Now, it may be noted that in both instances the rhythm is not at all that of the scientifically constructed metric lines of Horace, Tibullus, and Catullus, but is neither more nor less than our familiar 8.7. time. The first piece of six lines in 8.7. is precisely that of "Lo! He comes in clouds descending." The second of four lines is that of the familiar Latin hymn, Tantum ergo,

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28 and is indeed that also of our hymn, "Hark! the sound of holy voices." Nor is this all. Under Cæsar's statue were scribbled the lines of a lampoon; that also was in 8.7. Suetonius gives us another snatch of a popular song relative to Cæsar, in the same measure. Surely this goes to establish the fact that the Roman populace had their own folk-music, which was rhythmic, with tonal accent, distinct from the fashionable music of the theatre. Now, it is quite true that in Latin plays there was singing, and, what is more, songs introduced. For instance, in the Captivi of Plautus, in the third act, Hegio comes on the stage singing— But I defy any musician to set his song to anything else but recitative;the metre is intricate and varied.

Now of rhythmic melody we have nothing more till the year A.D. 386, when, at Milan, the Empress Justina ordered that a church should be taken from the Catholics and be delivered over to the Arians. Thereupon S. Ambrose, the bishop, took up his abode within the sacred building, that was also crowded by the faithful, who held it as a garrison for some days. To occupy the people Ambrose hastily scribbled down some hymns—not at all in the old classic metres, but

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Rh in rhythmic measure—and set them to sing these, no doubt whatever, to familiar folk-airs. Thirteen of the hymns of S. Ambrose remain. His favourite metre is— our English Long Measure. And what is more, the traditional tunes to which he set these hymns have been handed down, so that in these we probably possess the only ascertainable relics of Roman folk-airs of the fourth century, and who can tell of how much earlier? Now, in ancient days the people were wont to crowd to church on the vigils of festivals and spend the night in or outside the churches in singing and dancing. To drive out the profane and indelicate songs, the clergy composed hymns and set them to the folk-airs then in vogue. These hymns came into use more and more, and at length simply forced their way into the services of the Church—but were not recognised as forming a legitimate part of it till the tenth century. The ecclesiastical hymns for the people, after having been composed in barbarous Latin, led by a second step to the vernacular Romance. The transition was easy, and was, indeed, inevitable. And in music, recitative fell into disfavour, and formal music, to which poetry is the handmaid, came into popular usage exclusively; recitative lingering on only in the liturgy of the Church. The Provençal language was now on its way to becoming fixed and homogeneous; the many local variations found in the several districts tending to effacement. Then came the golden age of the Troubadours, who did more than any before to fix the tongue. In the twelfth century the little courts of the Provençal

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30 nobles were renowned for gallantry. In fact, the knights and barons and counts of the South plumed themselves on setting the fashion to Christendom. In the South there was none of that rivalry existing elsewhere between the knights in their castles and the citizens in the towns. In every other part of Western Europe the line of demarcation was sharp between the chivalry and the bourgeoisie. Knighthood could only be conferred on one who was noble and who owned land. It was otherwise in the South; the nobility and the commercial class were on the best of terms, and one great factor in this fusion was the Troubadour, who might spring from behind a counter as well as from a knightly castle. The chivalry of the South, and the Troubadour, evolved the strange and, to our ideas, repulsive theory of love, which was, for a time, universally accepted. What originated it was this: In the south of France women could possess fiefs and all the authority and power attaching to them. From this political capacity of women it followed that marriages were contracted most ordinarily by nobles with an eye to the increase of their domains. Ambition was the dominant passion, and to that morality, sentiment, inclination, had to give way and pass outside their matrimonial plans. Consequently, in the feudal caste, marriages founded on such considerations were regarded as commercial contracts only, and led to a most curious moral and social phenomenon. The idea was formed of love as a sentiment, from which every sensual idea was excluded, in which, on the woman's side, all was condescension and compassion, on the man's all submission and homage. Every

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Rh lady must have her devoted knight or minstrel—her lover, in fact, who could not and must not be her husband; and every man who aspired to be courteous must have his mistress.

"There are," says a Troubadour, "four degrees in Love: the first is hesitancy, the second is suppliancy, the third is acceptance, and the fourth is friendship. He who would love a lady and goes to court her, but does not venture on addressing her, is in the stage of Hesitancy. But if the lady gives him any encouragement, and he ventures to tell her of his pains, then he has advanced to the stage of Suppliant. And if, after speaking to his lady and praying her, she retains him as her knight, by the gift of ribbons, gloves, or girdle, then he enters on the grade of Acceptance. And if, finally, it pleases the lady to accord to her loyal accepted lover so much as a kiss, then she has elevated him to Friendship."

In the life of a knight the contracting of such an union was a most solemn moment. The ceremony by which it was sealed was formulated on that in which a vassal takes oath of fealty to a sovereign. Kneeling before the lady, with his hands joined between hers, the knight devoted himself and all his powers to her, swore to serve her faithfully to death, and to defend her to the utmost of his power from harm and insult. The lady, on her side, accepted these services, promised in return the tenderest affections of her heart, put a gold ring on his finger as pledge of union, and then raising him gave him a kiss, always the first, and often the only one he was to receive from her. An incident in the Provençal romance of Gerard de Roussillon shows us just what were the ideas prevalent as to marriage and love at this time. Gerard was desperately in love with a lady, but she was moved by

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S has been already stated, Massilia, or Marseilles, was originally a Phœnician trading station. Then it was occupied by the Phocœans from Asia Minor. It came about in this fashion. In the year B.C. 599 a few Phocœan vessels, under the guidance of an adventurer called Eumenes, arrived in the bay of Marseilles. The first care of the new arrivals was to place themselves under the protection of the Ligurians, and they sent an ambassador, a young Greek named Protis, with presents to the native chief, Nann, at Aries. By a happy coincidence Protis arrived on the day upon which Nann had assembled the warriors of his tribe, and had brought forth his daughter, Gyptis, to choose a husband among them. The arrival of the young Greek was a veritable coup de théâtre. He took his place at the banquet. His Greek beauty, his graceful form and polished manners, so different from the ruggedness and uncouthness of the Ligurians, impressed the damsel,

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 Bramah Allen, he was led by the imperfections of the system to devise improvements on it, and thence, in 1778, came the first of the long series of patents taken out by him. The closet described in the specification of that patent, with certain improvements devised by the inventor, has continued in use, it may be said, until the present day.

His next invention was his lock; this was certainly a great advance on any locks then known, and for long had the reputation of being unpickable. In 1851, however, at the time of the Great Exhibition, Hobbs, an American, picked the lock, and thereby obtained the reward of 200l. offered by Bramah to anybody who should perform this feat, The lock, however, was, and indeed is, a most excellent one, and continues to bear a very high reputation.

Bramah's most important contribution to mechanical science was his hydraulic press, patented in 1795. The power which he gave to engineers by this invention of converting into a steady continuous pressure of practically unlimited amount a number of comparatively small impulses, was an entirely new one, and was capable, as it afterwards proved, of enormous development. That this development was not unforeseen by the projector is evident from the proposals he made in several of his patents, proposals which in many cases have only recently been carried into effect. In giving due credit to Bramah for his great inventive genius, it is but proper that mention should be made of Henry Maudslay, to whom is due one particular detail by which the working of the press was rendered possible, the device by which the ram of the press was enabled to work water-tight within the cylinder, whatever the pressure might be, while it was permitted to return freely as soon as the pressure was taken off.

It may be said without disparagement that Bramah's mind, though most ingenious, was not highly original, for the germs of all his inventions might be found in the work of others. The hydraulic press is but a practical application of the principle of the hydrostatic paradox; his water-closet, as above mentioned, was an improvement on Allen's; his lock was suggested by that of Barron, patented ten years before. Still, the bent of his genius was eminently practical, and he was singularly happy in applying scientific discoveries to practical purposes, or in seizing hold of the idea of an imperfect invention and completing it. Besides these, he was the author of a host of minor inventions, among which may be mentioned the beer-engine, the ever-pointed pencil, the machine for numbering bank-notes, the little apparatus once well known for mending quill pens, and the planing machine. He was also one of the first who proposed to apply the screw for the purpose of propelling vessels. In all he took out eighteen patents, some of them covering a number of distinct inventions.

Bramah died at Pimlico, 9 Dec. 1814 (Gent. Mag. 1814, ii. 613).

 BRAMHALL, JOHN (1594–1663), archbishop of Armagh, was of the Bramhalls of Bramhall Hall, Cheshire, and was baptised at Pontefract, 18 Nov. 1594. His father was Peter Bramhall (d. 1635) of Carleton, near Pontefract. He was at school at Pontefract, and admitted to Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, on 21 Feb. 1609. His tutor was Hewlett, for whom he provided in Ireland. He graduated B.A. 1612, M.A. 1616, B.D. 1623, D.D. 1630 (his thesis being strongly anti-papal). Taking orders about 1616, he held a living in York, also the rectory of Elvington, Yorkshire, on the presentation of Christopher Wandesforde (afterwards master of the rolls). His marriage to a clergyman's widow gave him a fortune and a library. In 1623 he won laurels in a public discussion at Northallerton with Hungate, a Jesuit, and Houghton, a priest. Tobias Matthew, archbishop of York, made him his chaplain (a later archbishop, Richard Neale, gave him the prebend of Husthwaite on 13 June 1633). He was also sub-dean of Ripon, and had great influence there as a preacher and public man. As one of the high commissioners his manner was thought severe. Resigning his English preferments and prospects (a chaplaincy in ordinary to the king was in store for him), he went to Ireland as Wentworth's chaplain, by Wandesforde's advice, in July 1633. In his letter to Laud from Dublin, 10 Aug. 1633, he draws a lamentable picture of the ruin and desecration of churches (the crypt of Christ's cathedral was let to 'popish recusants,' and used in time of service as an alehouse and smoke-room), the alienation of bishoprics and benefices, and the poverty and ignorance of the clergy. For himself he soon got the archdeaconry of Meath, the richest in Ireland. His exertions as a royal commissioner were successful in obtaining the surrender of fee-farms, by which episcopal and clerical revenues had been scandalously wasted; in four years he is said to have recovered to the church some 30,000l. a year.


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2 black, broken nails; and the sabre cut across one cheek, a dirty, livid white. I remember him looking round the cove and whistling to himself as he did so, and then breaking out in that old sea-song that he sang so often afterwards:—

in the high, old tottering voice that seemed to have been tuned and broken at the capstan bars. Then he rapped on the door with a bit of stick like a handspike that he carried, and when my father appeared, called roughly for a glass of rum. This, when it was brought to him, he drank slowly, like a connoisseur, lingering on the taste, and still looking about him at the cliffs and up at our signboard.

"This is a handy cove," says he, at length; "and a pleasant sittyated grog-shop. Much company, mate?"

My father told him no, very little company, the more was the pity.

"Well, then," said he, "this is the berth for me. Here you, matey," he cried to the man who trundled the barrow; "bring up alongside and help up my chest. I'll stay here a bit," he continued. "I'm a plain man; rum and bacon and eggs is what I want, and that head up there for to watch ships off. What you mought call me? You mought call me captain. Oh, I see what you're at—there;" and he threw down three or four gold pieces on the threshold. "You can


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Rh tell me when I've worked through that," says he, looking as fierce as a commander.

And, indeed, bad as his clothes were, and coarsely as he spoke, he had none of the appearance of a man who sailed before the mast; but seemed like a mate or skipper, accustomed to be obeyed or to strike. The man who came with the barrow told us the mail had set him down the morning before at the "Royal George;" that he had inquired what inns there were along the coast, and hearing ours well spoken of, I suppose, and described as lonely, had chosen it from the others for his place of residence. And that was all we could learn of our guest.

He was a very silent man by custom. All day he hung round the cove, or upon the cliffs, with a brass telescope; all evening he sat in a corner of the parlour next the fire, and drank rum and water very strong. Mostly he would not speak when spoken to; only look up sudden and fierce, and blow through his nose like a fog-horn; and we and the people who came about our house soon learned to let him be. Every day, when he came back from his stroll, he would ask if any seafaring men had gone by along the road? At first we thought it was the want of company of his own kind that made him ask this question; but at last we began to see he was desirous to avoid them. When a seaman did put up at the "Admiral Benbow" (as now and then some did, making by the coast road for Bristol), he would look in at him through the curtained door