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 wanting.—Sixthly, It is to be observed, that as we think in words, both the impressions and the recurrences of ideas will be attended with words; and these words, from the great use and familiarity of language, will fix themselves strongly in the fancy, and by so doing bring up the associated trains of ideas in the proper order, accurately or nearly. And thus, when a person relates a past fact, the ideas do in some cases suggest the words, whilst in others the words suggest the ideas. Hence illiterate persons do not remember nearly so well as others, cæteris paribus. And I suppose the same is true of deaf persons in a still greater degree. But it arises hence also, that many mistakes in the subordinate circumstances are committed in the relations of past facts, if the relater descend to minute particulars. For the same reasons these mistakes will be so associated with the true facts after a few relations, that the relater himself shall believe that he remembers them distinctly.—Seventhly, The mistakes which are committed both on the foregoing account and others, make considerable abatements in the difficulty here to be solved.

Fourthly, Let it now be asked, in what the recollection of a past fact, consisting of one hundred clusters, as above, differs from the transit of the same one hundred clusters, over the fancy, in the way of a reverie? I answer, partly in the vividness of the clusters, partly and principally in the readiness and strength of the associations, by which they are cemented together. This follows from what has been already delivered; but it may be confirmed also by many other observations.—Thus, first, Many persons are known by relating the same false story over and over again, i.e. by magnifying the ideas, and their associations, at last to believe that they remember it. It makes as vivid an impression upon them, and hangs as closely together, as an assemblage of past facts recollected by memory.—Secondly, All men are sometimes at a loss to know whether clusters of ideas that strike the fancy strongly, and succeed each other readily and immediately, be recollections, or mere reveries. And the more they agitate the matter in the mind, the more does the reverie appear like a recollection. It resembles this, that if in endeavouring to recollect a verse, a wrong word, suiting the place, first occurs, and afterwards the right one, it is difficult during the then present agitation to distinguish the right one. But afterwards, when this agitation is subsided, the right word easily regains its place. Persons of irritable nervous systems are more subject to such fallacies than others. And madmen often impose upon themselves in this way, viz. from the vividness of their ideas and associations, produced by bodily causes. The same thing often happens in dreams. The vividness of the new scene often makes it appear like one that we remember, and are well acquainted with.—Thirdly, If the specific nature of memory consist in the great vigour of the ideas, and their associations,

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 then, as this vigour abates, it ought to suggest to us a length of time elapsed; and vice versâ, if it be kept up, the distance of time ought to appear contracted. Now this last is the case: for the death of a friend, or any interesting event, often recollected and related, appears to have happened but yesterday, as we term it, viz. on account of the vividness of the clusters, and their associations, corresponding to the nature of a recent event.—Fourthly, It is not, however, to be here supposed, that we have not many other ways of distinguishing real recollections from mere reveries. For the first are supported by their connexion with known and allowed facts, by various methods of reasoning, and having been related as real recollections, &c.

Fifthly, In like manner we distinguish a new place, book, person, &c. from one which we remember, supposing both to be presented in like circumstances. The parts, associates, &c. of that which we remember, strike us more strongly, are suggested by each other, and hang together, which does not hold of the new. The old does also suggest many associates, which a new one in like circumstances would not. And if from the then state of fancy, the distance of time, &c. there be any doubt of these things either with respect to the old or new, a like doubt arises in respect of the memory. An attentive person may observe, that he determines of such things, whether they be old or new, by the vividness of the ideas, and their power of suggesting each other, and foreign associates.

Some persons seem to suppose, that the soul surveys one object, the old for instance, and comparing it with the impressions which a similar new one would excite, calls the old one an object remembered. But this is like supposing an eye within the eye to view the pictures made by objects upon the retina. Not to mention, that the soul cannot in the same instant, during the same τό νυν survey both the old and new, and compare them together; nor is there any evidence, that this is done in fact. A person who inquires into the nature of memory, may indeed endeavour to state the difference between the impressions of old and new, as I have done here; but this is a speculation that few persons concern themselves with, whereas all remember and apply the words relative to memory just as they do other words. We may conclude therefore, that the difference of vividness and connexion in the ideas, with the other associates of recollections, are a sufficient foundation for the proper use of the words relative to the memory, just as in other like cases.

Sixthly, The peculiar imperfection of the memory in children tallies with the foregoing account of this faculty; and indeed this account may be considered as a gross general history of the successive growth of the memory, in passing from childhood to adult age. Children must learn by degrees the ideas of single impressions, the clusters which I call rudiments, and the most usual connexions and combinations of these. They have also

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 the use of words, and of objects and incidents, as signs and symbols, with the proper method of reasoning upon them, to learn; and during their noviciate in these things their memories must labour under great imperfections. It appears also, that the imperfections peculiar to children correspond in kind as well as degree to the reasons here assigned for them. Their not being able to digest past facts in order of time is, in great measure, owing to their not having the proper use of the symbols, whereby time is denoted.

Seventhly, The peculiar imperfection of the memory in aged persons tallies also with the foregoing account. The vibrations, and dispositions to vibrate, in the small medullary particles, and their associations, are all so fixed by the callosity of the medullary substance, and by repeated impressions and recurrences, that new impressions can scarce enter, that they recur seldom, and that the parts which do recur bring in old trains from established associations, instead of continuing those which were lately impressed. Hence one may almost predict what very old persons will say or do upon common occurrences. Which is also the case frequently with persons of strong passions, for reasons that are not very unlike. When old persons relate the incidents of their youth with great precision, it is rather owing to the memory of many preceding memories, recollections, and relations, than to the memory of the thing itself.

Eighthly, In recovering from concussions, and other disorders of the brain, it is usual for the patient to recover the power of remembering the then present common incidents for minutes, hours, and days, by degrees; also the power of recalling the events of his life preceding his illness. At length he recovers this last power perfectly, and at the same time forgets almost all that passed in his illness, even those things which he remembered, at first, for a day or two. Now the reason of this I take to be, that upon a perfect recovery the brain recovers its natural state, i.e. all its former dispositions to vibrate; but that such as took place during the preternatural state of the brain, i.e. during his illness, are all obliterated by the return of the natural state. In like manner dreams, which happen in a peculiar state of the brain, i.e. in sleep, vanish, as soon as vigilance, a different state, takes place. But if they be recollected immediately upon waking, and thus connected with the state of vigilance, they may be remembered. But I shall have occasion to be more explicit on this head in the next Section.

Ninthly, It is very difficult to make any plausible conjectures why some persons of very weak judgments, not much below idiots, are endued with a peculiar extraordinary memory. This memory is generally the power of recollecting a large group of words, suppose, as those of a sermon, in a short time after they are heard, with wonderful exactness and readiness; but then the whole is obliterated, after a longer time, much more completely

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 than in persons of common memories and judgments. One may perhaps conjecture, that the brain receives all dispositions to vibrate sooner in these persons, and lets them go sooner, than in others. And the last may contribute to the first: for, new impressions may take place more deeply and precisely, if there be few old ones to oppose them. The most perfect memory is that which can both receive most readily, and retain most durably. But we may suppose, that there are limits, beyond which these two different powers cannot consist with each other.

Tenthly, When a person desires to recollect a thing that has escaped him, suppose the name of a person, or visible object, he recalls the visible idea, or some other associate, again and again, by a voluntary power, the desire generally magnifying all the ideas and associations; and thus bringing in the association and idea wanted, at last. However, if the desire be great, it changes the state of the brain, and has an opposite effect; so that the desired idea does not recur, till all has subsided; perhaps not even then.

Eleventhly, All our voluntary powers are of the nature of memory; as may be easily seen from the foregoing account of it, compared with the account of the voluntary powers given in the first chapter. And it agrees remarkably with this, that, in morbid affections of the memory, the voluntary actions suffer a like change and imperfection.

Twelfthly, For the same reasons the whole powers of the soul may be referred to the memory, when taken in a large sense. Hence, though some persons may have strong memories with weak judgments, yet no man can have a strong judgment with a weak original power of retaining and remembering.

Section V
OF IMAGINATION, REVERIES, AND DREAMS.

recurrence of ideas, especially visible and audible ones, in a vivid manner, but without any regard to the order observed in past facts, is ascribed to the power of imagination or fancy. Now here we may observe, that every succeeding thought is the result either of some new impression, or of an association with the preceding. And this is the common opinion. It is impossible indeed to attend so minutely to the succession of our ideas, as to

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 distinguish and remember for a sufficient time the very impression or association which gave birth to each thought; but we can do this as far as it can be expected to be done, and in so great a variety of instances, that our argument for the prevalence of the foregoing principle of association in all instances, except those of new impressions, may be esteemed a complete induction.

A reverie differs from imagination only in that the person being more attentive to his own thoughts, and less disturbed by foreign objects, more of his ideas are deducible from association, and fewer from new impressions.

It is to be observed, however, that in all the cases of imagination and reverie, the thoughts depend, in part, upon the then state of body or mind. A pleasurable or painful state of the stomach or brain, joy or grief, will make all the thoughts warp their own way, little or much. But this exception is as agreeable to the foregoing theory, as the general prevalence of association just laid down.

We come next to dreams. I say then, that dreams are nothing but the imaginations, fancies, or reveries of a sleeping man; and that they are deducible from the three following causes; viz. First, The impressions and ideas lately received, and particularly those of the preceding day. Secondly, The state of the body, particularly of the stomach and brain. And, thirdly, Association.

That dreams are, in part, deducible from the impression and ideas of the preceding day, appears from the frequent recurrence of these in greater or lesser clusters, and especially of the visible ones, in our dreams. We sometimes take in ideas of longer date, in part, on account of their recency: however, in general, ideas that have not affected the mind for some days, recur in dreams only from the second or third cause here assigned.

That the state of the body affects our dreams, is evident from the dreams of sick persons, and of those who labour under indigestions, spasms, and flatulencies.

Lastly, We may perceive ourselves to be carried on from one thing to another in our dreams partly by association.

It is also highly agreeable to the foregoing theory to expect, that each of the three foregoing causes should have an influence upon the trains of ideas that are presented in dreams.

Let us now see how we can solve the most usual phænomena of dreams upon these principles.

First, then, The scenes which present themselves are taken to be real. We do not consider them as the work of the fancy; but suppose ourselves present, and actually seeing and hearing what passes. Now this happens, First, Because we have no other reality to oppose to the ideas which offer themselves, whereas in the common fictions of the fancy, while we are awake, there is always a set of real external objects striking some of our senses, and precluding a like mistake there: or, if we become quite inattentive to external objects, the reverie does so far put

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 on the nature of a dream, as to appear a reality. Secondly, The trains of visible ideas, which occur in dreams, are far more vivid than common visible ideas; and therefore may the more easily be taken for actual impressions. For what reasons these ideas should be so much more vivid, I cannot presume to say. I guess, that the exclusion of real impressions has some share, and the increased heat of the brain may have some likewise. The fact is most observable in the first approaches of sleep; all the visible ideas beginning then to be more than usually glaring.

Secondly, There is a great wildness and inconsistency in our dreams. For the brain, during sleep, is in a state so different from that in which the usual associations were formed, that they can by no means take place as they do during vigilance. On the contrary, the state of the body suggests such ideas, amongst those that have been lately impressed, as are most suitable to the various kinds and degrees of pleasant and painful vibrations excited in the stomach, brain, or some other part. Thus a person who has taken opium, sees either gay scenes, or ghastly ones, according as the opium excites pleasant or painful vibrations in the stomach. Hence it will follow, that ideas will rise successively in dreams, which have no such connexion as takes place in nature, in actual impressions, nor any such as is deducible from association. And yet, if they rise up quick and vividly one after another, as subjects, predicates, and other associates use to do, they will be affirmed of each other, and appear to hang together. Thus the same person appears in two places at the same time; two persons appearing successively in the same place coalesce into one; a brute is supposed to speak (when the idea of voice comes from that quarter), or to handle; any idea, qualification, office, &c. coinciding in the instant of time with the idea of one’s self, or of another person, adheres immediately, &c. &c.

Thirdly, We do not take notice of, or are offended at, these inconsistencies; but pass on from one to another. For the associations, which should lead us thus to take notice, and be offended, are, as it were, asleep; the bodily causes also hurrying us on to new and new trains successively. But if the bodily state be such as favours ideas of anxiety and perplexity, then the inconsistency and apparent impossibility, occurring in dreams, are apt to give great disturbance and uneasiness. It is to be observed likewise, that we forget the several parts of our dreams very fast in passing from one to another; and that this lessens the apparent inconsistencies, and their influences.

Fourthly, It is common in dreams for persons to appear to themselves to be transferred from one place to another, by a kind of sailing or flying motion. This arises from the change of the apparent magnitude and position of the images excited in the brain, this change being such as a change of distance and position in ourselves would have occasioned. Whatever the reasons be,

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 for which visible images are excited in sleep, like to the objects with which we converse when awake, the same reasons will hold for changes of apparent magnitude and position also; and these changes in fixed objects, being constantly associated with motions in ourselves when awake, will infer these motions when asleep. But then we cannot have the idea of the vis inertiæ of our own bodies, answering to the impressions in walking; because the nerves of the muscles either do not admit of such miniature vibrations in sleep; or do not transmit ideas to the mind in consequence thereof; whence we appear to sail, fly, or ride. Yet sometimes a person seems to walk, and even to strike, just as in other cases he seems to feel the impression of a foreign body on his skin.

Those who walk and talk in their sleep, have evidently the nerves of the muscles concerned so free, as that vibrations can descend from the internal parts of the brain, the peculiar residence of ideas, into them. At the same time the brain itself is so oppressed, that they have scarce any memory. Persons who read inattentively, i.e. see and speak almost without remembering, also those who labour under such a morbid loss of memory, as that though they see, hear, speak, and act, pro re nata, from moment to moment, yet they forget all immediately, somewhat resemble the persons who walk and talk in sleep.

Fifthly, Dreams consist chiefly of visible imagery. This agrees remarkably with the perpetual impressions made upon the optic nerves and corresponding parts of the brain during vigilance, and with the distinctness and vividness of the images impressed.

We may observe also, that the visible imagery in dreams is composed, in a considerable degree, of fragments of visible appearances lately impressed. For the disposition to these vibrations must be greater than to others, cæteris paribus, at the same time that by the imperfection and interruption of the associations, only fragments, not whole images, will generally appear. The fragments are so small, and so intermixed with other fragments and appearances, that it is difficult to trace them up to the preceding day; the shortness of our memory contributing also not a little thereto.

It happens in dreams, that the same fictitious places are presented again and again at the distance of weeks and months, perhaps during the whole course of life. These places are, I suppose, compounded at first, probably early in youth, of fragments of real places, which we have seen. They afterwards recur in dreams, because the same state of brain recurs; and when this has happened for some successions, they may be expected to recur at intervals during life. But they may also admit of variations, especially before frequent recurrency has established and fixed them.

Sixthly, It has been observed already, that many of the things which are presented in dreams, appear to be remembered by us,

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 or, at least, as familiar to us; and that this may be solved by the readiness with which they start up, and succeed one another, in the fancy.

Seventhly, It has also been remarked, that dreams ought to be soon forgotten, as they are in fact; because the state of the brain suffers great changes in passing from sleep to vigilance. The wildness and inconsistency of our dreams render them still more liable to be forgotten. It is said that a man may remember his dreams best by continuing in the same posture in which he dreamt; which, if true, would be a remarkable confirmation of the doctrine of vibrations; since those which take place in the medullary substance of the brain would be least disturbed and obliterated by this means.

Eighthly, the dreams which are presented in the first part of the night are, for the most part, much more confused, irregular, and difficult to be remembered, than those which we dream towards the morning; and these last are often rational to a considerable degree, and regulated according to the usual course of our associations. For the brain begins then to approach to the state of vigilance, or that in which the usual associations were formed and cemented. However, association has some power even in wild and inconsistent dreams.

. I. As the prophecies were, many of them, communicated in the way of divine visions, trances, or dreams, so they bear many of the foregoing marks of dreams. Thus they deal chiefly in visible imagery; they abound with apparent impossibilities, and deviations from common life, of which yet the prophets take not the least notice: they speak of new things as of familiar ones: they are carried in the spirit from place to place; things requiring a long series of time in real life are transacted in the prophetical visions as soon as seen; they ascribe to themselves and others new names, offices, &c.; every thing has a real existence conferred upon it; there are singular combinations of fragments of visible appearances; and God himself is represented in a visible shape, which of all other things must be most offensive to a pious Jew. And it seems to me that these and such like criterions might establish the genuineness of the prophecies, exclusively of all other evidences.

. II. The wildness of our dreams seems to be of singular use to us, by interrupting and breaking the course of our associations. For, if we were always awake, some accidental associations would be so much cemented by continuance, as that nothing could afterwards disjoin them; which would be madness.

. III. A person may form a judgment of the state of his bodily health, and of his temperance, by the general pleasantness or unpleasantness of his dreams. There are also many useful hints relating to the strength of our passions deducible from them.

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Section VI
IMPERFECTIONS IN THE RATIONAL FACULTY.

persons differ from others, in that they judge wrong of past or future facts of a common nature; that their affections and actions are violent and different from, or even opposite to, those of others upon the like occasions, and such as are contrary to their true happiness; that their memory is fallacious, and their discourse incoherent; and that they lose, in great measure, that consciousness which accompanies our thoughts and actions, and by which we connect ourselves with ourselves from time to time. These circumstances are variously combined in the various kinds and degrees of madness; and some of them take place in persons of sound minds, in certain degrees, and for certain spaces of time: so that here, as in other cases, it is impossible to fix precise limits, and to determine where soundness of mind ends, and madness begins. I will make some short remarks, deduced from the theory of these papers upon the following states of mind, which all bear some relation to one another, and all differ from the perfection of reasoning natural to adults, according to the ordinary course of things, viz.

 * 1) The erroneousness of the judgment in children and idiots.
 * 2) The dotage of old persons.
 * 3) Drunkenness.
 * 4) The deliriums attending acute or other distempers.
 * 5) The frequent recurrency of the same ideas in a course of study or otherwise.
 * 6) Violent passions.
 * 7) Melancholy.
 * 8) Madness.

The Erroneousness of the Judgment in Children and Idiots.

Children often misrepresent past and future facts; their memory is fallacious; their discourse incoherent; their affections and actions disproportionate to the value of the things desired and pursued; and the connecting consciousness is in them as yet imperfect. But all this follows naturally from the observations made above concerning the methods in which we learn to remember and relate past facts, to judge of future ones, to reason, and to express ourselves suitably to each occasion; also in which our hopes and

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 fears are made to depend upon symbols. No particular account is therefore required for these phænomena; they are strictly natural; and many of the chief reasons for the imperfection of the memory and judgment in children occurring perpetually, and being very obvious, it is not usually supposed, that any particular account is required. However, if an adult should become subject to a like erroneousness, it would evidently be one species of madness; as fatuity or idiotism is. Here the brain labours under such an original disorder, as either not to receive a disposition to the miniature vibrations in which ideas consist, and whence voluntary motions are derived, but with great difficulty; or if it receive such dispositions readily, they have not the usual permanency; in both which cases it is evident, that the memory, with all the faculties thereon depending, must continue in an imperfect state, such as is observed in idiots. The want of the connecting consciousness in children and idiots, and indeed in maniacs of various kinds, excites our pity in a peculiar manner, this connecting consciousness being esteemed a principal source and requisite of happiness. Their helplessness, and the dangers to which they are exposed without foreseeing them, contribute also to enhance our compassion.

Of Dotage.

The dotage of old persons is oftentimes something more than a mere decay of memory. For they mistake things present for others, and their discourse is often foreign to the objects that are presented to them. However, the imperfection of their memory in respect of impressions but just made, or at short intervals of past time, is one principal source of their mistakes. One may suppose here that the parts of the brain in which the miniature vibrations belonging to ideas have taken place, are decayed in a peculiar manner, perhaps from too great use, while the parts appropriated to the natural, vital, and animal motions remain tolerably perfect. The sinuses of the brain are probably considerably distended in these cases, and the brain itself in a languishing state; for there seems to be a considerable resemblance between the inconsistencies of some kinds of dotage, and those of dreams. Besides which it may be observed, that in dotage the person is often sluggish and lethargic; and that as a defect of the nutritive faculty in the brain will permit the sinuses to be more easily distended, so a distention of the sinuses, from this or any other cause, may impede the due nutrition of the brain. We see that, in old persons, all the parts, even the bones themselves, waste and grow less. Why may not this happen to the brain, the origin of all, and arise from an obstruction of the infinitesimal vessels of the nervous system, this obstruction causing such a degree of opacity, as greatly to abate, or even to destroy, the powers of association and memory? At the same time vibrations,

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 foreign to the present objects, may be excited from causes residing in the brain, stomach, &c. just as in sleep.

Of Drunkenness.

The common and immediate effect of wine is to dispose to joy, i.e. to introduce such kinds and degrees of vibrations into the whole nervous system, or into the separate parts thereof, as are attended with a moderate continued pleasure. This it seems to do chiefly by impressing agreeable sensations upon the stomach and bowels, which are thence propagated into the brain, continue there, and also call up the several associated pleasures that have been formed from pleasant impressions made upon the alimentary duct, or even upon any of the external senses. But wine has also probably a considerable effect of the same kind, after it is absorbed by the veins and lacteals, viz. by the impressions which it makes on the solids, considered as productions of the nerves, while it circulates with the fluids in an unassimilated state, in the same manner, as has been already observed of opium; which resembles wine in this respect also, that it produces one species of temporary madness. And we may suppose, that analogous observations hold with regard to all the medicinal and poisonous bodies, which are found to produce considerable disorders in the mind; their greatest and most immediate effect arises from the impressions made on the stomach, and the disorderly vibrations propagated thence into the brain; and yet it seems probable, that such particles as are absorbed, produce a similar effect in circulating with the blood.

Wine, after it is absorbed, must rarefy the blood, and consequently distend the veins and sinuses, so as to make them compress the medullary substance, and the nerves themselves, both in their origin and progress; it must therefore dispose to some degree of a palsy of the sensations and motions; to which there will be a farther disposition from the great exhaustion of the nervous capillaments, and medullary substance, which a continued state of gaiety and mirth, with the various expressions of it, has occasioned.

It is moreover to be noted, that the pleasant vibrations producing this gaiety by rising higher and higher perpetually, as more wine is taken into the stomach and blood-vessels, come at last to border upon, and even to pass into, the disagreeable vibrations belonging to the passions of anger, jealousy, envy, &c. more especially if any of the mental causes of these be presented at the same time.

Now it seems, that, from a comparison of these and such like things with each other, and with what is delivered in other parts of these papers, the peculiar temporary madness of drunken persons might receive a general explanation. Particularly it seems natural to expect that they should at first be much

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 to mirth and laughter, with a mixture of small inconsistencies and absurdities; that these last should increase from the vivid trains which force themselves upon the brain, in opposition to the present reality; that they should lose the command and stability of the voluntary motions from the prevalence of confused vibrations in the brain, so that those appropriated to voluntary motion cannot descend regularly as usual; but that they should stagger, and see double: that quarrels and contentions should arise after some time; and all end at last in a temporary apoplexy. And it is very observable, that the free use of fermented liquors disposes to passionateness, to distempers of the head, to melancholy, and to downright madness; all which things have also great connexions with each other.

The sickness and head-ache which drunkenness occasions the succeeding morning, seem to arise, the first from the immediate impressions made on the nerves of the stomach; the second from the peculiar sympathy which the parts of the head, external as well as internal, have with the brain, the part principally affected in drunkenness, by deriving their nerves immediately from it.

Of Deliriums.

I come next to consider the deliriums which sometimes attend distempers, especially acute ones. In these a disagreeable state is introduced into the nervous system by the bodily disorder, which checks the rise of pleasant associations, and gives force and quickness to disgustful ones; and which consequently would of itself alone, if sufficient in degree, vitiate and distort all the reasonings of the sick person. But besides this, it seems, that, in the deliriums attending distempers, a vivid train of visible images forces itself upon the patient’s eye, and that either from a disorder in the nerves and blood-vessels of the eye itself, or from one in the brain, or one in the alimentary duct, or which is most probable, from a concurrence of all these. It seems also that the wild discourse of delirious persons is accommodated to this train in some imperfect manner; and that it becomes so wild, partly from the incoherence of the parts of this train, partly from its not expressing even this incoherent train adequately, but deviating into such phrases as the vibrations excited by the distemper in the parts of the brain corresponding to the auditory nerves, or in parts still more internal, and consequently the seats of ideas purely intellectual, produce by their associated influence over the organs of speech.

That delirious persons have such trains forced upon the eye from internal causes, appears probable from hence, that when they first begin to be delirious, and talk wildly, it is generally at such times only as they are in the dark, so as to have all visible objects excluded; for, upon bringing a candle to them, and presenting common objects, they recover themselves, and talk

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 rationally, till the candle be removed again. For hence we may conclude, that the real objects overpower the visible train from internal causes, while the delirium is in its infancy; and that the patient relapses, as soon as he is shut up in the dark, because the visible train from internal causes overpowers that which would rise up, was the person’s nervous system in a natural state, according to the usual course of association, and the recurrent recollection of the place and circumstances in which he is situated. By degrees the visible train, from internal causes, grows so vivid, by the increase of the distemper, as even to overpower the impressions from real objects, at least frequently, and in a great degree, and so as to intermix itself with them, and to make an inconsistency in the words and actions; and thus the patient becomes quite delirious.

Persons inclining to be delirious in distempers are most apt to be so in going to sleep, and in waking from sleep; in which circumstances the visible trains are more vivid, than when we are quite awake, as has been observed above.

It casts also some light upon this subject, that tea and coffee will sometimes occasion such trains; and that they arise in our first attempts to sleep after these liquors.

As death approaches, the deliriums attending distempers abound with far more incoherencies and inconsistencies, than any other species of alienations of the mind; which may easily be conceived to be the natural result of the entire confusion and disorder which then take place in the nervous system. However, there are some cases of death, where the nervous system continues free from this confusion to the last, as far as the by-standers can judge.

The Frequent Recurrency of the same Ideas.

When a person applies himself to any particular study, so as to fix his attention deeply on the ideas and terms belonging to it, and to be very little conversant in those of other branches of knowledge, it is commonly observed, that he becomes narrow-minded, strongly persuaded of the truth and value of many things in his own particular study, which others think doubtful or false, or of little importance, and after some time subject to low spirits, and the hypochondriacal distemper. Now all this follows from observations already made. The perpetual recurrency of particular ideas and terms makes the vibrations belonging thereto become more than ordinarily vivid, converts feeble associations into strong ones, and enhances the secondary ideas of dignity and esteem, which adhere to them, at the same time that all these things are diminished in respect of other ideas and terms that are kept out of view; and which, if they were to recur in due proportion, would oppose and correct many associations in the particular study, which are made not according to

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 the reality of things, and keep down our exorbitant opinions of its importance. The same perpetual recurrency of vibrations, affecting one and the same part of the brain, in nearly one and the same manner, must irritate it at last, so as to enter the limits of pain, and approach to the states peculiar to fear, anxiety, despondency, peevishness, jealousy, and the rest of the tribe of hypochondriacal passions.

Sleep, which presents ideas at hazard, as one may say, and with little regard to prior associations, seems to be of the greatest use in keeping off the hypochondriacal distemper in such persons: however, without a change of studies, this, with great narrow-mindedness, will probably come at last.

It follows from the same method of reasoning, that since the concerns of religion are infinite, so that we can never over-rate them, we ought to make the ideas, motives, and affections, of this kind, recur as often as possible. And if this be done in a truly catholic spirit, with all that variety of actions which our duty to God, our neighbour, and ourselves, requires, there will be no danger of introducing either narrow-mindedness or hypochondriacism. And it ought to be esteemed the same kind and degree of alienation of mind to undervalue a thing of great importance, as to over-value one of small.

Of Violent Passions.

Persons that are under the influence of strong passions, such as anger, fear, ambition, disappointment, have the vibrations attending the principal ideas so much increased, that these ideas cling together, i.e. are associated in an unnatural manner; at the same time that the eagerness and violence of the passion prevent the formation of such associations, or obscure them, if already formed, as are requisite for the right apprehension of the past and future facts, which are the objects of this passion. Violent passions must therefore disorder the understanding and judgment, while they last; and if the same passion return frequently, it may have so great an effect upon the associations, as that the intervention of foreign ideas shall not be able to set things to rights, and break the unnatural bond. The same increase of vibrations makes all the principal ideas appear to affect self, with the peculiar interesting concerns supposed to flow from personal identity; so that these vibrations exert a reflected influence upon themselves by these means. And thus it appears, that all violent passions must be temporary madnesses, and all habits of them permanent ones, agreeably to the judgment of the wise and good in these things. It appears also, that violent fits of passion, and frequent recurrences of them, must, from the nature of the body, often transport persons, so that they shall not be able to recover themselves, but fall within the limits of the distemper called madness emphatically.

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 Of Melancholy.

The next species of alienations of the mind is melancholy. Vapours, hypochondriacal, and hysterical disorders, are comprehended under this class. The causes of it are self-indulgence in eating and drinking, and particularly in fermented liquors, want of due bodily labour, injuries done to the brain by fevers, concussions, &c., too much application of the mind, especially to the same objects and ideas, violent and long-continued passions, profuse evacuations, and an hereditary disposition; which last we may suppose to consist chiefly in an undue make of the brain.

In women the uneasy states of the uterus are propagated to the brain, both immediately and mediately, i.e. by first affecting the stomach, and thence the brain. In men the original disorder often begins, and continues for a long time, chiefly in the organs of digestion.

The causa proxima of melancholy is an irritability of the medullary substance of the brain, disposing it upon slight occasions to such vibrations as enter the limits of pain; and particularly to such kinds and degrees, as belong to the uneasy passions of fear, sorrow, anger, jealousy, &c. And as these vibrations, when the passions are not in great excess, do not much transgress the limits of pleasure, it will often happen that hypochondriac and hysteric persons shall be apt to be transported with joy from trifling causes, and be, at times, disposed to mirth and laughter. They are also very fickle and changeable, as having their desires, hopes, and fears, increased far beyond their natural magnitude, when they happen to fall in with such a state of brain as favours them.

It often happens to these persons to have very absurd desires, hopes, and fears; and yet, at the same time, to know them to be absurd; and, in consequence thereof, to resist them. While they do this, we may reckon the distemper within the bounds of melancholy; but when they endeavour to gratify very absurd desires, or are permanently persuaded of the reality of very groundless hopes and fears, and especially if they lose the connecting consciousness in any great degree, and violate the rules of decency and virtue (the associations of this kind being overpowered, as it were, in the same manner as they are sometimes in dreams), we may reckon the distemper to have passed into madness, strictly so called; of which I now come to speak in a general brief way.

Of Madness.

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, and to the deliriums attending distempers. That from mental causes is of the same kind with temporary alienations of the mind during violent passions, and with the prejudices and opinionativeness, which much application to one set of ideas only occasions.

We may thus distinguish the causes for the more easy conception and analysis of the subject; but, in fact, they are both united for the most part. The bodily cause lays hold of that passion or affection, which is most disproportionate; and the mental cause, when that is primary, generally waits till some bodily distemper gives it full scope to exert itself. Agreeably to this, the prevention and cure of all kinds of madness require an attention both to the body and mind; which coincides in a particular manner with the general doctrine of these papers.

It is observed, that mad persons often speak rationally and consistently upon the subjects that occur, provided that single one which most affects them, be kept out of view. And the reason of this may be, that whether they first became mad, because a particular, original, mental uneasiness falls in with an accidental bodily disorder; or because an original, bodily disorder falls in with an accidental mental one; it must follow, that a particular set of ideas shall be extremely magnified, and, consequently, an unnatural association of sameness or repugnancy between them generated, all other ideas and associations remaining nearly the same. Thus, suppose a person, whose nervous system is disordered, to turn his thoughts accidentally to some barely possible good or evil. If the nervous disorder falls in with this, it increases the vibrations belonging to its ideas so much, as to give it a reality, a connexion with self. For we distinguish the recollection and anticipation of things relating to ourselves, from those of things relating to other persons, chiefly by the difference of strength in the vibrations, and in their coalescences with each other. When one false position of this kind is admitted, it begets more of course; the same bodily and mental causes also continuing; but then this process stops after a certain number of false positions are adopted from their mutual inconsistency (unless the whole nervous system be deranged); and it is often confined to a certain kind, as the irascible, the terrifying, &c.

The memory is often much impaired in madness, which is both a sign of the greatness of the bodily disorder, and a hindrance to mental rectification; and therefore a bad prognostic. If an opposite state of body and mind can be introduced early, before the unnatural associations are too much cemented, the madness is cured; if otherwise, it will remain, though both the bodily and mental cause should be at last removed.

Inquiries after the philosopher’s stone, the longitude, &c. to which men are prompted by strong, ambitious, or covetous desires, are often both cause and effect, in respect of madness.

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 Excessive fits of anger and fear are also found often to hurry persons into madness.

In dissections after madness the brain is often found dry, and the blood-vessels much distended; which are arguments, that violent vibrations took place in the internal parts of the brain, the peculiar residence of ideas and passions; and that it was much compressed, so as to obstruct the natural course of association.

As in mad persons the vibrations in the internal parts of the brain are preternaturally increased, so they are defective in the external organs, in the glands, &c. Hence maniacs eat little, are costive, make little water, and take scarce any notice of external impressions. The violence of the ideas and passions may give them great muscular strength upon particular occasions, when the violent vibrations descend from the internal parts of the brain into the muscles, according to former associations of these with the voluntary motions (the same increase of vibrations in the internal parts of the brain, which hinders the ascending vibrations of sensation, augmenting the descending ones of motion). But maniacs are often very sluggish, as well as insensible, from the great prevalence of the ideal vibrations; just as persons in a state of deep attention are. An accurate history of the several kinds of madness from those physicians, who are much conversant with this distemper, is greatly wanted, and it would probably receive considerable light from this theory.

Religious considerations are the best preservative in hereditary or other tendencies to madness; as being the only sure means of restraining violent passions, at the same time that they afford a constant indefinite hope, mixed with a filial awe and fear; which things are eminently qualified to keep up a steadiness and sobriety of mind, and to incite us to such a course of action, as adds incessantly to the hope, and diminishes the fear. However, bodily labour, with a variety of mental occupations, and a considerable abstemiousness in the quantity and quality of diet, ought always to be joined.

Section VII
THE INTELLECTUAL FACULTIES OF BRUTES.

the doctrines of vibrations and association be found sufficient to solve the phænomena of sensation, motion, ideas, and

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 affections, in men; it will be reasonable to suppose, that they will also be sufficient to solve the analogous phænomena in brutes. And, conversely, it seems probable, that an endeavour to apply and adapt these doctrines to brutes will cast some light and evidence upon them, as they take place in men. And thus the laws of vibrations and association may be as universal in respect of the nervous systems of animals of all kinds, as the law of circulation is with respect to the system of the heart and bloodvessels; and their powers of sensation and motion be the result of these three laws, viz. circulation, vibrations, and association, taken together. These three laws may also be most closely united in their ultimate cause and source, and flow in all their varieties from very simple principles. At least this is the tenor of nature in many similar cases.

As the whole brute creation differs much from, and is far inferior to man in intellectual capacities; so the several kinds of animals differ much from each other in the same respect. But I shall, in this Section, confine myself chiefly to the consideration of the first difference, viz. of that between mankind and the brute creation in general; and endeavour to assign such reasons for it, as flow from, or are agreeable to, the theory of these papers. We may suppose then, that brutes in general differ from, and are inferior to man, in intellectual capacities, on the following accounts:

First, The small proportional size of their brains.

Secondly, The imperfection of the matter of their brains, whereby it is less fitted for retaining a large number of miniatures, and combining them by association, than man’s.

Thirdly, Their want of words, and such like symbols.

Fourthly, The instinctive powers which they bring into the world with them, or which rise up from internal causes, as they advance towards adult age.

Fifthly, The difference between the external impressions made on the brute creation, and on mankind.

First, then, As the brains of brutes are less in proportion to the bulk of the other parts, than those of men; and as the internal parts of the brain appear from these papers to be the peculiar seat of ideas, and intellectual affections; it seems very natural to expect, that brutes should have a far less variety of these than men. The parts which intervene between the optic and auditory nerves, being proportionably less, for instance, in brutes, will not admit of so great a variety of associations between the several ideas of these senses, because the optic and auditory nerves cannot have so great a variety of connexions and communications with each other.

To this it is to be added, that the internal parts belonging to the olfactory nerves, and, perhaps, those belonging to the nerves of taste, take up, probably, a greater proportional part of the medullary substance of the brain than in us, since most brutes

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 have the sense of smell, and perhaps that of taste in greater perfection than we have. There will therefore be still less room left for the variety of intercourses between the optic and auditory nerves in the medullary substance of the brain. And yet it is evident, from obvious observations, as well as from the whole tenor of these papers, that the eye and ear, with their associations, are the chief sources of intellect; and that the greatest part of the pleasures and pains of human life arise from visible and audible impressions, which in themselves afford neither pleasure nor pain.

Thus it is natural to expect, that the happiness and misery of brutes should depend principally, and in a direct manner, on the impressions made upon their gross senses, whilst that of mankind arises, in great measure, from long trains of associated ideas and emotions, which enter chiefly by the eye and ear. And it seems to me a very striking coincidence, that mankind should at the same time exceed the brute creation in the variety of their ideas, and in the proportional largeness of that part of the body which is the peculiar seat of these.

The same proportional largeness may, as it were, detain the vibrations which ascend from external impressions up to the brain, and so prevent that freedom of descent into the muscular system which takes place in brutes; and which disposes them to move more early, and more readily, in consequence of direct impressions, than men, at the same time that they have a far less command, in respect of voluntary motion. But this difference depends, in great measure, upon the considerations that follow, as will be seen.

Secondly, That the very constitution and texture of the nervous system, in its infinitesimal vessels, should differ in brutes from that of men, appears highly reasonable to be expected. And since the lives of brutes fall, in general, far short of that of man, also since the quadrupeds (which resemble man more than other animals) are far more hairy, and fowls have feathers, it appears probable, that the texture of the nervous system in brutes should tend more to callosity, and fixedness, in its dispositions to vibrate, than in men. The brains of young brute animals will therefore be sooner able to retain miniatures than those of children, as tending more to firmness and fixedness in their ultimate texture and constitution; at the same time that this texture will unfit them for receiving a variety. To which, if we add the shortness of their lives, and consequently of their ascent to the summit of adult age; which ascent is the proper time for receiving instruction; it is easy to see, that on this double account, as well as that mentioned under the foregoing head, they must fall far short of mankind in the number of their intellectual ideas, pleasures, and pains.

It follows from the same method of reasoning, that the few dispositions to miniature vibrations, which are generated in

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 brutes, may be as perfect in their kinds; and consequently the memory, and short direct ratiocination depending thereon, as perfect also as the analogous things in man. Nay, they may be more so, if the particular animal under consideration excel man in the acuteness and precision of those senses, whose ideas make a principal part of this ratiocination. Now it appears, that most quadrupeds exceed us in the acuteness of the smell, and in the power of distinguishing a variety of smells. And many birds seem to be able to see distinctly at much greater distances. However, our auditory nerves, and the regions of the brain corresponding thereto, appear far better fitted for retaining a variety of miniatures of articulate sounds; and our optic nerves, and the regions of the brain corresponding thereto, for retaining a variety of miniatures of shapes and colours. And next to man, quadrupeds, and particularly monkies, dogs, and horses, seem to have these regions of the brain in the greatest perfection.

If the texture of the brains of animals here considered be also, in part, the cause of their being covered with hair, wool, bristles, feathers, &c. it may, from this its effect, dispose them to greater strength and expertness in their motions, and that more early, than happens to men. For all these are electrics per se, and consequently may first have a considerable degree of this power communicated to them by the heat of the circulating blood; and then, not being able to transmit it to the air, which is also an electric per se, may reflect it upon the muscles, and thereby dispose them to somewhat greater activity. It is well known, that the manes of horses, and backs of cats, are made electric by their vital powers. It may farther be observed, that the hoofs of animals are electrics per se, and that the feathers of water-fowl repel the water; whence the electric virtue may be kept from running off to the earth and water respectively. However, we ought not to lay much stress upon this electric virtue in the muscular fibres of brutes (if there be any such virtue) in order to account for the superior and more early powers of animals, in respect of ordinary motions. The texture of the fibres of the muscles, and that of the brain, must have the principal share in this effect.

It is also to be considered, that as they have far fewer voluntary motions, on account of having far fewer ideas, so they may arrive at a greater perfection in the automatic ones, and the small number of voluntary ones which they do perform, on this account. Man is distracted, as it were, by the endless variety of his ideas, and voluntary motions: and it is notorious, that none besides extraordinary geniuses arrive at perfection in any considerable variety; whereas a person of small natural capacity, by selecting some one branch of science, or manual art, and applying himself to this alone, may perform wonders. Nay, there have been instances of persons not much removed from idiotism, who could perform the arithmetical operations by

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 memory, far better than men of good understandings, well versed in those operations; which is a thing somewhat analogous to the extraordinary sagacity in investigating and concluding, which brutes discover, in respect of some particular things.

Thirdly, The next circumstance which renders brutes far inferior to man in intellectual acquisitions, is their want of symbols, such as words, whereby to denote objects, sensations, ideas, and combinations of ideas. This may appear from several considerations. Those men who happen to be born in a country where the mother tongue is copious and precise, who apply themselves to the study of their mother tongue, who, besides this, learn one or more foreign tongues, &c. get, by these means, a considerable share of the knowledge of things themselves, learn to remark, prove, disprove, and invent, and, cæteris paribus, make a quicker progress in mental accomplishments than others. On the contrary, the mental improvement of persons born deaf is extremely retarded by their incapacity of having things suggested by articulate sounds, or the pictures of these, and also by their not being able to solve the inverse problem, and denote their own trains of thought by adequate symbols. Words are the same kind of helps in the investigation of qualities, as algebraical symbols and methods are in respect of quantity, as has been already remarked. Persons born deaf cannot therefore make any great progress in the knowledge of causes and effects, in abstracted and philosophical matters; but must approach, as it were, to the state of the brute creation. On the contrary, brute creatures, that have much intercourse with mankind, such as dogs and horses, by learning the use of words and symbols of other kinds, become more sagacious than they would otherwise be. And if particular pains be taken with them, their docility and sagacity, by means of symbols, sometimes arise to a very surprising degree.

Parrots might be thought, according to this view of the present subject, to have some particular advantages over quadrupeds, by their being able to pronounce words; since, as has been observed before, the attempts which children make to apply words to things, assist them very much in understanding the applications made by others. But parrots do not seem to speak from any particular acuteness and precision in the auditory nerves, and parts of the brain corresponding thereto, having no cochlea, but from the perfection and pliableness of their vocal organs, in which they exceed other birds; as birds in general do beasts. And it is reasonable to think, that quadrupeds, which resemble man so nearly in the make of the organ of hearing, as well as in other parts, and which also have naturally much more intercourse with man (being fellow-inhabitants of the earth) than birds (which inhabit the air), should likewise have a greater faculty of distinguishing the articulate sounds of man’s voice, retaining their miniatures, and applying them to the things

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 signified, than birds; which seems evidently to be the case. Sagacious quadrupeds may therefore be said to resemble dumb persons arrived at adult age, who are possessed of much knowledge, which yet they cannot express, except by gestures, by dumb show: whereas parrots, as before remarked, resemble children; these having many words with very little knowledge annexed to them.

Apes and monkeys, of the several kinds, seem to approach nearest to man, in the general faculty of reasoning, and drawing conclusions; but in particular things, especially where instinct prevails, some other brutes far exceed them; as indeed such brutes do man himself in a few, on account of the peculiar acuteness of the sense of smell, and the same instinct.

I reckon the want of articulate sounds to be one of the reasons why brutes are so much inferior to men in intellectual capacities; because it appears, from the foregoing and other considerations of the same kind, that it is so. But this is no imperfection upon the whole. The proportional smallness of their brains, the texture of these, their instincts, and their external circumstances, are such, that they do not want language much; that they could make no great use of it, had they proper organs for speaking; and that they would probably be losers, upon the whole, by having it. The efficient and final causes are here suited to each other, as in all other cases; so that no circumstance can be changed for the better, cæteris manentibus.

Fourthly, Let us come to the instinctive powers of animals. These are a point of a very difficult consideration. They are evidently not the result of external impressions, by means of the miniatures of these, their associations and combinations, in the manner according to which I have endeavoured to shew that the rational faculties of mankind are formed and improved; and yet, in the instances to which they extend, they very much resemble the rational faculties of mankind. Animals, in preparing and providing for themselves and their young, in future exigencies, proceed in the same manner as a person of good understanding, who foresaw the event, would do; and this, even though they be a little put out of their way. And in this they much resemble persons of narrow capacities and acquisitions, who yet excel greatly in some particular art or science; of which there are many instances. Such persons shew great ingenuity in the things to which they are accustomed, and in some others that border upon them within certain limits, so as to shew great ingenuity still, though put a little out of their way; but if they be put much out of their way, or questioned about things that are entirely foreign to the art or science in which they excel, they are quite lost and confounded.

Let us suppose this to be the case, and then the inquiry concerning instinct in brutes will be reduced to this; viz. by what means the nervous systems of brutes are made to put on

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 to miniature vibrations, analogous to those which take place in the persons here considered; and which are in them the result of foregoing impressions, if we admit the theory of these papers. Now, to me, there seems no difficulty in ascribing this to the mere bodily make in brutes, so that miniature vibrations, such as answer in us to ideas, and voluntary motions, shall spring up in them at certain ages and seasons of the year, and mix themselves with impressions, and acquired ideas, so as to be, in general, suitable to them; and, in general, to direct the brute creatures in what manner to provide for, and preserve, themselves and their young.

This would be a kind of inspiration to brutes, mixing itself with, and helping out, that part of their faculties which corresponds to reason in us, and which is extremely imperfect in them. Only this inspiration might be called natural, as proceeding from the same stated laws of matter and motion as the other phænomena of nature; whereas the inspiration of the sacred writers appears to be of a much higher source, so as to be termed supernatural properly, in contradistinction to all knowledge resulting from the common laws of nature. And yet it may result from some higher laws of nature. For sacred inspiration would lose nothing of its authority, though it should appear to be within such laws, as by their fixedness might be termed nature: and, indeed, all differences in these things, after the facts are once settled, will be found, upon due inquiry, to be merely verbal.

Fifthly, The last cause here assigned for the great difference and inferiority of brutes, in respect of intellectual capacities, is the difference in the events and incidents of their lives. They converse with far fewer objects than men, and both the objects and pleasures of feeling, taste, and smell, have a far greater proportional share in the sum total, than in us. Now, as in men, the common events and incidents of life give a turn to the whole frame of mind, and either enlarge the intellectual capacities, if they be various, or narrow them, if the same occurrences return again and again perpetually; so, independently of all the foregoing considerations, the sameness, paucity, and relation to mere sense, of the impressions made on brutes, must infer a great narrowness of understanding.

From all these things put together, it appears very conceivable how the mental faculties of brutes should, consistently with the doctrines of vibrations and association, be what they are, in fact, found to be. And though I suppose, with Descartes, that all their motions are conducted by mere mechanism, yet I do not suppose them to be destitute of perception, but that they have this in a manner analogous to that which takes place in us; and that it is subjected to the same mechanical laws as the motions. Whether the ideal vibrations, which take place in the medullary substances of their brains, be the result of former impressions, or

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 the mere offspring of their vital and natural powers, agreeably to the foregoing hypothesis concerning instinct, or the compound effect of both, which we may presume to be generally the case, I always suppose, that corresponding feelings, and affections of mind, attend upon them, just as in us. And the brute creatures prove their near relation to us, not only by the general resemblance of the body, but by that of the mind also; inasmuch as many of them have most of the eminent passions in some imperfect degree, and as there is, perhaps, no passion belonging to human nature, which may not be found in some brute creature in a considerable degree.

The brutes seem scarce ever able to arrive at any proper self-interest of the abstract and refined kind, at consciousness, so as to compare and connect themselves with themselves in different situations, or at any idea and adoration of God; and this from the narrowness of their capacities and opportunities in general, but particularly from their want of symbols.

The same want of symbols must make all their reasonings and affections, which resemble ours in the general, be, however, considerably different in particulars, and far less complex; but it is sufficient to entitle them to the names of sagacity, cunning, fear, love, &c. by which ours are denoted, that the trains of ideal vibrations in their brains bear a general resemblance to the corresponding ones in ours, spring from like causes, and produce like effects.

The power of association over brutes is very evident in all the tricks which they are taught; and the whole nature of each brute, which has been brought up amongst others of the same species, is a compound of instinct, his own observation and experience, and imitation of those of his own species. Instinct seems to have exerted its whole influence when the creature is arrived at maturity, and has brought up young; so that nothing new can be expected from it afterwards. But their intellectual acquisitions from observation and imitation continue; whence old brutes are far more cunning, and can act far better, pro re nata, than young ones.

It ought always to be remembered in speaking on this subject, that brutes have more reason than they can shew, from their want of words, from our inattention, and from our ignorance of the import of those symbols, which they do use in giving intimations to one another, and to us.

We seem to be in the place of God to them, to be his vice-regents [sic], and empowered to receive homage from them in his name. And we are obliged, by the same tenure, to be their guardians and benefactors.

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text: Our American Holidays - Christmas/Christmas (Cooke)


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186 lions would be necessary, and not merely the absorption of the notes, which might have been in the mean time added to the mass in circulation.

Again, suppose at a period when the currency was in a sound condition, money being neither too abundant nor too scarce, the banks of New York should, from some unfounded apprehensions, all at once reduce their loans to the extent of two millions of dollars, by which means their debtors should be obliged to raise funds in the market from that class of persons who had deposites in the banks, and who would of course draw checks upon them, and thus extinguish the liabilities of the banks existing in the form of deposites, to the extent of two millions. Would the currency of New York be contracted? Would money be scarcer than before? Would competitors in the market with ready cash in hand be diminished? A negative answer could hardly be given to either of these questions, and hence the conclusion would seem to be self-evident, that deposites form a part of the currency.

Indeed, it is through the deposites of banks that the most powerful action is exercised upon the currency, where contractions are resorted to. Debtors who are called upon to pay up large sums, would find it very difficult to procure them, if they were obliged to hunt up bank notes, scattered all over the country; and if a city bank were fearful of being hard pressed, she would have very little concern about her notes, if she could only get clear of the demands of her depositors. Deposites, in fact, in large commercial cities, constitute the largest portion of the currency. In the city of New York, on the 1st of June, 1837, shortly after the stoppage of specie payments, the amount of notes in circulation outstanding for all the city banks, was $5,283,950, whilst the amount of deposites, public and private, was $15,843,171.

By the contraction which subsequently took place, the notes in circulation were reduced, by the 1st of


text: Our American Holidays - Christmas/A Christmas Letter From Australia


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 Cole ranged a large mass of records in the Carlton House Riding School, where he was placed for the purpose 2 Nov. 1841. His reports upon the unsuitability of this place contributed to bring about the erection of the building in Fetter Lane (begun in 1851). Cole's duties at the record office did not absorb his whole energy. In 1838, with the leave of his superiors, he became secretary to a committee for promoting postal reform. He edited their organ, the 'Post Circular,' suggested by himself, of which the first number appeared 14 March 1838. He got up petitions and meetings with such energy that Cobden offered to him in 1839 the secretaryship of the Anti-Cornlaw League. Parliament granted power to carry out the new postal scheme in August 1839, and the treasury offered premiums for the best proposals as to stamps. Cole gained one of the premiums; he attended the treasury to discuss details, and was employed there till the beginning of 1842 in working out the scheme.

Cole's labours in the record office had led him to take an interest in various works of mediæval art. His taste had been stimulated by his acquaintance with the antiquary, Francis Douce [q. v.], whom he had known through Palgrave. He studied engraving, and in later life learned to etch, exhibiting at the Royal Academy in 1866. In 1841 he began the issue of 'Felix Summerly's Home Treasury,' a series of children's stories illustrated by woodcuts after famous pictures. Mulready, the Linnells, and other eminent artists cooperated. Illustrated handbooks to Westminster Abbey, Hampton Court, and other places by 'Felix Summerly' were also issued. In 1845 he competed successfully for a prize offered by the Society of Arts for a tea service. Many hundred thousands of the so-called 'Summerly tea cup and saucer and milk jug' have since been sold by Messrs. Minton; and an organisation was started in 1847 for producing a series of 'Summerly's Art Manufactures.'

In 1846 Cole became a member of the Society of Arts. He was elected to the council, of which he was afterwards chairman in 1851 and 1852. In 1847-8-9 the society held exhibitions of 'Art Manufactures,' and in 1850 an exhibition of 'Ancient and Mediteval Decorative Art.' These led the way to the Great Exhibition of 1851. An 'executive committee' was appointed in 1849 to carry out the scheme, Cole obtaining leave of absence from the record office in order to serve upon it. It was confirmed by a royal commission on 3 Jan. 1850, Cole's chief colleagues being Mr. (afterwards Sir) C. W. Dilke, Robert Stephenson, and Digby Wyatt. Cole was a most energetic member and was brought into close connection with the prince consort, president of the royal commission. He was made C.B. in recognition of his services, at the conclusion. A balance of 213,305l. was the result of the success of the exhibition. Cole was afterwards 'general adviser' to the exhibition of 1862, with a fee of 1,500l.; he had the chief share in managing the unsuccessful exhibitions of 1871-4; and he was acting commissioner and secretary to the royal commission for Great Britain at Paris in 1855 and 1867.

On 31 Oct. 1851 the secretaryship of the school of design, which had languished in a very precarious state since its foundation in 1840, was offered to Cole by Lord Granville. Cole had proposed various reforms, and a committee of the House of Commons had examined the question in 1849. The disposal of the surplus from the exhibition of 1851 brought the subject forward. The nucleus of a museum was formed by purchases from the exhibition with a grant of 5,000l. from the treasury. This was exhibited at Marlborough House. Other purchases followed, especially that of the Soulages collection, secured by Cole in 1855. Lord Palmerston refusing to sanction the acquisition, Cole induced the trustees of the Manchester Fine Arts Exhibition to purchase it. They afterwards lent it to South Kensington, at a rental, and Cole induced the government to make annual purchases from it, until in twelve years it became the property of the nation. Cole meanwhile had been appointed (January 1852) secretary of the department of practical art, which was a remodelled version of the school of design. There were thirty-six subordinate schools of design in 1852, which in 1864 had developed into ninety-one schools of art. Other subordinate classes were formed throughout the country. In 1853 the department of practical art became a department of science and art by the annexation of various minor institutions. Dr. Playfair was joint secretary with Cole until 1858, when upon his resignation Cole became sole secretary to the department.

The funds arising from the exhibition of 1851, with an advance from government, had been invested in the purchase of the estate at South Kensington, now occupied by a number of different bodies. Many suggestions were made for rebuilding different institutions upon the land. In 1855 an iron building, popularly known as the 'Brompton boilers' (the design of which was unjustly attributed to Cole), was erected upon part of the estate, to give shelter to various collections. In 1858 this land became the property


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100 CHAPTER VII.

ON THE STRICT CONVERTIBILITY OF BANK NOTES AND CREDITS.

BUT it may be asked, how are banks to ascertain the precise limits beyond which they cannot extend their issues without endangering their solvency and depreciating the currency, and of course injuring the public? And what guarantee has the public, who, from the nature of things, can know nothing of the state of their issues at all times, that their confidence will not be misplaced?

The answer to this question is not easily to be arrived at. In the various investigations before the British House of Commons in reference to the Bank of England, rules for prudent issues have been laid down by different directors, with a variety which showed that all did not possess a scientific acquaintance with the principles of banking. In the management of the numerous banks of the United States, an inexcusable ignorance of first principles has been repeatedly manifested, and hence, we have seen repeated expansions and contractions of a highly prejudicial nature. These expansions and contractions, however, with the fluctuations in prices necessarily accompanying them, would exist only to a limited extent, if there were a real boua fide convertibility; and I wish it to be distinctly understood that all my remarks favoring banks of circulation, are founded upon the supposition of such convertibility.

How then is absolute convertibility to be attained? I answer, by the joint co-operation of the banks, of the public, and of the legislatures.

The duties which the banks have to perform are, first, to deal honestly with their creditors, by keeping themselves in a condition at all times to meet their


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Roon, Albrecht Theodor Emil

ROON, rōn,, Count von (1803-79). A Prussian field-marshal and war minister, born at Pleushagen near Kolberg. He was trained at the military school in Berlin, and in 1836 was appointed to the general stuff with the rank of captain. In 1858 he was

commander of the Fourteenth Division, and six months later became lieutenant-general. In 1859 he was made Minister of War, and in 1861 became also Minister of Marine, holding that office for 10 years. The splendid effectiveness of the German army in 1866 and 1870-71 was due in very great measure to Von Roon's talents as an organizer and administrator. On January 1, 1873, he was made President of the Cabinet, and Field-Marshal. He resigned November 9, 1873, the ministry of war and the presidency of the Cabinet, as Bismarck found it necessary to combine his position as Imperial Chancellor with that of President of the Cabinet. Von Roon, who was a pupil of Karl Ritter, wrote a number of authoritative geographical works, the best known of which is the Anfangsgründe der Erd-, Völker- and Staatenkunde (1834). Consult: Waldemar Count Roon, Denkwürdigkeiten aus dem Leben des General-Feldmarschalls Grafen von Roon (2 vols., Breslau, 1892); id., Kriegsminister von Roon als Redner (ib., 1895-96).


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 In our Books of Occult Philosophy, we have not so compendiously, as copiously, declared the principles, grounds, and reasons of Magick it self, and after what maner the experiments thereof are to be chosen, elected, and compounded, to produce many wonderful effects; but because in those books they are treated of, rather Theorically, than Practically; and some also are not handled compleatly and fully, and others very figuratively, and as it were Enigmatically and obscure Riddles, as being those which we have attained unto with great study, diligence, and very curious searching and exploration, and are heretofore set forth in a more


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 Rh more rude and unfashioned maner. Therefore in this book, which we have composed and made as it were a Complement and Key of our other books of Occult Philosophy, and of all Magical Operations, we will give unto thee the documents of holy and undefiled verity, and Inexpugnable and Unresistable Magical Discipline, and most pleasant and delectable experiments of the sacred Deities. So that as by the reading of our other books of Occult Philosophy, thou maist earnestly covet the knowledge of these things; even so with reading this book, thou shalt truely triumph. Wherefore let silence hide these things within the secret closets of they religious breast, and conceal them with constant Taciturnity.

This therefore is to be known, That the names of the intelligent presidents of every one of the Planets are constituted after this maner: that is to say, By collecting together the letters out of the figure of the world, from the rising of the body of the Planet, according to the succession of the Signes through the several degrees; and out of the several degrees, from the aspects of the Planet himself, the calculation being made from the degree of the ascendant. In the like maner are constituted the names of the Princes of the evil spirits; they are taken under all the Planets of the presidents in a retrograde order, the projection being made contrary to the succession of the Signes, from the beginning of the seventh House. Now the name of the supreme & highest intelligence, which many do suppose to be the soul of the world, is collected out of the four Cardinal points of the figure of the world, after the maner already delivered: & by the opposite and contrary way, is known the name of the great Daemon, or evil spirit, upon the four cadent Angles. In the like maner shalt thou understand the names of the great presidential spirits ruling in the Air, from the four Angles of the succedent Houses; so that as to obtain the names of the good spirits, the calculation is to be made according to the succession of the signes, beginning from the degree of the ascendant; and to attain to the names of the evil spirits, by working the Rh


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 contrary way.

You must also observe, that the names of the evil spirits are extracted, aswel from the names of the good spirits, as of the evil: so notwithstanding, that if we enter the table with the name of a good spirit of the second order, the name of the evil spirit shall be extracted from the order of the Princes and Governours; but if we enter the table with the name of an evil spirit a Governour, after what maner soever they are extracted, whether by this table, or from a celestial figure, the names which to proceed from hence, shall be the names of evil spirits, the Ministers of the inferiour order.

It is further to be noted, That as often as we enter this table with the good spirits of the second order, the names extracted are of the second order: and if under them we extract the name of an evil spirit, he is of the superiour order of the Governours. The same order is, if we enter with the name of an evil spirit of the superiour order. If therefore we enter this table with the names of the spirits of the third order, or with the names of the ministring spirits, aswel of the good spirits, as of the evil, the names extracted shall be the names of the ministring spirits of the inferiour order.

But many Magicians, men of no small Authority, will have the tables of this kinde to be extended with Latine letters: so that by the same tables also, out of the name of any office or effect, might be found out the name of any spirit, aswel good as evil, by the same maner which is above delivered, by taking the name of the office or of the effect, in the columne of letters, in their own line, under their own star. And of this practice Trismegistus is a great Author, who delivered this kinde of calculation in Egyptian letters: not unproperly also may the be referred to other letters of other tongues, for the reasons assigned to the signes; for truly he only is extant of all men, who have treated concerning the attaining to the names of spirits.


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Therefore the force, secrecy and power, in what maner the sacred names of spirits are truly and rightly found out, consisteth in the disposing of the vowels, which do make the name of a spirit, and wherewith is constituted the true name and right word. Now this art is thus perfected and brought to pass: first, we are to take heed of the placing the vowels of the letters, which are found by the calculation of the celestial figure, to finde the names of the spirits of the second order, Presidents and Governours. And this in the good spirits, is thus brought to effect, by considering the starts which do constitute and make the letters, and by placing them according to their order: first, let the degree of the eleventh House be subtracted from the degree of that star which is first in order; and that which remaineth thereof, let it be projected from the degree of the ascendant, and where that number endeth, there is part of the vowel of the first letter: begin therefore to calculate the vowels of these letters, according to their number and order; and the vowel which falleth in the place of the star, which is first in order, the same vowel is attributed to the first letter. Then afterwards thou shalt finde the part of the second letter, by subtracting the degree of a star which is the second in order from the first star; and that which remaineth, cast from the ascendant. And this is the part from which thou shalt begin the calculation of the vowels; and that vowel which falleth upon the second star, the same is the vowel of the second letter. And so consequently maist thou search out the vowels of the following letters alwaies, by substracting the degree of the following star; from the degree of the star next preceding and going before. And so also all calculations and numerations in the names of the good spirits, ought to be made according to the succession of the signes. And in calculating the names of the evil spirits, where in the names of the good spirits is taken the degree of the eleventh House, in these ought to be taken the degree of the twelfth House. And all numerations and calculations may be made with the succession of the signes, by taking the beginning from the degree


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 of the tenth House.

But in all extractions by tables, the vowels are placed after another maner. In the first place therefore is taken the certain number of letters making the name itself, and is thus numbred from the beginning of the columne of the first letter, or whereupon the name is extracted; and the letter on which this number falleth, is referred to the first letter of the name, extracted by taking the distance of the one from the other, according to the order of the Alphabet. But the number of that distance is projected from the beginning of his columne; and where it endeth, there is part of the first vowel: from thence therefore thou shalt calculate the vowels themselves, in their own number and order, in the same columne; and the vowel which shall fall upon the first letter of a name, the same shall be attributed to that name. Now thou shalt finde the following vowels, by taking the distance from the precedent vowel to the following: and so consequently according to the succession of the Alphabet. And the number of that distance is to be numbered from the beginning of his owne columne; and where he shall cease, there is the part of the vowel sought after. From thence therefore must you calculate the vowels, as we have abovesaid; and those vowels which shall fall upon their own letters, are to be attributed to them; if therefore any vowel shall happen to fall upon a vowel, the former must give place to the latter: and this you are to understand only of the good spirits. In the evil also you may proceed in the same way; except only, that you make the numberations after a contrary and backward order, contrary to the succession of the Alphabet, and contrary to the order of the columnes (that is to say) in ascending.

The name of good Angels, and of every man, which we have taught how to finde out, in our third book of Occult Philosophy, according to that maner, is of no little Authority, nor of a mean foundation. But now we will give unto thee some other ways, illustrated with no vain reasons. One whereof is, by taking in the figure of the nativity, the five places of


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 Hylech: which being noted, the characters of the letters are projected in their order and number from the beginning of Aries; and those letters which fall upon the degrees of said places, according to their order and dignity disposed and aspected, do make the name of an Angel. There is also another way, wherein they do take Almutel, which is the ruling and governing stars over the aforesaid five places; and the projection is to be made from the degree of the ascendant; which is done by gathering together the letters falling upon Almutel: which being placed in order, according to their dignity, do make the name of an Angel. There is furthermore another way used, and very much had in observation among the Egyptians, by making their calculation from the degree of the ascendant, and by gathering together the letters according to the Almutel of the eleventh House; which House they call a good Daemon: which being placed according to their dignities, the names of the Angels are constituted. Now the names of the evil Angels are known after the like maner, except only that the projections must be performed contrary to the course and order of the succession of the signes, so that whereas in seeking the names of good spirits, we are to calculate from the beginning of Aries; contrariwise, in attaining the names of the evil, we ought to account from the beginning of Libra. And whereas in the good spirits we number from the degree of the ascendant; contrarily, in the evil, we must calculate from the degree of the seventh House. But according to the Egyptians, the name of an Angel is collected according to the Almutel of the twelfth House, which they call an evil spirit. Now all those rites, which are elsewhere already by us delivered in our third book of Occult Philosophy, may be made by the characters of any language. In all which (as we have abovesaid) there is a mystical and divine number, order and figure; from whence it cometh to pass, that the same spirit may be called by divers names. But others are discovered from the name of the spirit himself, of the good or evil, by tables formed to this purpose.

Chapter ii.
Now these celestial


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 characters do consist of lines and heads: the heads are six, according to the six magnitudes of the stars, whereunto the planets also are reduced. The first magnitude holdeth a Star, with the Sun, or a Cross. The second with Jupiter in a circular point. The third holdeth with Saturn, a semicircle, a triangle, either crooked, round, or acute. The fourth with Mars, a little stroke penetrating the line, either square, straight, or oblique. The fifth with Venus and Mercury, a little stroke or point with a tail, ascending or descending. The sixth with the Moon, a point made black. All you may see in the ensuing table. The heads then being posited according to the site of the Stars in the figure of Heaven, then the lines are to be drawn out, according to the congruency or agreement of their natures. And this you are to understand of the fixed Stars. But in the erecting of the Planets, the lines are drawn out, the heads being posited according to their course and nature amongst themselves.

When therefore a character is to be found of any celestial Image ascending


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 in any degree or face of a signe, which do consist of Stars of the same magnitude and nature; then the number of these Stars being posited according to their place and order, the lines are drawn after the similitude of the Image signified, as copiously as the same can be done.

Chapter iii.
But the Characters which are extracted according to the name of a spirit, are composed by the table following, by giving to every letter that name which agreeth unto him, out of the table; which although it may appear easie to those that apprehend it, yet there is herein no small difficulty; To wit, when the letter of a name falleth upon the line of letters or figures, that we may know which figure or which letter is to be taken. And this may be thus known: for if a letter falleth upon the line of letters, consider of what number this letter may be in the order of the name; as the second, or the third; then how many letters that name containeth; as five or seven; and multiply these numbers one after another by themselves, and triple the product: then cast the whole (being added together) from the beginning of the letters, according to the succession of the Alphabet: and the letter upon which that number shall happen to fall, ought to be placed for the character of that spirit. But if any letter of a name fall on the line of figures, it is thus to be wrought. Take the number how many this letter is in the order of the name, and let it be multiplied by that number of which this letter is in the order of the Alphabet; and being added together, divide it by nine, and the remainder sheweth the figure or number to be placed in the character: and this may be put either in a Geometrical or Arithmetical figure of number; which notwithstanding ought not to exceed the number of nine, or nine Angles.


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 The Characters of good Spirits.


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Rh The Characters of evil Spirits.

Rh