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. Since the mutual position of the mirror was not known to me, I was unable to calculate the influence of this error, and it was only possible to estimate it only superficially, by making an appropriate assumption on that location, and by applying the usual formulas for the metal reflection. In this way, the calculation, however, led to a difference in the analyzer positions with respect to the two locations of the system, but it was clearly smaller than the differences observed by. It should be noted, incidentally, that by one of the experimental series, the heliostat mirror was replaced by a totally reflecting prism and that this seems to have been without influence on the results.

Everything taken together, the question is forced upon us, whether it might be possible to adapt the theory to observations, without ceasing to explain the other phenomena discussed in this work. I haven't succeeded in this, and I must therefore leave the whole question open, in the hope that others might overcome the difficulties that still exist.

That the improvement of the theory will not be so easy, and that the phenomena in the experiments of in any case did not happen in the way, as they were interpreted by him in his introductory observations, this is what I finally want to show.

It will suffice to consider for this purpose, a single glass plate. If we decompose the velocity of translation in two component that are perpendicular to the plate, or parallel, then, if we neglect magnitudes of second order, the effects of those components remain side by side. The problem can thus be reduced to two simpler cases. It is now possible, without making special assumptions about the nature of light oscillations, that a translation perpendicular to the plate, can not have the expected influence of ; we will derive some general considerations. As for the other direction of translation, we can not speak so determined; it can only be shown, that the


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 moving plate certainly not behaves like a stationary one of somewhat different refractive index.

§ 96. We consider two isotropic media (separated from each other by a plane) whose ponderable parts are either at rest, or move with a common velocity $$\mathfrak{p}$$ in a direction perpendicular to the marginal surface. If one part of this surface, whose dimensions are considerably larger than the wavelength, is hit by plane waves, which are laterally limited by a cylinder that shares the translation, then the reflection and refraction give rise to two similar light beams. Any theory of aberration has to assume now that, independent of translation, the describing lines of the cylindrical marginal-surfaces, the relative light rays, are subject to the ordinary laws of reflection and refraction.

Accordingly, we can once and for all imagine four cylinder: 1, 2, 3, 4, as those mentioned above, — we want to say "four paths of light" —, of which 1 and 2 are in the first, 3 and 4 in the second medium, and which belong together in the following way. From an incident motion in 1, a reflected one shall emerge in 2, and a transmitted one in 4, while also an incident beam in 3 gives rise to motions in 2 and 4. In reverse, incident oscillations in 2 or 4 will excite motions in paths 1 and 3.

For simplicity, we also assume that the part of the marginal surface that was hit by light, has two symmetry axes that are mutually perpendicular, one of which lies in the plane of incidence of the rays. The figure consisting of four light paths, thus has two symmetry planes which go through one of these axes and the normal to the marginal surface. That one, which coincides with the plane of incidence, may be called the first, the other one be called the second symmetry plane.

§ 97. Of the deviations from equilibrium that constitutes light, it shall be assumed that they

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 belong to vector quantities. If several such variables come into account, such as in the electro-magnetic theory of light: the dielectric polarization, the electric force, the magnetic force, or even the earlier vectors $$\mathfrak {D}'$$ and $$\mathfrak{H}'$$, then we have to imagine that for a given body (at a given beam direction, relative oscillation period and translation) these vectors were all determined by one of them. Thus it will be sufficient, to choose one of the vectors for consideration. This we call the light vector and introduce the following presuppositions, which partly includes a hypothesis about the nature of bodies and light, and partly a limitation in the choice of the light vector.

1°. If a state of motion exists in a system of bodies, in which the components of the light vector are certain functions of relative coordinates and time t, thus also the functions that arise when we replace t by -t, represents the values of the components that correspond to a possible motion. But, in the course of this reversal, we also have to reverse the motion and the velocity $$\mathfrak{p}$$.

2°. We also arrive at a possible motion, when we take the mirror image of an arbitrary, given motion in relation to a stationary plane, namely in such a way that both the translational velocity, as well as all light-vectors are replaced by the mirror images.

If we are dealing with the pure aether, then we satisfy these conditions if we choose the dielectric displacement as the light vector.

§ 98. In a  polarized light beam, the light vector is parallel at all points to a certain line; it can be decomposed into three mutually perpendicular components, the first having the direction of the beam, while the second lies in the plane of incidence and the third is perpendicular to it. Now, since the properties of a polarized beam, except the intensity and period of oscillation, only depends on one magnitude — such as the azimuths of the polarizer —, then the ratios between the mentioned components must have specific values, as soon as the ratio between the second and third is given; yet this single ratio


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 must be allowed to have any arbitrary value. This can also be expressed as: If we decompose the light vector into two components, of which one has the direction of the beam, while the other is perpendicular to it, then the latter can be arbitrarily rotated around the beam, and in every direction, the ratio is determined between the two.

The state of motion is thus completely known, once the nature of the body, the translation, the relative period, the ray direction and finally the direction and magnitude of the "transverse" component of the light vector, are given. At the places where we will later speak of the light vector, we will only think of that transverse component.

Now, if this vector in the incident light is perpendicular to the plane of incidence, it must also have the same direction in the reflected and transmitted beams; in the same way, also the light vector in these beams must be parallel to the plane of incidence, as soon as the light vector of the incident light lies in that plane. To justify these theorems, we only have to consider the mirror image of the entire state of motion in relation to the first plane of symmetry. For example, the light vector of the incident light might have the first of those directions. In the transition to the mirror image, this vector gets the opposite direction, or, as it can also be said, the opposite phase; the light vector of the other two light beams now must be changed in the same way, hence the accuracy of the above claim follows immediately.

The problem is now reduced to the two main cases, i.e. that the light vectors are everywhere perpendicular to the plane of incidence, or are everywhere located in its interior. In the course of the further investigation, we always have to think of one of these cases; however, it applies to one case as well as to the others.

As regards each light path, we call a certain direction of the light vector positive, and namely, this direction shall be the same for all the light paths in the first main-case, while in the second main-case the positive directions chosen for 2 and 4 are mirror images of those adopted for 1 and 3 with respect to the second plane of symmetry.

Eventually, in order to represent the vibrations conveniently,


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 we look at two pointsP and Q, which on both sides of the border area, lie in a fixed distance from it, at the intersection of two planes of symmetry.

Let P belong to the space, in which 1 and 2 are overlapping. Similarly, let Q simultaneously lie in 3 and 4. Only values of the light vectors in P and Q shall be given.

§ 99. If the light vector as regards incident motion has the value

$$q\ \cos\left(2\pi\frac{t}{T}+r\right)$$,

it can be represented (for a reflected or transmitted beam that emerges from it) by

$$a\ q\ \cos\left(2\pi\frac{t}{T}+r-b\right)$$,

where a and b are certain constants. In order to mutually distinguish the various cases, we want to append two indices on any of these magnitudes, the first of them is related to the path of the incident light, and the second is related to the beam that arose from it; additionally, also those a and b which remained without prime, are related to the case, when the translation is directed into the side of the incident light, while the primed letters apply to an equal and opposite displacement.

Let in light path 1 be an incident motion (while the system is progressing into the side of the first medium), at which the light vector has the value

$$\cos\ 2\pi\frac{t}{T}$$

From that, in 2 and 4 the light beams emerge which are represented by

$$a_{1.2}\ \cos\left(2\pi\frac{t}{T}-b_{1.2}\right)$$,

and

$$a_{1.4}\ \cos\left(2\pi\frac{t}{T}-b_{1.4}\right)$$,

Afterwards, we imagine this state of motion as reversed. First, we thus assume, that the translation is turned away from


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 the first medium, and second, we replace t by -t. Then we find, that in 1 the light emerges

when in the paths 2 and 4 the incident motions

and

exist.

However, since the light vector, which is generated by the motion (120) in the first path, has the value

and also the light vector emerging form (121), is to be replaced by

then it is given

From that if follows

and

§ 100. The following remark leads to a simple relation. If we start by a condition, at which the incident light follows path 1, and if we take the mirror image with respect to the second plane of symmetry (§ 96), then we arrive at a condition, at which the light is incident in 2. Consequently it has to be

and in the same way


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 For the difference $$b_{1.2}-b'_{2.1}$$ which comes into (123), we may put $$b_{1.2}-b'_{1.2}$$, which is evidently of order $$\mathfrak{p}/V$$, since the magnitudes $$b_{1.2}$$ and $$b'_{1.2}$$ are only different form one another by having different directions of translation.

By (123), also $$\sin\left(b_{1.4}-b_{4.1}\right)$$ must now be of order $$\mathfrak{p}/V$$. Since we additionally (without changing anything of the matter) can increase or decrease $$b_{4.1}$$ by a multiple of $$\pi$$, and also an uneven multiple of $$\pi$$ as long as the sign of $$a_{4.1}$$ is reversed, then we may assume, that also the angle $$b_{1.4}-b_{4.1}$$ itself is of order $$\mathfrak{p}/V$$. The two cosines in (122) thus differ from unity only by magnitudes of second order, so that we may put

In the same way

and under consideration of (124) and (125) we thus find

Now suppose, similarly to the experiment of, a plan-parallel glass plate (at whose two sides the aether is located) will be hit in oblique direction by a light beam, whose light vector has one of the directions previously distinguished, i.e. that it is polarized either in the plane of incidence, or perpendicular to it. The relation, be which the amplitude is diminished during the entrance, can thus be (depending in the direction of translation) represented by $$a_{1.4}$$ or $$a'_{1.4}$$, and also, as we can easily see, by the corresponding relation when leaving the plate by $$a_{4.1}$$ or $$a'_{4.1}$$. Altogether, the amplitude is thus altered in the ratio of 1 to $$a_{1.4}\ a_{4.1}$$ or $$a'_{1.4}\ a'_{4.1}$$. Now, since these products have the same value, the reversal of the translation changes nothing of the intensity of the leaving light, which consequently must be (except magnitudes of second order) the same, as if the plate would stand still: This is true for both main-positions of the polarization plane; consequently, when the incident rays are linearly polarized in an arbitrary way,


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 the oscillation direction of the transmitted light is independent of the translation.

Here, it is to be noticed, that for the plane of incidence, as well as for the component polarized perpendicularly to the plane of incidence, we have to assume the dragging coefficient of. Thus both are propagating with the same velocity, by which a phase difference between them and an elliptic polarization of the transmitted light is excluded.

§ 101. If the direction of translation is, as it was assumed in the last paragraph, not parallel to the marginal surface, but parallel to it, thus it must be distinguished, whether it lies in the plane of incidence, or perpendicular to it. We only want to consider the first case, and additionally restrict ourselves to the plane of incidence of polarized light.

At first it should be remembered, as to how we arrive to the value of the reflected amplitude for such light. If we choose the marginal surface with respect to y z-, and the plane of incidence with respect to the x z-plane, and we argue on the basis of the electromagnetic theory, then we have to put $$\mathfrak{E}_{x}=\mathfrak{E}_{z}=0$$, and also $$\mathfrak{H}_{y}=0$$, while the marginal conditions consist of the continuity $$\mathfrak{E}_{y,}\ \mathfrak{H}_{x}$$ and $$\mathfrak{H}_{z}$$. Since in every of both media it is given by equation ($$IV_c$$) (§ 52)

the the continuity of $$\mathfrak{H}_{x}$$ and $$\mathfrak{H}_{z}$$ has the same meaning as the continuity of $$\partial\mathfrak{E}_{y}/\partial z$$ and $$\partial\mathfrak{E}_{y}/\partial x$$. The first of those derivatives, however, will be steady, as soon as $$\mathfrak{E}_{y}$$ has this property itself, and at the end we are only dealing with $$\mathfrak{E}_{y}$$ and $$\frac{\partial\mathfrak{E}_{y}}{\partial x}$$.

Indeed — and this remark is true for every light theory — the known formula of is given, when we assume, that this or that magnitude that come into consideration as regards to oscillations, and simultaneously its derivative with respect to the normal of the marginal surface, is steady.

As regards plane waves, the differentiation with respect to x amounts to the same, as if we would differentiate with respect to t, and then multiply by a factor m dependent on the direction and velocity of the waves.


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 If we denote (for the incident, reflected and transmitted light) the values of the magnitude just mentioned in the immediate vicinity of the marginal surface by

and the values of m by

then we obtain as marginal conditions

and

The last formula leads — when we neglect additive constants — to

and it is further given by elimination of $$\varphi_{2}(t)$$

Now, that the amplitude of the reflected beam (at constant direction of the incident light) depends on the refractive index of the second body, stems from the fact, that, as it can easily be seen, $$m_2$$ changes with this exponent.

Now, in the next paragraph it should be demonstrated, that this $$m_2$$ (as long as the direction of the incident relative ray remains the same) is not affected by a translation in the direction of the z-axis. If it would be allowed to assume, that also with respect to a moving plate, the marginal conditions consist of the continuity of a certain magnitude $$\varphi$$ and its derivatives, then, at least for light polarized in the plane of incidence, we would have demonstrated the impossibility of the phenomenon sought by. However, in reality the assumption on the marginal conditions is not allowed without closer investigation; the things said show at least, however, that the moving plate in no ways acts as a stationary one of somewhat different refractive index.


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 § 102. Let, with respect to the previously introduced axes,

$$\cos\alpha,\ 0,\ \sin\alpha$$

be the direction constants of the rays incident on the plate. Neglecting magnitudes of second order, we consequently obtain the direction of the wave normal by application of the fundamental law of aberration; namely we have to compose a velocity V in the direction of the rays with a translational velocity $$\mathfrak{p}$$. Now, if the latter is parallel to the z-axis, then the direction constants of the wave normal become,

$$\cos\alpha',\ 0,\ \sin\alpha'$$

where

$$\alpha'=\alpha+\frac{\mathfrak{p}_{z}}{V}\cos\alpha$$

The absolute velocity of the waves is V; however, the relative velocity $$V'$$ will be found, when we diminish V by the component of $$\mathfrak{p}$$ with respect to the wave normal. If we understand by x, y, z relative coordinates, then for the incident light, expressions of the form

$$A\ \cos\frac{2\pi}{T}\left(t-\frac{x\ \cos\alpha'+z\ \sin\alpha'}{V'}+B\right)$$

apply, or

On the other hand, for glass we have to assume 's dragging coefficient. Consequently, when we denote the propagation velocity in stationary glass by W, and the directions constants of the wave normal in the plate by

$$\cos\beta,\ 0,\ \sin\beta$$

we have to put for the relative velocity of the waves with respect to glass, by (82),

To light in the plate an expression applies now, which has the form:


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and those will follow the incident oscillations in all points of the marginal surface, when the coefficient of z is the same as in formula (126).

Therefore we have

$$\sin\beta=\left(W-\mathfrak{p}_{z}\sin\beta\frac{W^{2}}{V^{2}}\right)\left(\frac{\sin\alpha}{V}+\frac{\mathfrak{p}_{z}}{V^{2}}\right)$$,

or we denote the refraction angle in the stationary plate by $$\beta_0$$, so that

$$\sin\beta_{0}=\frac{W}{V}\sin\alpha$$

$$\sin\beta=\sin\beta_{0}+\frac{W\mathfrak{p}_{z}}{V^{2}}\cos^{2}\beta_{0}$$.

From that it follows

However, for the factor which we above have called $$m_2$$, the value is given by (128)

$$-\frac{\cos\beta}{W'}$$,

and this one, in consequence of (127) and (129), actually is independent of the translation.


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text:
Author:Oliver Mitchell Wentworth Sprague

Works

 * "Theories of Government in the Renaissance" in The Harvard Classics, Vol. 51 (1914)
 * "John Stuart Mill" in The Harvard Classics Vol. 51 (1914)


text: Author talk:Oliver Mitchell Wentworth Sprague


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Rh CHAPTER III.

I now begin to understand something of their language: of their customs I had seen quite enough; but what could I do?—how could I escape?

We next joined, the Bengali tribe, and went with them to their hunting ground, a place surrounded by the sea and the Barwin River—each, tribe having its particular locality, which they considered a sort of inheritance. Here we erected our huts, and killed a


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38 great number of kangaroo. By eating this food continually, I soon recovered my usual health and strength; for my friends, in their kindness, always served me with the choicest portion of everything they had; so that I had great occasion to be thankful. That I was sufficiently grateful to the Almighty, who had so wonderfully preserved me through such extraordinary sufferings and dangers, I cannot say; for my early notions of religion had been nearly destroyed by the unsettled life I had led, and the want of proper moral instruction. The excellent precepts instilled into my mind by my good old grandfather and grandmother had been long since neutralized, or smothered in the camp, in riotous company, and in the bad society into which I had been thrown by my imprudence. Nevertheless, in the wilderness, as I have already said, I often prayed earnestly and fervently to the great Creator of the Universe for health, and strength, and forgiveness.

At this time we killed an emu, a sort of ostrich, a bird of very large size, and excellent for its flavour. It cannot rise upon the wing, but runs with amazing swiftness.

After staying on this hunting ground for some months, I know not how long, we started again for a new locality, our supplies of game beginning to fall short in consequence of our continued hunting. Having arrived at a place good for this purpose, as they thought, we pitched, or rather erected our bark tents, having killed two immense large wild dogs on our way. The limbs of these animals they broke, and flinging them on


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Rh the fire, they kept them there until the hair was singed, they then took out the entrails, and roasted the bodies between heated stones, covering them over with sheets of bark and earth. After this process, which lasted two hours, they were ready for eating, and were considered a dish fit for an Exquisite. They handed me a leg of one, as the best part, but I could not fancy it; and on my smelling it, and turning up my nose, they were much amused, laughing away at a great rate. No doubt, they thought my having died and been made white had strangely altered my taste in such matters. As for themselves, they set to work with great zest, making all the time motions to me to fall too also. At length, I exchanged my portion with a neighbour, who gave me for my dog's leg a fine piece of kangaroo, my friend laughing very much at the idea of having the best of the bargain.

The natives consider the wild dogs, and kangaroo rats, great luxuries. They take the former whilst young, and tame them for hunting. The man who kills the game seldom claims the first portion of it, but of the second animal speared, if it be a kangaroo, he has the head, and tail, and best part of the back and loins. As for myself, they always gave me a share, whether I hunted with them or not.

My not being able to talk with them they did not seem to think at all surprising—my having been made white after death, in their opinion, having made me foolish; however, they took considerable pains to teach me their language, and expressed great delight when I


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40 got hold of a sentence, or even a word, so as to pronounce it somewhat correctly; they then would chuckle, and laugh, and give me great praise.

I now became a tolerable efficient sportsman, being able to throw the spear, and handle the tomahawk very adroitly. They also instructed me in every art they knew. They taught me to skin the kangaroo and opossums with muscle-shells, in the same way sheep are dressed with the knife; to stretch and dry them in the sun; to prepare the sinews for sewing them together for rugs; and to trim them with pieces of flint. I became, also, expert at catching eels, by spearing them in the lakes and rivers; but in the latter they generally catch them with lines—the bait being a large earth worm. Having these worms ready, they get a piece of elastic bark, and some long grass, on which they string them; this is tied to a rod, and as the eel, after biting, holds on tenaciously, he is thrown or rather jerked upon the bank, in the same way as boys catch the cray-fish in England. Some of these eels are very fine, and large. They are generally—and more easily—caught by the natives during the night, and are eaten roasted. They used to take me out on calm evenings to teach me how to spear salmon, bream, &c. Their manner is to get some very dry sticks, cut them into lengths of ten or twelve feet, tie several of these together into a kind of faggot, and then light the thickest end; with this torch blazing in one hand, and a spear in the other, they go into the water, and the fish seeing it, crowd round and are easily killed and taken. This—as the


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Siebengebirge


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Siebold, Carl Theodor Ernst von


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1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Siebold, Philipp Franz von

SIEBOLD, PHILIPP FRANZ VON (1796-1866), scientific explorer of Japan, elder brother of the physiologist, was born

at Würzburg, Germany, on the 17th of February 1796. He studied medicine and natural science at Würzburg, and obtained his doctor's diploma in 1820. In 1822 he entered the service of the king of the Netherlands as medical officer to the East Indian Army. On his arrival at Batavia he was attached to a new mission to Japan, sent by the Dutch with a view to improve their trading relations with that country. Siebold was well equipped with scientific apparatus, and he remained in Japan for six years, with headquarters at the Dutch settlement on the little island of Deshima. His medical qualifications enabled him to find favour with the Japanese, and he gathered a vast amount of information concerning a country then very little known, especially concerning its natural history and ethnography. He had comparatively free access to the interior, and his reputation spreading far and wide brought him visitors from all parts of the country. His valuable stores of information were enriched by trained natives whom he sent to collect for him in the interior. In 1824 he published De historiae naluralis in Japonia statu and in 1832 his splendid Fauna Japonica. His knowledge of the language enabled him also in 1826 to issue from Batavia his Epitome linguae Japonicae. In Deshima he also laid the foundation of his Catalogus librorum Japonicorum and Isagoge in bibliothecam Japonicam, published after his return to Europe, as was his Bibliotheca Japonica, which, with the co-operation of J. Hoffmann, appeared at Leiden in 1833. During the visit which he was permitted to make to Yedo (Tokio), Siebold made the best of the rare opportunity; his zeal, indeed, outran his discretion, since, for obtaining a native map of the country, he was thrown into prison and compelled to quit Japan on the 1st of January 1830. On his return to Holland he was raised to the rank of major, and in 1842 to that of colonel. After his arrival in Europe he began to give to the world the fruits of his researches and observations in Japan. His Nippon; Archiv zur Beschreibung von Japan und dessen Neben- und Schutz-Ländern was issued in five quarto volumes of text, with six folio volumes of atlas and engravings. He also issued many fragmentary papers on various aspects of Japan. In 1854 he published at Leiden Urkundliche Darstellung der Bestrebungen Niederlands und Russlands zur Eröffnung Japans. In 1859 Siebold undertook a second journey to Japan, and was invited by the emperor to his court. In 1861 he obtained permission from the Dutch government to enter the Japanese service as negotiator between Japan and the powers of Europe, and in the same year his eldest son was made interpreter to the English embassy at Yedo. Siebold was, however, soon obliged by various intrigues to retire from his post, and ultimately from Japan. Returning by Java to Europe in 1862, he set up his ethnographical collections, which were ultimately secured by the government of Bavaria and removed to Munich. He continued to publish papers on various Japanese subjects, and received honours from many of the learned societies of Europe. He died at Munich on the 18th of October 1866.


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 Rh individual, that resembles only himself, that has got loose from the morality of custom, the autonomous "super-moral" individual (for "autonomous" and "moral" are mutually exclusive terms),—in short, the man of the personal, long, and independent will, competent to promise,—and we find in him a proud consciousness (vibrating in every fibre), of what has been at last achieved and become vivified in him, a genuine consciousness of power and freedom, a feeling of human perfection in general. And this man who has grown to freedom, who is really competent to promise, this lord of the free will, this sovereign—how is it possible for him not to know how great is his superiority over everything incapable of binding itself by promises, or of being its own security, how great is the trust, the awe, the reverence that he awakes—he "deserves" all three—not to know that with this mastery over himself he is necessarily also given the mastery over circumstances, over nature, over all creatures with shorter wills, less reliable characters? The "free" man, the owner of a long unbreakable will, finds in this possession his standard of value: looking out from himself upon the others, he honours or he despises, and just as necessarily as he honours his peers, the strong and the reliable (those who can bind themselves by promises),—that is, every one who promises like a sovereign, with difficulty, rarely and slowly, who is sparing with his trusts but confers honour by the very fact of trusting, who gives his word as something that can be relied on, because he knows himself strong enough to keep it even in the teeth of disasters, even in the "teeth of fate,"—so with equal necessity will he have the heel of his foot ready for the

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44 lean and empty jackasses, who promise when they have no business to do so, and his rod of chastisement ready for the liar, who already breaks his word at the very minute when it is on his lips. The proud knowledge of the extraordinary privilege of responsibility, the consciousness of this rare freedom, of this power over himself and over fate, has sunk right down to his innermost depths, and has become an instinct, a dominating instinct—what name will he give to it, to this dominating instinct, if he needs to have a word for it? But there is no doubt about it—the sovereign man calls it his conscience.

3.

His conscience?—One apprehends at once that the idea "conscience," which is here seen in its supreme manifestation, supreme in fact to almost the point of strangeness, should already have behind it a long history and evolution. The ability to guarantee one's self with all due pride, and also at the same time to say yes to one's self—that is, as has been said, a ripe fruit, but also a late fruit:—How long must needs this fruit hang sour and bitter on the tree! And for an even longer period there was not a glimpse of such a fruit to be had—no one had taken it on himself to promise it, although everything on the tree was quite ready for it, and everything was maturing for that very consummation. "How is a memory to be made for the man-animal? How is an impression to be so deeply fixed upon this ephemeral understanding, half dense, and half silly, upon this incarnate forgetfulness, that it will be permanently present?" As

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 Rh one may imagine, this primeval problem was not solved by exactly gentle answers and gentle means; perhaps there is nothing more awful and more sinister in the early history of man than his system of mnemonics. "Something is burnt in so as to remain in his memory: only that which never stops hurting remains in his memory." This is an axiom of the oldest (unfortunately also the longest) psychology in the world. It might even be said that wherever solemnity, seriousness, mystery, and gloomy colours are now found in the life of the men and of nations of the world, there is some survival of that horror which was once the universal concomitant of all promises, pledges, and obligations. The past, the past with all its length, depth, and hardness, wafts to us its breath, and bubbles up in us again, when we become "serious." When man thinks it necessary to make for himself a memory, he never accomplishes it without blood, tortures and sacrifice; the most dreadful sacrifices and forfeitures (among them the sacrifice of the first-born), the most loathsome mutilation (for instance, castration), the most cruel rituals of all the religious cults (for all religions are really at bottom systems of cruelty)—all these things originate from that instinct which found in pain its most potent mnemonic. In a certain sense the whole of asceticism is to be ascribed to this: certain ideas have got to be made inextinguishable, omnipresent, "fixed," with the object of hypnotising the whole nervous and intellectual system through these "fixed ideas"—and the ascetic methods and modes of life are the means of freeing those ideas from the competition of all other ideas so as to make them "unforgettable." The worse memory man

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46 had, the ghastlier the signs presented by his customs; the severity of the penal laws affords in particular a gauge of the extent of man's difficulty in conquering forgetfulness, and in keeping a few primal postulates of social intercourse ever present to the minds of those who were the slaves of every momentary emotion and every momentary desire. We Germans do certainly not regard ourselves as an especially cruel and hard-hearted nation, still less as an especially casual and happy-go-lucky one; but one has only to look at our old penal ordinances in order to realise what a lot of trouble it takes in the world to evolve a "nation of thinkers" (I mean: the European nation which exhibits at this very day the maximum of reliability, seriousness, bad taste, and positiveness, which has on the strength of these qualities a right to train every kind of European mandarin). These Germans employed terrible means to make for themselves a memory. to enable them to master their rooted plebeian instincts and the brutal crudity of those instincts: think of the old German punishments, for instance, stoning (as far back as the legend, the millstone falls on the head of the guilty man), breaking on the wheel (the most original invention and speciality of the German genius in the sphere of punishment), dart-throwing, tearing, or trampling by horses ("'quartering"), boiling the criminal in oil or wine (still prevalent in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries), the highly popular flaying ("slicing into strips"), cutting the flesh out of the breast; think also of the evil-doer being besmeared with honey, and then exposed to the flies in a blazing sun. It was by the help of such images and precedents that man eventually kept in his memory

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1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Siedlce (government)

SIEDLCE (Russian Syedlets), a government of Russian Poland, between the Vistula and the Bug, having the governments of Warsaw on the W., Lomza on the N., Grodno and Volhynia on the E., Lublin on the S., and Radom on the S.W. Its area is 5533 sq. m. The surface is mostly flat, only a few hilly tracts appearing in the middle, around Biala, and in the east on the banks of the Bug. Extensive marshes occur in the north and in the south-east. Cretaceous, Jurassic and Tertiary strata cover the surface, and are overlain by widely spread Glacial deposits. The valley of the Vistula is mostly wide, with several terraces covered with sand-dunes or peat-bogs. Siedlce is drained by the Vistula, which borders it for 50 m. on the west; by the Bug, which is navigable from Opalin in Volhynia and flows for 170 m. on the east and north-east borders; by the Wieprz, a tributary of the Vistula, which is also navigable, and flows for 25 m. along the southern boundary; and by the Liwiec, a tributary of the Bug, which is navigable for some 30 m. below Wegrow. Of the total area only 5.2% is unproductive; 48.1% is under crops and 17.2 under meadows and pasture land. The estimated

population in 1906 was 907,700. The inhabitants consist of Little Russians (40%), Poles (43%), Jews (15½%) and Germans (1½%). The government is divided into nine districts, the chief towns of which are the capital Siedlce, Biala, Konstantinow, Garwolin, Lukow, Radzyn, Sokolow, Wegrow, Wlodawa. The main occupation is agriculture, the principal crops being rye, wheat, oats, barley and potatoes. The area under forests amounts to 19.6% of the total. Live-stock breeding is second in importance to agriculture. Manufactures and trade are insignificant.


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 Rh five or six "I will nots" with regard to which he had already given his promise, so as to be able to enjoy the advantages of society—and verily with the help of this kind of memory man eventually attained "reason"! Alas! reason, seriousness, mastery over the emotions, all these gloomy, dismal things which are called reflection, all these privileges and pageantries of humanity: how dear is the price that they have exacted! How much blood and cruelty is the foundation of all "good things"!

4.

But how is it that that other melancholy object, the consciousness of sin, the whole "bad conscience," came into the world? And it is here that we turn back to our genealogists of morals. For the second time I say—or have I not said it yet?—that they are worth nothing. Just their own five-spans-long limited modern experience; no knowledge of the past, and no wish to know it; still less a historic instinct, a power of "second sight" (which is what is really required in this case)—and despite this to go in for the history of morals. It stands to reason that this must needs produce results which are removed from the truth by something more than a respectful distance.

Have these current genealogists of morals ever allowed themselves to have even the vaguest notion, for instance, that the cardinal moral idea of "ought" originates from

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 The whole number of persons present could not have been less than twelve thousand. Large numbers were present from Chicago, Galena, Springfield, Peoria, Quincy, Rock Island, Bloomington, Alton and other distant towns. The crowd was considerably larger on the ground than that which assembled in this city on the night of Douglas' opening speech.

At half past two, Mr. Douglas took the front of the platform, amid the cheers of the Hibernians, who had fought their way to the front, and said:

Mr. Lincoln then came forward and was greeted with loud and protracted cheers from fully two-thirds of the audience. This was admitted by the Douglas men on the platform. It was some minutes before he could make himself heard, even by those on the stand. At last he said:

When Lincoln had concluded his masterly and crushing indictment and conviction, amidst the applause of thousands of voices, Douglas sprang to his feet to reply. His face was livid with passion and excitement. All his plans had been demolished, himself placed in the criminal's box to answer to an indictment, and make head against a mountain of damning testimony heaped up against him by his antagonist. We have never seen a human face so distorted with rage. He resembled a wild beast in looks and gesture, and a maniac in language and argument. He made no adequate reply to the heavy charges brought against him, save to call everybody "liars" who alleged to believe them. He finished up by renewing his miserable charges and repeatin [sic] his irrelevant questions, and claiming with a grand flourish, that Lincoln had not refuted the one nor answered the other; boasted that he had won the victory, and threatened what awful things he would do when he would next meet Lincoln at Freeport. The bodyguard of five or six hundred Irish Papists stood close by him yelling and cheering at all he said, perfectly indifferent whether it was sound sense or wild raving.

It was the opinion of every unprejudiced listener, that Douglas

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1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Siedlce (town)

SIEDLCE, a town of Russia, capital of the government of the same name, 56 m. E.S.E. of the city of Warsaw, on the Brest-Litovsk railway. It is a Roman Catholic episcopal see. The Oginskis, to whom it belonged, have embellished it with a palace and gardens; but it is nothing more than a large village. Pop. 23,714 (1897), two-thirds Jews.


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48 the very material idea of "owe"? Or that punishment developed as a retaliation absolutely independently of any preliminary hypothesis of the freedom or determination of the will?—And this to such an extent, that a high degree of civilisation was always first necessary for the animal man to begin to make those much more primitive distinctions of "intentional," "negligent," "accidental," "responsible," and their contraries, and apply them in the assessing of punishment. That idea—"the wrong-doer deserves punishment because he might have acted otherwise," in spite of the fact that it is nowadays so cheap, obvious, natural, and inevitable, and that it has had to serve as an illustration of the way in which the sentiment of justice appeared on earth, is in point of fact an exceedingly late, and even refined form of human judgment and inference; the placing of this idea back at the beginning of the world is simply a clumsy violation of the principles of primitive psychology. Throughout the longest period of human history punishment was never based on the responsibility of the evil-doer for his action, and was consequently not based on the hypothesis that only the guilty should be punished;—on the contrary, punishment was inflicted in those days for the same reason that parents punish their children even nowadays, out of anger at an injury that they have suffered, an anger which vents itself mechanically on the author of the injury—but this anger is kept in bounds and modified through the idea that every injury has somewhere or other its equivalent price, and can really be paid off, even though it be by means of pain to the author. Whence is it that this ancient deep-rooted and now perhaps

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1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Siegburg

SIEGBURG, a town of Germany, in the Prussian Rhine Province, on the river Sieg, 16 m. by rail S.E. of Cologne by the railway to Giessen. Pop. (1905) 14,878. It has a royal shell factory, calico-printing mills, lignite mines, stone quarries and pottery and tobacco factories. The parish church, dating from the 13th century, possesses several richly decorated reliquaries of the 12th to 15th centuries. The buildings of the Benedictine abbey, founded in 1066, are now used as a prison. The town, which was founded in the 11th century, attained the height of its prosperity in the 15th and 16th centuries owing to its pottery wares. Siegburg pitchers (Siegburger Krüge) were widely famed. Their shape was often fantastic and they are now eagerly sought by collectors.

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 THE PIED PIPER OF HAMELIN.

IVE years ago, "as I walk'd through the wilderness of this world, I lighted on a certain place" called Hanover, and tarried there awhile. Encouraged by the assurance of Browning, that—

I formed an enthusiastic resolve to tread in the footsteps of the "Pied Piper", and to do what I could to investigate the history of that old North-German tradition, smiled on by the genius of our great poet, and added within the last halfcentury to the common stock of English nursery-delights. The undertaking was greater than I anticipated. I had not realised that to one with a scarce school-girl knowledge of the language of the country, research would prove even more difficult than it is wont to be; and I had trusted too blindly to Browning's exactness in the matter of topography. That "Hamelin Town's in" Hanover, and not in Brunswick, was of no real consequence; but that "by famous Hanover city", translated into prose, should signify over twenty-five miles off—fifty there and back, to be impressed on the memory by the "calm deliberation" of a State railway—was a fact of serious importance to one who had but little leisure for excursions. However, I did contrive to trot my hobby thrice to Hameln, and I set my seven senses loose on the track of the Piper. Of course they were at fault: the Pied One ran to earth six centuries ago, and may not since then have visited "the glimpses of the moon"; but, in spite of that, I derived some sort of satisfaction from my introduction to the place; and as I have since,


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 Rh idea has drawn its strength, this idea of an equivalency between injury and pain? I have already revealed its origin, in the contractual relationship between creditor and ower, that is as old as the existence of legal rights at all, and in its turn points back to the primary forms of purchase, sale, barter, and trade.

5.

The realisation of these contractual relations excites, of course (as would be already expected from our previous observations), a great deal of suspicion and opposition towards the primitive society which made or sanctioned them. In this society promises will be made; in this society the object is to provide the promiser with a memory; in this society, so may we suspect, there will be full scope for hardness, cruelty, and pain: the "ower," in order to induce credit in his promise of repayment, in order to give a guarantee of the earnestness and sanctity of his promise, in order to drill into his own conscience the duty, the solemn duty, of repayment, will, by virtue of a contract with his creditor to meet the contingency of his not paying, pledge something that he still possesses, something that he still has in his power, for instance, his life or his wife, or his freedom or his body (or under certain religious conditions even his salvation, his soul's welfare, even his peace in the grave; so in Egypt, where the corpse of the ower found even in the grave no rest from the creditor—of course, from the Egyptian standpoint, this peace was a matter of particular importance). But especially has the creditor the power of inflicting on

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50 the body of the ower all kinds of pain and torture—the power, for instance, of cutting off from it an amount that appeared proportionate to the greatness of the debt;—this point of view resulted in the universal prevalence at an early date of precise schemes of valuation, frequently horrible in the minuteness and meticulosity of their application, legally sanctioned schemes of valuation for individual limbs and parts of the body. I consider it as already a progress, as a proof of a freer, less petty, and more Roman conception of law, when the Roman Code of the Twelve Tables decreed that it was immaterial how much or how little the creditors in such a contingency cut off, "si plus minusve secuerunt, ne fraude esto." Let us make the logic of the whole of this equalisation process clear; it is strange enough. The equivalence consists in this: instead of an advantage directly compensatory of his injury (that is, instead of an equalisation in money, lands, or some kind of chattel), the creditor is granted by way of repayment and compensation a certain sensation of satisfaction—the satisfaction of being able to vent, without any trouble, his power on one who is powerless, the delight "de faire le mal pour le plaisir de la faire," the joy in sheer violence: and this joy will be relished in proportion to the lowness and humbleness of the creditor in the social scale, and is quite apt to have the effect of the most delicious dainty, and even seem the foretaste of a higher social position. Thanks to the punishment of the "ower," the creditor participates in the rights of the masters. At last he too, for once in a way, attains the edifying consciousness of being able to despise and ill-treat a creature—as an "inferior"—or at any rate of seeing

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 228 and per alios, taken much pains to get at the literature of my subject, I hope I may be borne with as I attempt to set a portion of the result before the readers of.

Hameln is a charming old town, and if you go there knowing that it is one of the shrines of folk-lore, and go in sympathetic mood, you will feel as if you had passed out of every-day environment into story-land, and may wonder whether you have done so in a dream, or whether the bliss be yours in tangible reality. If in a dream, that would account for divers incongruities, and take away the shock of intrusive modernisms for which it were folly to blame the 11,000 who make the place their home, and whose main care it cannot be to live up to the picturesque tradition of which it is the scene. A very little make-believe, an equal knowledge of the history of architectural styles, and then, when you are in the quaint main street, whatever season and whatever year it be for other folk, it is with you the festival of SS. John and Paul, the 26th of June 1284; and you set your ears to catch some echo of the strain which wiled the lost but never-yet-forgotten children forth. Shortly after the Osterstrasse is entered on, a fine early 17th century dwelling, on the left, is safe to claim attention; it goes by the name of the Rattenfanger (i.e., Ratcatcher's) Haus, and is probably so called because the end which abuts on the Bungelosestrasse has an inscription, in German, more archaic than the building itself, commemorating the Outgoing. At the other extremity of the Osterstrasse is a similar record on the Wedding- or Hochzeitshaus, a fine


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 Rh him being despised and ill-treated, in case the actual power of punishment, the administration of punishment, has already become transferred to the "authorities." The compensation consequently consists in a claim on cruelty and a right to draw thereon.

6.

It is then in this sphere of the law of contract that we find the cradle of the whole moral world of the ideas of "guilt," "conscience," "duty," the "sacredness of duty,"—their commencement, like the commencement of all great things in the world, is thoroughly and continuously saturated with blood. And should we not add that this world has never really lost a certain savour of blood and torture (not even in old Kant: the categorical imperative reeks of cruelty). It was in this sphere likewise that there first became formed that sinister and perhaps now indissoluble association of the ideas of "guilt" and "suffering." To put the question yet again, why can suffering be a compensation for "owing"?—Because the infliction of suffering produces the highest degree of happiness, because the injured party will get in exchange for his loss (including his vexation at his loss) an extraordinary counter-pleasure: the infliction of suffering—a real feast, something that, as I have said, was all the more appreciated the greater the paradox created by the rank and social status of the creditor. These observations are purely conjectural; for, apart from the painful nature of the task, it is hard to plumb such profound depths: the clumsy introduction of the idea of "revenge" as a

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Rh to be accomplished? I have heard of only three gentlemen, as yet, who appear undecided upon this subject. Among these is. He is sufficiently alarmed, but afraid that the country is not prepared. I believe that some proper step must be taken before there will be that preparedness that he wishes. Mr. , I believe, retains a great degree of apathy. The other gentleman's opinion is, I believe, governed in some measure by Mr. . But a settled determination that this must be done has taken fast hold of some minds where you would expect more timidity. It seems to be the opinion of those with whom I have conversed that two things must be done with a view to accomplish the desired object,—one by you gentlemen of Congress, and the other by the legislatures of the States. We believe, in the present state of alarm and anxiety among Federalists, that if you gentlemen at Congress will come out with a bold address to your constituents, taking a view of what has been done under the present administration, with glowing comments on the ruinous tendencies of the measures, and if this should be done before the sitting of our legislature, or rather the election of the members thereof, that this will produce all that preparedness that is wanted. I know that it will animate the body of the people beyond any other possible method, and give a death-wound to the progress of Democracy in this part of the country; that this ought to be followed up by the legislatures by such declarations as may have the strongest tendency to secure the object aimed at. In what manner this separation is to be accomplished is to me wholly in the dark, unless the amendment is adopted by three-fourths of the legislatures, and rejected by Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Connecticut, upon the last ground taken by Delaware. In such case, I can see a foundation laid."

, Feb. 11, 1804.

,—The conduct of our rulers reminds me of your early predictions, coeval I believe with Mr. Jefferson's inaugural


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Rh reader is perhaps aware—is the general practice throughout all the world: and I mention the custom merely as one amongst others. They cook their fish by roasting, but they do so somewhat more carefully than their other food; for they put thick layers of green grass on the hot ashes, and lay their fish upon them, covering them with another layer, and then some hot ashes upon the top. In this way they bake as well—but not so cleanly—as in an oven.

Before we left this place, we were unexpectedly intruded upon by a very numerous tribe, about three hundred. Their appearance, coming across the plain, occasioned great alarm, as they were seen to be the Waarengbadawá, with whom my tribe was at enmity. On their approach, our men retreated into the lake, and smeared their bodies all over with clay, preparatory to a fight. The women ran with their children into the bush, and hid themselves, and being a living dead man, as they supposed, I was told to accompany them. On the hostile tribe coming near, I saw they were all men, no women being amongst them. They were smeared all over with red and white clay, and were by far the most hideous looking savages I had seen. In a very short time the fight began, by a shower of spears from the contending parties. One of our men advanced singly, as a sort of champion; he then began to dance and sing, and beat himself about with his war implements; presently they all sat down, and he seated himself also. For a few minutes all was silent; then our champion stood up, and commenced dancing and


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42 singing again. Seven or eight of the savages—for so I must call them—our opponents, then got up also, and threw their spears at him; but, with great dexterity, he warded them off, or broke them every one, so that he did not receive a single wound. They then threw their boomerangs at him, but he warded them off also, with ease. After this, one man advanced, as a sort of champion from their party, to within three yards of him, and threw his boomerang, but the other avoided the blow by falling on his hands and knees, and instantly jumping up again he shook himself like a dog coming out of the water. At seeing this, the enemy shouted out in their language "enough," and the two men went and embraced each other. After this, the same two beat their own heads until the blood ran down in streams over their shoulders.

A general fight now commenced, of which all this had been the prelude, spears and boomerangs flying in all directions. The sight was very terrific, and their yells and shouts of defiance very horrible. At length one of our tribe had a spear sent right through his body, and he fell. On this, our fellows raised a war cry; on hearing which, the women threw off their rugs, and each armed with a short club, flew to the assistance of their husbands and brothers; I being peremptorily ordered to stay where I was: my supposed brother's wife remaining with me. Even with this augmentation, our tribe fought to great disadvantage, the enemy being all men, and much more numerous.

As I have said in the early part of this narrative, I


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52 -link simply hides and obscures the view instead of rendering it clearer (revenge itself simply leads back again to the identical problem—"How can the infliction of suffering be a satisfaction?'). In my opinion it is repugnant to the delicacy, and still more to the hypocrisy of tame domestic animals (that is, modern men; that is, ourselves), to realise with all their energy the extent to which cruelty constituted the great joy and delight of ancient man, was an ingredient which seasoned nearly all his pleasures, and conversely the extent of the naivete and innocence with which he manifested his need for cruelty, when he actually made as a matter of principle "disinterested malice" (or, to use Spinoza's expression, the sympathia malevolens) into a normal characteristic of man—as consequently something to which the conscience says a hearty yes. The more profound observer has perhaps already had sufficient opportunity for noticing this most ancient and radical joy and delight of mankind; in Beyond Good and Evil, Aph. 188 (and even earlier, in The Dawn of Day, Aphs. 18, 77, 113), I have cautiously indicated the continually growing spiritualisation and "deification" of cruelty, which pervades the whole history of the higher civilisation (and in the larger sense even constitutes it). At any rate the time is not so long past when it was impossible to conceive of royal weddings and national festivals on a grand scale, without executions, tortures, or perhaps an auto-da-fé, or similarly to conceive of an aristocratic household, without a creature to serve a butt for the cruel and malicious baiting of the inmates. (The reader will perhaps remember Don Quixote at the court of the Duchess: we read nowadays the whole

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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Garfield, Harry Augustus

GARFIELD, Harry Augustus, American educator and public official: b. Hiram, Portage County, Ohio, 11 Oct. 1863. He is a son of James A. Garfield, 20th President of the United States; was educated at Williams College, where he was graduated in 1885. In 1885-86 he taught Latin and Roman history at Saint

Paul's School, Concord, N. H., and practised law in Cleveland from 1888 to 1903. From 1891 to 1897 he was professor of contracts at the Law School of Western Reserve University; in 1903-08 was professor of politics at Princeton, and in the latter year was appointed president of Williams College. In 1908-09 he was president of the Cleveland Chamber of Commerce and in 1896 helped to organize the Cleveland Municipal Association, of which he was afterward president. In 1917, soon after the entrance of the United States into the World War, President Wilson appointed Mr. Garfield fuel controller. Because of the shortage of coal in the Northeastern States, especially New York City, and in Ohio, his administration of the office was severely criticized in the press, but Congressional investigation showed that the shortage was due to failure of the railroads to meet the extra demands upon them, and the situation cleared soon after Federal control of the roads was instituted, 28 Dec. 1917.


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Rh had seen skirmishing and fighting in Holland; and knew something therefore, of what is done when men are knocking one another about with powder and shot, in real earnest, but the scene now before me was much more frightful—both parties looking like so many devils turned loose from Tartarus. Men and women were fighting furiously, and indiscriminately, covered with blood; two of the latter were killed in this affair, which lasted without intermission for two hours; the Waarengbadawás then retreated a short distance, apparently to recover themselves. After this, several messages were sent from one tribe to the other, and long conversations were held—I suppose on the matters in dispute.

Night approaching, we retired to our huts, the women making the most pitiable lamentations over the mangled remains of their deceased friends. Soon after dark the hostile tribe left the neighbourhood; and, on discovering this retreat from the battle ground, ours determined on following them immediately, leaving the women and myself where we were. On approaching the enemy's quarters, they laid themselves down in ambush until all was quiet, and finding most of them asleep, laying about in groups, our party rushed upon them, killing three on the spot, and wounding several others. The enemy fled precipitately, leaving their war implements in the hands of their assailants and their wounded to be beaten to death by boomerangs, three loud shouts closing the victors triumph.

The bodies of the dead they mutilated in a shocking


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Rh of Don Quixote with a bitter taste in the mouth, almost with a sensation of torture, a fact which would appear very strange and very incomprehensible to the author and his contemporaries—they read it with the best conscience in the world as the gayest of books; they almost died with laughing at it.) The sight of suffering does one good, the infliction of suffering does one more good—this is a hard maxim, but none the less a fundamental maxim, old, powerful, and "human, all-too-human"; one, moreover, to which perhaps even the apes as well would subscribe: for it is said that in inventing bizarre cruelties they are giving abundant proof of their future humanity, to which, as it were, they are playing the prelude. Without cruelty, no feast: so teaches the oldest and longest history of man—and in punishment too is there so much of the festive.

7.

Entertaining, as I do, these thoughts, I am, let me say in parenthesis, fundamentally opposed to helping our pessimists to new water for the discordant and groaning mills of their disgust with life; on the contrary, it should be shown specifically that, at the time when mankind was not yet ashamed of its cruelty, life in the world was brighter than it is nowadays when there are pessimists. The darkening of the heavens over man has always increased in proportion to the growth of man's shame before man. The tired pessimistic outlook, the mistrust of the riddle of life, the icy negation of disgusted ennui, all those are not the signs of the most evil age of the human

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44 manner, cutting the arms and legs off, with flints, and shells, and tomahawks.

When the women saw them returning, they also raised great shouts, dancing about in savage extacy. The bodies were thrown upon the ground, and beaten about with sticks—in fact, they all seemed to be perfectly mad with excitement; the men cut the flesh off the bones, and stones were heated for baking it; after which, they greased their children with it, all over. The bones were broken to pieces with tomahawks, and given to the dogs, or put on the boughs of trees for the birds of prey hovering over the horrid scene.

Having apparently gratified their feelings of revenge, they fetched the bodies of their own two women who had been killed; these they buried with the customary ceremonies.

They dug two round graves with their sticks, about four feet deep, then coiled up the bodies, tying them in their skin rugs, and laying them in the holes, with some boughs, and filling them up with earth: a ring being made round each place by clearing away, and lighting fires. After raking up the ashes over each, the sticks which they had used for digging roots were put over them, as I have already described the spears of the men are, who are killed.

They have an idea that they will want them when they come to life again, and the fire left they think will do for them to cook their roots with. Of this provision they generally leave a few days' supply, and whenever they pass near these graves they re-light the fires.


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 Rh structure erected between 1610 and 1617 for marriage festivities, but diverted from its purpose since 1721. Behind rises the spire of the parish church of S. Nicholas, which may still enwall stones that witnessed how the parents prayed, while the Piper wrought sorrow for them without. On Sunday morning, too, some of the story-tellers say it was; but June 26th, 1284, was Monday; and in 1376, S. Mary Magdalene's Day, July 22nd, another alleged date (acceptable to Browning), fell on a Tuesday, if tables in Sir Harris Nicolas's Chronology of History be trustworthy. An ancient minster greatly rejuvenated, formerly the collegiate church of S. Boniface (Bonifatiusstift), is some little distance off on the left, hard by the bank of the Weser, which flows west of the town, not south, as Browning says, and goes with a sweep that would soon carry a horde of rats out of reach of flesh-pots. Golden mice were made by the Philistines in Samuel's time when they were delivered from the plague that marred their land; but that may have been a golden age: this is an age of gingerbread, and the Hameln people manufacture rats accordingly. It will be understood that I use the word "gingerbread" generically: the artists work in sugar, chocolate, and other plastic materials, as best it pleases them. The card conveying "Grüsse aus Hameln" is nibbled round the edges to show its authenticity. In short, in tourist-season the staple trade seems to embody itself in rodents, for which the noted flour-mill on the river, in more senses than one, provides the raw material. I must also add that if the sapid sewers be quite free from rats, the rats neglect an opportunity.

In one window tin whistles, which bore token of being of British origin, were ticketed as "Rattenfanger Pfeifen", and though, when a lad with me put one of them to his lips, not a ridiculus mus came forth, it was plain that the children around were all alert and curious. Possibly, however,


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54 race: much rather do they come first to the light of day, as the swamp-flowers, which they are, when the swamp to which they belong, comes into existence—I mean the diseased refinement and moralisation, thanks to which the "animal man" has at last learnt to be ashamed of all his instincts. On the road to angel-hood (not to use in this context a harder word) man has developed that dyspeptic stomach and coated tongue, which have made not only the joy and innocence of the animal repulsive to him, but also life itself:—so that sometimes he stands with stopped nostrils before his own self, and, like Pope Innocent the Third, makes a black list of his own horrors ("unclean generation, loathsome nutrition when in the maternal body, badness of the matter out of which man develops, awful stench, secretion of saliva, urine, and excrement"). Nowadays, when suffering is always trotted out as the first argument against existence, as its most sinister query, it is well to remember the times when men judged on converse principles because they could not dispense with the infliction of suffering, and saw therein a magic of the first order, a veritable bait of seduction to life.

Perhaps in those days (this is to solace the weaklings) pain did not hurt so much as it does nowadays: any physician who has treated negroes (granted that these are taken as representative of the prehistoric man) suffering from severe internal inflammations which would bring a European, even though he had the soundest constitution, almost to despair, would be in a position to come to this conclusion. Pain has not the same effect with negroes. (The curve of human sensibilities to pain seems indeed to

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Rh The bodies are laid on their sides when they bury them, in the same manner as they mostly lie when living.

We remained by the graves the remainder of that day and the next night, and then proceeded to the borders of another large lake, which they call Yawangcontes, in the centre of an extensive plain. There we made our huts with reeds and stones, there being no wood; so bare was it indeed, that we had to go nearly three miles for fuel to cook our food with. We remained there for many months; perhaps for a year or two, for I had lost all recollection of time. I knew nothing about it in fact, except by the return of the seasons. I had almost given up all hope of ceasing my savage life, and as man accustoms himself to the most extraordinary changes of climate and circumstances, so I had become a wild inhabitant of the wilderness, almost in reality. It is very wonderful, but not less strange than true. Almost entirely naked, enduring nearly every kind of privation, sleeping on the ground month after month, year after year, and deprived of all the decencies, and comforts of life, still I lived on, only occasionally suffering from temporary indisposition. I look back now mentally to those times, and think it perfectly miraculous how it could have been.

After this very long stay, we received a message to visit another very large lake, many miles round, which they call Kongiadgillock. On one side it is very rocky, and on the other are extensive plains, lightly timbered. About four miles from the shore is


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Rh sink in an extraordinary and almost sudden fashion, as soon as one has passed the upper ten thousand or ten millions of over-civilised humanity, and I personally have no doubt that, by comparison with one painful night passed by one single hysterical chit of a cultured woman, the suffering of all the animals taken together who have been put to the question of the knife, so as to give scientific answers, are simply negligible.) We may perhaps be allowed to admit the possibility of the craving for cruelty not necessarily having become really extinct: it only requires, in view of the fact that pain hurts more nowadays, a certain sublimation and subtilisation, it must especially be translated to the imaginative and psychic plane, and be adorned with such smug euphemisms, that even the most fastidious and hypocritical conscience could never grow suspicious of their real nature ("Tragic pity" is one of these euphemisms: another is "les nostalgies de la croix"). What really raises one's indignation against suffering is not suffering intrinsically, but the senselessness of suffering; such a senselessness, however, existed neither in Christianity, which interpreted suffering into a whole mysterious salvation-apparatus, nor in the beliefs of the naive ancient man, who only knew how to find a meaning in suffering from the standpoint of the spectator, or the inflictor of the suffering. In order to get the secret, undiscovered, and unwitnessed suffering out of the world it was almost compulsory to invent gods and a hierarchy of intermediate beings, in short, something which wanders even among secret places, sees even in the dark, and makes a point of never missing an interesting and painful spectacle. It was with the help of such inventions that life got to

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16 but our first reliable account of them connects the discovery of them with an expedition dispatched by order of Alfonso de Albuquerque from Malacca. Shortly after Albuquerque had defeated the Malays and taken possession of that city, he sent three vessels, under the command of Antonio de Abreu, to explore the Archipelago and to inaugurate a trade with the islanders. A junk, commanded by a native merchant captain, Ismael by name, preceded the other vessels for the purpose of announcing their approaching advent to the traders of the Archipelago, so that they might have their spices ready for shipment. With De Abreu went Francisco Serrão and Simão Aifonso, in command of two of the vessels. The pilots were Luis Botim, Gonçalo de Oliveira, and Francisco Rodriguez or Roiz. Abreu left Malacca in November, 1511, at which season the westerly monsoon begins to blow. He steered a south-easterly course, passed through the Strait of Sabong, and having arrived at the coast of Java, he cast anchor at Agaçai, which Valentijn identifies with Gresik, near Sourabaya. At Agaçai, Javan pilots were engaged for the voyage thence to the Banda Islands. Banda was, however, not the first port of call. The course was first to Buru, and thence to Amboyna. Galvão relates that Abreu landed at Guli Guli, which is in Ceram. Barros, however, in his account of the voyage, makes no mention of Ceram. At Amboyna the ship commanded by Francisco Serrão, an Indian vessel which had been captured at Goa, was burnt, for, says Barros, 'she was old,' and the ship's company was divided between the two other ships, which then proceeded to Lutatão, which is perhaps identical with Ortattan, a trading station on the north coast of Great Banda, Here Abreu obtained a cargo of nutmegs and mace and of cloves, which had been brought hither from the Moluccas. At Lutatão Abreu erected a pillar in token of annexation to the


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56 learn the tour de force, which has become part of its stock-in-trade, the tour de force of self-justification, of the justification of evil; nowadays this would perhaps require other auxiliary devices (for instance, life as a riddle, life as a problem of knowledge). "Every evil is justified in the sight of which a god finds edification," so rang the logic of primitive sentiment—and, indeed, was it only of primitive? The gods conceived as friends of spectacles of cruelty—oh, how far does this primeval conception extend even nowadays into our European civilisation! One would perhaps like in this context to consult Luther and Calvin. It is at any rate certain that even the Greeks knew no more piquant seasoning for the happiness of their gods than the joys of cruelty. What, do you think, was the mood with which Homer makes his gods look down upon the fates of men? What final meaning have at bottom the Trojan War and similar tragic horrors? It is impossible to entertain any doubt on the point: they were intended as festival games for the gods, and, in so far as the poet is of a more godlike breed than other men, as festival games also for the poets. It was in just this spirit and no other, that at a later date the moral philosophers of Greece conceived the eyes of God as still looking down on the moral struggle, the heroism, and the self-torture of the virtuous; the Heracles of duty was on a stage, and was conscious of the fact; virtue without witnesses was something quite unthinkable for this nation of actors. Must not that philosophic invention, so audacious and so fatal, which was then absolutely new to Europe, the invention of "free will," of the absolute spontaneity of man in good and evil, simply have been made for the specific

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Rh dominions of the King of Portugal. He had done this at Agaçai and in Amboyna also.

The return voyage to Malacca was marked by disaster. A junk, which now was bought to replace the Indian vessel, was wrecked, and the crew, who had taken refuge on a small island, was attacked by pirates. The pirates, however, were worsted and their craft was captured. Serrão, who had been in command of the junk, sailed in the pirate vessel to Amboyna, and thence eventually reached Ternate, where he remained at the invitation of Boleife, the Sultan of that island. The junk, of which Ismael was the skipper, was also wrecked near Tuban, but the cargo, consisting of cloves, was recovered in 1513 from the Javans, who had taken possession of it.

Zoologically the Banda Islands lie within Wallace's Australian Region, and their avifauna has a great affinity with that of Australia. Wallace visited these islands in December 1857, May 1859, and April 1861, and collected eight species of birds, namely, Rhipidura squamata, a fan-tailed Flycatcher; Pachycephala phæonota, a thickhead; Myzomela boiei, a small scarlet-headed honey-eater; Zosterops chlori, a white-eye; Pitta vigorsi, one of the brightly-coloured ground thrushes of the Malayan region; Halcyon chloris, a kingfisher with a somewhat extensive range; Ptilopus xanthogaster, a fruit-eating pigeon, and the nutmeg pigeon, Carpophaga concinna. The islands were visited by the members of the Challenger expedition in September and October, 1874, but the only additional species then obtained was Monarcha cinerascens also a Flycatcher.

These birds may be regarded as the resident birds of the Banda Islands, but there are others which are occasional visitants or migrants. Indeed, in seas so full of islands, it is inevitable that wanderers from other islands should occasionally visit the group.


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Rh purpose of justifying the idea, that the interest of the gods in humanity and human virtue was inexhaustible?

There would never on the stage of this free-will world be a dearth of really new, really novel and exciting situations, plots, catastrophes. A world thought out on completely deterministic lines would be easily guessed by the gods, and would consequently soon bore them—sufficient reason for these friends of the gods, the philosophers, not to ascribe to their gods such a deterministic world. The whole of ancient humanity is full of delicate consideration for the spectator, being as it is a world of thorough publicity and theatricality, which could not conceive of happiness without spectacles and festivals.—And, as has already been said, even in great punishment there is so much which is festive.

8.

The feeling of "ought," of personal obligation (to take up again the train of our inquiry), has had, as we saw, its origin in the oldest and most original personal relationship that there is, the relationship between buyer and seller, creditor and owner: here it was that individual confronted individual, and that individual matched himself against individual. There has not yet been found a grade of civilisation so low, as not to manifest some trace of this relationship. Making prices, assessing values, thinking out equivalents, exchanging—all this preoccupied the primal thoughts of man to such an extent that in a certain sense it constituted thinking itself: it was here that was trained the oldest form of sagacity, it was here in this

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58 sphere that we can perhaps trace the first commencement of man's pride, of his feeling of superiority over other animals. Perhaps our word "Mensch" (manas) still expresses just something of this self-pride: man denoted himself as the being who measures values, who values and measures, as the "assessing" animal par excellence. Sale and purchase, together with their psychological concomitants, are older than the origins of any form of social organisation and union: it is rather from the most rudimentary form of individual right that the budding consciousness of exchange, commerce, debt, right, obligation, compensation was first transferred to the rudest and most elementary of the social complexes (in their relation to similar complexes), the habit of comparing force with force, together with that of measuring, of calculating. His eye was now focussed to this perspective; and with that ponderous consistency characteristic of ancient thought, which, though set in motion with difficulty, yet proceeds inflexibly along the line on which it has started, man soon arrived at the great generalisation, "everything has its price, all can be paid for," the oldest and most naive moral canon of justice, the beginning of all "kindness," of all "equity," of all "goodwill," of all "objectivity" in the world. Justice in this initial phase is the goodwill among people of about equal power to come to terms with each other, to come to an understanding again by means of a settlement, and with regard to the less powerful, to compel them to agree among themselves to a settlement.

9.

Measured always by the standard of antiquity (this

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 230 being warned by their elders against Pipers, as perils peculiar to the district, they may have planted their feet firmly and looked about for the police. In 1887 photographs of the beguiler abounded; not of course of the original Bunting, but of a well-fed burgher who personated him in June 1884, when Hameln made the best of her loss by celebrating that most famous incident in her history with pageant, speech, and pleasantry, thus causing, as somebody has observed, a tragedy to be the motive of a festival. Two days the revels lasted: on the first, Herr Pietsch stood out and piped, and a multitude of children dressed in grey, with rat- like masks and india-rubber tails, swarmed after him; on the second, his music gathered little ones, in old-world garb, and he led them to a quasi-"Koppenberg"—but, like the King of France's army, "they all marched back again"! Julius Wolff, who has woven a charming poem out of the Rattenfanger story, was there, and so was Victor Nessler the Alsatian composer, whose very popular opera is for the most part a musical rendering of Wolff It were vain to speculate how many shades of other Hameln-stricken authors were hovering around. I think this festival may have quickened Holbe, the sculptor's remarkable figure, of which I have a miniature reproduction here; as also a photograph which shows the expression of subtle malignancy far better than the cast. At the time of my visits the town sought money to have this figure erected in the Pferdemarkt. A companion statuette was of Gertrude, the fisher-girl, who was Singuf's—so Wolff calls him—love. The pair are already honoured in the fountain here represented.

When I came to seek for the Koppel, or Koppenberg, where the children of 1284 are said to have vanished, it


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 Rh himself out to be a rat-catcher, and promised to free the town from mice and rats for a stated sum, which the burghers agreed to pay. He drew out a little pipe, sounded it, and straightway all the rats and mice ran from the houses and gathered round him. He led them to the Weser, and, when he trussed up his garments and entered the water, they rushed in after him and were drowned. Then the burghers, being freed from the plague, repudiated their contract with Bundting, who departed in hot anger. On the Festival of SS. John and Paul, the 26th of June, at seven o'clock in the morning, or, as some say, at midday, he appeared again in the guise of a hunter with a curious red cap on his head, and he sounded his pipe in the lanes. At once came forth, not rats and mice, but children—boys and girls of four years old and upwards—and, moreover, the Burgermaster's grown-up daughter. All followed him, followed him out till they came to a hill, where he and they disappeared. So said a nursemaid, who, babe in arms, had felt the attraction from afar. Parents hastened, crowding through the gates, to seek their darlings, messengers were sent over land and water to pursue the guest; but everything was vain. In all, 130 children were amissing. Some have it that two—one blind, the other dumb, and apparently also deaf—came back again: the former, unable to point out the place of disappearance, could yet tell well enough why the Piper had been followed; while the mute knew the place, but had been insensible to the sound. A little lad who set off running in his shirt, and returned to fetch his coat, took up the pursuit too late to share the lot of his playmates.

This I believe to be a fair presentment of the story as it would now be told by one whose memory had not been led astray by latter-day literary adepts, who have elaborated the theme. The curious in chronology may perhaps take exception to my date, for authors offer a bewildering variety, ranging from 1259 to 1378. Sometimes a theory is accountable; sometimes the habit of there or


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Translation:Mikraot Gedolot/Psalms

Psalm 1
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6

Psalm 2
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12

Psalm 3
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9

Psalm 4
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9

Psalm 5
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13

Psalm 6
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11

Psalm 7
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18

Psalm 8
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10

Psalm 9
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18 - 19 - 20 - 21

Psalm 10
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18

Psalm 11
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7

Psalm 12
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9

Psalm 13
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6

Psalm 14
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7

Psalm 15
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5

Psalm 16
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11

Psalm 17
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15

Psalm 18
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18 - 19 - 20 - 21 - 22 - 23 - 24 - 25 - 26 - 27 - 28 - 29 - 30 - 31 - 32 - 33 - 34 - 35 - 36 - 37 - 38 - 39 - 40 - 41 - 42 - 43 - 44 - 45 - 46 - 47 - 48 - 49 - 50 - 51

Psalm 19
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15

Psalm 20
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10

Psalm 21
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14

Psalm 22
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18 - 19 - 20 - 21 - 22 - 23 - 24 - 25 - 26 - 27 - 28 - 29 - 30 - 31 - 32

Psalm 23
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6

Psalm 24
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10

Psalm 25
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18 - 19 - 20 - 21 - 22

Psalm 26
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12

Psalm 27
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14

Psalm 28
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9

Psalm 29
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11

Psalm 30
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13

Psalm 31
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18 - 19 - 20 - 21 - 22 - 23 - 24 - 25

Psalm 32
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11

Psalm 33
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18 - 19 - 20 - 21 - 22

Psalm 34
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18 - 19 - 20 - 21 - 22 - 23

Psalm 35
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18 - 19 - 20 - 21 - 22 - 23 - 24 - 25 - 26 - 27 - 28

Psalm 36
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13

Psalm 37
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18 - 19 - 20 - 21 - 22 - 23 - 24 - 25 - 26 - 27 - 28 - 29 - 30 - 31 - 32 - 33 - 34 - 35 - 36 - 37 - 38 - 39 - 40

Psalm 38
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18 - 19 - 20 - 21 - 22 - 23

Psalm 39
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14

Psalm 40
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18

Psalm 41
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14

Psalm 42
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12

Psalm 43
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5

Psalm 44
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18 - 19 - 20 - 21 - 22 - 23 - 24 - 25 - 26 - 27

Psalm 45
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18

Psalm 46
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12

Psalm 47
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10

Psalm 48
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15

Psalm 49
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18 - 19 - 20 - 21

Psalm 50
1 - 2 - 3 - 4 - 5 - 6 - 7 - 8 - 9 - 10 - 11 - 12 - 13 - 14 - 15 - 16 - 17 - 18 - 19 - 20 - 21 - 22 - 23

מקראות גדולות תהלים

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Rh antiquity, moreover, is present or again possible at all periods), the community stands to its members in that important and radical relationship of creditor to his owers." Man lives in a community, man enjoys the advantages of a community (and what advantages! we occasionally underestimate them nowadays), man lives protected, spared, in peace and trust, secure from certain injuries and enmities, to which the man outside the community, the "peaceless" man, is exposed,—a German understands the original meaning of "Elend" (elend),—secure because he has entered into pledges and obligations to the community in respect of these very injuries and enmities. What happens when this is not the case? The community, the defrauded creditor, will get itself paid, as well as it can, one can reckon on that. In this case the question of the direct damage done by the offender is quite subsidiary: quite apart from this the criminal is above all a breaker, a breaker of word and covenant to the whole, as regards all the advantages and amenities of the communal life in which up to that time he had participated. The criminal is an "ower" who not only fails to repay the advances and advantages that have been given to him, but even sets out to attack his creditor: consequently he is in the future not only, as is fair, deprived of all these advantages and amenities—he is in addition reminded of the importance of those advantages. The wrath of the injured creditor, of the community, puts him back in the wild and outlawed status from which he was previously protected: the community repudiates him—and now every kind of enmity can vent itself on him. Punishment is in

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18 To those which I have already mentioned there may therefore be added, as of less frequency, the accipitrine bird, Astur polionotus, the Hoary-backed Goshawk; the Passeres Edoliisoma dispar, a Caterpillar Shrike, the skin of a male of which from Great Banda is in the Leyden Museum, and Motacilla melanope, the Grey Wagtail. Of picarian birds there have been found Cuculus intermediús, the Oriental Cuckoo; Eudynamis cyanocephala sub-species everetti, a small form of the Koel, and Eurystomus australis, the Australian Roller. João de Barros, in his Asia, mentions the parrots of the Banda Islands, and we find accordingly that one of the Psittaci is recorded from Banda in modern times, namely, Eos rubra, a red, or rather a crimson lory. The ornithologist Müller saw many of these birds in Great Banda, on the Kanary trees. Additional pigeons are the seed-eating Chalcophaps chrysochlora and the fruit-eating Ptilonopus wallacei, and finally there is one gallinaceous bird which is probably resident, but the shy and retiring habits of which have enabled it to escape observation until recently. This is a Scrub Fowl (Megapodius duperreyi).