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"no enforcement action shall be taken under regional arrangements or by regional agencies without the authorization of the Security Council".

Today, NATO was unmasked. It ceased to be a defensive military alliance and became an aggressive military alliance, disregarding its own statute, the Charter of the United Nations, and the Paris Charter of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), as well as the system of international relations based on respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of States. By bombing massively and indiscriminately the cities and towns of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, NATO has become the air force and mercenary of the terrorist Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA).

The United States of America and NATO must assume full responsibility for all consequences of their act of open aggression, both foreseeable and unforeseeable.

By committing the aggression against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, NATO has trampled upon intemational law and the fundamental principles of international relations by endangering peace and security in the world in the most irresponsible and criminal way.

That is why my Government requested, on the basis of Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, an urgent meeting of the Security Council. We expect and request the Security Council to take immediate action strongly to condemn and stop the aggression against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and to protect its sovereignty and territorial integrity. Until this happens, my country has no alternative but to defend its sovereignty and territorial integrity by all means at its disposal, in accordance with Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations.

The NATO attacks have been made against my country only because Yugoslavia, as a sovereign and independent State, refuses to allow foreign troops to occupy its territory and to reduce its sovereignty. The excuse for this NATO action was the alleged refusal of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to sign the so-called agreement, which had neither been endorsed by all members of the Contact Group nor negotiated with my country. The meetings in France were not negotiations about the autonomy of Kosovo and Metohija, but a crude and unprecedented attempt to impose a solution clearly endorsing the separatists’ objectives, under pressure, blackmail and the threat of use of force against my country.

The Government of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was and is ready to find a political solution. We give it absolute priority, but we cannot agree to the secession of Kosovo and Metohija, either immediately or after the interim period of three years.

Our delegation had submitted a document on the substantial autonomy and genuine self-government of Kosovo and Metohija on the basis of the 10 principles agreed by the Contact Group. That document is signed by all the members of our delegation. It is fully in line with the highest European standards relating to human rights, democracy and multi-ethnicity. As in the past, we remain committed to a reasonable political settlement of the problems in Kosovo and Metohija that respects the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Serbia and Yugoslavia and guarantees the equality of the rights of all citizens and national communities living there.

If the Security Council does not protect a State Member of the United Nations against such aggression, it will undermine the entire system of international peace and security as we know it. The question is: What has happened to the credibility of the Security Council and who is responsible for maintaining international peace and security? Is it the Security Council or the usurper, NATO? The NATO air strikes have already resulted in heavy destruction and great loss of human life. If this aggression is not stopped immediately and unconditionally, its consequences for peace in the world will be catastrophic.

I call on the members of the Security Council to act swiftly and in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations to condemn this act of aggression and to take appropriate measures to stop it immediately and unambiguously so that all problems may be resolved by political means.

The Government of my country extends an urgent appeal to all States to categorically oppose the current aggression of NATO and the United States of America against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. If the aggression is not stopped, the precedent of such unpunished aggression will, sooner or later, lead to aggression against a number of other, smaller and medium-sized countries. The real question is: Which country is next?

Sixty-five years ago, the Emperor Haile Selassie, whose country was subjected to aggression by Fascist Ttaly — as the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is today 14


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by NATO and the United States of America — entered history with his prophetic outcry that the League of Nations and international peace would be fatally wounded if the aggression did not stop. The United Nations is at the crossroads today, as the League of Nations was then. I hope that, this time, the United Nations chooses the right path.

The President (spoke in Chinese): The next speaker is the First Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs of Belarus, Mr. Sergei N. Martynov. I welcome him and invite him to take a seat at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Martynov (Belarus): Belarus was among the three States that urged, several hours ago, that an immediate meeting of the Security Council be convened. The President of Belarus issued earlier this morning a statement strongly denouncing the decision of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) to use military strikes against a sovereign State.

Belarus stresses that the use of military force against Yugoslavia without a proper decision of the only competent international body, which is undoubtedly the United Nations Security Council, as well as any introduction of foreign military contingents against the wish of the Government of Yugoslavia, qualify as an act of aggression, with all ensuing responsibility for its humanitarian, military and political consequences. Under these circumstances, no rationale, no reasoning presented by NATO can justify the unlawful use of military force and be deemed acceptable.

As a United Nations Member, Belarus is extremely disturbed by the fact that the unlawful military action against Yugoslavia means an intentional disregard for the role and responsibility of the Security Council in maintaining international peace and security.

Let us take a moment and some courage to look into the face of truth. Ignoring the primary and principal body for collective decision-making on maintaining international peace and security — and, in fact, the system itself, which was created and nurtured as a result of the Second World War — means obstructing the system, signing it off and effectively destroying it, thereby ignoring the lessons of the bloodiest-ever war, which the leaders of the Member countries, and above all the permanent members of the Security Council, a generation ago vowed to respect.

Tt was said today that diplomacy failed. But will lethal military force succeed in fine-tuning a delicate political solution? Is a just settlement in Yugoslavia closer today than it was yesterday?

Belarus calls for an immediate stop to the use of force against and in sovereign Yugoslavia. It calls also for the immediate resumption of the negotiating process on a peaceful settlement, including through the Contact Group efforts. Belarus also insists on restoring the Charter role of the Security Council in maintaining international peace and security.

We are convinced that even now, even today, opportunities for renewing the political and diplomatic dialogue can and must be found on the basis of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Yugoslavia and of respect for the rights of its ethnic groups.

The President (spoke in Chinese): The next speaker inscribed on my list is the representative of India. I invite him to take a seat at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Sharma (India): Earlier today, after it became known that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was contemplating military action against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the Ministry of External Affairs issued the following statement in New Delhi:

"The Government of India has closely been following developments in Kosovo. It recalls its statement of 9 October 1998 and reiterates that the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the international border of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is inviolable. That must be fully respected by all States.

"We are of the firm conviction that the resolution of this crisis can only be through peaceful means, through consultation and dialogue, and not through either confrontation or any military action, unilateral or otherwise. In this regard we wish to reaffirm commitments to the United Nations Charter, which clearly stipulates that no enforcement actions shall be undertaken under regional arrangements without the authorization of the Security Council."

The attacks against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia that started a few hours ago are in clear violation of Article 53 of the Charter. No country, group of countries or regional arrangement, no matter how powerful, can arrogate to itself the right to take arbitrary and unilateral military action against others. That would be a return to anarchy, where might is right. Among the barrage of justifications that we have heard, we have been told that the attacks are meant to prevent violations of 15

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 What fate pursues the good old King my husband, I cannot learne which is my worst affliction; Oh trecherous Lapirus! impious Nephew! All horrors of a guilty brest keepe with thee; Either poore Babes, you must pine here for food, Or have the wars drinke your immaculate blood. Oh flye, least life and honour be betrayd.

Lap. Villaine and fugitive, where wile thou hide Th' abhorred burthen of thy wretched flesh? In what disguise canst thou be safe and free, Having betray'd thy Counttey? base Lapirus. Earth stretch thy throate, take downe this bitter Pill, Loathing the hateful taste of his owne ill. Qu. Oh help, good heaven save a poore wretch from slaughter. ''The. 1.'' Stop her mouth first, souldiers must have their sport. Tis dearely earnd, they venture their blood for't.     Lap. A Mother so enforc'd by pittilesse slaves? Lee me redeeme my honour in her rescue. And in this deede my former basenesse dye. ''The. 2.'' Come, come. Que. If ever woman bore you. Lap. Who ere bore them monsters begot them; mercilesse damn'd villaines. Both. Hold, hold, sir; we are souldiers, but doe not love to fight. Que. Let me disswade you from all hope of recompence Save thankes and prayers, which are the Beggers gifts, Lap. You cannot give me that I have more neede of Than prayers; for my soule hath a poore stocke; There's a faire house within, but tis ill furnisht There wants true teares for hangings, penitent falls,

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human rights. Even if that were to be so, it does not justify unprovoked military aggression. Two wrongs do not make a right.

Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter stipulates that nothing contained in it would

"authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any State or shall require the Members to submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter".

Kosovo is recognized as part of the sovereign territory of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Under the application of Article 2, paragraph 7, the United Nations has no role in the settlement of the domestic political problems of the Federal Republic. The only exception laid down by Article 2, paragraph 7, would be the "application of enforcement measures under Chapter VII". The attacks now taking place against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia have not been authorized by the Council, acting under Chapter VII, and are therefore completely illegal.

What is particularly disturbing is that both international law and the authority of the Security Council are being flouted by countries that claim to be champions of the rule of law and which contain within their number permanent members of the Council, whose principal interest should surely be to enhance rather than undermine the paramountcy of the Security Council in the maintenance of international peace and security.

We have heard that the attack on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia will be called off if its Government accepts what are described as NATO peacekeeping forces on its territory. In other forums, we, along with the entire membership of the Non-Aligned Movement, have repeatedly said that the United Nations cannot be forced to abdicate its role in peacekeeping and that a peacekeeping operation can be deployed only with the consent of the Government concerned. Quite apart from being a violation of Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter, a peacekeeping operation forced upon a reluctant Government or population stands little chance of success. Somalia established that. In Somalia, there was at least the excuse that State authority had crumbled, but that excuse does not even remotely obtain in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. What NATO has tried to do is to intimidate a Government through the threat of attack, and now through direct and unprovoked aggression, to accept foreign military forces on its territory. There are several traditional descriptions for this kind of coercion; peacekeeping is not one of them.

We have also heard that these attacks are meant to ensure that events in the Federal Republic do not threaten regional peace and security. In fact, there is a very real danger that these attacks will imperil regional peace and security and spread discord in the Balkans and beyond.

In the interests of peace and security in the region, and if the countries now attacking the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia truly have the interests of all Yugoslavs at heart, this arbitrary, unauthorized and illegal military action should be stopped immediately. Domestic political problems have to be settled peacefully by the parties concerned through consultation and dialogue. Foreign military intervention can only worsen matters. It will solve nothing.

We urge NATO to immediately stop the military action against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, and we trust that the Security Council will be able to exert its authority to bring about an early restoration of the peace that was broken earlier today.

The President (spoke in Chinese): The next speaker inscribed on my list is the representative of Germany. I invite him to take a seat at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Kastrup (Germany): I am speaking as the Presidency of the European Union. I would like to inform the Security Council of the following statement, adopted today by the European Council at its meeting in Berlin. The heads of State and Government of the European Union "are deeply concerned about the failure of the mediation efforts undertaken by Ambassador Holbrooke and the three Rambouillet process negotiators, Ambassadors Hill, Majorski and Petritsch, with the President of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, Slobodan Milosevic. The common objective of these efforts was to persuade the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to accept a ceasefire m Kosovo and a political solution to the Kosovo conflict, in order to stop a humanitarian catastrophe in Kosovo.

"Over one quarter of a million Kosovars are now homeless because of the repression carried out by Belgrade’s security forces. Sixty-five thousand have been driven from their homes in the last month, 25,000 since the peace talks broke down in Paris last Friday. While the Kosovo Albanians signed the Rambouillet Accords, Belgrade’s forces poured into Kosovo to start a new offensive. Since the outbreak of hostilities in Kosovo in March 1993, 16


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around 440,000 people, more than one fifth of the population of Kosovo, have fled or been displaced. There are new victims every day. The civilian population is the target of the hostilities.

"The international community has done its utmost to find a peaceful solution to the Kosovo conflict. In Rambouillet, and most recently in Paris, intensive efforts have been made, after months of preparations, to negotiate an agreement for the self-government of Kosovo which is fair for both parties to the conflict and which would ensure a peaceful future for Kosovo Serbs as well as Kosovo Albanians and all other national communities. The draft agreement, which was signed by the Kosovo Albanians in Paris, meets these requirements on the basis of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Yugoslavia. It assures Kosovo a high degree of self-government, guarantees the individual human rights of all citizens in Kosovo according to the highest European standards, envisages extensive rights for all national communities living in Kosovo and creates the basis for the necessary reconstruction of the war-torn region.

"The Yugoslav leadership under President Milosevic has persistently refused to engage seriously in the search for a political solution. It has presented the Yugoslav people with a distorted picture of the issues and course of the negotiations."

I might add that we have also witnessed that tonight in this Chamber.

"In addition, the Serb police and Yugoslav Federal Armed Forces have in the last few weeks massively reinforced their presence in Kosovo, thereby further exceeding the ceilings set out in the Holbrooke-Milosevic agreement of 12 October 1998. Finally, the Yugoslav security forces are conducting military operations against the civilian population m Kosovo in contravention of the provisions of United Nations Security Council resolution 1199 (1998).

"On the threshold of the 21st century, Europe cannot tolerate a humanitarian catastrophe in its midst. It cannot be permitted that, in the middle of Europe, the predominant population of Kosovo is collectively deprived of its rights and subjected to grave human rights abuses. We, the countries of the European Union, are under a moral obligation to ensure that indiscriminate behaviour and violence, which became tangible in the massacre of Racak in January 1999, are not repeated. We have a duty to ensure the return to their homes of the hundreds of thousands of refugees and displaced persons. Aggression must not be rewarded. An aggressor must know that he will have to pay a high price. This is the lesson to be learned from the 20th century.

"Nor will the international community tolerate crimes against humanity. Those now persisting with the conflict in Kosovo should not forget that the mandate of The Hague Tribunal covers Kosovo. They and their leaders will be held personally accountable for their actions.

"We are ultimately responsible for securing peace and cooperation in the region which will guarantee the respect of our basic European values, ie., the respect of human and minority rights, international law, democratic institutions and the inviolability of borders.

"Our policy is directed against neither the Yugoslav or Serb population nor against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia or the Republic of Serbia. It is directed against the irresponsible policy of the Yugoslav leadership. It is directed against security forces cynically and brutally fighting a part of their own population. We want to put an end to these outrages. President Milosevic must stop Serb aggression in Kosovo and sign the Rambouillet Accords, which include a NATO-led implementation force to provide stability.

"We urge the Yugoslav leadership under President Milosevic to summon up the courage at this juncture to change radically its own policy. It is not yet too late to stop the internal repression and to accept the international community’s mediation efforts. The international community's only objective is to find a political future for Kosovo, on the basis of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, which does justice to the concerns and aspirations of all the people in Kosovo.

"The Kosovo Albanians showed their commitment to a peaceful solution by signing the Rambouillet Accords. It is vital that they now show maximum restraint. 17


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"We underline that it is not our aim to keep the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in its self-imposed isolation in Europe and the world. On the contrary, we would like to end the isolation of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in Europe. But for this to happen, Milosevic must choose the path of peace in Kosovo and the path of reform and democratisation, including freedom of the media in the whole of Yugoslavia."

The President (spoke in Chinese): The next speaker is the representative of Albania. I invite him to take a seat at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Nesho (Albania): The moment that we are going through is a historic moment for the future of the Balkans, as the international community is intervening in order to stop the humanitarian catastrophe and the tragedy of a nation whose people have been tortured, killed and buried in common graves, a nation that is justly demanding its legitimate rights to freedom and to its very existence — undeniable rights for all peoples. The Albanians of Kosovo, despite all this, made an exemplary decision by respecting the will of the international community and signing the Rambouillet agreement.

For more than 10 years the international community did not succeed in organizing a common action such as the one undertaken today in order to stop the Belgrade regime from creating a new and dangerous crisis in the heart of Europe. The previous inaction was made possible by prolonged discussion as well as by claiming respect for principles — while in reality Europe at the end of the twentieth century witnessed the massacre of Bosnia, of Racak and other places, and more than 300,000 killings and the creation of millions of refugees.

The Republic of Albania totally supports the military action by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and we consider it an action in support of peace and stability in the region. My country strongly supports today’s action, just as we were in favour of a peaceful solution, which did not seem to come.

Today the international community did not declare war on Serbia, because war had existed there for a long time. But the international community did achieve the first step towards peace, security in the region and the re-establishment of human values and of the principles that are so well expressed in the Charter of the United Nations — principles in which we all believe.

No country that tried to bury the basic Charter principles of peace, security and cooperation, and that committed genocide and crimes against humanity, can expect to receive the protection of the United Nations and the Security Council.

The President (spoke in Chinese): The next speaker is the representative of Bosnia and Herzegovina. I invite him to take a seat at the Council table and to make his statement.

Mr. Sacirbey (Bosnia and Herzegovina): Military force is never a welcome option, but it is sometimes the best, the only alternative among many bad options. It may be the only option available to save innocent lives.

Of course there was a better option, but despite the efforts of many — in Paris, London and Washington, and the efforts of the other members of the Contact Group — the Belgrade regime has shut the door on this alternative. Here I would like to take the opportunity to commend the tireless efforts of the representatives of France, the United Kingdom, the United States and many others who have at least brought about the signature of one party to this conflict: the Kosovar Albanians. We encourage them to continue their tireless efforts.

Now Belgrade seeks the sanctuary of the Security Council to hide its own blatant responsibility. A country that has unleashed its brutal war machine against its own civilian population cannot now cry victim when the international community steps in to prevent further ethnic cleansing and genocide. A country that has most recently engaged in aggression and military intervention against its own neighbours, that has committed genocidal acts against its own population and others, that has refused to adhere to international law and numerous Security Council resolutions or to cooperate with the Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia cannot now credibly plead for the protection of international law. This indeed turns on their head morality, legality and the principles for which this institution, the United Nations, stands.

As for those who disdain today’s military steps directed at Belgrade, they should ask themselves whether more talks would have produced a result? So far, ethnic cleansing has only worsened. We in Bosnia and Herzegovina would still be suffering the consequences of war — war itself — if no action had been taken in the fall of 1995. For three and a half years in Bosnia and Herzegovina, people promoted talks, and for three and half years, the war, the genocide, the aggression and the 18


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ethnic cleansing continued. Only after military intervention took place did diplomacy succeed. Only once the obstacles to peace were convinced to stop the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina did we in fact achieve peace.

Even the peace process in Bosnia and Herzegovina was endangered by the continuing escalation of the war and the ethnic cleansing in Kosovo. Radicalism, nationalism and ethnic cleansing were once again gaining the upper hand in our region. These unfortunate events were a real threat, and were a real concern to us in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Nonetheless, I think that we should remember that today’s military steps place many lives in danger. We pray for the safety of those who are now intervening to bring about an acceptance of peace. We pray for the innocent Kosovar Albanians, who are already endangered by Belgrade’s military campaign and who are fleeing their homes. And we pray for the overwhelmingly innocent Serbian population.

We recall that, even as today’s dramatic events unfolded, the Belgrade regime took final steps to shut down all remnants of the free media and to bring internal repression to a new height against Serbs, Albanians, Hungarians, Montenegrans and Bosniacs alike. But we cannot ignore the fact that today’s military action also brings greater immediate physical risk to all the people in Serbia. We hope that the military action will be short-lived and that by some miracle the current leadership in Belgrade will come to its senses.

I would like members to recall that to cement peace in Bosnia and Herzegovina we invited the international military Stabilization Force (SFOR) onto our sovereign territory. I am not certain why Belgrade fears these international peacekeepers on its own soil while we in Bosnia and Herzegovina have welcomed them. We too are a sovereign State — by the way, a State that has offered its own forces to help maintain the peace in Kosovo. When I say its own forces, I mean forces both from Republika Srpska and from the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Is it that there is a difference in motivation and desired result in the two capitals? We have opted for peace.

Pompous pride and nationalist stubbornness are not the answer. The key, the options for peace, do not lie in New York or in Washington or in Brussels but, in fact, in Belgrade and in Serbia. We hope that this message gets back to them.

Mr. Türk (Slovenia): My delegation has listened very carefully to this important discussion relating to a subject which is not an easy one for any among us, and we heard the categorical words uttered by some concerning the question of the use of force by States. It is true that sometimes force is used without an explicit basis in Security Council resolutions. This is not a new phenomenon. It may be different from the kind of perfect world which we would all like to have, but it is a part of reality.

I would like to refer to only one historical example. In 1971, in Asia, a State Member of the United Nations used force in a situation of extreme necessity. That was a case of the use of force without the authorization of the Security Council and without reference to legitimate self-defence. Nevertheless, the situation of necessity was very widely understood in the international community. I think that the historical lessons that can be drawn from that example should not be completely ignored today.

I would also like to say something about Security Council resolutions: resolutions 1199 (1998) and 1203 (1998), which are applicable law in the case discussed today. The situation in Kosovo is defined by the Security Council as a threat to international peace and security in the region. This defines that situation as something other than a matter which is essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of a State. In other words, Article 2, paragraph 7, of the Charter clearly does not apply.

Of course, resolutions 1199 (1998) and 1203 (1998) could be clearer, and one might have hoped that such resolutions would develop more completely the responsibility of the Security Council for the maintenance of international peace and security. Those of us who participated in the drafting of those resolutions know very well that the original draft texts were intended to do precisely that, and that, because of differences of views among permanent members, it was not possible to provide in those resolutions a sufficiently complete framework to allow for the entire range of measures that might be necessary to address the situation in Kosovo with success. That is another example of an imperfect world.

I would like to make one more point by way of conclusion. The responsibility of the Security Council for international peace and security is a primary responsibility; it is not an exclusive responsibility. It very much depends on the Security Council, and on its ability to develop 19


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policies that will make it worthy of the authority it has under the Charter, whether the primacy of its responsibility will actually be the reality of the United Nations.

The President (spoke in Chinese): There are no further speakers. The Security Council has thus concluded the present stage of its consideration of the item on its agenda. The Security Council will remain seized of the matter.

The meeting rose at 8 p.m. 20


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 They were the first to see and to record the pearly tones of out-door nature, and their technical bequest to posterity was an extended gamut of grays and mauves and lilacs which remain upon the artist's palette to the present day.

A scant half-dozen of their pictures drifted over to France, and there became the inspiration of a new art movement, which finally resulted in the great school of Barbizon. Millet and Troyon, Corot and Rousseau incontestably produced greater work than Crome and Constable, but their pictures were all painted on the lines marked out by the Englishmen. Indeed, it is questionable if we should have ever had a Barbizon school had it not been for the iconoclasts across the Channel.

While the great Barbizon school of painters was still in its prime, there appeared upon the artistic horizon another


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 band of innovators who have since become known as the French Impressionists or Luminarists. They were in reality, as their name implies, painters of light, and their technique was founded upon the scientific principle that light is essentially prismatic. White, being made up of the three primary colors—red, yellow, and blue—should so be painted, they declared, the three pure pigments lying side by side upon the canvas—and the same with red, with yellow, and with blue; there could be no blue so powerful that it would not be qualified with touches of red and yellow, no yellow so brilliant that the red and the blue were not felt in its composition, no red so intense that the blue and the yellow did not play across it. The work of these men really seems to vibrate with light, and the word "vibration," first employed by them, has now


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 been permanently added to the artists’ vocabulary. Under the leadership of Pissaro, Sisley, and Monet they delivered a message which future artists can never afford to ignore.

But, while their discovery is sound in principle, no entirely satisfactory technical method of applying it to the painting of pictures has yet been discovered. It is certain that the dots and dashes and cross-hatched strokes of pure color generally used by the Luminarists do not render the effect of nature as seen by the ordinary cultivated eye. The veteran Monet himself has lived long enough to recognize this, and in his more recent work he has abandoned his early militant method, while retaining the general principle of broken color.

This is one of the unsolved problems of art that we moderns have to work out. Another is the question of how


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128 old, they will throw you out just as they do husks to feed the pigs on. What pay do you get?"

"Not much, Vasily Stepanych—twelve rubles."

"And I, thirteen and a half rubles. Why? By the regulations the company should give us fifteen rubles a month with firing and lighting. Who decides that you should have twelve rubles, or I thirteen and a half? Ask yourself! And you say a man can live on that? You understand it is not a question of one and a half rubles or three rubles—even if they paid us each the whole fifteen rubles. I was at the station last month. The director passed through. I saw him. I had that honour. He had a separate coach. He came out and stood on the platform. . . . I shall not stay here long; I shall go somewhere, anywhere, follow my nose."

"But where will you go, Stepanych? Leave well enough alone. Here you have a house, warmth, a little piece of land. Your wife is a worker."

"Land! You should look at my piece of land. Not a twig on it—nothing. I planted some cabbages in the spring, just when the inspector came along. He said: 'What is this? Why have you not reported this? Why have you done this without permission? Dig them up, roots and all.' He was drunk. Another time he would not have said a word, but this time it struck him. Three rubles fine! . . ."

Vasily kept silent for a while, pulling at his pipe, then added quietly: "A little more and I should have done for him."

"You are hot-tempered."

"No, I am not hot-tempered, but I tell the truth and think. Yes, he will still get a bloody nose from me. I will complain to the Chief. We will see then!" And Vasily did complain to the Chief.

Once the Chief came to inspect the line. Three days later important personages were coming from St. Petersburg and would pass over the line. They were conducting an inquiry so that previous to their journey it was necessary to put everything in order. Ballast was laid down, the bed was levelled, the sleepers carefully examined, spikes


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Rh £9000 a year realised only £70,000, he must have sold them for much less than their value. Retiring to the Continent, he lost a considerable portion of the money, through the failure of the persons to whom he had intrusted it, but was still in easy circumstances. He lived for a time at Geneva, where he appears to have known Voltaire, but shortly before the French Revolution was staying in London, where Brissot made his acquaintance. A man of "fads," as we should now say, Pigott was a vegetarian—a Pythagorean was then the term—and an ardent admirer of Graham, the notorious charlatan, brother of Mrs. Macaulay's young second husband, with whose "electric beds" the future Lady Hamilton was then associated. Graham too was a vegetarian, and had perhaps made a proselyte of Pigott. The latter had, moreover, an antipathy to hats, cocked or chimney-pot, as the invention of priests and despots, and wore a cap which at the Feast of Pikes made him the observed of all observers. When Royalist deputies, suspecting the genuineness of Cloots's deputation, sent an usher who spoke English—probably Rose, a man of Scotch extraction—to test the English representative, he was answered by Pigott in "good Miltonic English," and retired in confusion. We may imagine Pigott receiving from Cloots a certificate of his presence at the Feast of Pikes, couched, with a simple


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Rh driven in a bit, nuts screwed up, posts painted, and orders given for yellow sand to be sprinkled at the level crossings. The woman at the neighbouring hut turned her old man out to weed. Semyon worked for a whole week. He put everything in order, mended his kaftan, cleaned and polished his brass plate until it fairly shone. Vasily also worked hard. The Chief arrived on a trolley, four men working the handles and the levers making the six wheels hum. The trolley travelled at twenty versts an hour, but the wheels squeaked. It reached Semyon's hut, and he ran out and reported in soldierly fashion. All appeared to be in repair.

"Have you been here long?" inquired the Chief.

"Since the second of May, your Excellency."

"All right. Thank you. And who is at hut No. 164?"

The traffic inspector (he was travelling with the Chief on the trolley) replied: "Vasily Spiridov."

"Spiridov, Spiridov. . . . Ah! is he the man against whom you made a note last year?"

"He is."

"Well, we will see Vasily Spiridov. Go on!" The workmen laid to the handles, and the trolley got under way. Semyon watched it, and thought, "There will be trouble between them and my neighbour."

About two hours later he started on his round. He saw some one coming along the line from the cutting. Something white showed on his head. Semyon began to look more attentively. It was Vasily. He had a stick in his hand, a small bundle on his shoulder, and his cheek was bound up in a handkerchief.

"Where are you off to?" cried Semyon.

Vasily came quite close. He was very pale, white as chalk, and his eyes had a wild look. Almost choking, he muttered: "To town—to Moscow—to the head office."

"Head office? Ah, you are going to complain, I suppose. Give it up! Vasily Stepanych, forget it."

"No, mate, I will not forget. It is too late. See! He struck me in the face, drew blood. So long as I live I will not forget. I will not leave it like this!"

Semyon took his hand. "Give it up, Stepanych. I am giving you good advice. You will not better things. . . ."


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Discourse on the Method
I reverted your edit to Discourse on the Method, unlike Wikipedia we don't improve the words in content here, we reflect the original content as accurately as possible. If you have any questions Scriptorium is always a good place to find help. Jeepday (talk) 15:59, 25 December 2010 (UTC)

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 best to convey the impression of motion upon the rigidly quiescent surface of a canvas. This has never been accomplished, but to assert that it is impossible would be a hazardous statement. Still another problem derives from the limitations of the human eye. A good photographic lens will see every leaf upon a tree or every individual in a crowd of ten thousand people. The human eye can see at best but a dozen or two of leaves or people, the remainder producing the effect of a more or less indefinite blur. How is this blur to be rendered with just sufficient definition to produce the desired effect upon the spectator? It is quite certain that other problems will arise, problems as unsuspected to-day as was the prismatic theory of light a hundred years ago. It is impossible of course to particularize. One small discovery frequently leads to


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130 "Better things! I know myself I shan't better things. You were right about Fate. It would be better for me not to do it, but one must stand up for the right."

"But tell me, how did it happen?"

"How? He examined everything, got down from the trolley, looked into the hut. I knew beforehand that he would be strict, and so I had put everything into proper order. He was just going when I made my complaint. He immediately cried out: 'Here is a Government inquiry coming, and you make a complaint about a vegetable garden. Here are privy councillors coming, and you annoy me with cabbages!' I lost patience and said something—not very much, but it offended him, and he struck me in the face. I stood still; I did nothing, just as if what he did was perfectly all right. They went off; I came to myself, washed my face, and left."

"And what about the hut?"

"My wife is staying there. She will look after things. Never mind about their roads."

Vasily got up and collected himself. "Good-bye, Ivanov. I do not know whether I shall get any one at the office to listen to me."

"Surely you are not going to walk?"

"At the station I will try to get on a freight train, and to-morrow I shall be in Moscow."

The neighbours bade each other farewell. Vasily was absent for some time. His wife worked for him night and day. She never slept, and wore herself out waiting for her husband. On the third day the commission arrived. An engine, luggage-van, and two first-class saloons; but Vasily was still away. Semyon saw his wife on the fourth day. Her face was swollen from crying and her eyes were red.

"Has your husband returned?" he asked. But the woman only made a gesture with her hands, and without saying a word went her way.

Semyon had learnt when still a lad to make flutes out of a kind of reed. He used to burn out the heart of the stalk, make holes where necessary, drill them, fix a mouth


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42 of name and nationality, in these terms, and entitling the bearer to a federal ribbon and diploma:—

"Capital of the globe, February 5, year 2.—I certify and make known to all the free men of the earth that Joseph Cajadaer Chammas, member of the oppressed sovereign [the people] of Mesopotamia, had the honour of attending the Federation of July 14, by virtue of a decree emanating from the august French Senate, June 19, year one., orator of the human race in the French National Assembly."

What a contrast between the High Sheriff of Salop paying the honours to the judges of assize and the cap-headed man at the bar of the National Assembly! In this same year 1790, Pigott sent or presented an address to the Assembly on Sieyes's press bill. He spoke in it of his loving France as warmly as if he had been a native, and of his having hastened over with a multitude of other foreigners to enjoy the rights of man in all their fulness. He dissuaded the Assembly from taking English legislation as a model, for the shameful war with America had shown how people could be misled by a press which the Government could persecute or coerce. England, he said, was not really free, but had only a semblance of freedom. This address was read at the Lyons Club, 10th February 1791, and printed in its journal.


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Rh In the autumn of 1790, Pigott, as it appears from Madame Roland's letters to Bancal, was living alternately at Geneva and Lyons, and was desirous of buying a confiscated or private estate in the South of France. He was, however, as fickle as the wind, and Madame Roland predicted that unless he was taken by surprise and forced into a decision, he would be looking about all his life, and would build only in the air. At the beginning of 1792 he seems to have been back in Paris, and published a plea for caps, which I have been unable to find, but passages from which appeared in Brissot's paper, the Patriote Français. It urged that the cap allowed the face to be well seen, and could have various shapes and colours, whereas the hat was gloomy and morose. It denounced the uncovering of the head as a servile and ridiculous salutation, and appealed to Greek, Roman, and Gaulish usage, as also to Voltaire and Rousseau, in favour of caps. The effect of the appeal was electrical. For a few weeks caps were the rage, and Grangeneuve, a Girondin deputy, wore one in the Assembly, though it is not clear that they were used out of doors, any more than by Voltaire and Rousseau. When, on the 19th March 1792, Pétion wrote to the Jacobin Club so strong and sensible a remonstrance against external signs of republicanism that the president pocketed his cap, his assessors following suit, it cannot be supposed that they went home bare-headed. These caps must have been


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1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Salaam

SALAAM (Arab. salam, "peace"), the Oriental term for a salutation. The word is used for any act of salutation, as of an ambassador to a monarch, and so in a secondary sense of a compliment. Properly it is the oral salutation of Mahommedans to each other; but it has acquired the special meaning of an act of obeisance.

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SALAD (Med. Lat. salata, salted, pickled, salare, to sprinkle with salt), a dish, originally dressed with salt, of green uncooked herbs, such as lettuce, endive, mustard, cress, &c., usually served with a flavouring of onion, garlic or leeks, and with a dressing of vinegar, oil, mustard, pepper and salt, or with a cream, for which there are many receipts; hard-boiled eggs, radishes and cucumber are also added.

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SALADE, or, a head-piece introduced in the early 15th century replacing the heavy helmet. Its essential features are its smooth rounded surface, like an inverted bowl, and its long projecting neck guard. Usually there was no movable vizor, but the front fixed part covered most of the face, a slit being left for the eyes. The word is said to come through the Old Fr. from the Span. celada, Ital. celata, Lat. caelata, sc. cassis, engraved helmet, caelare, to engrave, chase (see ../Helmet).

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Rh piece at one end, and tune them so well that it was possible to play almost any air on them. He made a number of them in his spare time, and sent them by his friends amongst the freight brakemen to the bazaar in the town. He got two kopeks apiece for them. On the day following the visit of the commission he left his wife at home to meet the six o'clock train, and started off to the forest to cut some sticks. He went to the end of his section—at this point the line made a sharp turn—descendent the embankment, and struck into the wood at the foot of the mountain. About half a verst away there was a big marsh, around which splendid reeds for his flutes grew. He cut a whole bundle of stalks and started back home. The sun was already dropping low, and in the dead stillness only the twittering of the birds was audible, and the crackle of the dead wood under his feet. As he walked along rapidly, he fancied he heard the clang of iron striking iron, and he redoubled his pace. There was no repair going on in his section. What did it mean? He emerged from the woods, the railway embankment stood high before him; on the top a man was squatting on the bed of the line busily engaged in something. Semyon commenced quietly to crawl up towards him. He thought it was some one after the nuts which secure the rails. He watched, and the man got up, holding a crow-bar in his hand. He had loosened a rail, so that it would move to one side. A mist swam before Semyon's eyes; he wanted to cry out, but could not. It was Vasily! Semyon scrambled up the bank, as Vasily with crow-bar and wrench slid headlong down the other side.

"Vasily Stepanych! My dear friend, come back! Give me the crow-bar. We will put the rail back; no one will know. Come back! Save your soul from sin!"

Vasily did not look back, but disappeared into the woods.

Semyon stood before the rail which had been torn up. He threw down his bundle of sticks. A train was due; not a freight, but a passenger-train. And he had nothing with which to stop it, no flag. He could not replace the rail and could not drive in the spikes with his bare hands.


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132 It was necessary to run, absolutely necessary to run to the hut for some tools. "God help me!" he murmured.

Semyon started running towards his hut. He was out of breath, but still ran, falling every now and then. He had cleared the forest; he was only a few hundred feet from his hut, not more, when he heard the distant hooter of the factory sound—six o'clock! In two minutes' time No. 7 train was due. "Oh, Lord! Have pity on innocent souls!" In his mind Semyon saw the engine strike against the loosened rail with its left wheel, shiver, careen, tear up and splinter the sleepers—and just there, there was a curve and the embankment seventy feet high, down which the engine would topple—and the third-class carriages would be packed. . . little children. . . . All sitting in the train now, never dreaming of danger. "Oh, Lord! Tell me what to do! . . . No, it is impossible to run to the hut and get back in time."

Semyon did not run on to the hut, but turned back and ran faster than before. He was running almost mechanically, blindly; he did not know himself what was to happen. He ran as far as the rail which had been pulled up; his sticks were lying in a heap. He bent down, seized one without knowing why, and ran on farther. It seemed to him the train was already coming. He heard the distant whistle; he heard the quiet, even tremor of the rails; but his strength was exhausted, he could run no farther, and came to a halt about six hundred feet, from the awful spot. Then an idea came into his head, literally like a ray of light. Pulling off his cap, he took out of it a cotton scarf, drew his knife out of the upper part of his boot, and crossed himself, muttering, "God bless me!"

He buried the knife in his left arm above the elbow; the blood spurted out, flowing in a hot stream. In this he soaked his scarf, smoothed it out, tied it to the stick and hung out his red flag.

He stood waving his flag. The train was already in sight. The driver would not see him—would come close up, and a heavy train cannot be pulled up in six hundred feet.

And the blood kept on flowing. Semyon pressed the


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Rh sides of the wound together so as to close it, but the blood did not diminish. Evidently he had cut his arm very deep. His head commenced to swim, black spots began to dance before his eyes, and then it became dark. There was a ringing in his ears. He could not see the train or hear the noise. Only one thought possessed him. "I shall not be able to keep standing up. I shall fall and drop the flag; the train will pass over me. Help me, oh Lord!"

All turned black before him, his mind became a blank, and he dropped the flag; but the blood-stained banner did not fall to the ground. A hand seized it and held it high to meet the approaching train. The engineer saw it, shut the regulator, and reversed steam. The train came to a standstill.

People jumped out of the carriages and collected in a crowd. They saw a man lying senseless on the footway, drenched in blood, and another man standing beside him with a blood-stained rag on a stick.

Vasily looked around at all. Then, lowering his head, he said: "Bind me. I tore up a rail!"


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Сигнал (Гаршин)

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 of the subsequent searches, was estimated at £57,000.

Burnett, Commodore William Farquharson, C.B., entered the Royal Navy in June 1838, and became Captain in Nov. 1854. In July 1855 he was created C.B., and in July 1862 was appointed Commodore on the Australian Station. On Feb. 7th, 1863. he perished in the wreck of H.M.S. Orpheus off Manukau, New Zealand, when out of a crew of 260 only 70 were saved.

Burns, Hon. John Fitzgerald, M.L.A. was born in the north of Ireland, and emigrated to New South Wales at an early age. Having engaged in mercantile pursuits in the Hunter River district, he was returned to the Assembly for the Hunter in 1862, and represented the constituency for many years. He is now one of the members for St. Leonard's. He was Postmaster-General in the Ministry from Feb. 1875 to March 1877, and in that of Mr. from Dec. 1877 to Dec. 1878. He introduced postal cards into Australia in 1875, and was the first to give employment to women in the telegraph department. In 1878 he arranged with the Governments of the other Australian colonies and New Zealand for the duplication of the submarine cable to Australia. Mr. Burns was Treasurer in the last Robertson Ministry from Dec. 1885 to Feb. 1886, and in that of Sir from Jan. 1887 to Jan. 1889. He was gazetted a C.M.G. in the Jubilee year, but declined the honour, and the appointment was cancelled.

Burns, Rev. Thomas, D.D., was born at Mossgiel, Ayrshire, Scotland, on April 10th, 1796. His father, Gilbert Burns, was brother to the Scottish poet, Robert Burns, and was factor to Lord Blantyre. While yet a child his parents removed to the farm of Dinniny, Dumfriesshire. At the parish school he received his primary education, proceeding in course of time for the higher branches to the Grammar Schools of Closeburn and Haddington. At the latter he was a pupil of the famous Edward Irving, from whom he received a prize for proficiency in mathematics. From the Grammar School at Haddington Mr. Burns entered the University at Edinburgh, where he pursued with success the arts curriculum, and attended the classes in theology prescribed for candidates for the ministry of the Established Church of Scotland. He was then taken on trial for licence by the Presbytery of Haddington, and by it was duly licensed to preach as a probationer of the Church of Scotland. He was at that time acting as tutor in the family of Sir Hugh Dalrymple, Berwick House, Haddington, through whose influence he obtained a presentation to the parish of Ballantrae, in the Presbytery of Stranraer, Galloway, where he was ordained by that Presbytery in 1825. From Ballantrae he was translated to the parish of Monkton, Ayrshire, in 1830. where he continued parish minister till the disruption of the Church of Scotland in 1843, when he relinquished his status as a minister of the Church of Scotland, and joined the Free Church of Scotland which was then formed. For a short time he remained in Monkton as Free Church minister, and helped largely to organise other Free Churches In the Presbytery of Ayr. His attention having been drawn to the proposal of the New Zealand Company to found a Scotch colony in Otago, possessing the church and school privileges peculiar to Scotland, and drawn from the membership of the Free Church, and having received the offer of being appointed the first minister of the projected colony, he resigned his charge at Monkton with a view of proceeding to Otago in that capacity. Circumstances having hindered the immediate realisation of the New Zealand Company's scheme of colonisation, Mr. Burns spent a year or two in giving lectures on the Company's plan, visiting for this purpose various parts of Scotland, but receiving no remuneration from the Company for this service. He accepted a call from the Free Church congregation of Portobello, in the neighbourhood of Edinburgh, and continued to act as minister there till October 1847. At that date all arrangements for prosecuting the proposed settlement of Otago having been completed, and Mr. Burns adhering to his appointment as first minister of the colony, he demitted his charge, and made ready to proceed with the outgoing emigrants to Otago. With his family, he joined at Greenwich the Philip Laing, under the command of Captain Andrew Elles, which, with the John Wickliff, appointed to sail from London, had been chartered to convey the first emigrants to Otago. These vessels left their  70


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 being for a short time in that year an Acting Judge of the Supreme Court. Mr. Casey married Mary Teresa, daughter of John Cahill and Mary McNamara his wife.

Castella, Hubert de, a native of Switzerland, visited his brother Paul in Victoria, and finally settled there in 1862, when he purchased three thousand acres of land in the parish of Yering, and commenced planting the now famous St. Hubert vineyard. About 1875 he formed a limited company, under which the vineyard was carried on until 1879, when Mr. A. Rowan joined him as partner in the present firm of De Castella and Rowan. The vineyard produces an average of seventy thousand to eighty thousand gallons of wine annually.

Castella, Paul de, the pioneer of viticulture in Victoria, was born in Switzerland, and emigrated to Melbourne in 1849. In the following year he purchased the Yering cattle station, where in 1856 he planted the first vineyard in Victoria, Mr. Castella in 1859 imported plant necessary for the cellar and ten thousand vines, half of which were Sauvignon and two thousand La Folle (the grape used for making the best Cognac), the latter of which were all failures. The produce of the Yering vineyard is now well known in the Australian wine market.

Catt, Hon. Alfred, M.P., J.P., Chairman of Committees of the Legislative Assembly of South Australia, was born in 1838 at Newington, in Kent. He arrived in South Australia in 1847, and for ten years engaged in agricultural pursuits at Balhannah and Strathalbyn. After a short trial of the Victorian diggings he returned to Strathalbyn, and entered into business. Subsequently he opened a store at the then youthful town of Gladstone, and was elected to the Assembly for the district of Stanley, April 27th, 1881. Three years later, when the constituency was reconstructed, he was returned for Gladstone, which he still represents. Mr. Catt accepted the post of Commissioner of Crown Lands in Mr. (now Sir) 's first administration, on June 24th, 1881, and held it till April 23rd, 1884, under circumstances of special difficulty. Disasters had fallen thickly upon the farmers of the colony, especially in the northern districts lying beyond Goyder's line of rainfall, where thirsty and often heavily timbered country had been taken up at extravagant prices by the competing agriculturists, who in some cases had offered as much as £6 6s. per acre. The attempt to grow wheat in these parts proved that the selectors could not pay the stipulated price, and the Government of the day came to the rescue with a proposal that the farmers should be allowed to surrender their land and compete for it again. The result was that they got their land back at about £1 0s. 6d., thus entailing upon the State a nominal loss of about half a million. The surrender clauses were admittedly difficult to administer, and Mr. Catt was much blamed at the time for allowing farmers holding excellent land in the lower north and south-east to come under these clauses. Mr. Catt, however, claimed that these were exceptional cases. On the fall of the Downer Ministry in 1887, Mr. Catt accepted the portfolio of Commissioner of Public Works under Mr. Playford, and held it from June 11th, 1887, to June 27th, 1889. At the commencement of the session of 1890 Mr. Catt was unanimously elected to the Chairmanship of Committees of the Legislative Assembly. In 1887 he received the royal permission to bear the title of "Honourable" within the colony.

Cavenagh-Mainwaring, Hon. Wentworth, was member for Yatala in the Assembly of South Australia from 1863 to 1881; and was Commissioner of Crown Lands, under Mr., from Nov. 1868 to May 1870, and Commissioner of Public Works in the Government from March 1872 to July 1873. In 1887 he received permission to bear the title of Honourable. Having married Ellen, daughter of George Mainwaring, who, on the death of her brother in 1891, became entitled to the Whitmore Hall estate, in Staffordshire, he assumed the additional name of Mainwaring.

Chaffey, George and William Benjamin, are the leading members of the firm of Chaffey Brothers, who in 1887 entered into contracts with the governments of Victoria and South Australia, for the settlement by means of irrigation of half a million acres of land on the banks of the Murray River. The Messrs. Chaffey are natives of Ontario, Canada, and for a number of years carried on irrigation 85


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 his geological reports to the Government of New South Wales in 1853 Mr. Clarke was awarded £1000, and, subsequently, £5000 was paid him. The Government of Victoria awarded him £1000 in 1861. In July 1860 the governors of the Australian colonies signed a certificate stating that the discovery of gold was made by Mr. Clarke in 1841. He also aided in developing the coalfields of New South Wales, and in 1877 was awarded the Murchison medal of the Geological Society of London for his services in determining the age of the carboniferous deposits in that colony. His labours also resulted in the discovery of tin. When the Sydney University was founded, he declined a seat in the Senate and the position of Professor of Geology.

Clarke, Hon. Sir William John, Bart. M.L.C., LL.D., J.P., is the eldest son of the late, M.L.C. (q.v.), and was born in 1831 in Tasmania. Sir William first arrived in Victoria in 1850, when he spent a couple of years in the study of sheep farming on his father's Dowling Forest station, and afterwards in the management of the Woodlands station on the Wimmera. For the next ten years he resided in Tasmania, working the Norton-Mandeville estate in conjunction with his brother, Mr. Joseph Clarke. In 1862 he assumed the management of his father's concerns in Victoria, and on the latter's death in 1874 succeeded to his estates in that colony. Sir William early evinced a very strong interest in farming pursuits, and introduced a scientific instructor in the person of Mr. R. W. E. McIvor, who lectured on agricultural chemistry for the benefit of the colony generally. Amongst Sir William Clarke's donations to public objects may be mentioned the gift of £2000 to the Indian Famine Relief Fund, of £10,000 towards building the Anglican Cathedral at Melbourne, of £7000 to Trinity College, Melbourne University, and many others. In the domain of sport Sir William has figured prominently as a patron of coursing and yachting. He is the recognised head of the three Masonic constitutions in Victoria—a unique position not held by any other individual in the craft. On the death of Mr., Sir William became Prov. Grand Master of the Irish Constitution; he followed the late Mr. A. K. Smith in the office of District Grand Master of the Scotch Constitution; and on the demise of Captain in 1883, Sir W. J. Clarke was offered the position of District Grand Master of the English Constitution, the Prince of Wales signifying his warm approbation. The foundation stone of the Freemasons Hall in Melbourne was laid by him in March 1885, the finished building being consecrated by him to Masonic purposes in March 1887. Sir William founded, by a gift of 3000 guineas in the year 1882, the "Southern Province (Victoria) Scholarship," in the Royal College of Music, England, the distinction being first won in 1883 by Miss Ada Beatrice Bloxham, and in 1887 by Miss Isabella Webster. To the Melbourne Public Library he has presented some admirable statuary by Mr. Charles Summers and a full-length portrait by Mr. Dowling of Lord Melbourne, the minister after whom the Victorian metropolis is named. In 1886 Mr. Chevalier painted to Sir William's order, "The Renunciation of Prince Gautama," a work considered the painter's masterpiece. The defence movement has been encouraged by Sir W. J. Clarke's offer of valuable prizes for competition among the military and naval forces; and in addition a battery of three Nordenfeldt guns, commanded by Lieutenant Rupert Clarke—Sir William's eldest son—is horsed and maintained at his expense. Sir William has represented the Southern province in the Legislative Council since 1878, and in the following year he was President of the Melbourne International Exhibition; for his services in connection with which, he was raised to the baronetcy in Dec. 1882. Sir William was a member of the Victorian Commission to the Colonial and Indian Exhibition of 1886, and had the honorary degree of LL.D. conferred on him by the University of Cambridge during the same year. Sir William Clarke married, firstly, on Nov. 23rd, 1860, Mary, second daughter of the Hon., M.L.C, of Tasmania, who died in 1871; and secondly, on Jan. 21st, 1873, Janet Marian, eldest daughter of the late Hon. Peter Snodgrass, M.L.C. and granddaughter of the late Colonel Kenneth Snodgrass, C.B. 98


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 , Queensland, is the son of Isaac Cowley and Charlotte his wife, was born at Fairford, Gloucestershire, on April 24th, 1848, and when quite a boy accompanied his parents to Natal, South Africa. He served an apprenticeship to the building and engineering trade, making the erection of sugar machinery a speciality; but he subsequently became an agriculturist, and was for three years engaged in cultivating sugar and coffee. Early in 1871 Mr. Cowley left Natal for the Australian colonies, and was a resident of New South Wales for over two years, part of which time he was in charge of a central sugar-mill on the MᶜLeay river. Subsequently he resided in the Maryborough district of Queensland for three years, during which time he was engaged in the cultivation and manufacture of sugar. After that Mr. Cowley settled in the Lower Herbert district, and was actively employed in the sugar industry. He was elected to the Queensland Legislative Assembly for Herbert in 1888, and on the formation of the - Government in August 1890 was appointed Secretary for Public Lands and Agriculture, and sworn of the Executive Council. Mr. Cowley was married at Pietermaritzburg, Natal, on July 24th, 1880, to Miss Marie Campbell.

Cowlishaw, Hon. James, M.L.C., was born in Dec. 1834 in Sydney, where he was educated at St. James's Grammar School, and went to Queensland in 1861 to practise as an architect. In 1878 he was appointed to a seat in the Legislative Council, which he still retains. Mr. Cowlishaw was part proprietor and managing director for some years of the Brisbane Evening Telegraph, but sold his interest in the newspaper in 1885.

Cowper, Hon. Sir Charles, K.C.M.G., sometime Premier of New South Wales, son of the late, D.D. (q.v.), was born at Drypool, Yorkshire, on April 26th, 1807, and when two years old was brought to Sydney by his father. He was educated privately, and entered the Commissariat department under Commissary-General Wemyss, being appointed secretary to the Church and School Lands Corporation in 1826 by Governor Sir. In 1831 he married Eliza, second daughter of Daniel Sutton, of Wivenhoe, near Colchester, Essex. When the Church and School Lands Corporation was dissolved in 1833 Mr. Cowper went to reside in the county of Argyle, and held some sheep stations on the Murray. He was made a magistrate of the territory in 1839, and in 1843 he contested Camden with Mr. Roger Therry, Attorney-General, and was only defeated by ten votes. Being immediately invited to stand for the county of Cumberland, he was returned to the Legislative Council by a large majority, defeating even so popular a man as the late Sir [sic]. He was chairman of a company formed in 1846 for railway construction, and in 1851 he contested Sydney against Dr., Captain Lamb, and Mr. , but was defeated. He was then returned for Durham. He introduced the Act for incorporating the Sydney Grammar School, and that for establishing colleges affiliated to the university. He was offered the position of Chief Commissioner of the city of Sydney, with a salary of £1000 a year, by Sir ; but declined it. At the general election in 1856 he was returned for Sydney to the first Legislative Assembly. On the resignation of the Ministry, the first which held office under responsible government, in August 1856, Mr. Cowper was sent for by Sir, and requested to form a Ministry. He was successful in that object, and himself held the post of Colonial Secretary, having for his colleagues the late Mr. Robert Campbell, Mr. (afterwards Sir), Mr. (afterwards Sir) , and Mr. (afterwards Judge). Objection was taken by the Opposition to the personal composition of the Ministry, and they were defeated and resigned in October, after holding office for six weeks. In Sept. 1857 Mr. Cowper became Premier and Colonial Secretary for the second time, and held office till Oct. 1859, passing the Electoral Act in 1858. His administration were defeated on their education policy, and Mr. succeeded, but was ejected in less than five months, when Mr. (afterwards Sir) John Robertson's first Ministry was formed, with Mr. Cowper as Colonial Secretary. Under their ægis the famous Land Bill of 1861 was carried, and also a measure prohibiting future grants in aid of the religious bodies. In Jan. 1861 Mr., whilst continuing to hold  108


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Rh slunk by the side of the little girl as though he were afraid of them.

"Good morning, Little Red Riding Hood," said one of the faggot makers.

"You are up betimes. Where are you going thus early?"

"To see grandmother," replied Little Red Riding Hood.

The wolf actually came close to the child's side, and rubbed his head against her hand as though he was very fond of her and knew her.

"Why here's a wolf!" exclaimed one of the men.

"As I am alive," cried another, "I think it must be the very wolf that stole my sheep the other night."

"No, upon the honour of a wolf," said the treacherous knave very quickly; which was a falsehood, for he had stolen the man's sheep.

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User talk:Ken g6

— billinghurst  sDrewth  00:28, 26 December 2010 (UTC)

DNBer ?
I have seen your work through the DNB and EB1911, and wanted to point you to the projects, especially the magnificently stupendous WikiProject DNB. We have done a lot of work through there, and hopefully explain some of the quirks and shortcuts. Again welcome. — billinghurst  sDrewth  02:42, 27 December 2010 (UTC)
 * By the way, we hope that you will not wriggle too much as we steal you from WP, and staple gun you to WS. We do allow short trips to WP as the chain is long enough to reach. — billinghurst  sDrewth  02:45, 27 December 2010 (UTC)
 * Hi, thanks for the...um, tight...embrace. The thing I like about Wikisource is that there's less need for consensus-building (I hope), so I can just work on something without debating it.  I haven't yet decided which project(s) I want to settle in.

 * One thing so far confuses me. I see pages and I see articles.  The Popular Science Monthly Project (which I discovered from the Template:Active projects you linked to, thank you!) seems to do pages first and not articles.  EB1911 on the other hand seems to do articles, but hardly any pages.  DNB seems mixed.  I also kind of expected wikilinks to be something done after pages were moved to articles, until I saw everything you did on that DNB page.  So I'm confused.  Is there a proper order to these things?

 * Thanks again! -- Ken g6 (talk) 05:40, 27 December 2010 (UTC)

 * Ah! You are looking at our developing history in action. These days pages are actually transcluded directly from the Page: namespace into the main namespace, and the bulk of DNB is done that way, though we are still tidying out earlier artefacts.  Probably easiest to show a recent before and after shot, eg. https://secure.wikimedia.org/wikisource/en/w/index.php?title=Brooks,_Charles_William_Shirley_%28DNB00%29&diff=prev&oldid=2268799 We are using our extension (explained at Wikisource:ProofreadPage) and in local detail at Help:Proofread.  EB1911 has more recently had scans available though some of their editors prefer to work with straight text, and while we collectively have a preference for working from scans, what we want is validated text, and the path that it takes to get there is different. We do have a consensus approach, though generally less argumentatively, and we do allow for difference, and a smaller community working together does build more tolerance. As a note, the smaller community also means that Scriptorium is a useful place to find a quick answer, or finding someone in the IRC channel. — billinghurst  sDrewth  06:00, 27 December 2010 (UTC)

title: User talk:Ken g6


text:
1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Salamander

SALAMANDER. Salamanders in the restricted sense (genus Salamandra of N. Laurenti) are close allies of the newts, but of exclusively terrestrial habits, indicated by the shape of the tail, which is not distinctly compressed. The genus is restricted in its habitat to the western parts of the Palaearctic region and represented by four species only: the spotted salamander, S. maculosa, the well-known black and yellow creature inhabiting Central and Southern Europe, North-West Africa and South-Western Asia; the black salamander, S. atra, restricted to the Alps; S. caucasica from the Caucasus, and S. luschani from Asia Minor. Salamanders, far from being able to withstand the action of fire, as was believed by the ancients, are only found in damp places, and emerge in misty weather only or after thunderstorms, when they may appear in enormous numbers in localities where at other times their presence would not be suspected. They are usually much dreaded by country people, and although they are quite harmless to man, the large glands which are disposed very regularly on their smooth, shiny bodies, secrete a very active, milky poison which protects them from the attacks of many enemies.

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Salamander


text:
User talk:83.30.81.39

Welcome

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title: User talk:83.30.81.39


text:
User talk:78.146.120.170

Welcome

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title: User talk:78.146.120.170


text:
User talk:4.154.248.173

Welcome

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title: User talk:4.154.248.173


text:
1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Saladin

SALADIN (Arab. Sala-ud-din, "Honouring the Faith") (1138–1193), first Ayyubite sultan of Egypt, was born at Tekrit in 1138. The brilliance of his career was only made possible by the condition of the East in the 12th century. Such authority as remained to the orthodox caliph of Bagdad (see ../Caliphate) or the heretical Fatimites (q.v.) of Cairo was exercised by their viziers. The Seljukian empire had, after 1076, been divided and subdivided among Turkish atabegs. The Latin kingdom of Jerusalem had existed since 1089 only because it was a united force in the midst of disintegration. Gradually, however, Christian enthusiasm had aroused a counter enthusiasm among the Moslems. Zengi, atabeg of Mosul, had inaugurated the sacred war by his campaigns in Syria (1137–1146). Nur-ed-din, his son, had continued his work by further conquests in Syria and Damascus, by the organization of his conquered lands, and, in 1157, by "publishing everywhere the Holy War." The opportunity of Saladin lay therefore in the fact that his lifetime covers the period when there was a conscious demand for political union in the defence of the Mahommedan faith. By race Saladin was a Kurd of Armenia. His father, Ayyub (Job), and his uncle Shirkuh, sons of a certain Shadhy of Ajdanakan near Dawin, were both generals in Zengi's army. In 1139 Ayyub received Baalbek from Zengi, in 1146 he moved, on Zengi's death, to the court of Damascus. In 1154 his influence secured Damascus to Nur-ed-din and he was made governor. Saladin was therefore educated in the most famous centre of Moslem learning, and represented the best traditions of Moslem culture.

His career falls into three parts, his conquests in Egypt 1164–1174, the annexation of Syria 1174–1187, and lastly the destruction of the Latin kingdom and subsequent campaigns against the Christians, 1187–1192. The conquest of Egypt was essential to Nur-ed-din. It was a menace to his empire on the south, the occasional ally of the Franks and the home of the unorthodox caliphs. His pretext was the plea of an exiled vizier, and Shirkuh was ordered to Egypt in 1164, taking Saladin as his lieutenant. The Christians under Count Amalric immediately intervened and the four expeditions which ensued in 1164, 1167, 1168 and 1169 were duels between Christians and Saracens. They resulted in heavy Christian losses, the death of Shirkuh and the appointment of Saladin as vizir. His relations towards the unorthodox caliph Nur-ed-din were marked by extraordinary tact. In 1171 on the death of the Fatimite caliph he was powerful enough to substitute the name of the orthodox caliph in all Egyptian mosques. The Mahommedan religion was thus united against Christianity. To Nur-ed-din he was invariably submissive, but from the vigour which he employed in adding to the fortifications of Cairo and the haste with which he retreated from an attack on Montréal (1171) and Kerak (1173) it is clear that he feared his lord's jealousy.

In 1174 Nur-ed-din died, and the period of Saladin's conquests in Syria begins. Nur-ed-din's vassals rebelled against his youthful heir, es-Salih, and Saladin came north, nominally to his assistance. In 1174 he entered Damascus, Emesa and Hamah; in 1175 Baalbek and the towns round Aleppo. The next step was political independence. He suppressed the name of es-Salih in prayers and on the coinage, and was formally declared sultan by the caliph 1175. In 1176 he conquered Saif-ud-din of Mosul beyond the Euphrates and was recognized as sovereign by the princes of northern Syria. In 1177 he returned by Damascus to Cairo, which he enriched with colleges, a citadel and an aqueduct. From 1177 to 1180 he made war on the Christians from Egypt, and in 1180 reduced the sultan of Konia to submission. From 1181–1183 he was chiefly occupied in Syria. In 1183 he induced the atabeg Imad-ud-din to exchange Aleppo for the insignificant Sinjar and in 1186 received the homage of the atabeg of Mosul. The last independent vassal was thus subdued and the Latin kingdom enclosed on every side by a hostile empire.

In 1187 a four years' truce was broken by the brilliant brigand Renaud de Châtillon and thus began Saladin's third period of conquest. In May he cut to pieces a small body of Templars and Hospitallers at Tiberias, and, on July 4th, inflicted a crushing defeat upon the united Christian army at Hittin. He then overran Palestine, on September 20th besieged Jerusalem and on October 2nd, after chivalrous clemency to the Christian inhabitants, crowned his victories by entering and purifying the Holy City. In the kingdom only Tyre was left to the Christians. Probably Saladin made his worst strategical error in neglecting to conquer it before winter. The Christians had thus a stronghold whence their remnant marched to attack Acre in June 1189. Saladin immediately surrounded the Christian army and thus began the famous two years' siege.

Saladin's lack of a fleet enabled the Christians to receive reinforcements and thus recover from their defeats by land. On the 8th of June 1191 Richard of England arrived, and on the 12th of July Acre capitulated without Saladin's permission. Richard followed up his victory by an admirably ordered march down the coast to Jaffa and a great victory at Arsuf. During 1191 and 1192 there were four small campaigns in southern Palestine when Richard circled round Beitnuba and Ascalon with Jerusalem as objective. In January 1192 he acknowledged his impotence by renouncing Jerusalem to fortify Ascalon. Negotiations for peace accompanied these demonstrations, which showed that Saladin was master of the situation. Though in July Richard secured two brilliant victories at Jaffa, the treaty made on the 2nd of September was a triumph for Saladin. Only the coast line was left to the Latin kingdom, with a free passage to Jerusalem; and Ascalon was demolished. The union of the Mahommedan East had beyond question dealt the death-blow to the Latin kingdom. Richard returned to Europe, and Saladin returned to Damascus, where on the 4th of March 1193, after a few days' illness, he died. He was buried in Damascus and mourned by the whole East.

(W. F. K.)

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Saladin


text:
User talk:65.9.73.224

Welcome

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title: User talk:65.9.73.224


text:
User talk:68.0.195.190

Welcome

Hello, and welcome to Wikisource! Thank you for your contributions. I hope you like the place and decide to stay. Here are a few good links for newcomers:

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In any case, I hope you enjoy donating your time to grow the Wikisource library that is free for everyone to use! In discussions, please sign your comments using four tildes ( ~ ); this will automatically produce your IP address (or username if you're logged in) and the date. If you need help, ask me on my talk page, or ask your question here (click  [ edit] ) and place  before your question. Again, welcome! — billinghurst  sDrewth  00:40, 26 December 2010 (UTC)

title: User talk:68.0.195.190


text:
User talk:CalicoCatLover

— billinghurst  sDrewth  00:42, 26 December 2010 (UTC)

Hatikva
Thank you for your contribution of an Arabic translation of Hatikva. You should know that Arabic texts or translations belong at Arabic Wikisource. I have therefore removed the text you contributed. You are of course free to add it to the Arabic site. Best, --Eliyak T · C 06:14, 2 January 2011 (UTC)

title: User talk:CalicoCatLover


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 WITH NEW PICTURES BY AN EMINENT

ARTIST.

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ITH which of the northern nations of Europe, Saxons, Franks, Northmen or Normen, the Traditionary Tale of Little Red Riding Hood originated, I have not been able to ascertain. As far as I can learn, the earliest publication of the tale was made by Charles Perrault, a member of the French Academy, and a celebrated literateur of his day. He published this, with some other like fictions in the year 1697, under his son's name of Perrault d'Armancour. The title was "Le Petit Chaperon Rouge." From this

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6 period there have been countless successive republications. A French edition of Perrault's Tales of the date of 1698 is in the British Museum, which has the double title of "Contes de ma Mère L'Oye," and "Histoires on Contes du Temps passé." When the earliest version appeared in English I know not; and I should be happy to receive any communications on the subject. I have before me not less than five penny editions of a very primitive sort, printed almost on brown paper; with wood cuts that might be taken as blocks belonging to Pfister of the fifteenth century, or any other early wood engravings. The books are without date: but do not look more than fifty years old.

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N a little thatched cottage near the forest in Hampshire, which is called the "New Forest," there lived a hard working, industrious couple. The husband was a faggot maker, and the wife used to spend all her spare time from her household duties in spinning thread, for these good people lived a great many years ago when there were no large towns in which thread was made by steam engines.

The cottager and his wife had only one child, a little daughter, who at the time of this story, was about eight years old.

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8 She was a handy little maid, and it was her wish to do every thing she could to assist her mother. She was an early riser, getting up as soon as the sun began to shine, in order to make use of the whole daylight for her work, as the family were obliged to put out their lights when they heard the curfew bell toll. She helped her mother in getting ready her father's breakfast before he went to his work. After breakfast she was busy in putting every thing tidy and orderly in the house. She would then go on short errands for her mother; sometimes to take her father his meals to him in the forest, when he was too busy to come home; sometimes to inquire after the health of a sick neighbour: sometimes to see her good old grandmother, who lived three miles off near another part of the forest.

When she had done all her errands and

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Rh whatever else her mother wished, she would then try and learn to spin, and to mend and darn her father's clothes. When she had time to spare she attended to her garden, out of which she often gathered a few herbs to present to her father for his supper, when he came home from his work hungry and tired. At other times, she was at work making little presents for her playfellows, for she was a kind and thoughtful child. She was always light-hearted and happy, and thoroughly enjoyed a good hearty game of play. All her young friends were very fond of her, and were eager to do any thing to please her.

It was the child's great delight to be useful and helpful to her parents, who were very fond of her; not because she was so useful to them, but because she was generally so very good and obedient. Her parents dearly loved her, and so did all her friends and

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10 acquaintances, and no one better than her dear old grandmother.

Her grandmother, who was old, had herself made for her a little red hood, such as was then worn in riding, which she gave to her as a present on her birth-day, when she was eight years old. It was a nice comfortable little hood, and so warm and pleasant to wear, that the little girl never went out without her red hood, when the weather was wet or cold.

The little red hood always looked so bright and smart among the green trees, that it could always be seen a long way off. When the neighbours used to spy out the red hood far off among the trees, they would say to one another, "Here comes Little Red Riding Hood" and this was said so often, that at last, the little girl got the name of "Little Red Riding Hood" and she was seldom called by any other name. Indeed, I have never

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Rh been able to learn what her other name was. But every body knew of her by this name; and so by the name of "Little Red Riding Hood" we too will call her.

Her grandmother did many other and better things for her grandchild than making her a "hood." She taught her how to knit, to spin, to bake bread, and to make butter—how to sing, so that she might join in the music in the Church—how to be good natured, and kind, and charitable—how to be courageous and honest, and to speak the truth at all times—how to be grateful how to love and worship God—and to pray for God's blessing and providence.

This good woman fell sick, and as she had no one to sit with her and attend to her, Little Red Riding Hood, was sent to her every day for this purpose by her mother.

At last the grandmother seemed to be get

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12 ting well, owing, I have no doubt, to the patient nursing of her good grandchild. Still she was very weak. It was in the Autumn of the year, when honey is taken from the hives of the bees.

This year, Little Red Riding Hood's bees had made some delicious honey, and as soon as it was put into pots, her first thought was to take some to her grandmother. Having got up very early one morning she said to her mother,

"Pray, dear mother, let me take a pot of honey to grandmother this morning."

"So you shall," answered the mother, "and also a nice pat of fresh butter. Put on your little red hood, and get a clean cloth for the butter, and your little basket ready."

Little Red Riding Hood was full of glee at the thoughts of going, and was ready

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Rh dressed in a few minutes, with the pot of honey and pat of butter nicely packed in the basket. She did not stay for her breakfast, but started at once, intending to breakfast with her grandmother.

The morning was beautifully bright. The sun had just risen, making the dew drops on the trees glitter and sparkle like gold; and the gossamer swung from the boughs like webs of silver. The skylarks were cherrupping over her head. The air was filled with the fragrance of the wild thyme as it crunched beneath her tread. She tripped along with a heart full of joy, not thinking of the weight of her basket, which was rather heavy for such a little girl.

When she came to a part of the forest which was rather dark and overshadowed with the trees, a very large wolf suddenly stepped out.

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14 Little Red Riding Hood was startled, but continued to walk on quickly. The wolf followed her and overtook her.

Upon coming up to her he grinned maliciously, his evil eye stared. He showed his sharp white teeth and looked most cruel and frightful. He looked as if he would eat her up. The little girl began, as you may suppose, to be frightened.

Hark! what are those sounds? It is the whistle and singing of some of the faggot makers going to their work.

How different the wolf looks now! how demure! he hides his teeth! walks gently along and seems quite another animal. The wolf, who was as cunning as he was cruel, hearing that people were near, at once changed his savage look into one of as much kindness as it was possible for him to do. Presently up came the faggot makers; and the wolf

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text: Little Red Riding Hood: an entirely new edition with new pictures by an eminent artist


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16 "Come, let us kill him," they all exclaimed.

"No, no, don't kill him," said Little Red Riding Hood. "Perhaps he is innocent—and I don't think he can be so very savage, for he did not touch me before you came up."

"Well, well, child, we'll let him go this once for your sake," said they, "but we advise him to be on his good behaviour."

So they wished the child "good morning," and went away.

As soon as they were gone the wolf put his paw to his heart, and said, "Many thanks, dear little friend. I am very grateful to you for your protection of me, and I will not fail to remember it. I wish you a very good morning."

So he pretended to walk off, when suddenly, however, he returned, and he said in a soft

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Rh bland tone. "I think you said you were going to see your grandmother—Where does the dear creature live?"

"In a little cottage which is covered with woodbine and jessamine, not far from Copthurst Gate," answered Little Red Riding Hood.

"How do you get in?" said the wolf.

"By tapping at the door, and Granny, if she is at home, will tell you to pull the latch, and the door will open."

"Good bye, good bye," said the wolf eagerly, and ran off into the forest.

As soon as he was gone, Little Red Riding Hood began to pick some sweet purple and white violets for a nosegay for her grandmother, when she thought to herself, "I wonder why the wolf asked me any questions about Granny? Being a stranger, I think I ought not to have told him." And she began

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xiv

 * }

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