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 —Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. i. 582, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 454, Bot. Mag. t. 3535; Lindl. and Paxt. Mag. i. t. 35, copied into Flora des Serres vi. 636, and into Lem. Fl. Jard. t. 119.

7. B. littoralis, ''R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 204, Prod. 392.'' A tree of 20 to 40 ft., the branches closely tomentose. Leaves scattered or irregularly whorled, linear, broadly and distantly serrate or rarely entire, tapering into a petiole, 4 to 8 in. long, the margins recurved or nearly flat, the under surface hoary-tomentose or white. Spikes oblong or cylindrical, 6 to 10 in. long. Bracts truncate and tomentose at the end. Perianth silky, nearly 1 in. long. Style rather longer than the perianth, remaining hooked, with a very small ovoid stigmatic end. Fruiting cones tomentose with the closely packed bracts after the perianths have fallen away; capsules shortly protruding, rounded, not thick, tomentose, ½ to ¾ in. broad.—Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. i. 583, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 454.

8. B. ericifolia, Linn. f. Suppl. 127. A tall shrub or small tree of 12 to 14 ft., glabrous except the inflorescence. Leaves crowded, narrow-linear, truncate or notched at the end and sometimes with an intermediate point, otherwise entire with closely revolute margins, rarely exceeding ½ in. Spikes cylindrical, 6 to 10 in. long. Bracts with broad shortly acuminate silky-pubescent tips. Perianth yellow, silky, the tube about ¾ in. long, the limb ovoid. Style about 1 in. long, hooked, with a very short thick stigmatic end. Fruiting cones long and cylindrical. Capsules scarcely protruding, villous but often becoming glabrous, the flat top to 1 in. broad and 4 or 5 lines thick.—R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 203, Prod. 391; Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 453; Cav. Ic. vi. t. 538; Andr. Bot. Rep. t. 156; Bot. Mag. t. 738; Baill. Hist. Pl. ii. 393, f. 227 to 229.

9. B. spinulosa, Sm. Specim. Bot. N. Holl. 13, t. 4. A tall shrub, glabrous or the young branches minutely pubescent. Leaves narrow-linear, notched at the end with a prominent point in the notch and often bordered towards the end with 2 or 3 small teeth on each side, otherwise entire, with revolute margins and the midrib prominent underneath, 1½ to 3 in. long. Spikes ovoid and 2 to 3 in. lông, or rarely cylindrical and twice as long. Bracts with broad shortly acuminate silky-pubescent tips. Flowers yellow, larger than in B. ericifolia. Perianth silky, the tube nearly 1 in. long. Style 1¼ to 1½ in. long, often purple, with a very short stigmatic end not thicker than


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 the style. Fruiting cone cylindrical. Capsules scarcely protruding, glabrous, thick, smooth.—R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 203, Prod. 392; Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 453; Cav. Ic. t. 537; Andr. Bot. Rep. t. 457; B. denticulata, Dum. Cours. (Meissn.).

10. B. collina, ''R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 204, Prod. 392''. A tall erect shrub attaining 8 to 12 ft., the young branches tomentose or villous. Leaves linear, much broader than in B. spinulosa, and always showing the white under surface, the margins only slightly recurved, more or less denticulate or rarely quite entire, 1½ to 3 in. long. Spikes oblong or cylindrical, 3 to 6 in. long. Bracts with broad flat or scarcely acuminate ends. Perianths silky, the tube above 1 in. long, the limb narrow-ovoid. Style longer than the perianth, hooked, with a very small stigmatic end. Fruiting cone cylindrical like that of B. ericifolia or longer. Capsules thick and scarcely protruding as in that species but quite glabrous.—Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 454; B. ledifolia, A. Cunn. Herb; B. Cunninghamii, Seib. in Spreng Syst. Cur. Post. 47, and in Roem. and Schult. Syst. iii. Mant. 289; R. Br. Prot. Nov. 35; Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 454 ; Reich. Iconogr. Exot. t. 81; B. littoralis, Lindl. Bot. Reg. t. 1363, Grah. in Bot. Mag. t. 3060, not of R. Br.; B. prionophylla, F. Muell. 1st Gen. Rep. 17; B. marginata var. macrostachya, Hort. Petrop.

11. B. verticillata, ''R. Br. in. Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 207, Prod. 394.'' A small tree, the young branches tomentose and sometimes villous. Leaves in whorls of 4 to 6 sometimes irregular or broken on luxuriant branches, shortly petiolate, oblong-lanceolate or broadly linear, with recurved margins, white underneath, those of the flowering stems 1½ to 3 in. long, obtuse, entire or slightly toothed, but in some specimens without flowers (from young trees?) longer, narrower and more or less serrate. Spikes oblong-cylindrical, 4 to 8 in. long. Bracts truncate or very shortly acuminate with woolly-villous ends. Perianth yellow, silky, nearly 1 in. long. Style scarcely longer, hooked, with a very small stigmatic end. Fruiting cones long and narrow, the perianths deciduous leaving the closely packed bracts in hoary areolæ with a more glabrous centre, or with slightly protruding flat capsules, ½ to ¾ in. broad, the valves not thickened.—Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. i. 583, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 457; Hook. Exot. Fl. t. 96.

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12. B. dryandroides, ''Baxt. in Sw. Fl. Austral. t. 56.'' A shrub of 2 or 3 ft., with very spreading tomentose branches. Leaves sessile, 3 to 6 in. long, flexuose, divided nearly or quite to the midrib into numerous contiguous triangular lobes or segments, the largest of which are 3 to 4 lines long and broad, thick, with revolute margins, white or ferruginous-tomentose underneath. Spikes globular or rarely ovoid, about 1½ in. diameter, shortly pedunculate, more lateral than in most species. Perianth-tube silky-villous, about ½ in. long, the limb hirsute with longer deciduous hairs, about 1 line long, acute. Style scarcely longer than the perianth, remaining hooked, with a very small almost capitate stigmatic end. Fruiting cone globular, about 2 in. diameter. Capsules protruding, rounded at the end, rather flat, ¾ in. broad, at first villous, at length glabrous.—R. Br. Prot. Nov. 36; Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. i. 588, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 465.

13. B. Brownii, ''Baxt. in R. Br. Prot. Nov. 37''. A small tree of 10 to 20 ft. Leaves very shortly petiolate, 3 to 5 in. long, divided to the midrib into very numerous lanceolate falcate regular segments, the largest scarcely above 3 lines long, with recurved margins, white underneath. Spikes oblong-cylindrical, very thick, 6 to 8 in. long. Perianth silky-villous, about 1 in. long, the limb small narrow and acute. Style longer than the perianth, hooked with a very small stigmatic end. Fruiting cone oblong or cylindrical, thick. Capsules protruding, rounded, not thick, shortly villous or at length glabrous, about ¾ in. broad.—Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. i. 588, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 465.

.—Leaves flat or undulate, the margins not revolute, toothed pinnatifid or pinnate. Style arched or nearly straight and turned upwards or curved, but not hooked after flowering, the stigmatic end small, not furrowed.

14. B. attenuata, ''R. Br. in. Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 209, Prod. 395.'' A tree of 40 ft. with tomentose branches. Leaves linear or oblanceolate, serrate, tapering into a short petiole, 3 to 6 in. long, 3 to 5 lines broad towards the end, rather thick, flat, hoary-tomentose underneath with transverse veins and reticulations. Spikes cylindrical, 4 to 8 in. long. Bracts densely hirsute at the end. Perianth glabrous, the tube about ½ in., the limb 2 lines long, obtuse. Style remaining arched but not hooked, with a small slender stigmatic end. Fruiting cone thick. Capsule scarcely protruding from the remains of the flowers, villous,


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 above 1 in. broad and ½ in. thick, showing the scar or even the base of the style on the right margin.—Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. ii. 264, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 458; F. Muell. Fragm. vii. 55; B. cylindrostachya, Lindl. Swan Riv. App. 34; Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. i. 583, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 455.

15. B. media, ''R. Br. Prot. Nov. 35''. A tall shrub or small tree, the branches hoary-tomentose. Leaves lanceolate-cuneate, truncate, serrate, tapering into a short petiole, 2 to 3 in. long in some specimens, twice as long in others, ½ to ¾ in. broad, flat, tomentose underneath with parallel transverse veins and reticulate between them. Spikes oblong or cylindrical, 3 to 6 in. long. Bracts hirsute at the end. Perianth about 1 in. long, the tube shortly silky-pubescent, the limb at first pubescent but soon becoming glabrous. Fruiting cone thick. Capsules immersed in the persistent remains of the flowers, nearly glabrous.—Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 457; Bot. Mag. t. 3120.

16. B. Solandri, ''R. Br. Prot. Nov. 36''. A tree, with tomentose branches. Leaves on rather long petioles, oblong, truncate, more or less divided into irregular triangular lobes very rarely reaching the midrib, 6 to 8 in. long, 1½ to 4 in. broad, flat, very rigid, the under surface pale and sometimes white, with numerous prominent transverse veins and conspicuous reticulations. Spikes oblong or cylindrical, 3 to 8 in. long. Perianths very slender, scarcely 1 in. long, the tube loosely silky-hairy, the limb narrow, acute, glabrous or with a very few long fine hairs. Style remaining curved but not hooked, with a small very short stigmatic end. Fruiting cone ovoid or oblong, 2 in. diameter. Capsules quite glabrous, thick with a slightly prominent acute ridge at the suture.—Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 463; B. Hookeri, Drumm. in Bot. Mag. lxxiv. Comp. 1.

17. B. Goodii, ''R. Br. Prot. Nov. 36''. Stems short, woolly or tomentose, and apparently prostrate as in the three following species, but without leaves excepting close under the inflorescence. Leaves on long petioles, ½ to 1 ft. long, 1 to 3 in. broad, sinuate and irregularly toothed or lobed but the lobes rarely reaching halfway to the midrib and usually very short, very rigid, the under surface tomentose but the tomentum deciduous and never white, the primary transverse veins prominent. Spikes oblong-cylindrical, 3 or 4 in. long, closely surrounded by the floral leaves and a few subulate plumose outer bracts. Perianth-tube not 1 in. long, loosely villous, the limb narrow, acute, at first bearded


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 with long hairs but soon glabrous. Style remaining curved but not hooked, with a very small stigmatic end.—Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 463; B. barbigera Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. ii. 264, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 463.

18. B. petiolaris, ''F. Muell. Fragm. iv. 109''. Stems short, prostrate, thick and tomentose. Leaves erect, on long petioles, above 1 ft. long, truncate, sinuate with short callous teeth, tapering at the base, about 1 in. broad towards the top, flat or undulate, thick, the veins concealed on the under surface by a white tomentum. Spike erect as in B. repens, cylindrical, 5 in. long in the specimen before me. Perianth about ¾ in. long, the tube loosely pubescent, the limb nearly 2 lines long, obtuse, bearing longer more deciduous hairs. Style remaining curved, with a very small stigmatic end.

19. B. repens, ''Labill. Voy. i. 411, t. 23''. Stems short, prostrate, thick, densely tomentose or woolly. Leaves erect, on long petioles, often a foot long, deeply and irregularly pinnatifid, the lobes varying from lanceolate or falcate entire and 1 to 1½ in. long to oblong-lanceolate or somewhat cuneate entire lobed or pinnatifid and 1 to 4 in. long, or to short broad and almost triangular, all thick and rigid, flat or undulate, the transverse veins prominent underneath and sometimes also on the upper surface. Spikes turned up at the end of the stems, not closely surrounded by leaves, oblong or cylindrical, 3 to 4 in. long. Perianths about 1 in. long, the tube pubescent with short crisped hairs, the limb recurved, nearly 2 lines long, obtuse, villous with much longer crisped hairs sometimes deciduous. Style remaining curved but not hooked, with a very small stigmatic end.—R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 211, Prod. 396; Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. i. 586, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 462; B. polypodifolia Knight, Prot. 113; B. blechnifolia, F. Muell. Fragm. iv. 108; B. pinnatisecta, F. Muell. Fragm. vii. 58 (name only).

20. B. prostrata, ''R. Br. Prot. Nov. 36.'' Stems prostrate, tomentose. Leaves erect, on long petioles, often above 1 ft. long and 1 to 1½ in. broad, divided about half way to the midrib into broad ovate or triangular mostly obtuse lobes, thick flat and rigid, the transverse veins scarcely prominent even on the under surface. Spikes turned up at the ends of the stems as in B. repens, not closely surrounded by leaves, oblong or cylindrical, rarely above 3 in. long. Perianth scarcely above ¾ in. long, the tube loosely hirsute, the limb recurved, narrow, obtuse, at first densely bearded with long crisped and intricate ferruginous


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 woolly hairs, but soon becoming glabrous. Style remaining curved but not hooked, with a minute stigmatic end. Capsules slightly prominent, tomentose-villous, thick, 1 in. broad.—Meissn in Pl. Preiss. i. 587, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 462; Bot. Reg. t. 1572.

21. B. grandis, ''Willd. Spec. Pl. i. 535''. A tree attaining about 40 ft., the branches tomentose. Leaves often 1 ft. long or more, divided to the midrib into ovate-triangular contiguous segments, the larger ones 1½ to 2 in. long and 1 in. broad at the base, the lower ones gradually smaller, all flat, with several primary transverse veins impressed above, prominent underneath, the under surface pale, reticulate, tomentose in the areolæ. Spike cylindrical, 8 to 12 in. long. Perianths above 1 in. long, the tube loosely villous, the limb glabrous, obtuse, scarcely 1½ lines long. Style long, remaining curved but not hooked, with a small oblong stigmatic end. "Capsules glabrous, 6 to 8 lines broad."—R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 210, Prod. 396; Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. i. 587, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 464.

22. B. quercifolia, ''R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 210, Prod. 396.'' An erect shrub of 5 or 6 ft., the branches and foliage glabrous. Leaves sessile or nearly so, oblong-cuneate, truncate, deeply and irregularly prickly-toothed or pinnatifid, tapering to the base, 2 to 4 in. long, flat or undulate, the transverse veins and reticulations more or less conspicuous underneath. Spikes oblong-cylindrical, dense but rather narrow, 3 to 4 in. long. Bracts with very short glabrous tips. Perianth-tube about ½ in. long, ferruginous-villous, the limb narrow, reflexed, 2 lines long with an awn-like point at least as long, pubescent with shorter hairs than the tube. Style about ¾ in. long, remaining curved, with a small very narrow stigmatic end. Capsules rounded, thick, glabrous or slightly tomentose, ¾ in. broad.—Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. i. 585, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 462; Bot. Reg. t. 1430.

23. B. Baueri, ''R. Br. Prot. Nov. 35''. Probably arborescent, the branches tomentose or nearly glabrous. Leaves oblong-cuneate or almost lanceolate, truncate, sinuate-toothed, very shortly petiolate, mostly 3 to 4 in., sometimes 5 in. long, flat, the transverse veins prominent underneath and the reticulations conspicuous, scarcely tomentose. Spikes very thick and dense, globular or oblong, 6 to 8 in. long. Bracts densely villous at the end. Perianth-tube pubescent, the limb densely


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 villous, narrow, abruptly reflexed, about 3 lines long, ending in a plumose awn-like point of ½ in. or more. Style remaining curved, with a narrow acute stigmatic end. Capsules concealed among the dense perianth-remains, very thick, glabrous, smooth, 1¼ to 1½ in. broad.— Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 460; F. Muell. Fragm. iv. 107.

.—Leaves linear-lanceolate oblong or cuneate, with recurved or revolute entire or dentate margins, white underneath. Style at first curved. straight and very spreading or reflexed after the perianth-limb has opened, the stigmatic end very small, not furrowed.

24. B. marginata, ''Cav. Anal. Hist. Nat. i. 227, t. 13. Ic. vi. 29; t. 544.'' Usually a bushy shrub of 10 to 15 ft., growing out sometimes into a tree of considerable size or sometimes low and straggling or depressed, the branches tomentose or villous. Leaves of the flowering branches very shortly petiolate, oblong-lanceolate or broadly linear, obtuse or retuse, usually entire, with recurved margins, 1 to 2 in. long, in some flowerless branches or even on some flowering specimens some or all rather larger and more or less serrate with short rigid or prickly teeth, all very white underneath, minutely reticulate, without any or with very few of the transverse veins of B. integrifolia. Spikes oblong-cylindrical, 2 to 3 or rarely near 4 in. long, or in the dwarf varieties sometimes nearly globular and small. Bracts tomentose at the end. Perianths silky, 7 to 8 lines long. Style straightening after the perianth-laminæ have separated, and usually very spreading or reflexed, with a small slender stigmatic end. Fruiting cone oblong-cylindrical; capsules prominent above the closely packed bracts, flat, not thick, rounded, ½ in. broad, at first pubescent but the hairs wearing off.—R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 204, Prod. 392, Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 455; Bot. Mag. t. 1947; B. microstachya, Cav. Anal. Hist. Nat. i. 224, Ic. vi. 28, t. 541 (specimens with serrate leaves); B. marginata, Lodd. Bot. Cab. t. 61, and B. oblongifolia, Lodd. Bot. Cab. t. 241, not of others (both with serrate leaves); B. australis, R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 206; Prod. 393; Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 456; Hook. f. Fl. Tasm. i. 329; Bot. Reg. t. 787; B. depressa, B. patula and B. insularis, R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 205, 206, Prod. 393; Meissn. l.c. 456; B. Gunnii, Meissn. l.c.


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25. B. integrifolia, Linn. f. Suppl. 127. A tree attaining sometimes a considerable size, the young branches closely tomentose. Leaves scattered, sometimes irregularly verticillate, oblong cuneate or lanceolate, quite entire or irregularly toothed, tapering into a short petiole, 3 to 4 in. long in some specimens, twice that length in others, especially the northern ones, ½ to near 1 in. broad, white underneath, with numerous transverse veins and reticulations not very prominent; the young shoots are also sometimes tomentose or villous with richly coloured fulvous almost woolly hairs persisting on the under side till the leaves are nearly full grown. Spikes oblong or cylindrical, 3 to 6 in. long. Bracts tomentose at the end. Perianth usually about 1 in. long, silky. Style straightening after the perianth-laminæ have separated and usually very spreading or reflexed as in B. marginata. Fruiting cone oblong, cylindrical, the capsules prominent and not thick, as in that species.—R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 206, Prod. 393; Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 456; Cav. Ic. vi. t. 546; Bot. Mag. t. 2770; B. spicata, Gærtn. Fr. i. 221, t. 48; B. oleifolia, Cav. Anal. Hist. Nat. i. 228, t. 14, Ic. vi. 80, t. 545; B. macrophylla, Link. Enum. Hort. Berol. i. 116; B. compar, R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 207, Prod. 393; Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 457.


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26. B. dentata, Linn. f. Suppl. 127. A small tree of 15 to 20 ft. closely allied to B. oblongifolia. Leaves shortly petiolate, cuneate oblong, 4 to 8 in. long, 1 to 2 in. broad, irregularly toothed, the margins slightly recurved, white underneath with the primary transverse veins more prominent than in B. integrifolia and not so white. Spikes oblong or cylindrical, usually larger than in B. integrifolia but the flowers in all other respects as well as the fruits entirely those of B. integrifolia. Styles about 1½ in. long, becoming straight, with a small narrow stigmatic end.—R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 210, Prod. 396; Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 462; F. Muell. Fragm. vii. 57.

.—Leaves flat or undulate, regularly or rarely irregularly serrate pinnatifid or pinnate, with short lobes or segments. Perianth straight or the limb rarely reflexed. Style after the perianth limb has opened curved upwards at the base only, then strait rigid and erect, the stigmatic end prominently angled and furrowed or striate.

27. B. latifolia, ''R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 208, Prod. 394''. A low but stout shrub, the branches densely tomentose. Leaves shortly petiolate, obovate-oblong, often truncate, irregularly serrate with short usually prickly teeth, contracted at the base, 4 to 8 in. long, 1½ to 3 in. broad, flat, minutely tomentose but not white underneath, with prominent transverse veins and reticulations. Spikes oblong-cylindrical, 3 to 5 in. long. Perianth slender, about 1 in. long, the tube shortly silky-pubescent, the limb glabrous, narrow, acute, scarcely 2 lines long. Style becoming straight and spreading as in Eubanksia, with a very small stigmatic end. Fruiting cones large and thick; capsules villous, not thick, protruding, about 6 or 7 lines diameter.—Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 4; Bot. Mag. t. 2406; B. robur, Cav. Anal. Hist. Nat. i.


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 226, Ic. vi. 29, t. 543; B. uncigera and B. dilleniæfolia, Knight, Prot. 112, 113; B. fagifolia, Hoffmsg.; Roem. and. Schult. Syst. iii. Mant. 379 (Meissn.).

28. B. serrata, Linn. f. Suppl. 126. A tree, the young shoots tomentose or villous and sometimes densely so with richly coloured ferruginous very deciduous hairs. Leaves oblong-lanceolate, acute or truncate, regularly and deeply serrate, tapering into a petiole, 3 to 6 in. long, ½ to 1 in. wide, coriaceous, flat, hoary or rarely white underneath, with parallel transverse veins. Spikes oblong or rarely globular, 3 to 6 in. long, very thick. Perianths silky, the tube above 1 in. long, the laminæ narrow, acuminate, nearly 3 lines long, the silky hairs longer than those of the tube. Style at length straight, with a cylindrical somewhat furrowed stigmatic end, about ½ line long and thickened at the base. Capsules very prominent, tomentose, thick and hard, obliquely rounded or ovate, above 1 in. broad.— R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 209, Prod. 395; Sm. in White, Voy. 223 t. 18 to 20; Meissn. in. DC. Prod. xiv. 461; F. Muell. Fragm. vii. 56; Andr. Bot. Rep. t. 82; B. conchifera, Gærtn. Fr. i. 221, t. 48; B. mitis, Knight, Prot. 112; B. dentata, Wendl. Hort. Herrenh. t. 8; B. media, Hook. f. Fl. Tasm. i. 329, not of R. Br.

29. B. æmula, ''R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 210, Prod. 395. A shrub very closely allied to B. serrata'' and difficult to distinguish from it except by the stigmatic end of the style which is very much shorter and ovoid. The flowers are also said to be of a yellowish green without the bluish grey tinge of B. serrata. The spikes are usually not so thick, the foliage precisely the same. Capsules at least as large as in B. serrata, the tomentum easily wearing off.—Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 461; Bot. Mag. t. 2671; Bot. Reg. t. 688; B. serrata, Cav. Ic. vi. 27, t. 540, not of Linn. f.; B. serratifolia, Salisb. Prod. 51 or B. serræfolia, Knight, Prot. 112 (R. Br.); B. elatior, R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 209, Prod. 395; Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv 458; B. undulata, Lindl. Bot. Reg. t. 1316.


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 30. B. ornata, ''F. Muell. Meissn. in Linnæa xxvi. 352, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 460''. A shrub of 5 or 6 ft., the branches densely hirsute; Leaves oblong-cuneate, mostly truncate, regularly serrate, tapering into a short petiole, 2 to 4 in. long, ½ to ¾ in. broad, flat, the transverse veins prominent underneath. Spikes globular or oblong-ovoid, 2 to 4 in. long. Bracts obtuse, villous. Perianth slender, villous with spreading hairs, 1 to 1¼ in. long, the limb narrow, 3 lines long. Style curved upwards from the base, then becoming straight, stigmatic end narrow, furrowed. Fruiting cone ovoid; capsules prominent, very thick, tomentose-villous, fully ¾ in. broad.—F. Muell. Fragm. vii. 56.

31. B. coccinea, ''R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 207, Prod. 394''. An erect shrub attaining 12 to 15 ft., the branches densely tomentose, with a few long spreading hairs often intermixed. Leaves sessile or very shortly petiolate, from broadly oblong or obovate to almost orbicular or broader than long, truncate or retuse, often cordate at the base, bordered by small irregular prickly teeth, 1½ to 2½ in. long, flat, rigid, prominently penniveined and reticulate underneath. Spikes globular, about 2 in. diameter, the flowers regularly imbricate in vertical (not spiral) rows, the tubes of those of each pair opening inwards for the emission of the style of which the end is retained in the reflexed limb, the spike thus long remaining elegantly striped by double rows of arched richly coloured red styles alternating with double rows of villous perianths. Each perianth about 1 in. long with a limb of about 2 lines. When at length liberated the style straightens; bearing a stigmatic end of about ¾ line, furrowed, with a prominent rim round its base. Fruiting cone after the fall of the perianths ovoid, 1 to 1½ in. diameter, tomentose-villous; capsules very small thin and scarcely protruding, 4 or rarely 5 lines broad.—Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. i. 585, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 459; Bauer, Illustr. t. 3.

32. B. sceptrum, ''Meissn. in Hook. Kew Journ. vii. 120, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 459''. A tall shrub or small tree of 10 to 15 ft., with thick closely tomentose branches. Leaves petiolate, oblong truncate, shortly sinuate-toothed, 1½ to 2½ in. long, flat, rigid, transversely veined and reticulate underneath. Spike oblong-cylindrical, thick and dense, 6 to 8 in. long, the curved styles protruding before the perianth-limb opens, alternating in single rows with the perianths. Perianth silky-villous, the tube ½ in., the obtuse limb 4 or 5 lines long. Style after it is set free from the perianth straight or flexuose, much longer than the perianth, with a thick furrowed stigmatic end of 1½ to 2 lines. Capsules prominent, very thick, variegated and hirsute, often 1 in. broad.


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 33. B. Menziesii, ''R. Br. Prot. Nov. 36''. A tree of 30 to 40 ft., the branches thick and tomentose. Leaves shortly petiolate, 6 in. to 1 ft. long, to 1 in. wide, truncate, bordered by short broad teeth, more or less ferruginous-tomentose underneath with numerous parallel transverse veins. Spikes thick, oblong, 4 to 5 in. long. Bracts with broad obtuse tomentose pale coloured ends surrounded by the deeply coloured woolly hairs of the sides, marking the spike both in bud and after the perianths have fallen with a lozenge-shaped pattern in numerous spiral rows. Perianth-tube about 1 in. long, silky-pubescent, the limb erect, villous with longer hairs, about 3 lines long. Style incurved at the base, then erect and straight, with a furrowed stigmatic end about 1 to 1½ lines long. Capsules very prominent, oblique, thick, tomentose.—Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. i. 584, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 459.

34. B. lævigata, ''Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 458''. A shrub ? with tomentose branches. Leaves linear-cuneate, truncate, serrate, contracted into a short petiole, 2 to 4 in. long, thick, flat, with the transverse veins very fine and slightly impressed underneath. Spikes globular, resembling those of B. ornata, 2 to 3 in. diameter. Perianths incurved at the base, erect, hirsute with spreading hairs, scarcely 1 in. long, the narrow limb about 1½ lines long. Style slender, incurved, with a small narrow slightly furrowed stigmatic end. Fruiting cone globular, about 3 in. diameter; capsules slightly prominent, rounded, thick, villous, about ½ in. broad.

35. B. Hookeriana, ''Meissn. in Hook. Kew Journ. vii. 119, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 458''. A shrub of 5 or 6 ft., with densely tomentose branches. Leaves linear-cuneate, 4 to 8 in. long, 4 to 5 lines broad near the end, tapering into a short petiole, divided nearly half-way to the midrib into numerous broadly triangular teeth or lobes, minutely tomentose underneath, the veins inconspicuous. Spikes oblong, very thick, 4 to 5 in. long. Perianth curved upwards, nearly 1½ in. long, the limb about 3 lines long, densely hirsute with long spreading hairs. Style rigid, incurved at the base, then erect and straight, with a slender furrowed stigmatic end.

36. B. prionotes, Lindl. Swan Riv. App. 34. A tree of about 80 ft., with thick tomentose branches. Leaves 8 in. to above 1 ft. long, ½ to 1 in. broad, truncate, pinnatifid with numerous rather regular lobes not reaching half-way to the midrib, broader than long, rounded, flat, with short rigid but not pungent points, the transverse veins numerous and fine, visible underneath and converging at the apex of each lobe. Spikes thick, oblong, 3 to 5 in. long. Perianth incurved


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 and erect, the tube nearly 1 in. long, villous, the limb 3 lines long, very densely villous with spreading hairs. Style rigid, incurved at the base, then erect, with a narrow furrowed stigmatic end of 1 to 1¼ lines. Fruiting cones after the fall of the perianth-remains showing the prominent conical tomentose ends of the bracts; capsules prominent, rounded, rather thick, tomentose or shortly villous, about ¾ in. broad, the lateral base of the style more or less prominent.—Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. i. 584, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 459.

37. B. Victoriæ, ''Meissn. in. Hook. Kew Journ. vii. 119, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 464. A shrub of 12 to 15 ft., nearly allied to B. prionotes'' but the branches more hirsute, the leaves divided more than halfway to the midrib into broad triangular acute or acuminate lobes, the larger ones fully ½ in. long and broad, and the loose ferruginous wool more persistent although ultimately deciduous. Spike of B. prionotes, but the outer bracts at the base above ½ inch long and plumose with long hairs. Perianth rather longer than in B. prionotes, much more villous, especially the limb. Style the same. Capsules more prominent, 1 in. broad, densely villous with purple hairs.—Bot. Mag. t. 4906; B. speciosa, Lindl. Bot. Reg. t. 1728 not of R. Br.

38. B. speciosa, ''R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 210, Prod. 396''. A tall shrub, with thick tomentose branches. Leaves shortly petiolate, 8 in. to above 1 ft. long, divided to the midrib into numerous contiguous rounded or triangular shortly acuminate segments, the larger ones ¾ in. broad at the base and nearly as long, diminishing towards each end of the leaf, flat, rigid, retaining more or less of a white tomentum underneath, with numerous transverse converging veins. Spikes very thick, oblong, 4 to 5 in. long. Perianths incurved upwards, hirsute, the tube about 1 in., the obtuse hirsute limb about 2½ lines long. Style incurved at the base, erect, rigid, hairy; stigmatic end stipitate and furrowed.—Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 464; Bot. Mag. t. 3052 (the leaves not quite correct); B. grandidentata, Dum. Cours (Meissn).

39. B. Baxteri, ''R. Br. Prot. Nov. 36''. A tall shrub, the branches glabrous or hirsute under the spikes with long fine spreading hairs. Leaves mostly 3 to 4 in. long, divided to the middle into ovate-triangular acute contiguous segments, the larger ones 1 in. long and ¾ in. broad at the base but mostly smaller, flat, rigid, pale or whitish underneath with several fine and faint transverse converging veins. Spikes globular, 2 to 3 in. diameter, the outer linear bracts plumose with long fine hairs. Perianths hirsute with long fine hairs, 1½ in. long, the limb narrow, acute or acuminate, about 4 lines long. Sty1e incurved at the base, erect, thick and rigid, densely hairy, the


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 end narrow, acute, furrowed. Capsules prominent, very thick and woody, 1½ in. broad.—Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. i. 587, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 464.

40. B. marcescens, ''R. Br. in. Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 208, Prod. 395''. A shrub of 5 or 6 ft. the branches tomentose. Leaves petiolate, oblong, truncate, serrate, almost obtuse at the base, 1 to 1½ in. long and about ½ in. broad, flat, minutely tomentose underneath with faint transverse veins and reticulations. Spikes oblong or cylindrical, dense, 3 to 10 in. long, like those of B. media. Bracts tomentose at the end. Perianth purple, glabrous, scarcely 1 in. long, the limb narrow, obtuse, about 2 lines long. Style erect, about as long as the perianth, the stigmatic end short and sulcate. Capsules usually buried in the persistent remains of the flowers, rather thick, rounded, about ¾ in. broad, quite glabrous and shining but chagrined with raised dots or tubercles.—Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. i. 586, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 461; Sw. Fl. Austral. t. 14; Bot. Mag. t. 2803; B. præmorsa, Andr. Bot. Rep. t. 258; B. asplenifolia, Knight, Prot. 113, not of Salisb. (R. Br.).

41. B. Lemanniana, ''Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 462''. Branches tomentose or shortly villous. Leaves petiolate, obovate-oblong, less truncate than in most species, almost regularly toothed, cuneate at the base, 1½ to 3 in. long, flat, loosely tomentose underneath when young, the transverse veins and reticulations visible but not prominent. Spikes globular or shortly oblong, very thick, 3 to 4 in. long. Perianths glabrous, above 1 in. long, the narrow obtuse limb about 4 lines. Style slightly curved, erect, the stigmatic end long narrow and furrowed.

42. B. Caleyi, ''R. Br. Prot. Nov. 35''. A low shrub, the branches tomentose. Leaves oblong-lanceolate or narrow-cuneate, usually truncate, sinuate and broadly prickly-toothed or almost pinnatifid, tapering into a short petiole, 3 to 6 in. long, flat or undulate, green on both sides, finely and not prominently transversely veined and reticulate underneath. Spikes ovoid-oblong or globular, 2 to 3 in. long. Bracts obtuse, densely villous. Perianths nearly 1 in. long, quite glabrous or with a minute and scanty pubescence on the tube, the limb very angular and obtuse, about 4 lines long. Style incurved, erect, the stigmatic end long narrow and furrowed, with a projecting rim at the base. Meissn. in DC. Prod. xiv. 462.


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 43. B. Lindleyana, ''Meissn. in Hook. Kew Journ. vii. 120, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 455. A shrub of 3 or 4 ft., differing slightly from B. Caleyi'' in the narrower serrate leaves and the flowers usually larger. Young shoots tomentose and villous, leafy branches hoary or almost glabrous. Leaves linear-lanceolate, serrate, tapering into a short petiole, 2 to 4 in. long, flat, slightly tomentose, reticulate and pitted underneath. Spikes very thick, ovoid-globular, about 4 in. long. Bracts woolly-tomentose with short obtuse points prominent above the bracteoles. Perianth glabrous, the tube nearly 1 in. long, the obtuse angular limb 3 to 4 lines. Style incurved, erect, the stigmatic end long, narrow and furrowed.

44. B. elegans, ''Meissn. in Hook. Kew Journ. vii. 119 and in DC. Prod. xiv. 465. A small tree, the specimens at first sight closely resembling those of B. Candolleana'', the leaves of the same size, with numerous broad pungent-pointed lobes, but divided only a little more than half way to the midrib, and the under surface pale or whitish with a minute tomentum, which almost conceals the veins, the smaller reticulations quite inconspicuous. Spikes globular, larger and more dense than in B. Candolleana. Perianth straight, fully 1 in. long, the tube minutely pubescent, the limb narrow, glabrous, fully 2 lines long. Style curved, erect, the stigmatic end fusiform and furrowed.

45. B. Candolleana, ''Meissn. in Hook. Kew Journ. vii. 118, and in DC. Prod. xiv. 465''. A shrub with a creeping underground trunk and erect leafy stems of 1 to 2 ft., the flowering ones often short with few leaves, all minutely tomentose or glabrous. Leaves shortly petiolate, often 1 ft. long or more, divided to the midrib into numerous broad ovate-triangular contiguous segments, the larger ones scarcely above 4 lines long and broad, all pungent-pointed, flat, rigid, strongly veined and reticulate underneath. Spikes ovoid-globular, not surrounded by leaves, about 1½ in. long without the perianths, which are not so dense as in most species, straight, about 1 in. long, the tube slender, minutely pubescent or glabrous, the limb oblong, glabrous, striate, about 2 lines long. Style curved, erect; stigmatic end fusiform, sulcate. Capsules very prominent, hard, thick, tomentose, the projecting portion 2 in. long and 1½ in. broad, with a small lateral conical beak or persistent base of the style.—F. Muell. Fragm. vii. 58.

.—Spikes reduced to depressed globular heads. Perianth-limb opening as soon as the limb, the style straight, not longer than the perianth, with a small stigmatic end.

46. B. ilicifolia, ''R. Br. in Trans. Linn. Soc. x. 211, Prod. 396, Prot. Nov. 37''. A tree attaining from 20 to 40 ft., or sometimes remaining shrubby and 8 to 10  ft. high, the branches tomentose and often hirsute


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 with a few long spreading hairs. Leaves shortly petiolate, oval-oblong obovate or cuneate, truncate, undulate and irregularly prickly-toothed or lobed, 1 to 3 in. long, green on both sides, veined and reticulate underneath, but the veins rarely prominent. Spikes terminal, depressed-globular, sessile amongst the floral leaves, the rhachis with the closely packed villous bracts about ½ in. diameter. Perianths erect, straight, the tube shortly silky-pubescent, 1 to 1¼ in. long, the limb obtuse, glabrous or nearly so, not 2 lines long. Style not longer than the perianth, erect, straight, glabrous, with a small scarcely distinct stigmatic end. Fruiting cone very small. Capsules usually 1 or 2 only, very prominent, obliquely ovoid, thick, tomentose, the projecting portion ½ to ¾ in. long, with a scarcely prominent lateral beak or scar indicating the base of the style.—Meissn. in Pl. Preiss. i. 589 and in DC. Prod. xiv. 466; B. aquifolium, Lindl. Swan Riv. App. 34.

 29. DRYANDRA, Br.

Flowers hermaphrodite. Perianth regular or nearly so, usually straight, the tube slender, the limb oblong or linear, the laminæ separating as the tube opens, or rarely remaining long coherent as in Banksia, and the limb thus sometimes reflexed before opening, the tube separating into the four claws to below the middle, the base of the tube remaining entire. Anthers narrow, sessile in the concave laminæ, the connective thick, usually very shortly produced beyond the cells. Hypogynous scales 4, very narrow, thin and membranous (rarely deficient?), usually accompanied by a few long hairs. Ovary very small and sessile; style straight and scarcely exceeding the perianth, or longer, curved and protruding from a slit in the perianth-tube until the end is set free by the separation of the laminæ and then straightened; the stigmatic end, on a level with the anthers, of a different texture, smooth or striate and furrowed, continuous with the style or thickened at the base into a slightly prominent rim, the real stigma small and terminal; ovules 2 (usually or always ?), collaterally attached at or near the top. Fruit a compressed capsule, opening at the dilated end (or outer margin) in two coriaceous or rarely almost woody broad valves. Seeds 2, or 1 by abortion, compressed, with a terminal membranous wing broad and rounded like the valves, the seeds either separated by a plate simple between the nuclei, double between the valves, as in Banksia, but not so thick, or the outer integuments of the 2


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The meeting was called to order at 5.50 p.m.

Adoption of the agenda

The agenda was adopted.

Letter dated 24 March 1999 from the Permanent Representative of the Russian Federation to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council (S/1999/320)

The President (spoke in Chinese): I should like to inform the Council that I have received letters from the representatives of Belarus, Germany and India, in which they request to be invited to participate in the discussion of the item on the Council's agenda. In conformity with the usual practice, I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite those representatives to participate in the discussion, without the right to vote, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter and rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

At the invitation of the President, Mr. Martynov (Belarus), Mr. Kastrup (Germany) and Mr. Sharma (India) took the seats reserved for them at the side of the Council Chamber.

The President (spoke in Chinese): I have received a request dated 24 March 1999 from Mr. Vladislav Jovanović to address the Security Council. With the consent of the Council, I would propose to invite him to address the Council in the course of its discussion of the item before it.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

At the invitation of the President, Mr. Jovanović took a seat at the Council table.

The President (spoke in Chinese): The Security Council will now begin its consideration of the item on its agenda. The Council is meeting in response to the request contained in a letter dated 24 March 1999 from the Permanent Representative of the Russian Federation to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council, document S/1999/320.

I should like to recall Security Council resolutions 1160 (1998), 1199 (1998) and 1203 (1998).

I should also like to draw the attention of the members of the Council to letters dated 24 March 1999 from the Chargé d'affaires ad interim of the Permanent Mission of Yugoslavia to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council and from the Permanent Representative of Belarus to the United Nations addressed to the President of the Security Council, documents. S/1999/322 and S/1999/323 respectively.

Mr. Lavrov (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): The Russian Federation is profoundly outraged at the use by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) of military force against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. In recent weeks, when we were constantly hearing threats — detrimental to the negotiating process — that there would be missile strikes against Serbian positions in Kosovo and other parts of Serbia, the Russian Goverment strongly proclaimed its categorical rejection of the use of force in contravention of decisions of the Security Council and issued repeated warnings about the long-term harmful consequences of this action not only for the prospects of a settlement of the Kosovo situation and for safeguarding security in the Balkans, but also for the stability of the entire modern multi-polar system of international relations.

Those who are involved in this unilateral use of force against the sovereign Federal Republic of Yugoslavia — carried out in violation of the Charter of the United Nations and without the authorization of the Security Council — must realize the heavy responsibility they bear for subverting the Charter and other norms of international law and for attempting to establish in the world, de facto, the primacy of force and unilateral diktat.

The members of NATO are not entitled to decide the fate of other sovereign and independent States. They must not forget that they are not only members of their alliance, but also Members the United Nations, and that it is their obligation to be guided by the United Nations Charter, in particular its Article 103, which clearly establishes the absolute priority for Members of the Organization of Charter obligations over any other international obligations.

Attempts to justify the NATO strikes with arguments about preventing a humanitarian catastrophe in Kosovo are completely untenable. Not only are these attempts in no way based on the Charter or other generally recognized rules of international law, but the unilateral use of force will lead precisely to a situation with truly 2


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devastating humanitarian consequences. Moreover, by the terms of the definition of aggression adopted by the General Assembly in 1974,

"No consideration of whatever nature, whether political, economic, military or otherwise, may serve as a justification for aggression". (General Assembly resolution 3314 (XXIX), annex, article 5, para. 1)

We certainly do not seek to defend violations of international humanitarian law by any party. But it is possible to combat violations of the law only with clean hands and only on the solid basis of the law. Otherwise lawlessness would spawn lawlessness. It would be unthinkable for a national court in a civilized democratic country to uphold illegal methods to combat crime. Attempts to apply a different standard to international law and to disregard its basic norms and principles create a dangerous precedent that could cause acute destabilization and chaos on the regional and global level. If we do not put an end to this very dangerous trend, the virus of illegal unilateral approaches could spread not merely to other geographical regions but to spheres of international relations other than questions of peace and security.

The fact that NATO has opted to use force in Kosovo raises very serious questions about the sincerity of the repeated assurances that that alliance was not claiming the role of the world's policeman and was prepared to cooperate in the interests of common European security. In the light of this turn of events, we shall draw the appropriate conclusions in our relations and contacts with that organization.

NATO's decision to use military force is particularly unacceptable from any point of view because the potential of political and diplomatic methods to yield a settlement in Kosovo has certainly not been exhausted. The enormous quantity of complicated work done by the international community has now been dealt a very powerful, a very grave and probably an irrevocable blow.

The Russian Federation vehemently demands the immediate cessation of this illegal military action against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. We reserve the right to raise in the Security Council the question of the adoption by the Council, under the United Nations Charter, of appropriate measures with respect to this situation, which has arisen as a result of NATO's illegal actions and which poses a clear threat to international peace and security.

Today, the President of the Russian Federation, Boris N. Yeltsin, issued the following statement:

"Russia is profoundly outraged by NATO's military action against sovereign Yugoslavia, which is nothing less than an act of open aggression.

"Only the Security Council can decide on what measures, including the use of force, should be taken to maintain or restore international peace and security. The Security Council did not take such decisions with regard to Yugoslavia. Not only the Charter of the United Nations has been violated; the Founding Act on Mutual Relations, Cooperation and Security Between NATO and The Russian Federation has been violated as well. A dangerous precedent has been created regarding the policy of diktat and force, and the whole of the international rule of law has been threatened.

"We are basically talking about an attempt by NATO to enter the twenty-first century in the uniform of the world's policeman. Russia will never agree to that.

"The Security Council must discuss the situation that has emerged and demand the immediate cessation of NATO's use of force.

"For its part, the leadership of the Russian Federation will review its relationship with NATO as an organization, which has shown disrespect for the fundamental basis of the system of international relations.

"As President and Supreme Commander, I have already given the following instructions: to cut short the visit to the United States of the Chairman of the Government of the Russian Federation, Yevgeny Primakov; to demand an urgent convening of a meeting of the Security Council of the United Nations and to seek an immediate cessation of NATO's military action; to recall to Moscow the chief military representative of the Russian Federation to NATO; to suspend our participation in the Partnership for Peace programme and to end the carrying out of the programme on Russia-NATO partnership; and to postpone talks for the opening of a NATO liaison mission in Moscow.

"I have already appealed to the President of the United States, Bill Clinton, and to the leaders of 3


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other NATO member countries to put an immediate end to this military adventure, which threatens the lives of peaceful people and could lead to an explosion of the situation in the Balkans.

"A settlement of the situation in Kosovo, as the settlement of other similar problems, is only possible through negotiations. The quicker they are resumed, the greater the possibility for the international community to find a political settlement to the situation. Russia is prepared to interact with other members of the Contact Group in order to reach that goal.

"Those who decided upon military adventure bear the full responsibility to their peoples and to the world community for the dire consequences of this for international stability.

"If the military conflict increases, then Russia reserves the right to take adequate measures, including military measures, to ensure its own and common European security."

Mr. Burleigh (United States of America): The current situation in Kosovo is of grave concern to all of us. We and our allies have begun military action only with the greatest reluctance. But we believe that such action is necessary to respond to Belgrade's brutal persecution of Kosovar Albanians, violations of international law, excessive and indiscriminate use of force, refusal to negotiate to resolve the issue peacefully and recent military build-up in Kosovo all of which foreshadow a humanitarian catastrophe of immense proportions.

We have begun today's action to avert this humanitarian catastrophe and to deter further aggression and repression in Kosovo. Serb forces numbering 40,000 are now in action in and around Kosovo. Thirty thousand Kosovars have fled their homes just since 19 March. As a result of Serb action in the last five weeks, there are more than 60,000 new refugees and displaced persons. The total number of displaced persons is approaching a quarter of a million.

The continuing offensive by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia is generating refugees and creating pressures on neighbouring countries, threatening the stability of the region. Repressive Serb action in Kosovo has already resulted in cross-border activity in Albania, Bosnia and the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. Recent actions by Belgrade also constitute a threat to the safety of international observers and humanitarian workers in Kosovo.

Security Council resolutions 1199 (1998) and 1203 (1998) recognized that the situation in Kosovo constitutes a threat to peace and security in the region and invoked Chapter VII of the Charter. In resolution 1199 (1998), the Council demanded that Serbian forces take immediate steps to improve the humanitarian situation and avert the impending humanitarian catastrophe.

In October 1998, Belgrade entered into agreements and understandings with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to verity its compliance with Security Council demands, particularly on reduction of security forces, cooperation with international observers, cooperation with humanitarian relief agencies and negotiations on a political settlement for substantial autonomy. Belgrade has refused to comply.

The actions of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia also violate its commitments under the Helsinki Final Act, as well as its obligations under the international law of human rights. Belgrade's actions in Kosovo cannot be dismissed as an internal matter.

For months, Serb actions have led to escalating explosions of violence. It is imperative that the international community take quick measures to avoid humanitarian suffering and widespread destruction, which could exceed that of the 1998 offensive.

I reiterate that we have initiated action today with the greatest reluctance. Our preference has been to achieve our objectives in the Balkans through peaceful means. Since fighting erupted in February 1998, we have been actively engaged In seeking resolution of the conflict through diplomacy under the auspices of the Contact Group backed by NATO. These efforts led to talks in Rambouillet and Paris, which produced a fair, just and balanced agreement. The Kosovar Albanians signed that agreement, but Belgrade rejected all efforts to achieve a peaceful resolution.

We are mindful that violations of the ceasefire and provocations by the Kosovo Liberation Army have also contributed to this situation. However, it is Belgrade's systematic policy of undermining last October's agreements and thwarting all diplomatic efforts to resolve the situation which have prevented a peaceful solution and have led us to today's action. 4


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Security Council Fifty-fourth year In this context, we believe that action by NATO is justified and necessary to stop the violence and prevent an even greater humanitarian disaster. As President Clinton said today,

"We and our allies have a chance to leave our children a Europe that is free, peaceful and stable. But we must act now to do that".

The President (spoke in Chinese): I should like to inform the Council that I have received letters from the representatives of Albania and Bosnia and Herzegovina, in which they request to be invited to participate in the discussion of the item on the Council's agenda.

In conformity with the usual practice, I propose, with the consent of the Council, to invite those representatives to participate in the discussion without the right to vote, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Charter and rule 37 of the Council's provisional rules of procedure.

There being no objection, it is so decided.

At the invitation of the President, Mr. Nesho (Albania) and Mr. Sacirbey (Bosnia and Herzegovina) took the seats reserved for them at the side of the Council Chamber.

Mr. Fowler (Canada) (spoke in French): The international community is facing a situation in which a Government at the heart of Europe is flouting the most fundamental rights of its citizens using disproportionate force to suppress dissidents, sending its armoured tanks and artillery to destroy villages, killing innocent civilians and forcing hundreds of thousands of persons to leave their homes in the cold of winter.

For ten years we have been witnessing the tragedy being played out in the Balkans: first in Slovenia, next in Croatia and then in Bosnia. During the past year, the same disproportionate violence against the civilians of an ethnic group has prevailed in Kosovo.

The international community has spared no effort to encourage the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to conclude a peaceful agreement with the Albanian population of Kosovo. Many diplomatic missions have been sent to Belgrade, and the Security Council of the United Nations, acting under Chapter VII of the Charter, has adopted important resolutions identifying this conflict as a threat to the peace and security of the region.

(spoke in English)

Resolutions 1199 (1998) and 1203 (1998) and the October agreements among the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) impose clear legal obligations on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to respect a ceasefire, protect its civilian population and limit the deployment of its security forces in Kosovo. An important element of these agreements was the creation of a Verification Mission under the auspices of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe. Its purpose was not only to monitor the ceasefire, but also to build confidence in the region.

Most recently, the parties were convened at an international peace conference in Rambouillet, where they were urged to abandon their maximalist positions and accept an honourable compromise for peace. Ultimately, the Kosovars demonstrated courage and vision by signing the Rambouillet peace agreement. The only holdout was the Yugoslav President, who refused to move from his utterly intransigent position.

Unfortunately, the intensive and exhaustive diplomatic efforts of the international community did not succeed. The looming humanitarian disaster caused by President Milosevic's refusal to accept any peaceful compromise leaves the international community with very few options. Every day, the situation worsens and it is the civilian population — principally women and children — that suffers. According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, over 450,000 people have been displaced by the conflict in Kosovo, including over 260,000 internally displaced within Kosovo. In the last few days alone, over 25,000 persons have been forced to leave their homes.

As long as it remains unresolved, the conflict in Kosovo threatens to precipitate a far larger humanitarian disaster and destabilize the entire region. In Canada, our preference has always been for a diplomatic solution and the diplomatic track has been given every chance to succeed. The continuing oppression in Kosovo by the Government in Belgrade, through its armed forces and police; the continuing failure on the part of the Milosevic Government to implement the agreements it has made with the OSCE and NATO; and its continuing refusal to act in compliance with the requirements of successive Security Council resolutions actions which, I repeat, have only contributed to an increase in tension and have created a major humanitarian disaster — have left NATO with no choice but to take action. 5


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NATO's objectives are to avert an ever-widening humanitarian crisis. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia must comply with its obligations, including respect for a ceasefire, an end to violence against the civilian population, and full observance of limits on the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia's security forces, as agreed on 25 October 1998.

Humanitarian considerations underpin our action. We cannot simply stand by while innocents are murdered, an entire population is displaced, villages are burned and looted, and a population is denied its basic rights merely because the people concerned do not belong to the "right" ethnic group. We remain deeply concerned about further atrocities, and those responsible should be well aware that they will be held accountable.

Mr. Türk (Slovenia): The situation being discussed today relates principally to Kosovo. The Security Council has been seized of the situation in Kosovo for about a year now. Throughout this entire period, the situation has been deteriorating and the extent of human suffering and humanitarian problems has been increasing. The threat of the situation in Kosovo to international peace and security has been growing. The Security Council has adopted three resolutions on Kosovo, all of them under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. They represent a clear expression of the will of the international community to assist in devising a solution and a framework for action in search of the solution.

Slovenia regrets that the developments in Kosovo have brought the international community to the point at which all diplomatic means have been exhausted and military action in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has become inevitable. The constant endeavours of the international community to achieve a diplomatic solution to the crisis and to prevent a humanitarian catastrophe of even greater extent have yielded no results. in view of this tragic moment for the peoples in that part of Europe, we would like to emphasize that the tragedy is the result and consequence of the erroneous policy of the Belgrade Government alone.

The current situation was not inevitable. A diplomatic solution was not impossible. Let me recall that, not long ago, the Council welcomed and supported the negotiating process conducted by the Contact Group in France, which aimed at reaching a political settlement between the parties and at establishing a framework and timetable for that purpose.

Slovenia, for its part, has all along supported a peaceful solution to the Kosovo problem that would include broad autonomy for Kosovo with due respect for the internationally recognized borders of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro). Slovenia, through its Prime Minister, has been actively. engaged in the efforts of the international community to achieve this aim. Slovenia supports the agreement prepared by the Contact Group on the basis of the results of extensive discussions with the parties during the course of the second half of 1998. We believe that the political part of the agreement on the autonomy of Kosovo and the part on the implementation of the agreement constitute a whole and provide the only realistic way to stabilize the situation in Kosovo. The interim period of three years would also provide enough time to continue the search for a balanced and long-term solution, as well as for the restoration of and reconciliation among the Serbian and Albanian communities in Kosovo.

Unfortunately, the efforts of the international community were in vain, since the Belgrade Government was not ready to agree to a political solution of the crisis. The military activities and those of the special Serbian police forces in Kosovo against the civilian population have not ceased, despite the numerous demands of the Security Council in its resolutions and despite the commitments made by the Belgrade Government to that effect. On the contrary, in recent months and weeks, the military action against the civilian population has further escalated. The attacks have become more violent, thus causing an even greater humanitarian catastrophe. According to the recent figures published by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), there are already about half a million refugees and internally displaced persons. This situation represents a case of massive violation of the relevant Security Council resolutions, in particular resolution 1199 (1998) of 23 September 1998, which called for an immediate end to all military activity against the civilian population. The threat to international peace and security in the region is looming large.

Today's meeting is a sombre occasion for various reasons. I wish to emphasize this: It is most deplorable that the Security Council has to meet to discuss the consequences of systematic and brutal violations of its own resolutions. This is the main source of our concern today.

We regret the fact that not all permanent members were willing to act in accordance with their special 6


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responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security under the United Nations Charter. Their apparent absence of support has prevented the Council from using its powers to the full extent and from authorizing the action which is necessary to put an end to the violations of its resolutions.

It is our expectation and belief that the action which is being undertaken will be carried out strictly within the substantive parameters established by the relevant Security Council resolutions. We would also like to express our hope that a peace agreement on Kosovo will be reached in the shortest possible time. We will continue to actively support the endeavours of the international community to achieve a mutually acceptable solution under international supervision.

Mr. Buallay (Bahrain) (spoke in Arabic): Our delegation regrets the recent developments in Kosovo, which have finally led to the use of military force against the forces of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. We have. long called for a peaceful settlement of the Kosovo crisis through serious and constructive dialogue between the parties to the conflict.

However, the authorities in Belgrade unfortunately insisted on their position and did not seize the opportunity afforded them in Rambouillet. Those authorities insisted on pursuing a policy of repression against the Kosovar Albanian community, a policy that started when those authorities put an end to the autonomy enjoyed by Kosovo until 1989. It would seem as if they have quickly forgotten or disregarded the lessons drawn from the tragic experience of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

It would also seem that the authorities in Belgrade do not want the Balkan region to enjoy the peace and stability so sorely missed by the peoples of the region. The policy of "ethnic cleansing" and the denial of the fundamental rights of the Kosovar Albanians can bring only destruction and instability to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Such a policy has also led to the displacement of thousands of Kosovo inhabitants. There are more than 200,000 displaced persons within Kosovo, in addition to the thousands of others who have sought refuge in neighbouring countries. The problem has indeed become extremely serious, and a humanitarian catastrophe is looming.

Our delegation hopes that the authorities in Belgrade will come to their senses and obey the dictates of reason and logic with a view to achieving peace and stability in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and in the Balkan region in general. This can become reality only if they enter into a serious and constructive dialogue and commit to all relevant Security Council resolutions and to cooperation with the international community in order to put an end to the conflict in Kosovo.

Mr. Jagne (Gambia): The situation in Kosovo, in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, is a cause of great concern to my delegation. Like all peace-loving nations, we in the Gambia are very much attached to the sacrosanct principle of the peaceful settlement of disputes, as enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations.

Throughout the past year, the international community has deployed a great deal of effort in order to find a peaceful settlement to the question concerning Kosovo. Unfortunately, however, many opportunities to resolve the crisis were missed, for reasons well known to all of us, including the latest talks in Paris.

Meanwhile, the onslaught against the ethnic Albanian community in Kosovo continued unabated. The international community time and again called on the authorities in Belgrade to respect human rights and to cooperate with the international community with a view to settling peacefully the question of greater autonomy for Kosovo, but to no avail.

As far as my delegation is concerned, we cannot remain indifferent to the plight of the murdered people of Kosovo. In recent times, the actions of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia Government in Kosovo have caused an untold amount of suffering among the Kosovar Albanians and have generated thousands and thousands of refugees and displaced persons.

It is the responsibility of any Government to protect its citizens. We speak with great regret of the fact that the international community had to take the action it took today. Of course, regional arrangements have responsibility for the maintenance of peace and security in their areas. The Security Council, however, has the primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security, as clearly stated in the Charter of the United Nations.

It must be noted, though, that at times the exigencies of a situation demand, and warrant, decisive and immediate action. We find that the present situation in Kosovo deserves such a treatment. The action started. today by the international community could have been avoided, for the action could still be prevented. We 7


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therefore call on those with whom the responsibility lies to take the necessary action to prevent a continuation of this action before it is too late.

Mr. van Walsum (Netherlands): We have participated in and assumed responsibility for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) decision because there was no other solution. As for the Netherlands, this decision was not taken lightly; it was taken with conviction. Responsibility for the NATO action lies squarely with President Milosevic. He is responsible for the large-scale violations of the October agreements with the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) and NATO. It is President Milosevic's recourse to violence in Kosovo that has finally convinced us that the impending humanitarian catastrophe, at which the Council expressed its alarm in its resolutions of September and October, could not be averted by peaceful means.

In some capitals, our determination to avoid a humanitarian catastrophe in Kosovo has apparently been underestimated. It goes without saying that a country — or an alliance — which is compelled to take up arms to aver such a humanitarian catastrophe would always prefer to be able to base its action on a specific Security Council resolution. The Secretary-General is right when he observes in his press statement that the Council should be involved in any decision to resort to the use of force. If, however, due to one or two permanent members' rigid interpretation of the concept of domestic jurisdiction, such a resolution is not attainable, we cannot sit back and simply let the humanitarian catastrophe occur. In such a situation we will act on the legal basis we have available, and what we have available in this case is more than adequate.

The Netherlands has been deeply involved in the events in the former Yugoslavia ever since the beginning of the breakup of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia on 25 June 1991. In spite of this, we have accepted a situation in which the leading role was played by a Contact Group of which Russia is an important member. Our acceptance of this arrangement was always based on the assumption that Russia had so much influence in Belgrade that it could persuade President Milosevic to accept a reasonable solution. The present state of affairs should convince every delegation that with regard to the problem of Kosovo, the diplomatic means of finding a solution are now exhausted. As stated by the Secretary-General, diplomacy has failed, but there are times when the use of force may be legitimate in the pursuit of peace. The Netherlands feels that this is such a time.

Allow me further to refer to the statement issued by the European Council in Berlin on behalf of the European Union. The Permanent Representative of Germany will later draw the Council's attention to that statement.

Mr. Enio Cordeiro (Brazil): The Brazilian Government is attentively following the situation in Kosovo and expresses its concern about the most recent developments in the crisis, including the humanitarian aspects. In conformity with its unflinching commitment to the pacific settlement of disputes, the Brazilian Government regrets that the escalation of tensions has resulted in recourse to military action.

Mr. Dejammet (France) (spoke in French): Drawing lessons from the tragedy that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina, France and its partners in the Contact Group mobilized very early to react to the crisis in Kosovo, the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. That action was aimed at bringing to an end the violence by the parties and at arriving at a comprehensive settlement of the conflict.

The Security Council also endorsed those concerns, in particular in resolutions 1160 (1998), 1199 (1998) and 1203 (1998), which it adopted in relation to the situation in Kosovo. The Council indicated that in those resolutions it was acting under Chapter VII of the Charter.

In resolutions 1199 (1998) and 1203 (1998), the Security Council affirmed that the deterioration of the situation in Kosovo posed a threat to peace and security in the region. In resolution 1199 (1998), the Council demanded in particular that the Belgrade authorities immediately cease hostilities and maintain a ceasefire in Kosovo; that they take immediate steps to avert the impending humanitarian catastrophe; that they cease all action by the security forces affecting the civilian population and order the withdrawal of security units used for repression of civilians; and that they make rapid progress, in the framework of a dialogue with the Albanian community of Kosovo, towards a political solution to the problems of Kosovo.

In resolution 1203 (1998), the Security Council furthermore endorsed and supported the agreements concluded between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe on the one hand, and between the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization on the other. The Council demanded the prompt and full implementation of those agreements by the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Those agreements 8


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included precise commitments and obligations on the part of the Yugoslav Government.

Those obligations were not respected by Belgrade. However, every effort was made to prompt the Yugoslav Government to meet its obligations on the ground and t adhere to the Rambouillet agreements. Those efforts have been exhausted.

In recent weeks we have witnessed, together with the inflexibility of the Belgrade authorities in negotiating a peace agreement, an increase in tension and confrontation, with the massing of a powerful offensive capacity by the Yugoslav army, inspiring fears that there will be a new upsurge of massacres in a community of 2 million people. We cannot abandon that community to violent repression. What is at stake today is peace, peace in Europe — but human rights are also at stake.

The actions that have been decided upon are a response to the violation by Belgrade of its international obligations, which stem in particular from the Security Council resolutions adopted under Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter. The Belgrade authorities must be persuaded that the only way to settle the crisis in Kosovo is for them to halt their military offensives in Kosovo and to accept the framework defined by the Rambouillet agreements.

Mr. Hasmy (Malaysia): The Security Council is meeting today in reaction to the dramatic developments that are now taking place in Kosovo. For the past 13 months the continuing crisis in Kosovo has caused tremendous hardship and suffering to the civilian population in the province. The continued repressive actions on the part of the Yugoslav security forces against the Kosovar Albanian community, which have again intensified during the past few days, have led to tragic humanitarian consequences. Many lives have been lost, while more than half a million Kosovar Albanians have been forced to flee their burning homes and villages and seek refuge elsewhere in Kosovo and in the neighbouring countries.

The violence against the civilian population has been on the increase in recent weeks and days. The intensified terror tactics and military assaults by the Yugoslav forces against the ethnic Albanian community in many parts of the province represent the continuation of a systematic repression by the Yugoslav authorities to drive innocent civilians, especially women and children, out of Kosovo, reminiscent of the policy of ethnic cleansing that was carried out during the dark days of the Bosnian crisis.

According to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the current security environment in Kosovo is characterized by a disproportionate use of force, including heavy weaponry, by the Yugoslav authorities against the poorly armed Kosovar Albanians. One thing should be clear: combating the so-called acts of terrorism in Kosovo does not in any way justify gross human rights violations or the failure to respect international norms and international humanitarian law.

The Security Council supported the peace process initiated by the Contact Group back in January this year, which was designed to settle the crisis in Kosovo through peaceful means. My delegation cannot fail to express its appreciation for the strenuous efforts made by the members of the Contact Group, and in particular those that were determined to bring about the success of the peace negotiations in Rambouillet, which resumed in Paris last week. Unfortunately, the outcome of the negotiations was not as the international community had expected. Yugoslavia continues to reject the Rambouillet accords and has rebuffed all efforts to change its mind, while the Kosovar Albanian side has put its signature on them, despite serious reservations on its part. My delegation welcomes the decision by the Kosovar Albanian delegation to sign the Rambouillet accords. By that act, the Kosovar Albanians have chosen the path of peace, instead of continued conflict. That was, indeed, a courageous decision which ought to be commended by the international community and this Council.

My delegation believed that the crisis in Kosovo could have been resolved through dialogue and negotiations predicated on good faith and the necessary political will on the part of the parties concerned. Clearly, the Kosovar Albanian side has demonstrated this good faith and political will but, regrettably, the Yugoslav authorities have not. We had hoped that the intensive diplomatic efforts, culminating in the Rambouillet talks in February, which resumed in Paris last week, including all the efforts made right up to the eleventh hour, to secure an agreement from Belgrade, would succeed in finding a peaceful settlement and thereby avert the catastrophic humanitarian situation now unfolding in Kosovo. Regrettably, the hopes and expectations of the international community were dashed by the continued intransigence of the Yugoslav leadership.

As a matter of principle, my delegation is not in favour of the use or threat of use of force to resolve any conflict situation, regardless of where it occurs. If the use of force is at all necessary, it should be a recourse of last 9


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Security Council Fifty-fourth year resort, to be sanctioned by the Security Council, which has been vested with primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. The ongoing conflict in Kosovo could indeed — and will — have international. repercussions, given the still volatile situation in some of the neighbouring countries. In any case, the international community cannot afford to stand idly by, given the dimension of the violence on the ground and the worsening humanitarian conditions in Kosovo in the wake of the repressive military actions carried out by the Serbian and Yugoslav authorities.

My delegation would have wished that the crisis in Kosovo could be dealt with directly by the Council. It is regrettable that, given the divisions in the Council on this subject, during the past 13 months it has not been able to address the issue in any meaningful way. It is regrettable that in the absence of a consensus in the Council — thanks, or rather, no thanks, to the irreconcilable differences among permanent members — the Council has been denied the opportunity to firmly and decisively pronounce on this issue, as expected of it by the international community. We regret that in the absence of Council action on this issue it has been necessary for action to be taken outside of the Council.

We are seriously concerned about the current situation on the ground when, with the withdrawal of international observers and the onset of military actions by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Yugoslav authorities are likely to unleash their preponderant military might upon the poorly armed Albanians in retaliation. If this happens, the humanitarian impact on the Kosovar civilian population will be enormous and tragic indeed. This aspect of the problem must be immediately addressed by the international community and this Council. My delegation joins others in calling for international readiness. to provide humanitarian assistance to the Kosovar Albanians.

Mr. Andjaba (Namibia): The current crisis in the Serbian province of Kosovo in particular and in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in general is a source of great concern to us. The degree of brutality perpetrated on the civilian population, the massacre of women, children and the elderly, the displacement of people from their homes, kidnappings and the wanton destruction of property continue to take place in Kosovo.

What we have been yearning for in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, as in any crisis situation, is peace. More violence and destruction cannot salvage peace.

In numerous cases of conflict situations it has been the view of the Security Council — and rightly so — that military action is not the solution, but rather that peaceful means should be resorted to. This principle has been reaffirmed time and time again — and even recently, during the open meeting that the Council convened on Friday, 19 March 1999. It is a principle that we believe should not be used selectively.

My delegation wishes to underscore that military action against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia may not be the solution. Furthermore, the implications of this action may go beyond the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, thereby posing a serious threat to peace and security in the region.

Therefore, my delegation appeals for the immediate cessation of the ongoing military action and for the exhausting of all possible avenues for a peaceful resolution of the conflict.

Mr. Dangue Réwaka (Gabon) (spoke in French): The delegation of Gabon has always supported the efforts made by the Contact Group to lead the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to grant greater autonomy to its Kosovo province.

Like the members of the Contact Group, we have condemned the acts of terrorism committed by the Kosovo Liberation Army. We have also condemned the repressive measures taken against these acts. It is regrettable that all of these condemnations and these appeals aimed at achieving a political solution to the question of Kosovo were not heeded. In spite of this silence, we would have hoped that the Contact Group would continue to use all its authority to compel the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to sign the Rambouillet agreement, which gave rise to new hopes for a settlement of the situation in Kosovo.

My Government is in principle opposed to the use of force to settle local or international disputes.

Mr. Petrella (Argentina) (spoke in Spanish): The attacks by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) against Serb targets, which are taking place at this moment, are a source of great concern for Argentina. Since the peaceful settlement of disputes is one of the guiding principles of our foreign policy, we regret that 10


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the intransigence of the Belgrade Government has led to this result, which no member of this Council desires.

Argentina reiterates its position regarding the urgent need for strict compliance with Security Council resolutions 1160 (1998) and 1199 (1998), in which the humanitarian abuses in Kosovo were condemned.

Yesterday the Government of Argentina issued a communiqué in which it emphasized the need to create conditions conducive to a lasting peace, within a framework based on respect for human rights and for the principles of the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, as well as greater autonomy for Kosovo and protection of minorities.

We also wish to say that Argentina profoundly regrets the suffering of the innocent civilian population and any other victims that may result from this situation. But, as we indicated at the beginning, the responsibility lies with the Belgrade Government, since the objective of the military action is to avert a humanitarian catastrophe in Kosovo.

Lastly, we wish to make a sincere appeal to the Belgrade Government to return to the path of negotiation.

Sir Jeremy Greenstock (United Kingdom): President Milosevic has been engaged in repression of the Kosovo Albanians since he revoked Kosovo's extensive autonomy almost 10 years ago. During all this time he has declined seriously to pursue a political solution to the problem of Kosovo, a problem that everyone knew would lead to increased tension and that he, as leader of his nation, held the responsibility for remedying. Instead, he has chosen to use brute aggression against a peaceful population. Where is the outrage at that?

Since March last year, Serb violence against the population of Kosovo has increased massively. Over last summer and autumn, Serbian internal security forces and the Yugoslav army embarked on a series of offensives in western and central Kosovo, which were increasingly characterized by wanton destruction of homes, crops and livestock. Over 2,000 people have been killed in Kosovo since March 1998, and Serb scorched-earth tactics have forced over 300,000 people to flee their homes.

Today, President Milosevic is once again repeating the tactics of the summer, forcing people out of their homes and burning entire villages. In the past month alone he has created more than 65,000 new displaced people. While the Kosovo Albanians were signing the Rambouillet accords in Paris last week, Belgrade substantially reinforced its security-force presence in Kosovo and began a new offensive.

The international community — the Security Council, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the Contact Group and the United Nations and its agencies — have sought over the past year to persuade Belgrade to end the suffering it has caused and to agree a political settlement with the Kosovo Albanians providing for a substantial degree of self-government but also respecting the territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

In a series of resolutions, most recently resolutions 1199 (1998) and 1203 (1998), the Security Council has called on Belgrade to end actions against the civilian population and withdraw security forces responsible for repression, to cooperate with organizations engaged in humanitarian relief and to pursue a negotiated settlement. But Belgrade has rejected all of the Security Council's demands, and continues to act in defiance of the expressed will of the Council. In these circumstances, when diplomacy has failed, do we react just with further words?

In October, Ambassador Holbrooke negotiated a package with President Milosevic setting up an unarmed OSCE verification mission and a NATO-led air verification mission. President Milosevic also accepted a commitment to reduce his force levels in Kosovo. But President Milosevic tried to expel the head of the OSCE mission. His forces continued to repress, particularly in those areas where the mission was not present. The massacre at Racak showed his contempt for the mission and for the international community as a whole. And his force levels were, and remain, well above the agreed levels.

In recent months the Contact Group and Ambassadors Hill, Mayorsky and Petritsch, on behalf of the United States, the Russian Federation and the European Union, have taken the lead in seeking a negotiated settlement. Several months of painstaking shuttle diplomacy led to the talks in February and March at Rambouillet and at Paris on an interim settlement for Kosovo, underpinned by a NATO-led force: a truly exhaustive process. But President Milosevic refused to engage seriously in negotiations on an agreement. His intransigence led instead to the breakdown of the Rambouillet process. Since the ending of the talks, a 11


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further 25,000 people have been forced to flee their homes in the face of pre-planned military action by the Yugoslav army.

In defiance of the international community, President Milosevic has refused to accept the interim political settlement negotiated at Rambouillet, to observe the limits on security-force levels agreed on 25 October, and to end the excessive and disproportionate use of force in Kosovo. Because of his failure to meet these demands, we face a humanitarian catastrophe. NATO has been forced to take military action because all other means of preventing a humanitarian catastrophe have been frustrated by Serb behaviour.

We have taken this action with regret, in order to save lives. It will be directed towards disrupting the violent attacks being perpetrated by the Serb security forces and towards weakening their ability to create a humanitarian catastrophe. In the longer term, the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, whose mandate extends to Kosovo, will hold those responsible for violations of international humanitarian law accountable for their actions.

The action being taken is legal. It is justified as an exceptional measure to prevent an overwhelming humanitarian catastrophe. Under present circumstances in Kosovo, there is convincing evidence that such a catastrophe is imminent. Renewed acts of repression by the authorities of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia would cause further loss of civilian life and would lead to displacement of the civilian population on a large scale and in hostile conditions.

Every means short of force has been tried to avert this situation. In these circumstances, and as an exceptional measure on grounds of overwhelming humanitarian necessity, military intervention is legally justifiable. The force now proposed is directed exclusively to averting a humanitarian catastrophe, and is the minimum judged necessary for that purpose.

The focus of our discussion today is the crisis in Kosovo itself. But Belgrade should be under no illusion that we have taken our eye off the ball elsewhere in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. We are watching Serb behaviour closely in relation to Montenegro. We have also noted with dismay that the Federal Telecommunications Ministry, backed by police officers, raided Radio B92 on 24 March, closed the station down and detained its editor-in-chief. We condemn this action aimed at further reducing the right of free speech in Serbia.

Allow me to close with the following appeals to the two sides in the dispute. To the Kosovo Albanians our appeal is that they should remain on the path of peace which they chose by signing the Rambouillet accords in their entirety on 18 March. The United Kingdom urges them to show the utmost restraint in the next crucial days. And to the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia our appeal is that it is not too late to show at any time that they are ready to meet the demands of the international community. I strongly urge them to do so.

The President (spoke in Chinese): I shall now make a statement in my capacity as the representative of China.

Today, 24 March, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), with the United States in the lead, mobilized its airborne military forces and launched military strikes against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, seriously exacerbating the situation in the Balkan region. This act amounts to a blatant violation of the United Nations Charter and of the accepted norms of international law. The Chinese Government strongly opposes this act.

The question of Kosovo, as an internal matter of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, should be resolved among the parties concerned in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia themselves. Settlement of the Kosovo issue should be based on respect for the sovereignty an territorial integrity of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia and on guaranteeing the legitimate rights and interests of all ethnic groups in the Kosovo region. Recently, the parties concerned have been working actively towards a political settlement of the crisis. We have always stood for the peaceful settlement of disputes through negotiations, and are opposed to the use or threat of use of force in international affairs and to power politics whereby the strong bully the weak. We oppose interference in the internal affairs of other States, under whatever pretext or in whatever form.

It has always been our position that under the Charter it is the Security Council that bears primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. And it is only the Security Council that can determine whether a given situation threatens international peace and security and can take appropriate action. We are firmly opposed to any act that violates this principle and that challenges the authority of the Security Council. 12


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The Chinese Government vigorously calls for an immediate cessation of the military attacks by NATO against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. China calls on the international community and on the parties concerned in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia to make concerted efforts to stabilize the situation as soon as possible and to defuse the crisis so as to bring peace back to the Balkan region at an early date.

I now resume my functions as President of the Security Council.

Mr. Lavrov (Russian Federation) (spoke in Russian): I have already said what my position is. Nothing of what I have heard here has changed that position. In any case, the assertion that the traditional basis for the use of force lies beyond the confines of the United Nations Charter is something that I cannot take seriously. I have set forth my position, and it has absolutely not changed.

But I have taken the floor just to make two factual clarifications, as some of my colleagues have mentioned by way of argument certain events that were not quite presented correctly. I would like to make the facts known, particularly given that this is an open, public meeting at which Members of the United Nations that are not members of the Security Council are present. I must therefore clarify two points.

The first point has to do with some colleagues' mention of the fact that Russia is a member of the Contact Group. That is quite correct, but they went on to say that Russia was a co-sponsor of the package of documents of the Contact Group. That is only partially true. The Contact Group adopted a document in London that is the basis of the draft political settlement. It is also true that that document enjoys the full co-sponsorship of the Russian Federation. With regard to the military implementation, the Contact Group never discussed that document, not because the Russian Federation did not want it to be discussed but because our partners in the Contact Group decided to discuss the military aspects of the implementation of the agreement behind our backs, in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and not in the Contact Group. We were discussing this with our partners in the Contact Group and made offers so that questions about the implementation of the agreement would be the subject of co-sponsorship within the Contact Group. That was not done.

So when they say that Russia is a co-sponsor of everything that was rejected by Belgrade, that is not the true situation. Now, I repeat: our Western partners in the Contact Group decided to prepare and discuss the military aspects behind our backs, and Russia had nothing to do with that proposal. It was the choice of our Western partners to do this.

The second clarification that I wanted to make has to do with the statement made by some of our colleagues to the effect that NATO's actions became inevitable because one or two of the permanent members of the Security Council had blocked action in the Council. That is simply not correct, for one simple reason: no proposals on this topic were introduced in the Security Council by anyone. There was never any draft resolution; there were no informal discussions, not even in the corridors — at least not with one permanent member of the Security Council, namely, Russia. Those discussions never took place. I am not saying what the results of those discussions were, but to state now that one or two permanent members of the Security Council blocked action in the Council is simply, diplomatically speaking, not true.

These are the clarifications I wanted to make so that everyone knows what the facts are.

The President (spoke in Chinese): In accordance with the decision taken earlier in the meeting, I now invite Mr. Jovanović to make a statement.

Mr. Jovanović: Today, the armed forces of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) committed a unilateral act of the most brutal and unprovoked aggression against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, a sovereign and independent State and a founding Member of the United Nations. The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has not threatened any country or the peace and security of the region. It has been attacked because it sought to solve an internal problem and used its sovereign right to fight terrorism and prevent the secession of a part of its territory that has always belonged to Serbia and Yugoslavia.

The decision to attack an independent country has been taken outside the Security Council, the sole body responsible, under the Charter of the United Nations, for maintaining international peace and security. This blatant aggression is a flagrant violation of the basic principles of the Charter of the United Nations and is in direct contravention of its Article 53, paragraph 1, which states that, 13