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Male, sitting figure, with crossed legs, and the hands crossed in its lap. The figure was unusually small, and not very artistically executed. The head was large and very broad, adorned by a low turban with flaps projecting side-wise. The forehead was low, the nose large; the eyes were formed by unusually large, circular cavities; the mouth was small; the ears were large, but not so prominent as in the image O. The chest and back were equally elaborated, though the muscles were but slightly marked. The arms were long, and, unusually enough, cut out so as to be perfectly detached from the sides. The legs were very short and weak. The figure was seated immediately on the square pedestal, that was surrounded above by a prominent border on all the sides. The front of the pedestal was ornamented by an engraved cross, its sides and back by rhombic figures, forming interwoven garlands. This statue has certainly been insulated. It measured 92 cm. from the upper edge of the turban to the upper edge of the pedestal. The length of the face from the lower edge of the turban was 25 cm., its breadth 35 cm. The breadth across the shoulders was 54 cm.

Male, sitting figure. The broad, short face showed it to appertain to the same type as the figures N, O and P, which it resembled also with regard to the careless workmanship. It wore on its head a conical hat, with a raised, circular ornament on each side; the hat widened below into a thick brim, adorned by an ornament in relief, formed like a chain. The face was but little elaborated, the forehead low, the nose long, broad, and straight; the eyes were middle-sized, circular cavities; the mouth was broad, open, almost square. The ears were long, extending, with perforated lobes. The neck was short. The chest and abdomen showed some signs of muscles. The shoulders were quite straight. The arms were narrow, without muscles; the left one hanging straight down, with the fingers extended; the right one bent


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 upward towards the shoulder, with the fingers doubled, so as to form a hole. It has probably clasped a lance or stick, or something of that kind. The legs were rather large, broken above the knees. The back of the statue was only plane-cut. The length from the lower edge of the hat to the thighs was 103 cm.; that of the face from the same point 33 cm.; the breadth of the face 32 cm. The breadth across the shoulders was 52 cm. The statue was found near the western margin of the mound 4.

High-relief, representing a female figure. With regard to the type of the face, it came near to the immediately preceding ones. It was a big-headed figure of full size, sculptured in feeble high-relief on a large rectangular slab of stone, about 25 cm. in thickness. It had been very badly injured, so that only the left half of the figure could be anyhow discerned. The face was almost circular, the eye a circular cavity, the nose wanting, the mouth closed, the ear large, hanging, like the ear of a dog, the shoulder rounded, the arm bent inwards across the body, the leg slightly bent. The figure has been surrounded by a frame, nearly 20 cm. broad, and 4 cm. high. The length of the figure to the thighs was 106 cm. The length of the face 38 cm.; the breadth of the face 37 cm.

With regard to the type of the face, the figures found in this locality may be divided into two distinctly different classes viz., the images A to M, with oval faces, and, in general, of more artistic workmanship, and the images N, O, P, Q, R, with broad, almost circular faces, and more rudely executed. The latter are possibly of more ancient date than the former. None of the latter was found at the mound 1.

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 desired England to take a firm stand.

With an irony that exasperated him to the uttermost, Walsingham was in 1578 sent to the Low Countries to pursue a policy that was diametrically opposed to his principles. In June 1578 he and Lord Cobham were sent on a diplomatic mission to the Netherlands with a view to bringing about a pacification between Don John of Austria, the Spanish ruler of the Low Countries, and the prince of Orange, the leader of the protestant rebels. The mission was doomed to failure, and Walsingham came home in September more convinced, he declared, than before that Elizabeth's pusillanimous indifference to the fortune of her Dutch coreligionists not merely destined her to infamy in the sight of posterity, but rendered England contemptible in the sight of contemporaries.

Soon after Walsingham's return to London from the Low Countries he sold his property at Foot's Cray, where he had frequently resided. He thus broke off his connection with the county of Kent. In 1579 he obtained from the crown a lease of the manor of Barn Elms, near Barnes in Surrey, which was within easier reach of London. There he subsequently spent much time. He maintained a somewhat dignified establishment, despite his constant pecuniary embarrassment, and he entertained Queen Elizabeth at Barn Elms in 1585, in 1588, and in 1589.

Walsingham's position in the council was strengthened after 1580 by the consistent support which was accorded his views by the Earl of Leicester. The French marriage was still vaguely contemplated by the queen, although since 1575, when her suitor, the Duc d'Anjou, succeeded to the throne of France as Henri III (on the death of Charles IX), that duke's brother Francis, known at first as the Duc d'Alençon, and later as the Duc d'Anjou, had taken the place of Elizabeth's first French suitor. Gradually, however, Walsingham reached the conclusion that the cause of protestantism, with which the interest of England was in his mind identical, was compromised by the queen's halting attitude to the proposed match. Like Leicester, he believed it was the wisest course to break it off, but at the same time France must not be alienated. In July 1581 he personally undertook the task of negotiating a new treaty with France which should destroy the possibility of any agreement between France and Spain. Arrived in France, he lost no opportunity of deprecating the continuance of the matrimonial negotiations. The queen had given him no definite instructions on the marriage question, and she resented his independent handling of it. On 12 Sept. 1581 Walsingham wrote to her, defending himself with exceptional plainness of speech. He ridiculed her views of matrimony. Her parsimony would ruin, he told her, all her projects. She had thereby alienated Scotland, and, unless she regarded her responsibilities with a greater liberality of view, there was not, he warned her, a councillor in her service ‘who would not wish himself rather in the furthest part of Ethiopia than to enjoy the fairest palace in England’. He managed to ingratiate himself with the Duc d'Anjou, who on 18 Sept. wrote to the queen that he was ‘the most honest man possible, and worthy of the favour of the greatest princess in the world’ (Cal. Hatfield MSS. ii. 428). But the queen declined to ratify his proceedings, and he returned home leaving the situation unaltered.

Such an experience made Walsingham reluctant to undertake other diplomatic missions. The queen's indecision had allowed the king of Scotland to fall under the influence of the catholic party among his councillors; but when Elizabeth realised the danger in which a breach with Scotland would involve her, she bade Walsingham go to Edinburgh and judge at close quarters the position of affairs. James was to be dissuaded at all hazards from negotiating with Spain in behalf of his mother. Walsingham did not complacently face a repetition of the humiliation that he had suffered in France. On 6 Aug. he wrote to Bowes that he never undertook any service with ‘so ill a will in his life’ (State Papers, Scotl. i. 452). On 19 Aug. 1583 Mendoza wrote that Walsingham ‘strenuously refused to go, and went so far as to throw himself at the queen's feet and pronounce the following terrible blasphemy: “he swore by the soul, body, and blood of God, that he would not go to Scotland, even if she ordered him to be hanged for it, as he would rather be hanged in England than elsewhere. … Walsingham says that he saw that no good could come of his mission, and that the queen would lay upon his shoulders the whole of the responsibility for the evils that would occur. He said that she was very stingy already, and the Scots more greedy than ever, quite disillusioned now as to the promises made to them; so that it was impossible that any good should be done.’ Elizabeth turned a deaf ear to his expostulation, and bade him obey her orders. Ill-health compelled that he should travel to Scotland


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 less well preserved, and had evidently been subjected to greater violence, probably also to attempts at removal. Indeed we know through, that such has been the case. Some statues had been transported to Granada before his visit, and himself sent some to Washington.

 * It has been before figured by, 1. c, vol. ii., in the plate facing p. 54, fig. 2, and described pp. 53, 54, and 58. In 's list it has the no. 2. has mentioned it in «The Native Races of the Pacific shores of North America», vol. iv., p. 41, with a copy of 's figure p. 42, fig. 3.

It was a male figure, sitting on the ground, with the knees drawn high up, and the head bent forwards. On the back of the head and the neck, there rested a solid mass of stone, gradually passing into the outlines of the neck and the back. This mass tapered upwards, and seemed to have passed into a pyramidical tenon, which, however, was broken off. The face was broad, with rounded retiring forehead, the nose long and straight. The eyes were formed by circular cavities; the mouth was half-open; the ears were large and prominent. By the shape of the face, the figure recalled the image Q from Punta del Sapote. The neck was much too thick to be a human neck. The chest was only little elaborated, the shoulders much raised, the arms well cut, the left hand pressed against the left foot, the right one drawn back somewhat more. The legs were well molded, like the arms; the knees drawn up nearly to the chin. The back was round-cut. The pedestal was carefully hewn, forming a square pillar of considerable height, tapering downwards. Its uppermost portion, on which the figure was seated, formed a kind of round capital, ornamented on the side by a triple engraved angular wreath. The height of the statue from the crown of the head to the upper margin of the pedestal was 80 cm.; the length of the face was 34 cm., its breadth 25 cm. The breadth across the shoulders was 44 cm. The statue has probably stood insulated. It was entire, lying south-west of the stone-mound 1, nearest to the shore of the Bahia (except the figure γ) and had probably been the object of endeavours to remove it.


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 very slowly, and he was long delayed at Berwick. Arrived in Edinburgh in August, he gave James much good counsel, and warned him against the Earl of Arran, whose influence was, as he suspected, supreme at the Scottish court. After a month's stay Walsingham set out on the homeward journey, with all his prognostications of the inutility of his embassy confirmed. By way of avenging himself on him for his interposition, Arran substituted ‘a stone of crystal’ for the rich diamond in the ring which James assigned to the English envoy on his departure (State Papers, Scotl., ed. Thorpe, i. 452–9; Cal. Hatfield MSS. iii. 124–7;, Memoirs, 1683, pp. 147–8; , The Great Lord Burghley, pp. 381–2).

Walsingham's purpose was unchanged. The queen must still be driven at all costs into effective intervention in behalf of the protestants in the Low Countries. The chances of the queen's surrender on the point seemed small. In 1584 Walsingham wrote to Davison, the English envoy in the Netherlands: ‘Sorry I am to see the course that is taken in this weighty cause, for we will neither help these poor countries ourselves nor yet suffer others to do it.’ At length, in 1585, mainly owing to his untiring pressure, he had the satisfaction of negotiating with the Dutch commissioner in London the terms on which the queen was willing to make war on Spain in behalf of the revolted protestants in his Flemish dominions. But even then the queen's parsimony and caprice prevented any blow being struck with fitting force. ‘He is utterly discouraged,’ wrote Leicester of Walsingham when setting out to take command of the protestant army in Holland. Dissensions in the council grew rapidly after the offensive alliance with the States-General had been carried into effect. Burghley, Hatton, and others of her intimate friends encouraged the queen in her vacillation. Walsingham urged her to pursue warlike operations with sustained vigour, but he was hampered by his being kept, at the queen's suggestion, in ignorance of much of the correspondence that was passing between her and English envoys in the Low Countries. Walsingham boldly warned her of the danger and dishonour of her undignified proceedings. The queen equivocated when thus openly challenged. Walsingham had means at his command to track out the disingenuous negotiations which the queen and her friends vainly hoped to keep from his knowledge. But the practical direction of the campaign lay outside his sphere, and none of the decisive results he anticipated came from the active support that Elizabeth temporarily extended to her coreligionists in the Low Countries in their prolonged struggle with Spain.

Walsingham soon determined that Elizabeth should strike a more decisive blow at home against the designs of Spain and the machinations of the catholics. The reports of his spies convinced him that the safety of the country was endangered by the presence of Mary Queen of Scots and by the catholic intrigue of which she was the centre. He frequently protested that his attitude of hostility to catholics was a purely political necessity. Assassination of the queen and her advisers was the weapon which they designed to use in order to restore England to the old faith. Consequently catholic conspirators were to be dealt with as ordinary criminals and murderers in posse. This conviction was brought home to him in 1584 by his investigation of the aims and practices of William Parry (d. 1585) [q. v.] Walsingham long watched, through his spies, Parry's movements. Naunton remarks, ‘It is inconceivable why he suffered Dr. Parry to play so long on the hook before he hoysed him up;’ but Walsingham was very cautiously surveying the whole field of catholic conspiracy. He was in the special commission of oyer and terminer for Middlesex, issued 20 Feb. 1584–5, under which Parry was convicted of high treason. Next year he unravelled a more dangerous plot. The detection of the conspiracy of Anthony Babington, John Ballard, and their accomplices was wholly owing to his sagacity. Gilbert Gifford [q. v.], the chief agent in the discovery, was not an agent of high character, but there is no legitimate room for doubt that the young catholics against whom Gifford informed were guilty of the designs against the life of Queen Elizabeth for which Walsingham caused them to be arrested and tried. He was a member of the special commission for Middlesex issued 5 Sept. 1586 by which they were convicted.

It was the unravelling of the Babington conspiracy that involved Mary Queen of Scots in a definite crime of treason—of abetting the murder of Elizabeth. The intercepted letters that had passed between her and Babington bore no other interpretation. It has been urged by Queen Mary's advocates that Walsingham's agents interpolated in Mary's letter of 17 July 1586 a postscript begging Babington to send her immediate intelligence of the successful assassination of Elizabeth. The history of the passage is obscure, and there seems ground for doubting whether it figured in Mary's first draft. But the rest of Mary's letter, which is of


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 indisputable authenticity, supplied damning evidence of her relations with the conspirators. Walsingham indignantly vindicated himself from the imputation that any of the evidence that he caused to be produced against the queen was forged. He sat in the commission that tried and convicted her in October 1586 at Fotheringay, and was present at Westminster on 25 Oct. when sentence of death was passed. In the months that followed he was one of those councillors who sought most earnestly to overcome Elizabeth's scruples about signing the death-warrant. He has been charged by Mary's champions with employing a confidential secretary, one Thomas Harrison, to forge Queen Elizabeth's signature to Mary Stuart's death-warrant (, Lives of the Queens, iii. 404; cf. Cotton. MS. Caligula C. ix. f. 463); but Elizabeth personally delivered the death-warrant to William Davison [q. v.], after she had signed it at his request in his presence on 1 Feb. 1586–7. Davison in the previous autumn had been nominated Walsingham's colleague in the office of secretary. Subsequently the queen charged Davison with procuring her signature by irregular means, and although Walsingham was equally open to the charge, which had its source in the queen's reluctance to strike with her own hand the final blow against Mary Stuart, Davison was suffered by the queen and her councillors to serve alone as scapegoat. Walsingham endeavoured throughout this crisis to strengthen Elizabeth's resolution, and he had to defy many ethical considerations in order to achieve success (cf., Lettres de Marie Stuart, vi. 383–98; , Letter-book, pp. 227 et seq.) There is no doubt that a few hours after the queen had signed the warrant, on 1 Feb. 1586–7, he drafted a letter by the queen's order to Mary Stuart's warders, Paulet and Drury, hinting that the assassination of their prisoner would relieve Elizabeth of her dread of the consequences of a public execution.

Walsingham justly claimed that he sought no personal profit from the energetic discharge of his duties. On 27 July 1581 he asked Sir Christopher Hatton ‘to put her majesty in mind that in eight years' time wherein I have served her I never yet troubled her for the benefitting of any that belonged unto me, either by kindred or otherwise; which I think never any other could say that served in the like place.’ His public services did not go wholly without recognition, but he never received any adequate reward. In 1584 he was custos rotulorum of Hampshire and recorder of Colchester, and in the same year the bailiffs, aldermen, and common council of Colchester entrusted to him the nomination of both their burgesses in parliament. In May 1585 he was high steward of the city of Winchester. On 17 Aug. in the same year the queen granted him a lease (which was subsequently renewed) of the customs payable at certain ports. In 1587 he was appointed chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster. But his revenues were to the last placed freely at the service of the state, and the result of his self-denial was a steady growth of pecuniary difficulties.

Domestic affairs were in part responsible for the financial distresses of his later years. His daughter Frances had on 20 Sept. 1583 become the wife of his young friend Sir Philip Sidney. Walsingham became security for the debts of his son-in-law, and after Sidney's death in November 1586 he found himself at the mercy of Sidney's creditors. A legal informality in Sidney's will rendered its provisions, which were designed to lighten Walsingham's obligations, inoperative. In these circumstances Burghley appealed to the queen for her assistance. The estates not only of Babington but of many other convicted traitors in recent years had been forfeited to the crown through Walsingham's watchfulness, but the queen with characteristic waywardness turned a deaf ear to Burghley's appeal. Most of Babington's property was bestowed on Ralegh. Walsingham retired in disgust to his house at Barn Elms, and wrote with pain to Burghley of her majesty's ‘unkind dealings’ (16 Dec. 1586). He returned to his work depressed and disappointed, and for the remaining years of his life was gradually overwhelmed by his private embarrassments, in addition to the anxieties of public life.

It was in connection with Philip's scheme of the Spanish armada that Walsingham's elaborate system of espionage achieved its most conspicuous triumph. Through the late months of 1587 Walsingham's agents in Spain kept him regularly informed of the minutest details of the preparations which the Spanish admirals were making for their great naval expedition. He knew the numbers of men who were enlisted, the character of the vessels that were put into commission, with full inventories of the purchases of horses, armour, ammunition, and food supplies. The queen, as usual, turned a deaf ear to Walsingham's solemn warnings, and declined to sanction any expenditure of money in preparing to resist the designs of Spain. Walsingham grew almost desperate. ‘The manner of our cold and careless proceeding here in this time of peril,’ wrote


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 Walsingham to Leicester (12 Nov. 1587), ‘maketh me to take no comfort of my recovery of health, for that I see, unless it shall please God in mercy and miraculously to preserve us, we cannot long stand.’ In the following year Walsingham's information failed him. As late as May he was in doubt as to the exact intentions of the Spanish fleet, and on 9 July, ten days before the armada appeared off Plymouth, he was inclined to believe that it had dispersed and returned to Spain. Throughout August, while the armada was in the Channel, Walsingham was with the queen at the camp at Tilbury, vainly urging that every advantage should be pressed against the enemy's disabled ships. But the English admiral was not equipped with sufficient ammunition to pursue effectively the flying Spaniards, and Walsingham, at Tilbury, wrote justly of this new exhibition of the queen's indecisive policy (8 Aug. 1588): ‘Our half-doings doth breed dishonour and leaveth the disease uncured’ (, Queen Elizabeth, ii. 385).

Walsingham, who never enjoyed robust health, died at his house at Seething Lane in London on 6 April 1590. He left directions in his will that he should ‘be buried without any such extraordinary ceremonies as usually appertain to a man serving in his place, in respect of the greatness of his debts and the mean state he left his wife and heir in.’ Accordingly he ‘was, about ten of the clocke in the next night following, buried in Paules Church without solemnity’ (, ed. Howes, 1631, p. 761). A long biographical inscription to his memory was fixed on a wooden tablet in the north aisle adjoining the choir of the old cathedral (, St. Paul's Cathedral, ed. Ellis, p. 67).

Walsingham bequeathed to his only surviving child, Frances, an annuity of a hundred pounds, and ordered his ‘lands in Lincolnshire’ to be sold for the payment of his debts. His widow was appointed executrix. The will, which was dated 12 Dec. 1589, was proved on 27 May 1590 (Wills from Doctors' Commons, Camden Soc. pp. 69–71).

Camden summed up the estimation in which Walsingham was held at the time of his death in the words: ‘He was a person exceeding wise and industrious … a strong and resolute maintainer of the purer religion, a diligent searcher out of hidden secrets, and one who knew excellently well how to win men's affections to him, and to make use of them for his own purposes.’ Of his patriotism it is impossible to doubt. Almost alone of Queen Elizabeth's advisers, he always knew his own mind, and expressed his opinion fearlessly and clearly. He achieved little, owing to the distrust of the queen. His methods of espionage were worked at the expense of some modern considerations of morality, but his detective weapons were those of England's enemies, and were employed solely in the public interest.

Walsingham's statesmanlike temper is especially conspicuous in his attitude to religious questions. Although he was personally a zealous protestant, he was no fanatic. The punitive measures which he urged against disturbers of the peace of the established church were due to no narrow-minded attempt to secure uniformity either of belief or of practice in matters of religion. To him was attributed the axiom that the consciences of those who dissented from the belief and practice of the established church were ‘not to be forced, but to be won and seduced by force of truth, with the aid of time, and use of all good means of instruction and persuasion.’ But when conscience was pleaded as a justification for covert rebellion or for habitual breach of statute law and violent disturbance of the peace of state or church, it passed, in his view, beyond the bounds within which it could command the respect of government, and grew ‘to be matter of faction.’ ‘Under such circumstances sovereign princes ought distinctly to punish practices and contempt, though coloured with the pretence of conscience and religion.’ These views were defined in a letter which, it was pretended, Walsingham wrote to a Frenchman, M. Critoy, towards the end of his life. That he held the opinions indicated is clear, but that he was himself the author of the exposition of them that was addressed to M. Critoy is doubtful. Spedding gives reasons for regarding the letter to the Frenchman, assigned to Walsingham, as an innocent forgery, and attributes it to Francis Bacon writing in collusion with his former tutor, Archbishop Whitgift (, Bacon, i. 96–102). It was first printed in ‘Scrinia Sacra,’ 1654, p. 38, and was reprinted in ‘Reflections upon the New Test’ in 1687, and in Burnet's ‘History of the Reformation,’ ii. 661–5.

Walsingham was an enthusiastic supporter of the contemporary movement for the country's colonial expansion. He subscribed to Fenton's voyage in 1582–3; he took Richard Hakluyt [q. v.], the chronicler of English travel, into his pay; he corresponded with Lane, the explorer of Virginia, with Sir Richard Grenville [q. v.], and with Sir Humphrey Gilbert, and was the patron of all the chief writers on the exploration of the new world. Almost all forms of literature and


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 learning interested him. Spenser, in a sonnet prefixed to the ‘Faerie Queene,’ apostrophised him as   The great Mecænas of this age, As well to all that civil artes professe, As those that are inspired with martial rage. To him were dedicated Angel Day's ‘Life of Sir Philip Sidney’ in 1586, and many religious works of a puritan tendency, including Bright's abridgment of Foxe's ‘Actes and Monuments’ in 1589. In 1583 Henry Howard, earl of Northampton [q. v.], dedicated to him his ‘Defensative against the Poyson of supposed Prophecies’ (, Annals, i. 295). In 1586 he established a divinity lecture at Oxford, which was read by John Rainolds [q. v.], afterwards president of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, but it was not continued after Walsingham's death. To the library of King's College he gave a copy of the Antwerp Polyglot Bible (1569–73), which he seems to have purchased in Holland. To Emmanuel College, of which the founder was Sir Walter Mildmay, his brother-in-law, he gave the advowson of Thurcaston in Leicestershire.

Thomas Watson wrote a Latin eclogue on Walsingham's death which he entitled ‘Melibœus.’ He translated the poem into English under the title ‘An Eglogue upon the death of the Right Honorable Sir Francis Walsingham.’ Both the Latin and the English version were published in 1590, the Latin being dedicated to Walsingham's cousin, Thomas Walsingham, and the English one to Walsingham's daughter Frances, lady Sidney. In the poem Walsingham figures under the pastoral name of Melibœus, his daughter appears as Hyane, and his cousin Thomas Walsingham as Tityrus. Both Latin and English versions were reprinted, face to face on parallel pages, in Mr. Arber's edition of Watson's poems.

Walsingham was twice married. His first wife, by whom he had no children, was Anne, daughter of Sir George Barnes (lord mayor of London 1552), and widow of one Alexander Carleill. She died in the summer of 1564, possessed of a private fortune, and made many bequests by will (dated 28 July and proved 22 Nov. 1564) with Walsingham's consent. To him she gave the custody of her son by her first marriage, Christopher Carleill [q. v.], then under twenty-one years of age. About 1567 Walsingham married his second wife, Ursula, daughter of Henry St. Barbe, and widow of Sir Richard Worsley of Appuldurcombe. Her two sons by her first husband, John and George Worsley, were accidentally killed by an explosion of gunpowder in the porter's lodge at their late father's house at Appuldurcombe soon after her marriage to Walsingham. Although she never ingratiated herself with Elizabeth, she was frequently at court after Sir Francis's death, and exchanged new year's presents with the queen. She died suddenly at Barn Elms on 18 June 1602, and was buried the next night privately near her husband in St. Paul's Cathedral (, Letters, Camden Soc. p. 143). She left property at Boston and Skirbeck in Lincolnshire to her only surviving child by Walsingham, Frances, the wife successively of Sir Philip Sidney, Robert Devereux, second earl of Essex, and Richard de Burgh, earl of Clanricarde. Walsingham by his second wife had a daughter Mary, who died unmarried in June 1580.

In all contemporary pictures Walsingham's expression of countenance suggests the crafty disposition with which he was credited. Bust-portraits, in which he wears a tight-fitting black skull-cap, are at Hampton Court, and in the possession respectively of Mrs. Dent of Sudeley, of Lord Zouche, and Lord Sackville (at Knole Park). A similar picture, commonly stated to be at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, cannot be traced there. A portrait by Zucchero, formerly at Strawberry Hill, was sold in 1842 to Beriah Botfield for thirty-six guineas. This was engraved by Houbraken. According to Evelyn (Diary, iii. 443), the great Earl of Clarendon owned a full-length portrait of Walsingham, of which the whereabouts does not now seem known. The painting at Knole was engraved in Lodge's ‘Portraits’ in 1824 (, Catalogue of Pictures at Hampton Court, p. 208;, Portraits, vol. ii.; Portraits at Knole, 1795). An engraving by an unknown artist is in Holland's ‘Herωologia.’ Other engravings are by P. à. Gunst, Vertue, and H. Meyer. Miniatures of Walsingham are at Penshurst (the seat of Lord De L'Isle and Dudley) and in the possession of Mr. William de Vins Wade of Dunmow, Essex. A picture assigned to Sir Antonio More (now in the possession of Mrs. Dent of Sudeley), and including portraits of Henry VIII, Edward VI, Queen Mary, Philip II, and Elizabeth, is inscribed at the foot in gold letters with the distich: The Queene to Walsingham this Tablet sente, Marke of her peoples and her owne contente. Walsingham's official papers form an invaluable mine of historical information. Almost all the foreign state papers preserved at the Public Record Office which belong to the important period of Walsingham's


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  (1573–90) consist of letters or drafts of letters written by him or under his instruction, or of despatches and reports addressed to him by his agents abroad. There are also at the Record Office his ‘Entry book’ or departmental register of his correspondence, and a volume of letters written for him by one of his clerks, Lisle Cave. These papers are being calendared by Mr. A. J. Butler for the foreign series of state papers of Elizabeth's reign. Similar documents connected with Walsingham's official career are at Hatfield, and have been calendared by the historical manuscripts commission in the Hatfield ‘Calendars.’ Almost as numerous are Walsingham's letters and papers in the Lansdowne, Cottonian, and Harleian collections at the British Museum. Others of his papers are calendared in the Spanish and Venetian series of state papers. A long series of his letters written while he was in Scotland in 1583 is printed in Thorpe's ‘Calendar of Scottish State Papers.’ Many official letters on home topics from him to the lord mayor of London are in the archives of the city of London and are epitomised in ‘Remembrancia’ (1878 passim).

Walsingham's letters and despatches while ambassador in France are printed in full in ‘The Compleat Ambassador’ by Sir Dudley Digges, London, 1655, fol. They cover the periods 11 Aug. 1570 to 20 Aug. 1573 and 22 July 1581 to 13 Sept. following. A journal of Walsingham's daily movements and engagements, with the names of persons with whom he corresponded day by day—from 3 Dec. 1570 to 20 April 1583—was printed in the Camden Society's ‘Miscellany’ (vol. vi.) in 1871 from a manuscript written by Walsingham's secretary, in the possession of Colonel Carew of Crowcombe Court. Another copy belonged to Sir Thomas Phillipps. There are four breaks in the entries. ‘An Addition [by Walsingham] to the Declaration, concerning two Imputations that were layed upon the Queen by a published Pamphlet, 1576,’ is printed in Murdin's ‘State Papers,’ p. 295. A purely military disquisition, ‘An Order for the readie and easie trayning of Shott, and the avoyding of great expence and wast of powder’ (among the Talbot MSS. in the College of Arms), was printed as Walsingham's composition in Lodge's ‘Illustrations,’ ii. 284 (cf., Loseley Manuscripts, p. 296 n.) There is no ground for the association of Sir Francis Walsingham's name with ‘Arcana Aulica; or Walsingham's Manual of Prudential Maxims for the Statesman and Courtier’ (1652); this was a translation from the French by Edward Walsingham [q. v.] Among the more important unprinted papers attributed to Walsingham are: ‘A Discourse touching the pretended Matche between the D. of Norfolk & the Queene of Scotts’ (Harl. MS. 290, f. 114), and ‘Speeches to her Majesty touching the diseased state of Ireland’ (Cott. MS. Tit. B. xii. 365).

[Cooper's Athenæ Cantabr.; Wright's Queen Elizabeth; Cal. of Foreign State Papers noticed above; Cal. State Papers, Dom.; Cal. Hatfield MSS.; Froude's Hist. of England; Motley's Hist. of the United Netherlands; Lodge's Portraits, vol. ii.; Naunton's Fragmenta Regalia; Strype's Annals; Lloyd's Worthies; Fuller's Worthies, ed. Nuttall, ii. 143; Hume's Great Lord Burghley. 1898; Nichols's Progresses of Queen Elizabeth; Nicolas's Life of Hatton; Brown's Genesis of the United States; the Duke of Manchester's Court and Society from Elizabeth to Anne, edited from the papers at Kimbolton, 1864, i. 218 et seq.; Archæologia Cantiana, xiii. 386–403, xvii. 390–391; Hasted's Kent; History of Chislehurst, by Messrs. E. A. Webb, G. W. Miller, and J. Beckwith (London, 1899); Sir Francis Walsingham und Seine Zeit, von Dr. Karl Stählin, Heidelberg, 1908.]  WALSINGHAM, FRANCIS (1577–1647), jesuit, who assumed the name John Fennell, the son of Edward Walsingham of Exhall, near Alcester, Warwickshire, was born at Hawick, Northumberland, early in 1577. His father died before his birth, and his mother, who was a Roman catholic, brought him to London. His uncle, Humphrey Walsingham, who was kindred of Sir Francis, placed him at St. Paul's school. As the result of his instruction there he read the protestant divines Foxe, Jewell, Calvin, and Beza, and in 1603 was ordained deacon by Martin Heton, bishop of Ely. Doubts were raised as to the validity of his orders and of his belief by reading the ‘Manual’ of Robert Parsons (1546–1610) [q. v.], and in October 1606 Walsingham entered the English College at Rome. He was ordained priest on 12 April 1608, and early next year, having entered the Society of Jesus, he visited England, and there published his ‘Search made into Matters of Religion, by F. W., before his change to the Catholike’ (s. l. 1609, 4to; 2nd edit. St. Omer, 1615). The work was dedicated to James I, to whom the author states he had formerly submitted his religious difficulties. Down to the time of Alban Butler it has been frequently commended to those showing an inclination to Roman catholicism, and has been often reprinted and abridged. In the controversial parts, and especially in the attack upon the ‘falsities’ of Matthew Sutcliffe [q. v.], it is


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 probable that the author was aided by Father Parsons. In 1618 Walsingham published his ‘Reasons for embracing the Catholic Faith’ (London, 16mo). Two years previously he had been formally attached to the ‘English mission,’ and served in Leicestershire. In 1633 he removed to the college of the Immaculate Conception, Derbyshire, and there he died on 1 July 1647. He left in manuscript at the convent at Newhall, Essex, a little prayer manual, ‘The Evangelique Pearle,’ dedicated to the abbess of the English nunnery at Pontoise.

[Foley's English Province of Soc. of Jesus, vii. 811, ii. 318, vi. 241; Oliver's Jesuit Collections, 1845, pp. 215–16; More's Hist. of the English Prov. bk. ix. p. 404; Southwell's Bibliotheca Script. Soc. Jesu, p. 264; De Backer's Bibl. de la Compagnie de Jésus, Brussels, 1898, viii. 974; Butler's Hist. Memoirs, i. 332 seq.; The Catholic Miscellany, December 1824; Walsingham's Search made into Matters of Religion, 1609 (Brit. Mus.)]

WALSINGHAM or WALSINGAM, JOHN (d. 1340?), theologian, is said to have been educated at the house of the Carmelites or White Friars at Burnham, Norfolk. Having proceeded to Gloucester Hall, Oxford, where was a house of his order, he became a student of philosophy. From Oxford he went to the university of Paris, and studied theology at the Sorbonne. At Paris he is said by Tritheim, who is uncorroborated by any other authority, to have acquired great celebrity in theological disputation. After returning to England he was elected in 1326 the eleventh provincial of the English Carmelites. According to Bale, he occupied this post for two years only, after which he attended a synod held at Albi, where he distinguished himself so greatly that John XXII invited him to Avignon. No mention of this synod occurs in Fleury or in other authorities on ecclesiastical history. According to Pits and the ‘Paradisus Carmelitici Decoris’ he was summoned to Avignon that John XXII might have the benefit of his talent in disputation against William Ockham's attacks on the papal authority [see or ]. It is expressly stated by the ‘Paradisus’ that Ockham did not venture to appear against him. This fixes the incident as occurring in May 1328, in which month Ockham escaped from Avignon. Walsingham remained in favour with the papal court at Avignon. Possibly by way of magnifying the Carmelite order, the ‘Paradisus’ describes Walsingham as held in distinguished honour by Pope Benedict, the successor of John XXII; but Leland remarks that neither from Benedict nor from any other pope does he appear to have received preferment.

According to Pits and the ‘Paradisus,’ Walsingham died in 1330 at the Carmelites' house at Avignon. But this is inconsistent with their statement that he was highly esteemed by Benedict XII, who did not become pope till 1334. Indeed, Pits and the ‘Paradisus’ are so little accurate that they call Benedict XII Benedict XI. Bale, probably sensible of the discrepancy, associates the year 1330 with the acme of Walsingham's reputation, ‘claruit.’ He assigns no date to Walsingham's death, while Leland roundly admits that he knows nothing of certainty about it. A clue to the date of Walsingham's death, harmonising with the assertions of all the writers that he enjoyed the patronage of Benedict XII, may perhaps be found in the statement of Pits and the ‘Paradisus’ that he disputed with Ockham ‘de potestate summi pontificis.’ In 1328 the controversy convulsing the religious world was that concerning ‘evangelical poverty’ [see ]. Presumably, therefore, notwithstanding the words of Pits, this was the topic upon which Walsingham was deputed to dispute against Ockham when Ockham failed to appear. It was not till a later period, between 1339 and 1342, that Ockham produced his treatise ‘Octo quæstiones super potestate ac dignitate papali,’ also intituled ‘De potestate pontificum et imperatorum.’ Benedict XII died on 25 April 1342, and as we hear nothing of any relations between Walsingham and Clement VI, Benedict's successor, it may be inferred that Walsingham died before the accession of the latter pope. The ‘Paradisus’ expressly states that he died under Benedict XII. The date 1330 is probably therefore a mistake, on the part either of compiler or of printer, for 1340. This year is given, associated with the word ‘claruit,’ by the Carmelite Petrus Lucius in 1593, with a reference to Trithemius.

Tritheim or Trithemius, who died in 1516, and erroneously calls Walsingham Walsgram, assigns to him two treatises: 1. ‘Super Sententias libri 4.’ 2. ‘Quæstiones Variæ liber 1.’ He adds, ‘Other works which he is said to have composed have not come to my knowledge.’ Leland, writing a generation later after ransacking the contents of the monastic libraries of this country, intitules No. 2. ‘Quæstionum libri 3.’ ‘Utrum relationes,’ and adds 3. ‘Determinationum liber 1.’ 4. ‘Quodlibeta liber 1. In Disputatione.’ 5. ‘In Proverbia Salomonis liber 1. Viam sapientiæ monstrabo tibi.’ Bale, who had himself been a Carmelite, amplifies the subtitles or catchwords of Leland, which shows


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 * It is figured by, l. c, in the plate facing p. 65, and described pp. 64 and 65. , l. c, p. 40, fig. 2.

Male figure, sitting on the ground. With regard to the posture it came most near to the image α, but could not be said to possess a human aspect. Indeed it deserved, if any, to be called a monster. thought that it represented a tiger, but if we compare the head of the present statue with the head of the jaguar in the statue H, from Punta del Sapote, this opinion does not seem very likely. The face exhibited a low, arched forehead, small oval eyes, a broad, flat, long nose or muzzle with small, round nostrils. The mouth was not open. The upper lip was clearly to be distinguished, although it had been broken. The chin was broad; the ears were oval, placed far up. The neck was very thick and powerful, the body colossal, with large abdomen. The whole back of the body was also elaborated. The shoulders were highly raised, the upper arm was long, broad and thick, the lower arm short, at a right angle to the upper arm, the paws resting on the abdomen. The legs were very short, especially the small of the legs. The feet were pretty like human feet, with distinct toes. The upper part of the pedestal was enlarged in the shape of an Ω, ornamented at the sides with a garland, like that of the image α. The height of the statue from the highest point of the trunk to the upper edge of the pedestal was 150 cm. The height of the face was 40 cm., its breadth 30 cm. When found, it stood upright, immediately north of the mound III.

 * It is not mentioned by.

Male, sitting figure. The head was broken off. The figure itself was much damaged; but the pedestal was well preserved, and exhibited fine ornaments. The chest of the figure was strongly arched, the upper arm short and broad, the lower arm and the fingers were long. On the sides of the cornice


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 of the pedestal, there was a symmetrical ornament of round coils; the sides of the pedestal itself were decorated with an oval coil twisted about quite symmetrically, in an excavated rectangular field; in front there was an angular ornament. The back of the figure and of the pedestal was not elaborated, but rather rough. It may thus be reasonably inferred that the statue has stood in or against a wall. The height of the statue from the upper edge of the shoulders to the lower edge of the feet was 52 cm. The height of the pedestal from the upper edge to the beginning of the lower, uncut part, which was intended to be imbedded in the ground, was 110 cm. This statue was not found on the plateau of Punta de las Figuras, but had been dragged off and was now lying, half in the water, on the shore of Bahia de Chiquero.

 * Figured by, I. c, on the plate facing p. 58, signed no. 4, treated pp. 54 and 58. , 1. c, p. 40, fig. 1.

It was no more a statue, but only a pedestal. The little, sitting figure described and designed by was now entirely crushed and moldered. The pedestal was, however, the most elaborately finished of all found here. It was round, tapering gently downwards, adorned upwards with the same kind of angular ornament, as that mentioned on the front of the preceding pedestal; almost at the middle of its length it was surrounded by a broad band, embellished in the same fashion. The pedestal, lying on the ground, had quite the form of a canon. From the upper edge to the lower broken end it measured 215 cm.; the diameter at the upper end was 66 cm. It was found between the mounds I and II.

 * Figured by, 1. c, in the plate facing p. 58, signed no. 5, described p. 59.

Male, half-sitting figure, representing a very fat person with his hands resting on his hips. The face was badly injured, but showed that the forehead


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walpole, Robert (1808-1876)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walpole, Spencer Horatio


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walrond, Humphrey


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsh, Antoine Vincent


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsh, Edward (1756-1832)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsh, Edward (1805-1850)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsh, John (1725?-1795)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsh, John (1835-1881)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsh, John (1830-1898)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsh, John Benn


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsh, John Edward


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsh, John Henry


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsh, Nicholas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsh, Peter


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsh, Richard Hussey


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsh, Robert


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsh, William (1512?-1577)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsh, William (1663-1708)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walshe, Walter Hayle


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsingham, Edmund


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 and the nose were straighter than those figured by. The ears were long, hanging, like the ears of a dog. The upper arm was very short; the abdomen swollen. Legs and feet were thick and clumsy. The back piece was very large in proportion to the figure, only plane-cut, and seemed to indicate that the statue had formed part of a wall or even served as a kind of coulisse or side-wall in a cella. The lower part of the back piece was pierced with a circular hole; another much larger hole perforates the pedestal, which was perfectly unadorned. The statue measured 98 cm. from the crown of the head to the sole of the foot. It was found lying near the preceding.

 * Figured by, 1. c, on the plate facing p. 52, described p. 52 and 58. , 1. c, p. 42, fig. 3.

Male, standing figure, with the hands resting on the abdomen. In this statue also the back piece was very large, proportionately even larger than in the preceding; on this account it may be conjectured to have had a similar use. The face was rather large and round, the forehead somewhat retiring, the eyes small, oval, the nose short, broad, and straight, the mouth closed, with thick lips, the chin broad; the ears were hidden by the projecting back piece which embraced, as it were, and overlapped the face. The chest was well cut. The arms, when viewed from the front, were very thin, pressed close to the sides of the body and to the back piece; when seen from the side, they are, on the contrary, broad and fleshy. The hands rested on the abdomen with the fingers somewhat extended. The legs were rather clumsy. The broad back piece projected above the head like a colossal mitre, ornamented in front with bosses and scrolls, and surrounded by a broad frame. The height of the entire statue from the top of the upper piece to the sole of the figure's foot, was 210 cm.; its greatest breadth from the chest of the figure to the hinder margin of the back piece was 86 cm. The height of the figure from the crown of the head to the sole of the foot was 140 cm. The length of the face was 31 cm., its breadth across the shoulders was 36 cm. It had been raised up at a recent date, and now stood south of the mound I.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsingham, Francis (1530?-1590)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Walsingham, Francis (1577-1647)


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 * Not mentioned by.

Male figure, sitting almost on the ground, bearing on the top of its head another head with a large neck. It is by half statue, by half high-relief. The body of the principal figure was cut out to the shoulders; then followed a portion of the stone that was quite rude on the sides and the back. On the front of this stone the neck and head of the statue and the long-necked head of a man or an animal that surmounts it, were sculptured in high-relief. The upper head had a low forehead, small, round, excavated eyes, long nose or muzzle of equal breadth, closed mouth, and long, prominent, hanging ears. The neck was very long and was placed immediately upon the head of the principal figure. The face of this figure presented a low forehead, large, oval, excavated eyes, a short nose broadening downwards, thick cheeks, small closed mouth, broad thick chin, and prominent, but not very long ears. The neck was short and vigorous. The chest exhibited no sign of muscles, being only a round-cut part of the original stone-pillar, and passing directly into the abdomen, and then into the front of the pedestal. The arms and legs were carved in a kind of relief. The hands rested on the abdomen. The pedestal was cylindrical; its uppermost portion, on which the figure was seated, was somewhat smaller than the rest of it. The height of the statue from the top of the upper head to the upper edge of the pedestal was 120 cm. The length of the upper face was 14 cm. The face of the principal figure was 27 cm. long, 22 cm. broad. The statue was found at the southern margin of the stone-mound V, nearest of all the figures to Laguna de Apoyo.

 * Not mentioned by.

Fragment of a high-relief or one-sided statue with only the head cut free. In comparison with the other high-reliefs found here, its size was colossal.


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 Contrary to all other Nicaraguan high-reliefs that I have had an opportunity of seeing, it was wholly in profile. The slab from which it was sculptured was very thin as compared to the size of the figure, no more than 30 cm. in thickness. It was broken in more than 20 pieces, only the head and part of the chest with the arm being in such a state as allowed of their being delineated. The head was slightly curved, carved on both sides, but having an eye, formed of two concentric excavations, only on the left or upper side. The head was truncated before, without any trace of a muzzle or mouth, and provided backwards with a very well sculptured buck's (?) horn, though only on the upper side. The chest was indicated only by a slight curve. The arm, on the contrary, was pretty well molded, and the fingers were proportional. The lower part of the chest was quite unhewn, as was also the hind portion of the lower part of the head. It carried on the head a square crest or tenon, divided into three parts by transversal lines. The length of the head was 53 cm., its height from the upper edge of the tenon to the lower edge of the horn was 64 cm. The diameter of the eye was 12 cm. The length of the arm from the shoulder to the tip of the ringfinger was 102 cm. The statue was lying on the ground a little west of the mound V.

 * Figured by, 1. c, p. 61, signed No. 9, described pp. 6b, 61 and 62. , 1. c, p. 44, fig. 6.

High-relief, male figure, on a slab about 40 cm. in thickness. It represented a figure lying on its back, if the slab has been a covercle, or standing, if it has been a part of a wall, with straight arms, detached from the sides of the body. The face appeared to be covered by a mask (compare the figure F of Punta del Sapote); this seemed to be denoted by the large circular holes for the eyes, and the broad, hanging breastplate or beard; the ears were protected by two flaps extending from the helmet or head-ornament. With the exception of the stiff mask before the face, the figure was well elaborated, with some hints of the muscles of the shoulders, abdomen, and legs. Above the slab there was a projection, broadening upwards, which seemed


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 to be a repetition of the helmet of the head. The outer edges of the slab formed a border five to six cm. broad and 3 cm. high. The slab was broken in two pieces, the lower portion was found lying far from the upper one. The entire slab measured 182 cm. from the upper edge of the upper projection to the lower edge of the border below the feet; its breadth across the body of the figure was 74 cm. The length of the figure from the top of the head to the lower edge of the feet was 135 cm. The length of the face was 28 cm., its breadth 27 cm. The length of the breast-plate from the chin was 30 cm. The breadth across the shoulders 45 cm. The statue was found on the ground immediately north of the mound I; the lower piece was found west of the mound III.

 * Not mentioned by.

Male figure in relief. Broken in several fragments and impossible to reconstruct. Only the face could be delineated. The face was well preserved and originally uncommonly well executed. It was quite expressive; the fore head was broad, not low, covered with a round cap or low turban; the eyes were narrow, elliptical, boldly cut; the nose was straight, broadening downwards; the mouth half open, with thin, but well-formed lips; the cheeks were lean, but carefully sculptured; the chin was broad and powerful. The ears were large, very prominent. The length of the face from the lower edge of the turban to the lower edge of the chin was 35 cm.; its breadth 26 cm. The thickness of the slab of stone was about 30 cm. Most fragments of this relief were lying at the western margin of the mound V.

 * Not mentioned by.

Relief representing a male figure with the face of a skull. It was of much rougher workmanship than the reliefs before described. The face was


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 formed only by an evenly curved, broadly oval elevation, with two circular cavities to mark the eyes, an irregularly triangular one for the nose, and a linear one for the mouth. The chest was evenly rounded, the arms only indicated by two round bands along the breast, ending abruptly with five narrow, round staves, placed at right angles to the arms, and designed to represent the fingers. The lower part of the slab with the legs was lost. Above the head were two sugar-loaf-shaped elevations, and above these a third one with parallel sides, downwards rounded. The slab had square incisions at the same height with the neck and the hands. The length of the figure from the crown of the head to the beginning of the hip was 82 cm. The length of the face was 32 cm.; its breadth 20 cm. The breadth across the shoulders was 24 cm.

Several fragments of broken statues were found on the plateau, but so shattered, disfigured, and intermixed with one another, that it would have taken much time and patience to reconstruct them. Several of the statues, mentioned by as being in comparatively good condition, for inst. his nos. 3, 6, 7, 8, 11, 12, 13, and 18 were no more to be found in the place. Some of these have possibly been destroyed by human violence or by the effects of the climate during the thirty years between our visits, others may have been carried off to be deposited in museums or to form the hearth-stone of some Indian rancho.

In general, the statues of this locality chiefly remind of the last described group of statues at Punta del Sapote. Perhaps, from an artistic point of view, they must be considered as inferior even to these. None of the statues at Punta de las Figuras can be compared as a work of art, to the figures of the mound 1 at Punta del Sapote.

The fact that in most of the statues, found in Zapatera, the organs of generation were represented, and often more conspicuous than natural, gives corroboration to the suggestion of that a phallic worship or a worship of the reciprocal principles existed among the Niquirans.


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EIBA has certainly been densely populated in ancient times. This fact is testified by the rich quantities of relics discovered there from time to time. In Rivas Dr. showed me objects of bronze, stone, and earthen-ware as well as small ornaments of thin golden plate, spirally twisted glass-staves a. o., that were found in Ceiba. And although my own excavations did not turn out so productive as I had been led to expect by the rich treasures I had seen from the island, they, however, yielded extremely valuable contributions to my collection. These will be spoken of below, in connection with the results of my diggings in Zapatera and Ometepec. No statues are now to be found in the island, but it is reported by tradition that several were formerly to be found at the north side of the island, which were carried off long ago to a hacienda in the isthmus. These statues are said to have been comparatively small-sized. On the other hand, the island is rich in rock carvings, and its highest point, a flat mountain ridge, level as floor, has, from this cause, received the name of Cerro de Pantheon. This mountain ridge is, in my opinion, the continuation of that edge of a crater which surrounds Bahia de Chiquero. The carvings found on its south-western spur, Punta de Pantheon, cut in the solid rock at a depth of two meters below the lowest surface of the lake, prove that the island has sunk at a late period, and thus corroborate my hypothesis of the


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 earlier connection between Ceiba and Zapatera. This connection has been dissolved by the gradual sinking of the volcano.

The western portion of the island is plain, partly cultivated, partly covered by bush, the eastern is very rugged. Cerro de Pantheon, its highest point, is about 60 meters above the surface of the lake. This mountain ridge is 80 to 100 meters in length by 10 to 15 in breadth, and offers an extraordinarily well-fit place for rock-arvings. And, indeed, the ancient inhabitants of the island have made such an eager use of this opportunity that the whole crown of the ridge is densely covered with sculptures. This crown, as has been mentioned before, forms a perfectly level surface; indeed, it is not quite impossible that human hands may have helped nature to level it. On the part of the mountain chiefly occupied by the rock-carvings, the vegetation was very scanty, Consisting of low shrubs and stiff grass. I could not detect any carvings on the different sides of the mountain, nor on the large loose blocks of stone north of Cerro de Pantheon. But on large flat or round blocks, detached long ago from the side of the mountain, and lying all the way down to the southern shore at Punta de Pantheon, numerous carvings were found. Such were also to be seen there in the solid rock as well on land as on that part of the rock that stretches into the lake. I can here give illustrations only of the lesser part of the Carvings. The wreaths were generally even, boldly cut, 4—6 cm. broad, 2—3 cm. deep.

It represented the upper part of a human figure. The face was broad, with round eyes, broad nose, and square mouth. The head was surmounted by four plumes, meant, according to the conception of my Indians, to represent a crown of feathers. On this account, they honoured the figure with the name of «La Reyna». The chest was short and broad, the arms very long, the hands circular, the left one much larger than the right one, both provided with eight radiating fingers. The length of the figure from the crown of the head to the lower edge of the breast was 64 cm.; the breadth between the elbows 127 cm.


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It may possibly have been intended to represent a very primitive human figure. The face was formed by two concentric circles; the eyes and the mouth were represented by three small shallow cavities. On the head there was a kind of head-ornament, broader upwards, or possibly the face of an animal, also marked with three cavities. The body was a rectangular enlargement without arms, with a straight furrow in its middle; from its lower edge there issued one long, straight leg, ending in a short foot, broadening outwards. The entire length of the figure was 82 cm.; the breadth of the face was 16 cm.

This was possibly also meant to be a human figure, though the legs were wanting. The face was a broad oval, with three holes situated more to the right, representing the eyes and the mouth. On the head was a little, tiara-shaped ornament. The arms were short, without any traces of hands. The whole length was 70 cm., the breadth of the face was 20 cm.

Human figure with arms and one leg. The face was nearly triangular with rounded corners. Three holes represented the eyes and the mouth. On the head was a high ornament, like that of the preceding figure. The arms were hanging, of the same thickness with the shoulders. One short and thick leg with a pointed foot. The length of the figure was 92 cm.; its breadth across the shoulders was 26 cm.

A spirally wound line running out into some irregular curves, the last part quite straight. The diameter of the spiral was 20 cm.


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A human figure; the face in profile, high and narrow, with pointed nose and thick, round chin. The eye was a pretty large, oval cavity. Above the head were three plumes, broadening towards the end. Opposite to the face was placed a figure possibly meant to represent the head of an animal, its eye marked by an oval cavity. The neck of the human figure was represented by a rectangle; the body appeared in profile, the breast was convex, the back slightly concave. The arms and legs were represented «en face», the left arm in two parts, the right one in one; the left hand with two fingers, the right one with six. The legs were short, curved; the feet indicated by two ovals. Between the legs a second face was sculptured; the eyes were two small cavities, the nose was a long furrow broader downwards, the mouth a furrow broader in the middle. The length of the figure from the top of the head to the lower edge of the foot was 161 cm.; the breadth across the shoulders 55 cm.

A monkey in profile; the head circular without any traces of eye or nose; the body convex before, straight behind; the arm raised, with three-fingered hand, the tail projecting at a right angle, its end spirally wound; the leg bent, with two feet, and the sexual organ behind. The length from the top of the head to the lower foot was 80 cm.

A monkey, very similar to the preceding, with larger and more convex body; the arm with three indistinct fingers, the legs very short. The length was 63 cm.


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A cross, or rather three crosses within one another, the outermost carved with coarser lines than the inner ones. The height of the innermost cross was 15 cm., of the second 22 cm., and of the third or uttermost 38 cm.

Two crosses within each other, encircled by a curved line, forming an angle at every one of the corners of the outer cross. The lines of the inner cross were nearly six cm. broad. At the upper and lower ends of the outer cross was an isolated rectangular elevation, and a more or less square one in each of the angles of the cross. The length of the inner cross was 16 cm., of the outer one, 28 cm. The greatest diameter of the surrounding curved figure was 48 cm.

All the above described rock-carvings, viz. a—k, were to be found on the level summit of Cerro de Pantheon; k was situated almost at the centre of the plateau, its upper short arm pointing exactly northwards. This circumstance may perhaps be fortuitous; nevertheless it ought to be mentioned, because the arms of i are also directed towards the four principal points of the compass. Pretty near a was the beginning of a small round water-worn rock-hollow, 30 cm. in diameter.

A winding line, one end of which formed a not quite regular spiral, and the middle portion several irregular flexions and angles, the other extremity being perfectly straight. This winding line was cut in the solid rock at the promontory Punta de Pantheon.


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A double figure consisting of a labyrinth-shaped carving, united with a spirally wound line, the outer circumference of which was formed by almost square tongues, and the inner part by an irregular spiral. The length of the labyrinth-shaped figure was 58 cm., the greatest diameter of the spiral figure 54 cm. It was sculptured in the solid rock near the preceding figure, at the extremity of the promontory, and was now partly covered by water.

Almost identical in form with the spiral figure of the preceding carving, but more regular. The inner spiral had more turnings, four in number. The greatest diameter, if the projections are included, was 86 cm. It was also cut in the solid rock at the promontory itself, near the line of water.

A queerly composed figure. The greatest length was 109 cm. It was found some little way from the shore at Punta de Pantheon, cut in the solid rock.

Some coarsely carved faces; only one had the nose marked, the other four exhibiting only eyes and mouth. The length of the largest face was 25 cm., of the smallest 20 cm. A little spherical excavation, a rock-hollow, was to be seen between two of the faces. They were carved in a loose block of stone, about two meters in diameter, lying a little way up from the shore.


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  PL. 33. Human figure of terra cotta; painted with a blackish colour; still well preserved. Height 72 mm. Ceiba.   '''PI. 33'''. Human figure, sitting, with the arms against the hips; of terracotta; painted with brown-red and black colours on a light yellow ground. Height 144 mm. Ometepec, stat. 4.   '''PI. 33'''. Headless figure, resembling the preceding; terra cotta; painted only in two colours, light yellow and brown-red. Height from the shoulders 90 mm. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote, from the mound 1.   '''PI. 33'''. Spherical urn with raised ornaments and perforated lid; very finely painted, brown-red with black and light yellow. Diameter 127 mm.; height 83 mm. Ometepec, stat. 5.   '''PI. 33'''. Open cup or bowl of thick terra cotta, minutely painted with fine ornaments; ground colour a light yellow, painted with red, red-brown and black. Diameter 70 mm.; height 40 mm. Ometepec, stat. 1.   '''PI. 33'''. Open flat cup or bowl on a foot, with handles; of thick, fine and smooth earthen-ware, painted dark brown. Diameter 75 mm., height 40 mm. Ceiba.   '''PI. 33'''. Spherical urn with ears; of half-burnt clay. Diameter 65 mm. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote, from the mound 6.  <li> '''PI. 33'''. High cover for a little spherical urn; painted brown; fine burnt clay. Diameter 48 mm. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote, from the mound 3. </li> <li> '''PI. 34'''. High vase of thick earthen-ware. It has been painted brown-red. Elegantly adorned with small knobs of clay attached to the surface. It </li></ol>


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  was broken in many pieces, but most of the fragments were recovered, so that it could be restored. It is distinguished by its graceful form. Height 420 mm.; diameter at the base 150 mm.; upper diameter 300 mm. Thickness of the material 8 — 10 mm. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote, the mound 3.   Pl. 34. Fragment of a vase of the same form as the preceding. Thickness of the material 9—10 mm. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote, the mound 3.   Pl. 34. Fragment of a vase, probably of the same form as 9. Thickness of the material 9—13 mm. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote, the mound 1.   Pl. 34. Handle of a shallow bowl; of burnt clay. It represents the nose of an animal of prey. It has been painted, but the colour has been almost completely worn off. Zapatera, Punta de las Figuras.   Pl. 34. Head of an animal, has served as handle for a cup; of fine burnt clay; painted black. Ceiba.   Pl. 34. Head of an animal, handle of a larger bowl; terra cotta; painted in a light brown colour. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote.   Pl. 34. Head of an animal, handle of an arched bowl with its upper edge turned outwards; fine terra cotta; painted with red and yellow. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote.   Pl. 34. Head of an animal, ornament for a can; fine terra cotta; painted with red and yellow bands. Ometepec, stat. 4. </li> <li> Pl. 34. Head of an animal, handle of a plate; fine terra cotta; painted black. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote. </li> <li> Pl. 35. Lid of an oval cup, perforated; fine terra cotta; painted in a red-brown colour. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote. </li> <li> Pl. 35. Fragment of the side of a larger bowl or tinacca, with a figure in relief, representing a monkey's arm; terra cotta; painted with a red-brown colour. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote. </li> <li> Pl. 35. Small bottle with round bottom; terra cotta; painted yellow. Zapatera, Punta de las Figuras. </li> <li> Pl. 35. Head of a bird, serving as foot of a large plate; terra cotta; painted red. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote, the mound 6. </li> <li> Pl. 35. Upper part of a bottle or urn, forming the head of an animal, with open jaws. The bottle has had two entrances. Terra cotta; painted in a yellowish grey colour. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote. </li> </ol>


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  Pl. 35. Head of an animal, handle of a large bowl; terra cotta; painted red. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote.  Pl. 36. Fragment of an urn with upright edge and angular ornaments. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote, the mound 5.   Pl. 36. Head of an animal, handle of a large plate; fine terra cotta; painted deep brown. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote, the mound 3.   Pl. 36. Head of a lizard, fragment of a toy; terra cotta; painted in a light yellow colour. Zapatera, Punta de las Figuras.   Pl. 36. Head of an animal, handle of a plate; terra cotta; painted, but the colour has vanished. Zapatera, Punta de las Figuras.   Pl. 36. Head of an animal, handle of a plate; fine terra cotta; painted black. Ceiba.   Pl. 36. Head of an animal, fragment of a toy; terra cotta; painted in a light yellow colour. Zapatera, Punta de las Figuras.   Pl. 36. Head of an animal, handle or foot of a plate; terra cotta; painted brown. Zapatera, Punta de las Figuras.  <li> Pl. 36. Handle of a larger cup, or tinacca, in the form of a column embraced by a hand. Red clay; not painted. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote, the mound 6. </li> <li> Pl. 36. Small low cup with an ear; fine clay; painted dark brown. Ceiba. </li> </ol>

<li> PL. 35. Head of an animal, well cut. It seems to have formed part of the side of a stone vase or can. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote. </li> <li> PL. 35. File or rasp. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote, the mound 3. </li> <li> PL. 35. Molidor or pestle for pounding seed. Ometepec, stat. 3. </li> <li> PL. 35. Chisel. Zapatera, Punta del Sapote, the mound 3. </li> <li> PL. 35. Chisel. Ceiba. </li> </ol>


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 {| style="margin: 0 auto 0 auto"
 * +CONTENTS.
 * Pag.
 * Introduction
 * 1.
 * Statues in Punta del Sapote
 * 13.
 * Statues in Punta de las Figuras
 * 33.
 * Rock-carvings in the island of Ceiba
 * 42.
 * Ceramic objects from Ometepec, Zapatera and Ceiba
 * 48.
 * Appendix: Smaller objects of stone
 * 50.
 * }
 * Ceramic objects from Ometepec, Zapatera and Ceiba
 * 48.
 * Appendix: Smaller objects of stone
 * 50.
 * }
 * 50.
 * }


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Pringsheim, Nathanael


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 to builders, and it subsidized renters. The builders overvalued the housing projects they undertook, so that the bankers would make large loans, which the State guaranteed to pay in case of default, and in that way the entrepreneurs received what they would have lost had they depended on the low-rent payments fixed by law. The difference between market rent and legal rent was made up by taxes, and the dignity of the law was upheld. One consequence of this maneuver was to put upon the taxpayer a continuing load; another, and that is most important from the State's point of view, was the establishment of a permanent bureaucracy to manage the problems that subsidized housing entails: the evaluation of loan applications, the setting up and supervision of construction standards, the checking of amortization and interest payments, the enforcement of rules and regulations for subsidized renters. In the offing is another bureaucracy for the execution of foreclosures. Society acquired taxes and the State acquired power.

This is true whenever the State presumes to regulate the market place. The rent-control business is used here as an illustration. Price control of any kind must produce scarcities and therefore cause prices to rise to still higher levels, simply because the fictitious price discourages the production of the abundance that would automatically reduce price; price control has the same effect on the output of a factory as the subsistence wage has on the output of a slave. And in an integrated economy, where each specialized field of activity impinges on and is dependent on other fields, the attempt to fix a price of one commodity compels an attempt to fix other prices; a fixed price on a cup of coffee necessitates control of the price of cream, sugar, coffee beans, transportation, and all the services involved in bringing the beverage to the 132

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EORGE III. died in 1820, but he had ceased to reign for the past ten years. "All the world knows the story of his malady; history presents no sadder figure than that of the old man, blind and deprived of reason, wandering through the rooms of his Palace, addressing imaginary Parliaments, reviewing fancied troops, holding ghostly Courts." Sightless, deaf, imbecile, yet still dignified with a long snowy beard,


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. Wages, the largest element of cost, must also be included in the rubric of rigidity. It is obvious that the effort to regulate distribution at the point of price must be followed by an attempt to regulate production, to the allocation of raw materials, to the fixing of production standards, to the limitation of variety—to shortages. An economy cannot long remain half free and half socialistic. As soon as Society accommodates itself to one intervention, accepts it as a necessary condition of existence, the resulting scarcity calls for a contiguous interference, which is the more easily introduced because of the antecedent adjustment.

What exactly is meant by price, wages, rent, interest? These mechanisms of the market place are self-operating, self-controlling, inanimate, and quite oblivious of human whim. They reflect what humans do, to be sure; prices rise if humans produce less and demand more; they drop when humans produce more and consume less; they do so automatically and regardless of statutes. They cannot be controlled by political power, and the State concedes that point when it includes in the price-control law a punishment clause. The punishment law is not directed at price but at men. This is the only field in which the State has any competence—the regulation of human conduct by the use of coercion. The price-control law directs the consumer not to pay more than the legal list for his satisfactions, and it instructs the producer not to accept more. If either or both of them disobey the interdict, the law says, punishment will follow. Thus, a price-control law does not aim to control price, which is beyond the jurisdiction of the State, but aims to control human behavior. And that, of course, is a denial of freedom—which is no concern of the State. 133

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338 his purple gown ornamented with the star of his famous Order, he was still a King, and his worthless son had been Regent for ten years before death released the old monarch and the Regent became King of England. It was fortunate for the country that the Sovereign no longer possessed the personal influences of former days. Though the new King rivalled his predecessor Charles II. in wanton and riotous living, yet the social conditions of the age continued unchanged under the new régime. Indeed, "the last night of the Regency passed into the first morning of the reign of George IV. as an event that would be scarcely marked as an epoch in English history." But the new King was an expensive luxury to the nation. His coronation alone cost £243,000, though his unhappy wife was refused admission to the Abbey, and took no part in the proceedings. She mercifully died a few weeks later. Besides receiving a large annual income, he required his debts to be constantly paid, and large sums of money mysteriously disappeared. "If he had been a manufacturing town or a populous rural district, or an army of five thousand men, he could not have cost more," reflected Thackeray.


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Rh Court life was lessening its hold on the country. It did not attract the poets, the scholars, the architects, the journalists, the inventors, or those men who were busy in maintaining the greatness of their country. The Court life of earlier times had passed away.

Next to the Court came an exclusive society, to which either a man belonged or he did not. There was little overlapping of class with class at this time: no tradesman could belong to this society; doctors, bankers, and men with such-like professions, were outside the pale. Indeed, one writer tells us that there were but six hundred folk "in society" at this time. The test was admission into Almack's Club; this was the "Royal Academy of Society," and many were the heart-burnings of those left outside. It was governed by a Committee of six English ladies, who decided who should be admitted to the charmed circle and who should not. Pedigrees and family connections were carefully weighed, and tickets for the famous balls at Willis's Rooms were judiciously dispensed. Dancing began at eleven. With the disappearance of the powdered head and hoop petticoat, the minuet and picturesque old country dance


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 CHAPTER 14

can do to Society everything the large State can do, but not so much of it. The tyranny and terrorism of modern communistic overlords is of a kind with the practices of ancient Sparta, and twenty-five centuries before Mr. Roosevelt launched the New Deal, Pericles had something closely resembling it. Sparta and Athens were small aggregations, compared to their modern counterparts, and so there were fewer people to ride herd on; also, because they were less productive, there was less for the bureaucrats to lay their hands on. But the pattern of intervention and confiscation was the same. A State is a State, now as in the past, regardless of the size of its victim, and regardless of ideology affected by its management. It is always at war with Society.

The history of our own political subdivisions—states and cities—is well splattered with instances of "corruption." Our newspaper headlines and our campaign oratory periodically bear witness to the persistence of predatory practices by political management, even in our smaller communities. "Throw the rascals out" is the standard battle cry in our contests for political preferment, indicating that rascality is the regular order. But, when we dig down to the bottom of the rascality, we find some interventionary law that was ushered in with yards of moral fustian. It is the law itself that 134

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40 them or lose a legacy. Others said that he had a big fortune and estates in the north, and preferred to live alone, but was bound by the will to keep up five carriages, and so many pairs of horses, and so many coachmen, butlers, stewards, footmen, maid servants, gardeners, etc., etc., etc., which he did. With a man with a likely eye to look after them, too, I should think. 'Twas also said that his wife came in a carriage to see him "every once in two years," but never went inside, or even left the carriage. No one had been inside. He was a pleasant man; had been a gentleman; was certainly educated and intelligent, and seemed well read, and he never washed so far as I could see—save perhaps when he sweated and used his handkerchief. But he was never seen to sweat, and no one had ever "seed no handkercher." I made inquiries. He used to run round and across fields with his dogs, early mornings. He paid cash, and publican and tradespeople were scandalized when I called him "Scotty." They called him Mr. Morton, and all treated him with respect. He might have been a lunatic, a coiner, or forger, a ruined author—or publisher—or an ordinary dirty eccentric refugee from society. So the Scotch hermits seem to be settling in England, as well as Scotch doctors, publishers and general imposters. It was a sad day for the English when England was annexed by Scotland. The English people have been against the alleged union from the very first, I believe.

Have you noticed that our hatters, or hermits, are, as a rule, scrupulously clean about their persons, tents


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 the cupidity of the official and his private accomplice. The policeman would not help himself to a banana from the peddler's pushcart if there were no law regulating the pushcart business, and schemes to evade taxes, including bribery, are the inevitable consequence of taxation. Interventionism is the stock in trade of every political establishment, and "corruption" is its corollary.

As an illustrative instance, on a rather grandiose scale, there is the case of the New York City subway system. Originally this railroad was built by entrepreneurs under a franchise granted by the "city fathers." As a condition of the grant, the fare was fixed at five cents. For a while all went well; the company rendered adequate service and paid its bills, including interest on its bonded indebtedness. As the city pulled into its orbit more and more surrounding communities, the company extended its mileage, as required, and in due time the nickel fare did not meet operational costs. The company asked for permission to increase its fare. The people-loving politicians refused the request and the "nickel fare" became a potent campaign issue. From the very beginning there were those who clamored for public ownership and operation, terming the franchise a "giveaway," but they were shouted down as socialists, the bondholders and management being most vociferous in this denunciation. But, when the company defaulted on its interest payments, and the bonds consequently shrank in value, it was the bondholders who asked the city to buy them out; they had no objection to socialism if a profit were involved. Eventually, a "reform" administration, headed by a mayor of pronounced socialistic persuasion, arranged for the purchase of the bonds at a price far beyond the open market quotation. The taxpayers, as usual, paid the bill. Shortly thereafter the subway 135

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Rh five times as much sugar, they drank more spirits, they ate more meat—a great deal more meat—and they smoked more tobacco. They lived in better houses, with a greater degree of comfort than hitherto dreamt of; there were carpets and armchairs for all, baths and hot water, such as had not existed in England since the days of the Romans. An inordinate love of pleasure grew with the growing wealth, and theatres, music halls, and palaces of variety entertainments increased and prospered. Athletics, too, became an absorbing passion with young Englishmen of every class. Cricket, football, golf, boating, yachting, swimming, cycling, these have all played and still play a large part in developing the physique of the nation's youth. Whole holidays, undreamt of in past years, enabled toilers to travel: the working man could see his friends at the other end of England, the sea-side could be visited in a few hours and for a few shillings; social intercourse was becoming easier day by day, social barriers were breaking down. Dress, food, amusements, education, were all, in varying degrees, common to all classes; there was nothing to prevent every Englishman being a gentleman, every Englishwoman a lady, but perhaps it were


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 was "taken out of politics," meaning that the fare was raised to ten and then to fifteen cents, and deficits are now the regular order. The subway system is now a city-owned monopoly, run by bureaucrats, whose prime interest is the perpetuation of their jobs, not railroading.

There was no obvious "corruption" in this operation, but it is known that speculators took a keen interest in the bonds when the prices declined to less than the physical valuation of the property, and that they sold them to the city at a handsome profit; even if no officials were involved in this piece of business (which is assuming that officials are more than human), the fact is that this venture in public railroading compelled the citizens to finance the acquisition, and continues to compel them to meet the operational losses. It was done by a city, not a national, establishment. Indeed, the City of New York has set a pattern for the nationalizing of the railroads of the country: a regulatory body, with power to fix rates and compel unprofitable operation, squeezes the business into bankruptcy, so that the owners are quite willing to sell their property to the taxpayers, and bureaucracy improves its position.

Another case. It does not occur to a small town to set up a department of "weights and measures"; social power soon rides the dishonest merchant out of business, if not out of the community. In a city like New York the same social power is present, but it does not make itself felt with the same expedition because of the multitude of possible victims. A number of complaints suggests an "issue" to the sagacious politician, and a law and a bureau of "weights and measures" come into being. The bureau, however, soon finds itself short of business; it is in competition with social power, which is far more effective in punishing dishonest practices than are the police. 136

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 But an official body is never daunted by the lack of something to do; its capacity for digging up problems to solve is limited only by the funds at its disposal, and the funds are proportionate to the size and productivity of the taxable population. So, the department of "weights and measures" burgeons into an investigatory body, with power to pry into the malpractices of other political bodies (not itself) and achieves headlines by exposing a few firemen who take off-duty jobs, which is against the law, or exposing some prostitutes whom the police have overlooked. The headlines serve to vindicate the bureau and justify its costs.

These two instances of bureaucratic practice and political intervention in the largest city in the country can be matched, though not on so large a scale, by every city in the country. Where the grazing land is richer, there the politician waxes fatter. It follows therefore that the smaller the community, the more likelihood of confining officials to their legitimate business, that of keeping the peace and dispensing justice cheaply. Conversely, the larger the political unit, the more opportunity for the abuse of political power. If there were any point in working it out, this fact of political science could be reduced to a mathematical formula. More interesting and instructive is the reason for it.

Social power diminishes as political power increases, and political power expands in direct ratio to the size and wealth of the community over which legal authority has been established. To put it another way, the further removed from the purview of those whose behavior he undertakes to canalize, the more attenuated are the social restraints on the politician's proclivity. The reason for this lies in the fact that he is human; his occupation does not free him from the instincts 137

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 and motivations of all men. In a small community, the prince or the councilman or the sheriff is under the constant surveillance of neighbors, and their opinion of his behavior is not without influence; either the desire to retain their good will or the fear of retribution bears on his official acts. He must live with them, just as a merchant must live with his customers, and social ostracism is too heavy a price to pay for indulging the passion for power which his position generates.

As the community grows this neighborly influence diminishes. Public affairs become too complex for the man preoccupied with the business of living, and his interest in them wanes in proportion; only when he is personally affected by political matters does he become concerned with them. Under the circumstances, the politician is more or less on his own.

A more impelling reason for the attenuation of social power is the splintering of its homogeneity as population grows; group interests replace the common interest and the politician finds himself under a variety of pressures. He is put in the way of acquiring power by the claims and ambitions of the various factions, each of which is willing to barter the common good for its own advantage. The logic of the situation compels him to lean toward those factions which because of their numerical or economic predominance are most promising for his purpose, the accumulation of power. Group pressures, rather than social sanctions, chart his course, and his problem is the selection of allies. Thus, when the king met with strong opposition from the feudal barons he made common cause, for the time being, with the proletariat of the cities, and in our "democratic" time it is standard political procedure for the aspirant to champion the cause of farmers as against the urban population, to court favor with wage 138

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Rh thousands still flocked to watch the spectacle, to "gloat over the sufferings of a dying fellow-creature"; the bodies of criminals were left hanging on the gallows in public view, and it was not till 1868 that this publicity was stopped. The old barbarous punishments were disappearing. Hanging in chains was abolished in 1834, the pillory followed a few years later, stocks were superseded by the treadmill, and the ducking-stool was no longer used. Still reform moved slowly, and it was only thanks to philanthropic individuals that it moved at all. Prisoners of both sexes, innocent children and the vilest offenders, were locked up together awaiting trial. Overcrowding was so great that often the unhappy inmates had not room to lay down their weary bodies. For the first time now in our country's history it occurred to Englishmen that even the criminal had rights, and in 1824 new Gaol Acts were passed, by which every prisoner had a cot to himself; cleanliness was insisted on, and chaplains, matrons, and schoolmasters were appointed. Pentonville Prison was built with its tiers of cells, and the horrors of Newgate, so often graphically depicted, were at an end. Transportation to Australia was still at its height, and


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 earners by promising to despoil capitalists, to form alliances with ethnic, economic, social, and even criminal groups that can "deliver the vote." His release from the social sanctions of the small community makes of him an entrepreneur in power.

His business, however, cannot flourish without resources, and his resources are determined by what he can extract from producers. In the smaller community the producers, being relatively few, can scrutinize his expenditures closely and make their opposition to taxes felt. In the larger community, consisting of a number of self-centered pressure groups, this surveillance of his operations tends to disappear; people are too busy with their private affairs to pay much attention to the complexity of public affairs. The tendency then is to identify public affairs with their own interests or with the interests of the group to which they adhere. Under the circumstances, the political person is able to draw up a convincing bill of particulars which he calls the "need of social services" but which on examination becomes a list of expenditures from which various dominant groups or individuals in the community hope to improve their own circumstances. The opposition to expenditures and taxes is thus weakened, and his opportunity improves.

Every budget is a compromise of interests. Every tax bill, even in the smaller cities, contains a promise to levy with a heavier hand on one group of citizens than another, with the implied intention of favoring some of the citizenry at the expense of others. In the rhetoric of politics there is no more compelling peroration than "ability to pay"; it is compelling because it touches to the quick the very common sin of covetousness, because it appeals to the envy and jealousy that few men are rid of. To be sure, the insinuation of "ability to pay" 139

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 is that the "poor" will gain something by a "soak the rich" measure; but it is a moot question whether it is the hope of gain or the prospect of bringing the more capable or fortunate down to their own level that makes the "ability to pay" formula so acceptable to the "poor." The class-struggle notion is a most convenient instrument of the State. In the end, of course, only the political establishment profits by the tax formula; its business prospers, while the business of Society, the production of goods and the rendering of services, slows down to the extent of the exactions.

The zenith of political aspirations is attained when the revenues at his command rid the politician of the restraint of social sanctions. Having the wherewithal to operate in his own sphere, he can lift himself above Society and assume the role of statesmanship; that is, he can assume a capacity for improving the "general good," as he sees it, uninhibited by the limitations and foibles of those who must pay the bill. His economic independence induces the conviction that he has acquired a consciousness of collective aspirations, which is more than the sum of the myopic and individualistic aspirations of Tom, Dick, and Harry; he knows what is for their own good better than they do. He lives in a world of his own, in which Tom, Dick, and Harry exist only as means, not as persons. Social sanctions diminish in importance as taxation increases. And taxation increases, both in amount and in variety, as population and production increase. The incidence of taxation in our own cities is illustrative; in the beginning, real-estate values bore the entire brunt; now, in our larger cities, sales taxes, pay-roll taxes, poll taxes, occupancy taxes, liquor taxes, and a variety of licenses, fees, and fines are included in the fiscal structure. Each levy rides in on the wings of "necessary government expenses," with the decision as to 140

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Rh Gifford, William,

Gilbert, Sarah,

Giles, Sir Edward,

Gill, Mr.,

Gillespie, Elizabeth, Gist, Thomas,

Gittisham, , Gladding, Major,

Gladstone, W. E.,

Glandfeeld, Mr. See Glanville Glanville, John,

Glanville, Judge, –106

— M P. for Tavistock,

Glanville, Mr. George,, , Glanville, Nicholas,

Glimpses of the Supernatural, Glubb, Mr., Goddess of Death, the,

Godolphin, Sir Francis,

Goldsmith, Oliver, ,

Golds worthy,

Goletta,

Gomera,, in,

Goodleigh,

Goodrich, Rear-Admiral J. G. C., Goodridge, George Medyett, –350

— goes sealing in the Pacific,

— is shipwrecked,

— his life on the island,

— is rescued, Gorges, Sir Arthur,

Gorham, Rev. G. C,

Gosling, Mr.,, ,

Gould, Edward,, , Gould, W. Drake,

Gower, Lord, ,

Gravesend,

Gray, John,

Greathead, Bertie, Greenhithe,

Greenlaw, James, note,

Greenwich,

Grenofen,

Grenville, Elizabeth, -209

Grenville family, the,, , Grenville, Lord,

Grenville, Sir Bernard,

Grenville, Sir Richard, –207,

— imprisoned, ,

— hanged in effigy,

— takes possession of Fitzford, Grey, James,

Grey, Miss,

Grey Woman, The, –135

Grills, William,

Grimspound,

Grose, ,

Grosvenor, Earl,, , , Groves, James,

Grunsall, George, ,

Guatham, ,

Guildhall, Plymouth, ,

Guiller, Charles,

Gulwell,

Gunstone, Sir Thomas,

Gutch,

Hagabets, John,

Halberton,

Halhead, Mr., Hall, Hall, Bishop, Hall, Mr. S. C., Hall, Stephen,

Halley, Dr.,

Halsbury, ,

Halse, Miss, Hamlet, John,

Hamlyn, Joe,

Hammett, Sir Benjamin, Hamoaze,, ,

Hampton Court, , Handel,, , Hankford, Sir William, succeeds Judge Gascoigne,

— at Annery,

— his accidental death,

— his monument,

Hanmer, Rev. John, ,

Harborne,

Hare,

Harkett, Harrington, Countess of. See Maria Foote

Harrington, Earl of, Harris, Sir Christopher, ,

Harris, Mrs., ,

Harris family, the,

Harrison, G. H.,

Hart, Mr. Charles,

Hartland,

Hartland Chronicle, The, note,   note Harwood, Colonel, Hastings, Hatherleigh,, , , , Hatton, Lady Elizabeth, Hawker, John H., , Hawker, Rev. R. S., ,