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 princely principle that rested on the mere personality of the prince necessarily lost power as the size of the group increased.

The most obvious way in which the persistence of the group depicts itself in the continuance of the ruler is in the heredity of the princely dignity. The physiological connection within the reigning family reflects the intricate connection within the group. The group perpetuates itself without intermission and as a matter of course from age to age. In no other way can this fact be more precisely and appropriately expressed than in the provision that the father shall be succeeded by the son, who in turn is designated from birth as heir apparent of the throne, and is always ready to assume the prerogative. Since the heredity of the regal office makes the same independent of the qualities of the personalities who occupy it (in which is also the questionable element of the device), it at the same time clearly shows that the coherence of the group has made itself independent; that it has become objective; that it has gained for itself status and durability which are no longer affected by the accident of the personality by which they are represented. The hereditary principle is often called senseless and dangerous, because it is purely formal in nature, and consequently may bring to the throne the most unfit person as well as the most fit. Precisely this circumstance, however, has a very profound meaning, for it demonstrates that the form of the group, the relation between ruler and ruled, has become real and settled. So long as the character of the group is still uncertain and variable, the supreme head, whose office it is to hold the group together, can perform the function only by virtue of very definite personal qualities. The Greek king of the heroic age had to be not only brave, wise, and eloquent, but also distinguished in athletic exercises, and, so far as possible, a superior carpenter, shipbuilder, and tiller of the soil. In general, social interest takes care further that, in groups that are still unstable, conflict and selection go before the acquisition of sovereignty. Wherever the form in which the group maintains itself is already established and secure, the personal element may withdraw in favor of the formal principle. That


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 species of sovereignty may now gain the front rank which best expresses the continuity and theoretical eternity of the group life so formed. That form is the hereditary sovereignty. It most adequately and intelligibly expresses the principle that the king never dies.

The objectification of the coherence of the group may, also, do away with the personal form to such an extent that it attaches itself to a material symbol. Thus in the German lands in the Middle Ages the imperial jewels were looked upon as the visible realization of the idea of the realm and of its continuity, so that the possession of them gave to a pretender a decided advantage over all other aspirants, and this was one of the influences which evidently assisted the heir of the body of the deceased emperor in securing the succession.

In view of the destructibility of a material object, since too this disadvantage cannot be offset, as in the case of a person, by the continuity of heredity, it is very dangerous for the group to seek such a support for its self-preservation. Many a regiment has lost its coherence with the loss of its standard. Many kinds of associations have dissolved after their palladium, their storehouse, their grail was destroyed. When, however, the social coherence is lost in this way, it is safe to say that it must have suffered serious internal disorder before, and that in this case the loss of the external symbol representing the unity of the group is itself only the symbol that the social elements have lost their coherence. Where this last is not the case, the loss of the group symbol not only has no disintegrating effect, but it exerts a direct integrating influence. While the symbol loses its corporal reality, it may as mere thought, longing, ideal, work much more powerfully, profoundly, indestructibly. We may get a good view of these two opposite influences of the forms of destruction of the group symbol upon the solidity of the group by reference to the consequences of the destruction of the Jewish temple by Titus. The hierarchical Jewish state was a thorn in the flesh of the Roman statecraft that aimed at the unity of the empire. The purpose of dissolving this state was

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142 be arrested, and if unable to give a satisfactory account of himself, he was brought to the nearest market town, tied to the end of a cart, stript of his clothes, and beaten with whips through the town, bleeding and ashamed, after which degradation he was sent to his native place, on his oath to "put himself to labour, like a true man ought to do." If the "sturdy vagabond" were caught a third time in idleness, he was to suffer death "as an enemy to the commonwealth." Any child found idle was taken up by the parish officers and handed over to some tradesman or farmer to be taught; if he refused or ran away, he was publicly whipped with rods, at the discretion of the justice of the peace. It is further interesting to remember that at this time private persons were forbidden to give money to beggars, though they might always give food. For the really deserving poor, two collectors were appointed by each parish, with a list of the needy and the parishioners. Their orders were to "gently ask and demand" regular weekly payments from every man and woman on the register (Henry VIII. had added to the already existing coins a double sovereign, a half sovereign, a gold crown and half-crown). If any declined


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 accomplished, so far as a certain number of the Jews were concerned, by the destruction of the temple. Such was the effect with those who cared little, any way, about this centralization. Thus the alienation of the Pauline Christians from Judaism was powerfully promoted by this event. For the Palestinian Jews, on the other hand, the breach between Judaism and the rest of the world was deepened. By this destruction of its symbol their national-religious exclusiveness was heightened to desperation. Thus the destruction of the group symbol works in two directions upon the persistence of the group: destructively where the integrating reciprocal action of the members is already weak, and constructively where these reciprocal influences are so strong in themselves that they can replace the lost tangible symbol by its spiritualized and idealized representation.

The significance of a material symbol for the persistence of a society is much heightened when the symbol, besides its suggestive use, is a real social possession in itself, that is, when the centralizing functions of the society depend upon it, or are facilitated by it, when the material interests of all the members of the group converge in this symbol. In this case it will be of peculiar importance for the maintenance of the group to secure this common possession against destruction, somewhat as is done in the case of the personal group center by the fiction that the king does not die. The most frequent means to this end is “the dead hand,” the provision that the property of corporations, which as such should be permanent, shall not be alienable. As the transitoriness of the individual is reflected in the destructibility of his property, so the indestructibility of the association is mirrored in its inalienable and non-assignable tenure of possessions. The proprietary qualifications of the ecclesiastical corporations especially resembled the of the lion, which every thing could enter, but from which nothing ever came out. For the church the eternity of her tenure was a symbol of the eternity of the principle in which her coherence was founded. The dead hand secured for such associations an impregnable defense and rallying point, an invaluable means of


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 group maintenance. This character of the dead hand was supported further by the fact that the possessions of such corporations were chiefly real estate. In contrast with all movable property, especially with money, property in land has a stability, an indestructibility, a fixity which renders it the most appropriate content for the “dead hand” form of tenure. Moreover, the local definiteness and precision of this tenure bring it about that those who enjoy its benefits have in it the fixed point by means of which they can always keep their reckoning and, at the same time, either directly or indirectly in their interests, can unite without confusion. This significance which the continuance of landed property has for the maintenance of a social form has found expression in the hypothesis that landed possession on a large scale was one of the origins of hereditary monarchy. Superior riches secure, at all events, a leading position in a group. So long, however, as wealth consists only in herds, it is very insecure and may easily die out. Only when it has become immobile is there good chance that it may remain in the hands of one person or family. The stable character of landed property, even if only in the hands of the leader, is favorable to the stability of the constitutional form. It secures for the above discussed hereditary principle a basis that is at once adequate and of corresponding form.

Thus the “dead hand” was by no means merely a matter of material advantage. It was rather a subtle agency of preserving the form and substance of the group. This very fact, however, often entangles the group in a conflict of typical sociological significance, and for the reason that the group thus assisted in its self-preservation is only a portion of a larger civic society containing it. Almost all sorts of human association, whatever be their specific content and character, have to work to secure the coöperation in social unity of certain parts that persist in following a certain egoistic impulse. The form and tendency of these parts duplicate in miniature those of the group of which they are members, with which however they are often, for this very reason, in disagreement. The rôle appropriate to them as


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 part and member of a comprehensive whole does not comport with the part they are trying to play as egoistic wholes. I shall return presently to the principles involved in this tragic relation, which recurs within all large societies. At this point I merely observe how prominently it impresses itself in the case of the “dead hand.” While, as above indicated, it is of extreme importance for the status of a close corporation that it has its own territorial foundation as firm basis of its unity, and as means of delimitation, it is also highly critical if a portion of such society demands the same for itself. The conflict of interest thus arising between the part and the whole appeared immediately in the fact that the “dead hand,” as a rule, demanded and obtained exemption from taxation. Indirectly, but still more significantly, the antithesis appeared in the injury to national industry from withdrawal of such properties from the stream of commerce. The firmness of social structure that comes from indestructibility and inalienability of property works as a thorn in the flesh so soon as it comes to be an attribute of a distinct portion of a large group. In that case the state of things which promotes the persistence of the fractional group is, from the standpoint of the larger containing group, directly antagonistic, because it leads to the benumbing and finally the excision of an organic member.

From the long history of the “dead hand” I will here only remark further that as early as 1391 its disadvantages led to a law in England which simply prohibited the acquisition of real estate by such perpetual corporations as guilds and fraternities. From the same point of view, opposition is made in modern times to the patents of the nobility, which pursue the corresponding purpose of creating an objective organ of the unity and stability of the family, an instrument which shall not be affected by the fortunes of individual members of the family. In this case, also, a certain inalienable and indivisible possession is calculated to be not merely the economic basis upon which the continuity of the family is maintained under all circumstances. It affords, at the same time, a rallying point of family


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. By it not merely the material conditions of the stability of the family, but its sociological form as well, is assured. In this case again however, at least in the opinion of many, this centripetal self-maintenance of a small group comes into antagonism with the containing civic whole. The latter will be absolute, and for that reason it can concede to its parts only a relative character.

Modern inclinations try by other forms of device to secure the same ends which were served by the patent of nobility and the “dead hand.” The fundamental idea of both these forms was the withdrawal of the possession guaranteed by the form from the uncertainty to which the fortunes of the individual are liable, and its establishment as an independent, objective, durable structure. Thus certain associations bind their members by the provision that in case of withdrawal the contribution of the seceder to the association is not repaid. The idea behind this provision is that the group and its interests have placed themselves quite beyond the sphere of interests pertaining to the individual members; that the group leads a life of its own; that it completely detaches the quotas of possessions from their former owners who contributed them; and that it can no more give these back than the organic body can give back to their sources the particles of food that have become parts of its substance. The continued and self-sustained persistence of the group is promoted, not merely directly by this mode of procedure, but still further indirectly by creating in the individual member a lively sense of a group-unity which is a super-individual existence independent of all personal variations.

The sociological technique of self-preservation operates again in higher potency in the regulation of certain associations that, even in case of the dissolution of the association, its property shall not be distributed among its members, but shall revert to some union for similar purposes. Self-maintenance is concerned in such case, not with the physical existence of the group, but with its idea, which is incarnated in the group that becomes its heir, the continuity of which is just as well provided for through


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 the transference of its property to that group. This correlation is to be seen very clearly in the case of many French labor organizations in the fifth decade of this century. We find in their statutes the provision that the property of the association should under no circumstances be divided. This idea went still further, so that associations of the same character often formed syndicates, to which each delivered its indivisible fund, so as to form thus a group property in which the contributions of the separate associations combined as a new and objective unity, as the contributions of the individuals had previously done in the fund of the several associations. Herewith there was produced a sort of sublimation of the thought of the separate associations. The syndicate was the incarnated and independent substance of the socializing interests which had previously existed only in the more individual form of the associations, and had consequently been more or less obscured by the peculiar purposes of the association. The social motive of these unions was thus lifted to a higher plane, upon which, if other powers had not exerted a destructive influence, it might have maintained itself in full security against all individual and material variations.

I come now to a further type of means for social maintenance. It may be described as both ideal and concrete. It constitutes, in fact, a peculiar species beyond this antithesis, and finds its most efficient example in honor. The sociological significance of honor, as a form of cohesion which reappears as formally the same in the most diverse socializations, is extraordinarily great, and can be understood only after extended observation. In general, it may be said that, through the appeal to honor, society secures from its members the kind of conduct conducive to its own preservation, particularly within the spheres of conduct intermediate between the purview of the criminal code, on the one hand, and the field of purely personal morality, on the other. If we place these three forms of imperative in a series—morality, honor, criminal law—each earlier member of the series covers the range of the remaining, but the scope of a latter member does not cover that of a predecessor.


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 Complete morality contains what honor and law can only command and forbid. Fulfilled honor prohibits of itself what the law lays under penalty, but honor does not assure everything which morality demands, nor does the criminal law secure everything that morality and honor decree. From this series we may immediately conclude that honor corresponds, as a social requisite, to the needs of a somewhat contracted circle, between those of the largest civic group, which coerces its members by penal law, and those of purely personal life, which finds its norms only in the autonomy of the individual. In the executive action of these three sorts of law the intermediate position of honor also shows itself. While civic law employs physical force as its sanction, while personal morality has no other recourse than the approval or disapproval of conscience, the laws of honor are guarded by penalties which have neither the pure externality of the former nor the pure subjectivity of the latter. This peculiar intermediary position of honor points to the perception which arises from the most general observation of the workings of honor, viz.: that honor is originally a class standard (Standesehre); i.e., an appropriate life-form of smaller circles contained within a larger whole. By the demands upon its members contained in the group standard of honor the group preserves its unified character and its distinctness from the other groups within the same inclusive association. That which we think of as honor in a larger sense than this, as human honor in general, or, otherwise expressed, as purely individual honor, is an abstract idea made possible by effacing the boundaries of the class (Stand). It is, indeed, impossible to name any single procedure which assails human honor as such, i.e., every human being’s sense of honor without exception. It is a matter of honor with the ascetic to let himself be spit upon; with the girls of a certain African tribe to have as many sexual relations as possible. Accordingly the essential thing is the specific idea of honor in narrow groups—family honor, officers’ honor, mercantile honor, yes, even the “honor among thieves.” Since the individual belongs to various groups, the individual


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 may, at the same time, be under the demands of several sorts of honor which are independent of each other. One may preserve his mercantile honor, or his scientific honor as an investigator, who has forfeited his family honor, and vice versa; the robber may strictly observe the requirements of thieves’ honor after he has violated every other; a woman may have lost her womanly honor and in every other respect be most honorable, etc. Thus honor consists in the relation of the individual to a particular circle, which in this respect manifests its separateness, its sociological distinctness from other groups.

So far as its content is concerned, honor seems to me to get its character as duty of the individual from the circumstance that, in preserving his own honor, the individual preserves at the same time the honor of his own social circle. The officer guards, in his own honor, that of the whole corps of officers, the merchant that of the mercantile class, the member of the family that of his family. This is the enormous advantage which society derives from the honor of its members, and for the sake of which society permits the individual to do things which are otherwise both by ethics and law positively forbidden.

When the social group intrusts to each of its elements its total honor pro rata, it confides to the individual at the same time a good of extraordinary value, something that the individuals are, as a rule, not in a position to gain for themselves, something that they have simply to keep from losing. Since the honor of the whole circle becomes thus at the same time the private possession of the individual, and in this individualization becomes his honor, it thereby demonstrates a unique and extremely close coalescence of individual and social interest. The latter has taken in this case, for the consciousness of the individual, a completely personal form. Herewith the enormous service is manifest which honor renders to the self-maintenance of the group, for what I called the honor of the group, represented by the honor of the individual, proves,


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 on close examination, to be nothing else than the stability, the unity, and the durable character of the group. Honor demands from the individual those kinds of conduct which promote these ends of his society. Since conformity to this demand acquires, on the one hand, an ideal worth, so ideal and so powerful at the same time that honor is preferred to life; since the preservation of honor, on the other hand, has very sensible pleasurable effects upon the individual, and its loss produces equally keen pains, it comes about that honor constitutes an extraordinarily close bond between the whole group and its elements. Accordingly honor is one of the most thorough means of maintaining the existence and specific significance of the group.

From such recourse of social self-preservation to individual persons, to a material substance, to an ideal conception, we pass now to the cases in which social persistence takes advantage of an organ composed of a number of persons. The objective principle in which unity manifests itself again exhibits societary character. Thus a religious community embodies its coherence and its life principle in its priesthood; a political community its inner principle of union in its administrative organization, its union against foreign power in its military system; this latter in its corps of officers; every permanent union in its official head; transitory associations in their committees; political parties in their parliamentary representatives. The structure of such organs is the result of sociological division of labor. The reciprocity between individuals in which all socialization consists, and the special form of which determines the character of the group as such, goes on at first immediately between the separate members of the society as such. The unification of operations comes about from direct agreement or from mutual adjustment of interests; the unity of the religious community through the common longing of the religious sentiment for union; the military constitution of the group through the interest of every man capable of military service in being strong for offense and defense; the administration of justice through immediate


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 of Art at St. Petersburg. He returned to England with a pension in 1802, when many of his plates were lost by shipwreck off Yarmouth. A list of these is given in the catalogue of a sale of his remaining plates and of impressions from the lost plates, at Sotheby's, on 29 Nov. 1822. A portrait of Alexander I was published after his return, on 1 May 1803. Walker is said to have died about 1808, and this is not necessarily inconsistent with the fact that a number of his mezzotints were published for the first time in 1819, and one, ‘The Triumph of Cupid,’ after Parmegiano, in 1822.

[Redgrave's Dict. of Artists; Chaloner Smith's British Mezzotinto Portraits, iv. 1429.]

WALKER, JAMES (1764–1831), rear-admiral, born in 1764, was son of James Walker of ‘Innerdovat’ in Fife, by his wife Mary, daughter of Alexander Melville, fifth earl of Leven and fourth earl of Melville. He entered the navy in 1776 on board the Southampton frigate, in which he served for five years, at first in the West Indies, and afterwards in the Channel. He was then appointed to the Princess Royal, the flagship of Sir Peter Parker (1721–1811) [q. v.], by whom, on 18 June 1781, he was promoted to be lieutenant of the Torbay, one of the squadron which accompanied Sir Samuel (afterwards Viscount) Hood [q. v.] to North America, and took part in the action off the Chesapeake on 5 Sept., as also in the operations at St. Christopher in January 1782, and in the battle of Dominica on 12 April, when she sustained a loss of ten killed and twenty-five wounded. Walker, whose father was an intimate friend of Rodney, was on the point of being promoted, when Rodney was superseded by Admiral Pigot, and the chance was gone; he was still in the Torbay when, on 17 Oct. 1782, in company with the London, she engaged and drove ashore in Samana Bay, in the island of Hayti, the French 74-gun ship Scipion. After the peace, Walker spent some years on the continent, in France, Italy, and Germany. While in Vienna in 1787 he had news of the Dutch armament, and immediately started for England. On the way, near Aschaffenburg, the diligence, which was carrying a considerable sum of money, was attacked by a party of robbers. Walker jumped out and rushed at them; but as he received no support from his fellow travellers he was knocked on the head, stripped, and thrown into the ditch. When the robbers had retired, he was picked up and carried into Aschaffenburg, where his wounds were dressed; but the delay at Aschaffenburg, and afterwards Frankfort, prevented his reaching England till after the dispute with Holland had been arranged; so he returned to Germany. In the following year he was offered the command of a Russian ship, but the admiralty refused him permission to accept it [cf. ]. In 1789 he was appointed to the Champion, a small frigate employed on the coast of Scotland; from her he was moved to the Winchelsea; and in 1793 to the Boyne, intended for the flag of Rear-admiral Affleck. As this arrangement was altered, and Sir John Jervis hoisted his flag in the Boyne, Walker was moved into the Niger frigate, attached to the Channel fleet under Lord Howe, and one of the repeating ships in the battle of 1 June 1794.

On 6 July he was promoted to the rank of commander. After a short time as acting-captain of the Gibraltar, and again as commander of the Terror bomb, he was appointed in June 1795 acting-captain of the Trusty of 50 guns, ordered to escort five East Indiamen to a latitude named, and, ‘after having seen them in safety,’ to return to Spithead. The spirit of his orders took Walker some distance beyond the prescribed latitude, and then, learning that some forty English merchant ships were at Cadiz waiting for convoy, he went thither and brought them home, with property, as represented by the merchants in London, of the value of upwards of a million, ‘which but for his active exertions would have been left in great danger at a most critical time, when the Spaniards were negotiating a peace with France.’ It was probably this very circumstance that made the government pay more attention to the complaint of the Spanish government that money had been smuggled on board the Trusty on account of the merchants. Walker was accordingly tried by court-martial for disobedience of orders and dismissed the service. When the war had broken out, and it was no longer necessary to humour the caprices of the Spaniards, he was reinstated in March 1797. Shortly after, he was appointed to a gunboat intended to act against the mutineers at the Nore; and, when that was no longer wanted, as acting-captain of the Garland, to convoy the Baltic trade as far as Elsinore. Returning from that service, he was appointed, still as acting-captain, to the Monmouth, which he commanded in the battle of Camperdown, on 11 Oct. As they were bearing down on the enemy, Walker turned the hands up and addressed them: ‘My lads, you see your enemy; I shall lay you close aboard and give you an opportunity of washing the stain off your characters [alluding to the recent


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 by the community as a whole; the organization of leaders and led through the personal superiority of certain members over the rest; the economic system through direct exchange between producers.

These functions, at first exercised by the persons immediately interested, presently pass over to special functional groups. The previous reciprocities of the elements give place to a condition in which each element comes into relations with the newly developed organ. Otherwise expressed, while previously, where there was no structure of organs, the individual primary elements alone had a substantial existence, and its coherence was merely functional, now the coherence of organs gets an existence of its own, and, more than this, an existence not merely apart from all the members of the group in which the new organ belongs, but even separate from those individuals who are the immediate constituents of the organ itself. Thus the mercantile element in a society is a structure which has an existence for itself. As such it fulfills its function as medium between producers indifferent to all change of individuals within its structure. More evidently still an administrative department (Amt) exists as an objective organ through which the individual officials again also pass, and behind which their personalities often enough disappear. Thus the state as receiver of taxes appropriates to itself those sacrifices which one interested circle of citizens demands of others, but at the same time the state subjects each of those intrusted with this function of tax collection to the same liability to taxation. The church, in like manner, is an impersonal organism whose functions are undertaken and exercised, but not produced, by the individual priests. In short, what was once erroneously assumed to be true of physical life, viz., that it is something maintained by a peculiar vital spirit, instead of being, as we now know, a sort of


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 between certain physical atoms—this, or something closely corresponding with it, is true of social life. In origin it is a direct reciprocity. Presently it is maintained by a special self-existing structure. These structures represent the idea or the power which holds the group together in this particular respect, and they, at the same time, consolidate the group coherence so that it passes from a mere functional to a substantial character.

It is one of the profoundest facts about humanity, and of most specific application to human conditions, that individuals as well as groups have derived considerable powers and advantages from structures which they have themselves endowed with the energies and qualities from which these reinforcements come. The effective energies of an actor, with which he secures his maintenance and development, exhibit themselves very often in the roundabout way of first producing an apparently objective structure, from which they then flow back upon the actor. Thus, for illustration, we act like a party waging war, who secures an ally, but first furnishes that ally with all the military resources which he is to use. Think, for instance, of the idea of the gods, whom men first endowed with all sorts of qualities, worthinesses, and excellencies reflected from human souls. Then the same men used these gods as a source of moral laws and of power to enforce them. Think again how we endow a fine country in which we live with meanings taken from our own feelings, and then draw from contemplation of the same comfort, earnestness, and impulse. Think again how often friend or wife seems to enrich us in thought and feeling, until we perceive that all this spiritual content came from ourselves, and is only reflected back upon us by these helpers. If in all such occurrences a deep self-deception is concealed, it is surely not without profound utility. Without question many powers of our nature require such extension, transformation, and projection in order to reach their highest use. We must set them at a certain distance from ourselves in order for them to work upon us with maximum force. Illusion about their actual source is evidently very advantageous in preventing interference with this influence.


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 Social elaboration of differentiated organs for special purposes occurs in many ways under the form-type just discussed. The group forces are concentrated in a special structure, which, in turn, with its own status and character, places itself in antithesis with the group as a whole. Since this organ promotes the purposes of the group, it appears as though independent energies proceeded from it. They are, in fact, nothing but the transformed energies of the same elements upon which the organ now reacts. Of what significance such organs are for the persistence of the group may be most clearly seen, perhaps, from observation of a contrasted instance. The original constitution of Germany, composed of numberless petty associations, went to pieces partly for the reason that the confederacies constructed no organs. They remained identical with the sum of the confederated members. The confederacy did not raise itself as an objective unity above these, and consequently did not succeed in giving this unity an incarnation in special functionaries. It had, to be sure, representatives with specific powers, but these were of purely individual character. A certain trusted person was commissioned to discharge just the needed functions. Such commissions from case to case are very often the origin of administrative offices and permanent organs of public life. In the early history of the German peoples, however, progress did not reach that stage. The unity of the group remained limited to the immediate reciprocities of the personal elements. This unity neither advanced to the objective civic idea, which the aggregate of individuals at any time would merely exemplify or represent, nor for that very reason to the special organs, of which each would assume a particular function, of which the whole body as such would accordingly be relieved. The disadvantageous influences of this lack upon the persistence of the group may be approximately summarized under the following heads:

1. The specialized organ permits greater flexibility of movement in the social body. So soon as it is necessary for the whole group to put itself in action for a single purpose, such as political determinations, judicial judgments, administrative


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, etc., the group will suffer from clumsiness, and that in two different ways: first, physically or locally. In order that the group as a whole may take action, it must needs assemble. It is so hard, and it takes so much time, and it is so often impossible to bring the whole group together, that many movements are altogether prevented, and others are so long impeded that they are at last too late. But if this external difficulty of assemblage is overcome, the difficulty of psychical approach arises—the task of bringing a great mass to unanimity. Every farsighted action of a large body must overcome the force of doubts, objections, antagonistic interests, and especially the indifference of individuals. The social organ that exists exclusively for this purpose, and which is composed of relatively few persons, is free from a large proportion of these obstructions. Such organs of the group promote its persistence, therefore, through an increased quickness and precision of social action, in contrast with which the movements of a whole group have an inflexible and dilatory character. These physical and psychological difficulties, so to speak, may dispose a mass to appoint representatives, even in case no technical difficulties of the tasks make it inevitable to do so. Thus an ordinance of the end of the fifteenth century, in the Dürkheim district, speaks of affairs “which would be too difficult for a whole community to manage. Accordingly eight competent persons were chosen from the community. These took oath that they would do all that the community had to perform.” There are innumerable cases of similar representation of a large number to reach this external factor—agreement. A group of smaller number has merely for that reason, and without qualitative superiority, the advantage of easier mobility, of greater rapidity of assemblage, and of more precise determination, as compared with a multitude. The local difficulty appears, moreover, not alone in cases requiring the congregation of the whole group. It emerges in connection with economic exchanges. So long as exchange and purchase take place only when producers and consumers are actually in each other’s presence, the transactions are evidently


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 clumsy and imperfect, and the difficulties of these local limitations must be contended with continually. So soon, however, as the trader intervenes, and finally a mercantile class systematizes exchange and brings into existence every sort of relationship between people with economic interests, the whole coherence of the group becomes immeasurably closer and stronger. The introduction of a new organ between the primary elements, like the sea between countries, operates, not as a barrier, but as a bond of union. The unity of the group, which consists in the commerce of each member with each other member by some sort of means, must become much more energetic and intimate when assisted by the activity of the mercantile class. Presently, through the continued action of this class, there arises a system of regularly functioning, reciprocally balanced forces and relations, as a universal form, in which production and consumption by individuals have a place as an accidental content. This general form rises above the single action, as the state is superior to the single citizen, or the church to the individual believer. By virtue of this development unlimited room is made for the economic relationships of individuals with each other. The endless multiplications of transactions, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the continuance of the organization itself, even in cases of occasional economic crises, bear witness to the significance which the elaboration of special organs has for the intimacy and durability of group union. At the same time, these phenomena bring clearly to view the imperfections of immediate reciprocity between individuals.

2. In case the whole group of equally privileged and equally stationed elements must exert itself for a specific purpose, there inevitably arise within the group counter efforts, each of which has a priori equal weight, and for which there is no decisive court of appeal. The most adequate expression of this condition is the case in which not even a majority may decide, but each dissenter either defeats the decision altogether or at least is personally not bound by it. This danger, not only for the external purposeful action, but also for the internal form and unity of the


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 group, is met by the development of social organs, at least in two directions. First, an administrative agency (Amt), a commission, a delegation, etc., will have more special knowledge than the aggregate of other persons. By resort to these substitutes those frictions and oppositions will be avoided which come from pure ignorance of the things involved. The group will be the more able to maintain such unity of action as comes from knowledge of the conditions concerned, and from exclusion of the vascillations due to mere subjective influences, the more the direction of its special plans is committed to an organ separately designated for the purpose. The significance of a second and related factor is not so obvious. The absence of adaptations to the circumstances, which so often prevents unity in the actions of the mass (for subjective errors are numberless, while in the case of objectively correct representations all must at last come to the same result), is not always the consequence of mere ignorance of the subject, but often also of the very important sociological fact that the factions, which, in connection with any important subject, always divide the group, stand for mental differences upon matters far removed from and wholly unrelated to the question in hand. These differences are evidence that accord is radically impossible. The party divisions that have arisen from any cause whatsoever are preserved throughout the whole range of interests, and bring it to pass that, for example, political parties must occupy hostile camps, even about religious, aesthetic, personal, and culture questions of every sort, even in cases where the content of the new party programmes has no real connection with that which caused the original division. The line which divides parties in any vital matter is produced through affairs of every possible sort, from generalities to particularities, and simply because opponents upon the important subject will not coöperate upon any other. The mere fact that the one party has taken sides upon any open question is sufficient to make the opposing party take the other side. This power of party, as a mere form which shows itself in unbroken continuance throughout the most heterogeneous kinds of


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, is one of the weightiest obstacles to the unification of a group, and even to the performance of any group action at all. This production of the line of hostility occurs also not merely where it separates whole divisions of groups. It appears as well in the relations of individuals with each other. The mere fact that A votes for the measure m is often enough to make his enemy vote against it. The factionalism and obstruction that follow should promote the tranference of group business to special organs. Since these are constituted with sole reference to the definite purpose in view, the latter is set farther apart psychologically from the other interests and opinions of the person to whom the purpose is intrusted. This purpose, therefore, receives on behalf of the members of the group an emphasis which would be lessened or lost if it were naïvely jumbled together with essentially unrelated tendencies. When social action is thus freed from the oppositions, entanglements, and centrifugal movements which spring from the association of special issues with other personal and party positions, this action becomes much more unified, animated, and purposeful (zielbewusster). The power of persistence in the group gains in the ratio in which that waste of energy ceases, which is involved in the above noted confusions and consequent paralyzing of forces, and which is unavoidable in the neglect of group tasks that is sure to exist if the group as a group tries to do its needed work.

3. While these advantages of social organs over the group as a whole in promoting the persistence of the group thus fall in with the tempo and rhythm of the powers or process that preserve the group, they extend furthermore to certain qualitative conditions. In the first place, it is decisive that the total action of the group will always be on a relatively low intellectual level. This is due to the fact that the particular point about which a large number of individuals agree must always be close to the level occupied by that one of them who stands lowest. This is evident from the fact that those who stand higher can descend, but not everyone on a lower intellectual level can ascend. The


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 latter sort, therefore, and not the former, determine the level which may be occupied in common.

In cases of agitation and expression of feelings this rule does not hold, because in an actually assembled mass of people there develops a certain collective irritability, a rapture (Mitgerissen-werden) of emotion, a reciprocal stimulation, so that there may follow a momentary elevation of the individuals above the average intensity of their feelings. This in no wise prejudges the appropriateness or inappropriateness of these feelings, nor the wisdom or foolishness of their content. In this respect the sentiments of the mass will remain on that level below the average which is accessible to lower and higher alike. That level may be raised sometimes, as experience shows, in respect of feeling and willing, but not in respect of intelligence.

While now the persistence of the group rests, on the one side, upon the immediate relations of individuals to individuals, and in so far the individual may unfold all the powers of intellect with which he is endowed, this is not absolutely true in those matters in which the group has to act as a unity. We may call the former the molecular action of the group, the latter the molar action. In the former kind of action representation of the individual is, in principle, neither possible nor desirable. In the latter it is both possible and desirable. When a group of any considerable size conducts its affairs directly, the group is shut up to relatively trivial actions by the inexorable condition that each member must in some degree comprehend and approve each group measure. Only when the guidance of group action is intrusted to an organization consisting of relatively few persons can specific talent be enlisted for its direction. Within a group acting as an undifferentiated mass such endowment and special knowledge as only the few may possess must at best fight their way to influence in each particular case. Within a differentiated organ, on the other hand, such endowment and knowledge have, in principle at least, uncontested influence. To be sure, contrasted phenomena occur. Within an official bureau jealousy sometimes prevents talent from exerting its proper influence, while on the other hand the masses may sometimes easily follow a talented individual even when he leads contrary to their judgment. It is impossible for an abstract science like sociology to exhaust the whole abundance and complications of historical action when it exhibits the separate typical relationships. For, however correct may be the assertion of relationship, and however influential, the concrete occurrence will always contain a number of elements beside this, and in the final, visible, aggregate effect the influence of the typal form may be concealed. The science of physics is analogously made up in part of certain regular relationships of movements which never appear in the actual world just as they work out mathematically, or as they can be produced in the laboratory. Nevertheless, the demonstrated relations of force are real and operative in all those cases in which science has discovered their participation. Only their visible action is not entirely in accordance with the scientific schedule in which it is formulated, because beside them a number of other forces and conditions operate upon the same substance. In the resultant of both the former and the latter, which constitutes the actual event, the share of the formulated influence may be concealed from immediate observation. It may have contributed only an insensible and indistinguishable part. This indadequacy, which is exhibited by every sort of cognition through types, when compared with the concrete actuality, evidently reaches its culmination in the psychical sciences. In their territory not only the factors of the particular occurrence mix in almost inextricable complexity, but even the fate of a given element, that may be analyzed out of the confusion, is beyond determination by mathematics and experiment. No matter what correlation of cause and effect may be looked upon as the normal form by which to interpret historical events and psychological probabilities, there will be many cases in which the conditions of that type seem to be present, but the type itself does not emerge. This need not shake confidence in the correctness of the abstraction. It shows only that other, perhaps contrary, forces have worked upon the individuals in question, and that these latter have outweighed the former in the total or visible effect.


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 Therein lies the superiority of the parliamentary system over the plebiscite. It has been observed that direct popular votes seldom show a majority for original and bold measures. The popular majority is rather on the side of caution, convenience, and triviality. The single representative, whom the mass chooses, possesses still other personal qualities besides those which—especially during the epochs of purely partisan choices—are in the consciousness of the electing multitude. He brings to his post something in addition to that which was really chosen in selecting him. Hence in parliaments personal talents and intellectual shadings, such as are found only in single persons, may win a high degree of influence. They may even be able to promote the stability of the group by exerting influence that reaches over the gaps between parties which so often


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 threaten group unity. To be sure, the effectiveness of the personal principle in parliaments is modified by new levelings; in the first place, because the parliament to which the single person speaks is itself a relatively large body. It includes extremely diverse parties and individuals, so that the points of common and reciprocal understanding can lie only very low in the intellectual scale. In the second place, because the individual belongs to a party which, as such, stands not on an individual but on a social plane, by which its parliamentary activities are a priori reduced to an average level. In the third place, because the individual speaks, indirectly but intentionally, to the whole country. These subtractions from the intellectual advantages of constituting organs are necessary only in the case of parliaments. They do not equally affect other forms. Indeed, these very disadvantages give proof, as the higher developments of parliamentarism show, that the differentiation of organs is necessary. In England the impossibility of governing with a body so numerous, so heterogeneous, so inconstant, and yet at the same time so immobile as the house of commons, led at the end of the seventeenth century to the establishment of the ministry. The English ministry is in fact an organ of Parliament. It is related to Parliament somewhat as the latter to the whole country. Since it is composed of leading members of Parliament, and represents the majority of that body for the time being, it combines the total tendency of the largest group—which it at the same time displays in sublimated form—with the advantages of individual gifts. This combination could nowhere else have such effectiveness as in a system of leadership by single individuals and within a body as small as a ministry. The English ministry is a well-adapted means of further concentrating the differentiated organ, and thus of counterbalancing the deficiencies in which the organ reproduces the defects of the aggregate group action, to avoid which the organ was instituted.


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 The proof of the necessity of building such organs is not to be derived in part only, as in the above case, but in other cases entirely ex contrario. The enormous expenditure of time and means required for progressive measures by the civic machinery in the United States is charged by Bryce to the fact that public opinion has to accomplish everything, while there is no such guiding authority as the ministries are in Europe. Neither in Congress nor in the legislatures of the several states are there administrative officers with ministerial authority, whose special duty and life task it would be to take the initiative upon untried ground, to unify legislative consideration by introducing guiding ideas, to bear responsibility for maintenance and progress of the whole—in short, to do what only individuals as such can do, and which, as this example shows, cannot be supplied by the mass action of the primary group element—here in the form of “public” opinion.

All these factors combine to expose a society without differentiated organs not merely to the disintegrating and destructive forces which every social structure develops in itself, but also to powerful individual forces, in confronting which such a society is defenseless. In the very case to which we attached this discussion, the old German confederate constitution, this condition was fatal. It was not strong enough to oppose those masterful rulers who appeared during and after the Middle Ages in the provincial and central principalities. It collapsed because it lacked what only organs constituted by individual powers can assure to a state—quickness of decision, unconditional concentration of all resources, and that highest intellectuality which is developed only by individuals, whether because their motive is love of power or the sense of responsibility.

On the other hand, the persistence of the group depends on the fact that the organ thus differentiated does not attain absolute independence. Rather must the idea remain ever operative (although by no means always conscious) that the organ is in fact only a corporealized abstraction of the reciprocal action within the group itself. The group remains always the


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 mutiny] in the blood of your foes. Now, go to your quarters and do your duty.’ In the battle, two of the Dutch ships struck to the Monmouth.

On 17 Oct. Walker's promotion as captain was confirmed. During the years immediately following, he had temporary command of various ships in the North Sea, and in 1801 commanded the Isis of 50 guns, in the fleet sent to the Baltic, and detached under the immediate orders of Lord Nelson for the battle of Copenhagen, in which Walker's conduct called forth the very especial approval of Nelson himself. The loss sustained by the Isis was very great, amounting to 112 killed and wounded out of a complement of 350. In command of the Tartar frigate, Walker was shortly afterwards sent in charge of a convoy to the West Indies, where he was appointed to the 74-gun ship Vanguard, and on the renewal of the war took an active part in the blockade of San Domingo, in the capture of the French 74-gun ship Duquesne on 25 July 1803 (, Batailles Navales de la France, iii. 291–3), and in the reduction of Saint-Marc, whose garrison of eleven hundred men, on the verge of starvation, he received on board the Vanguard, as the only way of securing them from the sanguinary vengeance of the negroes. A few months later Walker returned to England in the Duquesne, and was then appointed to the Thalia frigate, in which he made a voyage to the East Indies with treasure and convoy. He afterwards took a convoy out to Quebec, commanded a small squadron on the Guernsey station, and in October 1807 was appointed to the Bedford, one of the ships which went to Lisbon and to Rio Janeiro with Sir William Sidney Smith [q. v.] For the next two years Walker remained at Rio, where he was admitted to the friendship of the prince regent of Portugal, who on 30 April 1816 conferred on him the order of the Tower and Sword, and, when recalled to England, presented him with his portrait set with diamonds and a valuable diamond ring. The Bedford was afterwards employed in the North Sea and in the Channel, and in September 1814 went out to the Gulf of Mexico, where, during the absence of the flag-officers at New Orleans, Walker was left as senior officer in command of the large ships. On 4 June 1815 he was nominated a C.B. After the peace he commanded the Albion, Queen, and Northumberland, which last was paid off on 10 Sept. 1818. This was the end of his long service afloat. He was promoted to be rear-admiral on 19 July 1821. He died after a few days' illness, on 13 July 1831, at Blachington, near Seaford. He was twice married, and left issue.

[Marshall's Roy. Nav. Biogr. ii. (vol. i. pt. ii.) 848, 882; Ralfe's Nav. Biogr. iv. 144; O'Byrne's Nav. Biogr. Dict. p. 1239; Gent. Mag. 1831, ii. 270.]

WALKER, JAMES (1770?–1841), bishop of Edinburgh and primus of Scotland, born at Fraserburgh about 1770, was educated at Marischal College, Aberdeen, whence he proceeded to St. John's College, Cambridge, graduating B.A. in 1793, M.A. in 1796, and D.D. in 1826. In 1793 he was ordained a deacon of the Scottish episcopal church. After his return to Scotland he became sub-editor of the ‘Encyclopædia Britannica,’ the third edition of which was then being prepared by George Gleig [q. v.], bishop of Brechin. About the close of the century he became tutor to Sir John Hope, bart., of Craighall, and travelled with him for two or three years. In Germany he made the acquaintance of some of the foremost philosophers and men of letters, and devoted especial attention to metaphysical inquiry. The article on Kant's system in the supplement to the ‘Encyclopædia’ was the result of his researches at Weimar. On his return he was ordained priest and received the charge of St. Peter's Chapel, Edinburgh. On 30 Nov. 1819, during a visit to Rome, he conducted the first regular protestant service held in the city. In 1829 he resigned his charge of St. Peter's to his colleague Charles Hughes Terrot [q. v.], and on 7 March 1830 he was consecrated bishop of Edinburgh, and about the same time was appointed first Pantonian professor at the Scottish Episcopal Theological College, an office which he retained until his death. On 24 May 1837, on the resignation of George Gleig, Walker was elected primus of the Scottish episcopal church. He died at Edinburgh on 5 March 1841, and was buried in the burying-ground of St. John's episcopal chapel. He was succeeded as bishop of Edinburgh by Charles Hughes Terrot, and as primus by William Skinner (1778–1857) [q. v.]

In 1829 Walker published ‘Sermons on various Occasions’ (London, 8vo). He was also the author of several single sermons, and translated Jean Joseph Mounier's treatise ‘On the Influence attributed to Philosophers, Freemasons, and to the Illuminati on the Revolution of France’ (London, 1801, 8vo).

[Edinburgh Evening Courant, 12 March 1841; W. Walker's Life of Bishop Jolly, 1878, p. 152; Lawson's Scottish Episcopal Church, 1843, p. 419; Stephen's Hist. of the Church of Scotland 1841, iv. passim (with portrait); Gent. Mag. 1841, i. 351.]


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. Its powers, developments, purposes, only receive a peculiarly practical form in the organs. The latter only exhibit the mode in which the directly reciprocating primary elements of the group may work out their latent energies most completely and efficiently. So soon as the differentiation of the organ releases it from dependence upon the aggregate movements of the group, its preservative action may be turned into a destructive influence. I suggest two types of grounds for this: First, when the organ gains too vigorous independent life, and does not place the emphasis of its importance upon the worth of its service to the group, but upon its value to itself, the persistence of the organ may come into conflict with the persistence of the group. A relatively harmless case, but for that very reason one that quite clearly represents the type, is the bureaucracy. The bureaucratic body, a formal organization for exercising an extended administration, constitutes in itself a scheme which frequently clashes with the variable requirements of practical social life. This, on the one hand, because the departmental work of the bureaucratic system is not adjusted with reference to very individual and complicated cases, which none the less must be disposed of by means of the bureaucratic machinery; on the other hand, because the tempo in which the bureaucratic wheels must revolve is often in striking contrast with the urgency of the particular case. If now a structure with such functional inadequacies forgets its rôle as merely servitor of the group, and deports itself as though its own existence were its ultimate purpose, the difference between its life forms and those of the whole group must eventuate in positive harm to the latter. The persistence of both is no longer compatible. In this respect we might compare bureaucratic with logical schematism. The latter bears about the same relation to knowledge of reality in general that the former bears to civic administration. Each is a tool and a form, indispensable in connection with the content which it is called to order, but the whole meaning and purpose of each lie in this content. When logic poses, however, as independent knowledge, and, without reference to the real content of which


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 it is a mere form, presumes to construct of itself a separate intelligence, it makes for itself a world which usually presents marked contrasts with the real universe. The logical forms abstracted and organized into a science are merely an organ for comprehension of the totality of things. So soon, however, as logic declines this rôle and strives after complete self-sufficiency, so soon as logic attempts to be the conclusion rather than the medium of understanding, it becomes as obstructive to the preservation, extension, and unification of knowledge as bureaucratic schematism may be to the aggregate interests of the group.

Even the law does not always avoid this sociological complication. The law is aboriginally that form of reciprocal relationship between the group members which has approved itself as most necessary for the stability of the group. The form which the law defines is not sufficient of itself to assure this stability or the progress of the society in which it is in force. The law of any group is the minimum, which must be preserved as the foundation of the existence of that group. The elaboration of organs is, in this connection, double. From transactions actually demanded, and as a rule really customary, there differentiates itself “the law,” the abstracted form and norm of just these transactions, logically connected and completed, which then remains as a standard to which real action shall conform. This group-preserving organ, being composed of ideas, needs still further a concrete organ in order that it may be effective against opposition. Technical relations brought about the destruction of that original unit in which either the pater familias or the assembled group rendered judgment. A special class became necessary to assure the integrity of the legal norms in the acts of the group elements. But useful and necessary as are both these developments—the abstraction of group conduct with arrangement into a completed system of laws, and the incarnation of the law in a judicial class—yet from both comes unavoidably the danger that the very necessary firmness and completeness (innere Geschlossenheit) of these structures may some time come into collision with the demands of group


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 or with the requirements of cases containing specific complications. Through the logical cohesion of its structure and the dignity of its administrators, the law attains not only an independence which is actual, and for its purpose necessary to a very great extent, but it derives from within itself—by a circulus vitiosus, to be sure—a claim to unlimited and irresponsible independence. Since now the concrete circumstances of the group sometimes demand other conditions for its maintenance, situations occur which have been expressed in the words fiat justitia pereat mundus, and summum jus summa injuria. The attempt is made to give the law that flexibility and adaptability which are appropriate to its character as an organ, by leaving to the judge a certain scope in the application and interpretation of statutes. On the borders of this territory within judicial discretion occur those cases of collision between the persistence of the law and that of the group which may here serve as illustrations of the fact. The group must allow its organs to acquire a certain staunchness and independence, or they could not promote the maintenance of the group. Precisely this necessary stability of the organ may efface its organic character. The autonomy and rigidity of the organ that acts as though it were an independent whole may turn into an injury of group unity.

In the case of bureaucracy, as in that of legal formalism, this conversion of an organ into a self-governing totality is the more dangerous because it takes the appearance and offers the pretext of being always for the sake of the whole. The attitude of the army sometimes fulfills this sociological form. This organ of group maintenance must, for technical reasons, be itself, so far as possible, an organism. To develop its professional qualities, particularly its close inner coherence, there is need of sharp distinction between it and other social classes. Hence the utility of various means, from the special code of honor among the officers to the distinctive uniform. Much as this promotion of the military order to independence serves the interests of the whole, it may assume such absoluteness and rigidity as to set the army apart from the group as a state within the state. This


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 cuts the connection with the root, from which after all its whole force and direction must come. The modern national army tries to anticipate this danger. By the device of universal liability to military service for a certain period a fortunate means is found of combining the independence of the military system with its organic character.

But not alone the possible antagonism between the whole and the parts, between the group and its organ, should hold the independence of the latter within certain bounds; but the same is desirable in order that, in case of necessity, the differentiated function may revert to the group. There is this peculiarity about the evolution of society, that its preservation sometimes calls for temporarily throwing out of service organs that have already been differentiated. This is not to be regarded as closely analogous with those structural degenerations which take place in animal organisms from changes in the conditions of life, as for example in visual organs that have become rudimentary after the habitat has long been in the dark. In these cases the function itself becomes superfluous, and for that reason the organ performing the function gradually dies away. In the social developments now in mind, on the contrary, the function is indispensable, and on that account, when the organ proves unequal to its performance, recourse must be had to that unmediated reciprocity between primary group elements as a substitute for which the organ was originally developed.

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 WALKER, JAMES (1809–1885), colonial governor, son of Andrew Walker of Edinburgh, was born at Edinburgh on 9 April 1809, and educated at the High school and at the university in that city. Entering the colonial office as a junior clerk in 1826, he served with credit under several secretaries of state, and on 11 Feb. 1837 he became registrar of British Honduras, whence he was transferred on 18 Feb. 1839 to be treasurer of Trinidad; here he acted as colonial secretary from June 1839 to September 1840. In January 1841 he accompanied, as his secretary, Sir Henry Macleod, special commissioner to British Guiana, for the purpose of settling the difficulties with the legislature over the civil list. He became in 1842 colonial secretary of Barbados. This colony was at that time the seat of the government in chief for the Windward group, and during his service there Walker was sent in September 1856 to act as lieutenant-governor of Grenada, and in 1857 to fill a similar position at St. Vincent. He acted as governor of Barbados and the Windward Islands from 13 March to 25 Dec. 1859, and as lieutenant-governor of Trinidad from 20 April 1860 to 25 March 1862, when he was appointed governor in chief of the Barbados and the Windward Islands. No special event marked his period of government. On 4 Jan. 1869 he was transferred to the Bahamas, which were then going through a time of severe financial depression; he retired on a pension in May 1871, and lived a quiet country life, first at Uplands, near Taunton, and later at Southerton, Ottery St. Mary, Devonshire, where he died on 28 Aug. 1885. He was a careful official rather than an able administrator, became a C.B. in 1860, and K.C.M.G. in 1869.

Walker married, on 15 Oct. 1839, Anne, daughter of George Bland of Trinidad, and had one son and two daughters. His son, Sir Edward Noel-Walker, was lieutenant-governor and colonial secretary of Ceylon.

[Colonial Office List, 1884; Times, 31 Aug. 1885; Dod's Peerage, &c., 1884; Colonial Office Records.]

WALKER, JAMES ROBERTSON- (1783–1858), captain in the royal navy, born on 22 June 1783, was eldest son of James Robertson, deputy-lieutenant of Ross-shire, and for many years collector of the customs at the port of Stornoway. His mother was Annabella, daughter of John Mackenzie of Ross. He probably served for some few years in merchant ships; he entered the navy in April 1801 as able seaman on board the Inspector sloop at Leith, but was moved into the Princess Charlotte frigate, in which, as midshipman and master's mate, he served for two years on the Irish station. In May 1803 he joined the Canopus, the flagship of Rear-admiral George Campbell off Toulon in 1804. From her in March 1805 he was moved to the Victory, in which he was present in the battle of Trafalgar. When the Victory was paid off in January 1806, Robertson was sent, at the request of Captain Hardy, to the Thames frigate, in which he went out to the West Indies; there in April 1807 he was moved to the Northumberland, the flagship of Sir Alexander Forrester Inglis Cochrane [q. v.], with whom in December he went to the Belle-Isle. In April 1808 he was appointed acting-lieutenant of the Fawn, in which, and afterwards in the Hazard sloop, he was repeatedly engaged in boat actions with the batteries round the coast of Guadeloupe. On 21 July 1809 his rank of lieutenant was confirmed. He continued in the Hazard till October 1812, and was over and over again engaged with the enemy's batteries, either in the boats or in the ship herself. Several times he won the approval of the admiral, but it did not take the form of promotion; and in October 1812 he was appointed to the Antelope, the flagship of Sir John Thomas Duckworth. In her in 1813 he was in the Baltic, and in November was moved to the Vigo, the flagship of Rear-admiral Graham Moore. A few weeks later the Vigo was ordered to be paid off, and in February 1814 Robertson was sent out to North America for service on the lakes.

In September he joined the Confiance, a ship newly launched on Lake Champlain, and being fitted out by Captain George Downie. The English army of eleven thousand men, under the command of Sir George Prevost (1767–1816) [q. v.], had advanced against Plattsburg on the Saranac, then held by an American force estimated at two thousand men, but supported by a strong and heavily armed flotilla. Prevost sent repeated messages urging Downie to co-operate with him in the reduction of this place, and in language which, coming from an officer of Prevost's rank, admitted of no delay. The Confiance was not ready for service, her guns not fitted, her men made up of drafts of bad characters from the fleet, and only just got together when she weighed anchor on 11 Sept., and, in company with three smaller vessels and ten gunboats, crossed over to Plattsburg Bay. The American squadron was of nearly double the force; but Downie, relying on the promised co-operation of Prevost, closed with the enemy and engaged. But Prevost did not move; the gunboats


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 shamefully ran away; one of the small vessels struck on a reef; Downie was killed; and Robertson, left in command, was obliged to surrender after the Confiance had sustained a loss of forty-one killed and eighty-three wounded, out of a complement of 270, and was herself sinking. Sir [q. v.], the naval commander-in-chief, preferred charges of gross misconduct against Prevost, who, however, died before he could be brought to trial. At the peace Robertson returned to England, was tried for the loss of the Confiance, and honourably acquitted. The next day, 29 Aug. 1815, he was promoted to the rank of commander. He had no further service; on 28 July 1851 he was promoted to be captain on the retired list, and died on 26 Oct. 1858. On 24 June 1824 he married, first, Ann, only daughter and heiress of William Walker of Gilgarran, near Whitehaven, and thereupon assumed the name of Walker. He married, secondly, Catherine (d. 1892), daughter of John Mackenzie of Ross. He left no issue.

WALKER, JAMES THOMAS (1826–1896), general royal engineers, surveyor-general of India, eldest son of John Walker of the Madras civil service, sometime judge at Cannanore, and of his wife, Margaret Allan (d. 1830) of Edinburgh, was born at Cannanore, India, on 1 Dec. 1826. Educated by a private tutor in Wales, and at the military college of the East India Company at Addiscombe, he received a commission as second lieutenant in the Bombay engineers on 9 Dec. 1844, and, after the usual professional instruction at Chatham, went to India, arriving at Bombay on 10 May 1846. The following year he was employed in Sind to officiate as executive engineer at Sakkar.

In October 1848 he was appointed an assistant field engineer in the Bombay column, under Sir H. Dundas, of the force assembled for the Punjab campaign. At the battle of Gujrat on 21 Feb. he was in command of a detachment of sappers attached to the Bombay horse artillery, and he took part under Sir Walter Gilbert in the pursuit of the Sikhs and Afghans. He was favourably mentioned in despatches (London Gazette, 7 March and 3 May 1849), and received for his services the medal with two clasps.

After the annexation of the Punjab, Walker was employed from 1849 to 1853 in making a military reconnaissance of the northern Trans-Indus frontier from Peshawar to Dehra Ismail Khan. He took part at the end of 1849 in the attacks on Suggao, Pali, and Zarmandi under Colonel Bradshaw, by whom he was mentioned in his despatch of 21 Dec. for the skill and ability with which he had bridged the rapid Kabul river. In 1850 he served under Sir Charles Napier in the expedition against the Afridis of the Kohat pass, and in 1852 under Sir Colin Campbell in the operation against the Utman Khels; he was thanked by Campbell in field-force orders of 10 May 1852 for his ingenuity and resource in bridging the swift Swat river. In 1853 he served under Colonel Boileau in his expedition against the Bori Afridis, and was mentioned in despatches.

But his active service in these frontier campaigns was but incidental in the work of the survey, which he vigorously prosecuted. It was attended with much danger, and in the country between the Khaibar and Kohat passes Walker was fired at on several occasions. With the aid of a khan of Shir Ali, who collected a considerable force, he reconnoitred the approaches to the Ambeyla pass, which ten years later was the scene of protracted fighting between the British, under Sir Neville Chamberlain, and the hillsmen. On the completion of the military survey of the Peshawar frontier, Walker received the thanks of the government of India, the despatch, 16 Nov. 1853, commending his ‘cool judgment and ready resource, united with great intrepidity, energy, and professional ability.’ Walker was promoted to be lieutenant on 2 July 1853, and, in recognition of his survey services on the frontier, was appointed on 1 Dec. second assistant on the great trigonometrical survey of India under Sir Andrew Scott Waugh [q. v.] He was promoted to be first assistant on 24 March 1854. Walker's first work in his new employment was the measurement of the Chach base, near Atak, and he had charge of the northern section of the Indus series of triangulation connecting the Chach and the Karachi bases.

On the outbreak of the Indian mutiny in 1857, Walker was attached to the staff of Brigadier-general (afterwards Sir) Neville Chamberlain, who commanded the Punjab movable column, and accompanied Chamberlain to Delhi, where he was appointed a field-engineer. On 14 July he was directed to blow in the gate of a serai occupied in force by the enemy, but could only obtain powder by applying to the nearest field-battery for cartridges. Carrying the cartridges himself, exposed to the enemy's fire, he succeeded in lodging them against the gate, lit the match,


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Rh about the size of a bean, in order to draw the evil humours out of the head into the mouth! Small wonder that the doctors were paralysed when confronted with the plague, though some sort of quarantine was now observed for the first time. The door of an infected house was marked with a wisp, which developed later into St. Anthony's cross painted on a small piece of canvas, together with the words "Lord have mercy upon us." If it were necessary for a member of the infected house to go out of doors, he had to carry in his hand a white rod for forty days, while the penalty for concealment of the plague was death, "the man to be hangit, the woman drownit." So far, then, in this age of contradictions, there seems to have been but little material progress in the social lives of our forefathers; it was a period still "instinct with vast animal life, robust health and muscular energy, terrible in its rude and unrefined appetites, its fiery virtues and fierce passions." "It was merry in England before the new learning came up," said the people; but to that new learning and the vast changes it wrought it is interesting now to turn.


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 and retired. The port-fire burned out, and he again advanced and relit it. It again failed, and, procuring a musket, Walker went to the vicinity of the gate and fired into the powder, exploding it at once and blowing in the gate. The attacking party rushed in and slew the enemy within. Walker was severely wounded by a bullet in the left thigh, and, before he completely recovered from the wound, was nearly carried off by cholera. He was promoted to be captain on 4 Dec. 1857, and for his services in the mutiny received the medal, with clasp for Delhi, and the brevet rank of major on 19 Jan. 1858, with a gratuity of one year's pay on account of his wound.

Returning to his survey duties, he resumed work on the Indus series, which was completed in 1860, and he was afterwards employed in the Jogi Tila meridional series. In 1860 he again served under Sir Neville Chamberlain in the expedition against the Mahsud Waziris, and was present at the attack of the Barara Tanai. His services were noticed by the general in command and by the Punjab government, and he received the medal and clasp. Here again he made every effort to extend the survey, and sent a map which he had made of the country to the surveyor-general.

In September 1860 Walker was appointed astronomical assistant, and on 12 March 1861 superintendent of the great trigonometrical survey of India. In the next two years the three last meridional series in the north of India were completed, and Walker's first independent work was the measurement of the Vizagapatam base-line, which was completed in 1862. The accuracy achieved was such that the difference between the measured length and the length computed from triangles, commencing 480 miles away at the Calcutta base-line and passing through dense jungles, was but half an inch. He next undertook a revision of Lambton's triangulation in the south of India, with remeasurements of the base-lines.

On 27 Feb. 1864 Walker was promoted to be lieutenant-colonel, and went home on furlough by way of Russia, establishing very friendly relations with the geodesists of the Russian survey, which led to the supply of geographical information from St. Petersburgh and to a cordial co-operation between the survey officers of the two countries. On 27 Feb. 1869 he was promoted to be brevet colonel. About this time it was decided to undertake the great work entitled ‘Account of the Operations of the Great Trigonometrical Survey of India,’ to consist of twenty volumes. The first nine were published under the supervision of Walker, and the first appeared in 1871. It contains his introductory history of the early operations of the survey, and his account of the standards of measure and of the base-lines. The second volume, also mainly written by Walker, consists of an historical account of the triangulation, with descriptions of the method of procedure and of the instruments employed. The fifth volume is an account of the pendulum observations by Walker. In 1871–2, when at home on leave from India, he fixed, in conjunction with Sir Oliver Beauchamp Coventry St. John [q. v.], the difference of longitude between Tehran and London. He was retained at home to make a thorough investigation of the condition of the plates of the Indian atlas, and wrote an important memorandum on the projection and scale of the atlas. In 1873 he began to devote his attention to the dispersion of unavoidable minute errors in the triangulation, with the result that no trigonometrical survey is superior to that of India in accuracy.

Walker's work as superintendent of the great trigonometrical survey was as much that of a geographer as of a geodesist. At his office at Dehra Dun explorers were trained, survey parties for every military expedition organised, and native surveyors despatched to make discoveries, while their work was reduced and utilised. Many valuable maps were published, and Walker's map of Turkistan went through many editions. To Walker also was due the initiation of a scheme of tidal observations at different ports on the Indian coast. He elaborated the system and devised the method of analysing the observations. In connection with these tidal observations, he further arranged an extensive scheme of spirit levelling, connecting the tidal stations by lines of levels sometimes extending across the continent.

On 2 June 1877 Walker was made a companion of the Bath, military division. On 1 Jan. 1878 he was appointed surveyor-general of India, retaining the office of superintendent of the great trigonometrical survey; on 31 Dec. of the same year he was promoted to be major-general, and on 10 May 1881 to be lieutenant-general. He retired from the service on 12 Feb. 1883, and received the honorary rank of general on 12 Jan. 1884.

Walker became a fellow of the Royal Geographical Society in 1859, and in 1885 was elected a member of its council. In 1885 also he was president of the geographical section of the British Association at Aberdeen. He was elected a fellow of the Royal Society in 1865, was made a member of the Russian geographical society in 1868, and of the French


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minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed.

The election of Mr. W. T. Oatley, Mr. R. W. Beswick and Mr. W. M. McGovern as members of the Society was announced.

Mrs. Murgoci read a paper entitled “Customs connected with death and burial among the Roumanians," which was profusely illustrated by lantern slides: and in the discussion' which followed, the Chairman, Miss Raleigh, Dr. Hildburgh, Capt. R. W. Bullard and Mr. Elphege Janone took part. Mr. Wright exhibited a number of specimens of Roumanian dress and ornaments, and portions of coliva (partaken of at Roumanian funeral ceremonies) which had been prepared by Mrs. Murgoçi were partaken of by the audience.

The meeting terminated with a hearty vote of thanks to Mrs. Murgoçi for her paper.

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 1699 he graduated M.A. (apparently incorporated at Cambridge, 1702).

The publication of Calamy's ‘Account’ (1702–1713) of nonconformist ministers silenced and ejected after the Restoration [see ] suggested simultaneously to Charles Goodall [q. v.] and to Walker the idea of rendering a similar service to the memory of the deprived and sequestered clergy. Goodall advertised for information in the ‘London Gazette;’ finding that Walker was engaged on a similar task, he gave him the materials he had collected. Walker collected particulars by help of query sheets, circulated in various dioceses; those for Exeter (very minute) and Canterbury are printed by Calamy (Church and Dissenters Compar'd, 1719, pp. 4, 10). Among his helpers was Mary Astell [q. v.] His diligence in amassing materials may be estimated from the detailed account given in his preface, and still more from examination of his large and valuable manuscript collections, presented to the Bodleian Library in 1754 by Walker's son William, a druggist in Exeter, and rebound in 1869 in twelve folio and eleven quarto volumes; the lost ‘Minutes of the Bury Presbyterian Classis’ (Chetham Society, 1896) have been edited from the transcript in the Walker manuscripts.

Walker's book appeared in 1714, folio, with title ‘An Attempt towards recovering an Account of the Numbers and Sufferings of the Clergy of the Church of England, Heads of Colleges, Fellows, Scholars, &c., who were Sequester'd, Harrass'd, &c. in the late Times of the Grand Rebellion: Occasion'd by the Ninth Chapter (now the second volume) of Dr. Calamy's Abridgment of the Life of Mr. Baxter. Together with an Examination of That Chapter.’ A remarkable subscription list contains over thirteen hundred names. The work consists of two parts: (1) a history of ecclesiastical affairs from 1640 to 1660, the object being to show that the ejection of the puritans at the Restoration was a just reprisal for their actions when in power; (2) a catalogue, well arranged and fairly well indexed, of the deprived clergy with particulars of their sufferings. The plan falls short of Calamy's, as it does not profess to give biographies; the list of names adds up to 3,334 (Calamy's ejected add up to 2,465), but if all the names of the suffering clergy could be recovered, Walker thinks they might reach ten thousand (i. 200). A third part, announced in the title-page as an examination of Calamy's work, was deferred (pref. p. li), and never appeared, though Calamy is plentifully attacked in the preface.

The work was hailed by Thomas Bisse [q. v.] in a sermon before the sons of the clergy (6 Dec. 1716) as a ‘book of martyrology’ and ‘a record which ought to be kept in every sanctuary.’ John Lewis [q. v.], whom Calamy calls a ‘chumm’ of Walker's, and who had formed high expectations of the book, disparages it, in ‘Remarks’ on Bisse, as ‘a farrago of false and senseless legends.’ It was criticised, from the nonconformist side, by John Withers (d. 1729) of Exeter, in an appendix to his ‘Reply,’ 1714, 8vo, to two pamphlets by John Agate, an Exeter clergyman; and by Calamy in ‘The Church and the Dissenters Compar'd as to Persecution,’ 1719, 8vo. With all deductions, the value of Walker's work is great; he writes with virulence and without dignity, but he is careful to distinguish doubtful from authenticated matter, and he does not suppress the charges brought against some of his sufferers. His tone, however, has done much to foster the impression (on the whole unjust) that the legislative treatment of nonconformity after the Restoration was vindictive. An ‘Epitome’ of the ‘Attempt’ was published at Oxford, 1862, 8vo. A small abridgment of the ‘Attempt,’ with biographical additions and an introduction by Robert Whittaker, was published under the title ‘The Sufferings of the Clergy,’ 1863, 8vo.

By diploma of 7 Dec. 1714 Walker was made D.D. at Oxford, and on 20 Dec. he was appointed to a prebend at Exeter. On 17 Oct. 1720 he was instituted to the rectory of Upton Pyne, Devonshire, on the presentation of Hugh Stafford, and here he ended his days. He died in June 1747, and was buried (20 June) in his churchyard, near the east end of the north aisle of the church. His tombstone bears only this inscription: ‘Underneath was buried a late Rector of this Parish, 1747.’ He married at Exeter Cathedral, on 17 Nov. 1704, Martha Brooking, who died on 12 Sept. 1748, aged 67 (tombstone). In 1874 the north aisle of the church was extended, and the gravestones of Walker and his wife are now in the floor of the new portion, called the ‘organ aisle.’

[No life of Walker exists; some particulars contributed by George Oliver (1781–1861) [q. v.] to Trewman's Exeter Flying Post were reproduced with additions (partly from Boase's Register of Exeter College, 1879) by Mr. Winslow Jones in a letter to the Devon and Exeter Daily Gazette, 19 Feb. 1887; Notes and Queries, 2nd ser. xii. 435, 4th ser. iii. 566; Macray's Annals of the Bodleian Libr. 1868, p. 167; Foster's Alumni Oxon. 1500–1714; Boase's Register of Exeter College (Oxford Hist. Soc.), 1894, pp. 127, 272.]


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HEN the frail little nine-year-old son of Henry VIII. succeeded to the throne of England in 1547, the great change in the worship of our forefathers had already begun. How momentous and far-reaching a change this was, all students of the Reformation well know. The severance, already accomplished, of the Church of England from allegiance to the Church of Rome, with all it entailed, swept away those habits of life and thought to which Englishmen had grown accustomed for the last ten centuries. No more would they ride off on those sociable and


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150 picturesque pilgrimages to the shrines of St Thomas of Canterbury or Our Lady of Walsingham, for pilgrimages played no part in the reformed worship. Moreover, the shrine itself had been despoiled, the sacred bones of St. Thomas scattered to the wind, and his name erased from the new Church calendar, while the famous miracle-working image of "Our Lady" had been likewise destroyed. No longer were they required to murmur their prayers in the Latin tongue, as heretofore, for in Edward's reign they were provided with the now familiar Book of Common Prayer, they had a collection of hymns compiled by Miles Coverdale, and a great Bible translated into the English tongue was chained, by law, somewhere in every church, so that all who could might read it for themselves. The parish churches themselves, so thickly planted over the country that no land in Europe could compare with them for number—the pride of the people, the joy of past generations, glorious with offerings from rich and poor, with shrine and image—these were now robbed and confiscated to swell the Royal treasury.

Neither was this all. The famous Abbeys and smaller monasteries that had arisen throughout


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Rh the education of our forefathers was still very crude and scanty, and the period of their childhood very unhappy. There was little parental display of affection. The poor apprenticed their children at the age of seven, away from home if possible, and the wealthy sent their boys and girls to be brought up in the houses of strangers from a very tender age. "On enquiring their reason for this severity, they answered that they did it, in order that their children might learn better manners. But I, for my part," says a contemporary, "believe that they do it, because they like to enjoy all their comforts themselves, and that they are better served by strangers than they would be by their own children." Not that a sixteenth-century father felt any scruples about beating his own child. Sir Peter Carew was leashed like a dog and coupled to a hound by his father for playing truant at school. The birch played a large part in the bringing up of children. "It serveth for many good uses," says Dr. Turner, "and for none better than for betyng of stubborne boys that ether lye or wyll not learn." It was the general opinion of the age that the best schoolmaster was the greatest beater, and many a story is told of Nicholas Udal, the famous


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154 Eton master. One of his boy pupils has recorded his miseries in verse:

But no mercy was forthcoming from those who had charge of the young. In vain Ascham pleads for gentleness and kindness in teaching children: "Learning is robbed of her best wits by the great beating," he cries sadly. Education was certainly not made attractive to the little grammar-school boys of these days. The tolling of a bell summoned him to school at 6 a.m. As the maids of the household were supposed to rise at three, presumably he had some breakfast of sorts—perhaps bread and ale—before he started, for he stayed at school till eleven. The school itself, we are told, was like a prison or dungeon, cold and bleak, bare and ugly; and here the boy spent another four hours from one to five. Holidays were always the same. They began on the


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Vol. XXX.]

minutes of the last meeting having been read and confirmed, the Secretary read a letter from the President (Dr. Haddon) regretting his inability to be present at the meeting.

Mr. Lovett gave an address on “The Folk-Lore of the North Sea Fisherman in Peace and War”; and in the discussion which followed the Chairman, Miss Raleigh, Miss Canziani, His Honour J. S. Udal, Col. Hanna, Mrs, Banks, Mr. Moreton and Mr. G. R. Carline took part.

Mr. Lovett exhibited and presented to the Society two Pole corks of a drift net with a coin let in to bring good luck in fishing.

The meeting terminated with a hearty vote of thanks to Mr. Lovett for his address and for his gift to the Society. Rh

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Rh Wednesday before Christmas, Easter, and Whitsunday, and lasted twelve days. There was no rush to the seaside for parents, children, and masters during the brief vacation. Scholars were required to attend daily from eight to nine and two to three, to repeat such lessons as the schoolmaster deemed profitable for them. It is hard to realise the mass of useless information which was forced on the unfortunate boy—a barbarous Latin taught in a still more barbarous manner, freely interrupted with pitiless floggings to subdue the natural animal spirits of youth. "They went to the grammar school little children," says Ascham, "they came from thence great lubbers, always learning and little profiting: learning without book little or nothing," for "their whole knowledge of learning without a book was tied only to their tongue and lips, and never ascended up to the brain and head." At the University things were not more luxurious. "There be divers at Cambridge which rise daily about four or five of the clock in the morning, and from five till six of the clock use common prayer with an exhortation of God's word in a common chapel; and from six until ten of the clock use ever either private study or common lectures. At ten of the clock they go to


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minutes of the last meeting were read and confirmed.

The election of Miss M. C. Huckett, Miss A. Hodson and Mr. Martin Gillett as members of the Society and the enrolment of Mr. H. H. Draper as a subscriber were announced.

The resignation of Mr. W. G. Figg was also announced.

Mr. Ikbal Ali Shah read a paper entitled “Festival and Ceremonial Customs in Afghanistan,” and in the discussion which followed the Chairman, Dr. Gaster, Mrs. Lake and Mr. Abdul Qayum Malik took part.

Mr. Carline exhibited (a) a Ball of String of late neolithic or bronze age from a Lake dwelling situate at Auvernier, Lake Neuchâtel, in Switzerland, showing that the method of winding by crossing and recrossing to form a ball can be dated back to prehistoric times and (b) two Hanks of String made by Nyassa boys in East Africa, illustrating a different method of winding.

The meeting terminated with hearty votes of thanks to Mr. Ikbal Ali Shah for his paper and to Mr. Carline for showing his exhibits.

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156 dinner, whereas they be content with a penny piece of beef among four, having pottage made of the broth of the same beef with salt and oatmeal, and nothing else. After this slender diet, they be either teaching or learning until five of the clock in the evening; whereas they have supped not much better than their dinner. Immediately after which they go either to reasoning in problems or to some other study, until it be nine or ten of the clock; and then being without fires, are fain to walk or run up and down half an hour to get a heat on their feet when they go to bed." Another glimpse of unhappy childhood is afforded us by Ascham. He found Lady Jane Grey indoors one day diligently reading Plato's "Phædo," in Greek, at the age of thirteen, while her parents, together with the gentlemen and women of the household, were hunting in the park. In answer to a question why she was not hunting with the others, she replied smiling, with a wisdom beyond her years, "I wis all their sports in the park is but a shadow of that pleasure that I find in Plato. Alas, good folk, they never felt what true pleasure meant!"

"And how came you, madam," asked Ascham, "to this deep knowledge of pleasure?" "I will tell you," said the girl. "One of the