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Fredericksburg, Virginia 1608-1908/6

The War Clouds Gathering — Fredericksburg in the Confederacy — Troops Raised and Equipped — The Surrender of the

Town to the Federal Authorities — Arrested and Held as Hostages — Citizens Flee from their Homes — The Bombardment of the Town,

&c.

Notwithstanding the fact that Fredericksburg had been growing for so many years, and the further fact that she had enjoyed the prosperity which is claimed for her, and of which we have written, the town had attained at this time only to the moderate proportions of a population of about five thousand inhabitants. But it was a delightful place, nevertheless, with a salubrious climate, good water, charming society, picturesque surroundings and cheapness of living, and had about it a quiet and chastened dignity of age and respectability, both attractive and impressive. Such was Fredericksburg when the storm-cloud of war burst upon her in 1861.

FREDERICKSBURG IN THE CONFEDERACY.

We shall not attempt in these pages to fully portray the scenes enacted in the town, or narrate the part played by Fredericksburg in that terrible war. A true portrayal and narration of them is beyond the power of the tongue of the finished orator, the pen of the most gifted writer or the brush of the most skilled artist. No one can know them save those who endured them and were a part and parcel of them, and even they are unable to describe them with all of their horrible, bloody and destructive realities. It would take a pen almost inspired to truthfully describe the fiery scenes, the devastation, the trials, the privations, the sufferings of body and mind and the heroism of the inhabitants, who were then in town, in the terrible ordeal through which they passed, and the fortitude with which they stood the test. A great change was now about to take place. The quiet of the staid and sober town was about to be broken by the sound of the drum and the tramp of armed men. The activity of commerce had ceased, a spirit of patriotism prevailed; and this patriotism was not demonstrative only, it was deep and real, and was afterwards sealed by the best blood of the town.

TROOPS RAISED AND EQUIPPED.

There was never any doubt as to the part the citizens of Fredericksburg would take in the war. It is true the town was always conservative and loyal to the government; it had sent a Union man to the State Convention, which was to consider and pass upon the question of union or disunion; he had received almost a two thirds vote of the qualified voters of the town, but all this was done with a strong hope that the political differences of the two great sections of the country—North and South—could and would be settled without a separation. When it was ascertained that such a settlement could not be had, and when that assurance was followed by a call on the States from President Lincoln for seventy-five thousand troops to coerce the seceded Southern States back into the Union and that Virginia was expected to furnish her quota of that number, the sentiment of the entire population changed, and the most ardent Union men, with few exceptions, became strong sympathizers of the Southern movement and were ready to take up arms in defence of the South. The Constitutional Convention, that up to that time was supposed to be against the adoption of the ordinance of secession, rapidly changed front, and when the ordinance was submitted to a vote it was passed by a large majority, the delegate from Fredericksburg, Hon. John L. Marye, Sr., voting for its adoption. The two volunteer militia companies, which had been in existence in town for many years, became the nucleus around which was formed the Thirtieth Regiment of Virginia Volunteers. This regiment, commanded successively by Colonel Milton Cary, Colonel Archibald Harrison and Colonel Robert S. Chew, immediately entered upon active duty and performed good service throughout the war. The Fredericksburg artillery, under Captain Carter M. Braxton, was organized at the beginning of the war, and under its gallant commanders, Captain Carter M. Braxton, Captain Edward Marye and Captain John G. Pollock, greatly distinguished itself. It is claimed that this company fired the first shot at the battle of Fredericksburg and was honored with a like distinction at Gettysburg; and yet a greater honor awaited this heroic band than either of these or the two combined, which each member and his descendants will ever cherish with pride. Its members claim to have fired the last gun at Appomattox on the 9th of April, 1865, the day on which General Robert E. Lee surrendered the Army of Northern Virginia to General U. S. Grant, where and when the Star of the Southern Confederacy went down, never, never more to rise. All honor to such brave and heroic men! The following is a correct list of the members of the Fredericksburg artillery at the time of the surrender, furnished by a member of the company, most of whom are now living:-- Captain John G. Pollock, Lieutenant A. W. Johnson, Lieutenant Clinton Southworth, Sergeant Henry G. Chesley, Sergeant L. T. Bunnell, Sergeant James Taylor, Sergeant Charles B. Fleet, Gunner M. C. Hall, Gunner Samuel H. Thorburn, Picket Sergeant J. L. Marye, Jr., H. P. Martin, Quarter Master Sergeant; Gunner J. R. Ferneyhough, Gunner P. V. D. Conway, Gunner W. F. Gordon, Gunner R. W. McGuire, Harrison Southworth, Guidon; Privates W. A. Anthony, John Scott Berry, John J. Berrey, Wm. E. Bradley, J. A. Bowler, Oscar Berry, James E. Berrey, Wm. Bowler, Robert C. Beale, J. H. Butzner, Henry Berry, C. B. Cason, L. P. Carter, Walter Carter, W. M. Chewning, J. S. Cannon, W. S. Chartters, Jacob Crowder, G. W. Clarke, J. H. Clarke, S. H. Crock ford, A. P. Carneal, Charles Donahoe, James Donahoe, W. B. Dickinson, Elijah E. Fines, R. C. Fitzhugh, M. A. Ferneyhough, Duff Green (of Brooke), J. T. Goolrick, R. C. Grymes, J. R. Gouldman, Landon Gallahan, Henry Gallahan, John M. Garrett, James W. Hogans, George F. Harrison, George M. Harrison, John E. Harrison, Robert Haislip, Matthew Hudson, John S. Johnson, W. Stan field Jones, J. Chester Jones, C. W. Jenkins, John T. Knight, David Corbin Ker, Hubbard M. Long, Charles Lyell, Alfred J. Marye, J. W. McWhirt, J. A. Marye, A. Stewart Marye, J. W. Mitchell, Frank A. Maddox, Thomas E. Maddex, Charles W. Manley, John McKay, W. Nelson Marye, George Oakes, M. B. Pollock, George B. Pearson, Joseph S. Payne, Harvey W. Proctor, Anthony Patton, John T. Roberts, Henry Robinson, W. T. Robinson, John D. Smith, R. B. Semple, Warner L. Sisson, Lawrence Sanford, Charles H. Scott, John Sullivan, Peter Sullivan, H. Cabell Tabb, A. Byrd Waller, H. H. Wallace, Arthur Wallace, George Willis. Many of the young men at the first opportunity entered the various branches of the service—the cavalry, infantry, navy, marine, and other positions necessary and honorable—where they served their country well and faithfully, and in many cases with distinguished ability. So rapid were these enlistments, that in less than twelve months the town was almost stripped of her youths and arms-bearing men, and of her former population—those remaining at home were the older men, the women and a few colored people.

THE SURRENDER OF THE TOWN TO THE FEDERAL AUTHORITIES. Gen. McDowell's Forces Arrive

On the 19th of April, 1862, the town first fell into the hands of the Federal Army. On that day a meeting of the Common Council was held, and a committee, consisting of Mayor Slaughter, Wm. A. Little, Esq., Thomas B. Barton, Esq., Dr. J. Gordon Wallace, Rev. William F. Broaddus, D. D., and Gov. John L. Marye, Jr., three members on the part of the Common Council and three representing the citizens, was appointed to confer with the commanding officer of the United States forces, relative to the surrender of the town. They were instructed to inform him that inasmuch as the forces of the Confederate States had evacuated the town no resistance would be made to its occupation by the United States troops, and to ask such protection for persons and property as was consistent with the rules of civilized warfare. They were also instructed to inform the Commanding General "that the population of this town have been in the past, and are now, in conviction and sentiment, loyal to the existing government of the State of Virginia and Confederate States." This was an honest and frank statement, made by the Common Council of the threatened town to the Commanding General of the invading army, and there can be no doubt that this honest acknowledgment won the friendship and respect of the commandant of the post and saved much property from destruction and many of the inhabitants from indignities on the part of the garrison. The United States forces took possession of the Stafford hills, which commanded the town, on the 19th day of April. The destruction of the bridges connecting the town with the Stafford shore delayed the actual presence of the troops in town for several days, and it was not until the morning of the 27th that General Marsena R. Patrick established his headquarters and took provost command of the town. Unlike many of the subordinate commanders Gen. Patrick was considered a generous man and a kind, humane officer, and many of the citizens who were at their homes, while he was here in command, unite in bearing testimony, that under his government military rule in Fredericksburg was kindly exercised and the people were not oppressed, and not a few of them conceived a sincere respect for his character, and to this day his acts of kindness and thoughtful consideration are gratefully referred to by them. This state of things continued until after the disastrous result to General George B. McClellan's army in the Seven Days' battles around Richmond. After those engagements General McClellan was superseded in the command of the Army of the Potomac by General John Pope. General Pope was from the Western Army, and upon taking command of the army in Virginia issued a high sounding, pompous order in which he belittled the valor of the Confederate soldiers of the west, asserting he had "only seen the backs of the enemy," and his purpose in coming to this army was to lead it to victory and success. In that order he declared that he did not want to hear such phrases as "taking strong positions and holding them," "lines of retreat" and "bases of supplies," which he was told was common in the armv. He declared that the glory of the soldier was in pushing the enemy and studying the lines of his retreat, which he then proposed to do. He announced his purpose to subsist the invading army by enforced supplies from his enemies, and, in order to prepare the world and give it some idea of his rapid movements and brilliant feats, issued orders from "headquarters in the saddle." This unique order, full as it was of boastings of what he had done and what he proposed to do, failed to frighten the Confederate commanders, as General Pope, no doubt, thought it would do. On the contrary, without loss of time they concentrated their forces, gave him battle and the Federal commander was ingloriously driven from the field, with great loss of men, arms and supplies. And so in less than sixty days from the time he took command of the army he was relieved by General McClellan, whom he superseded, having lost every engagement fought during the time. His advance through the counties of Fauquier and Culpeper to Fredericksburg, when he took command of the army, caused great consternation because of his unreasonable and cruel exactions. Many private citizens, who had never entered the Confederate service, were arrested upon their refusal to take the oath of allegiance to the United States government, and were ruthlessly dragged from their homes and confined in Northern prisons.

GEN. POPE TAKES POSSESSION OF THE TOWN—HELD AS HOSTAGES.

Finally the power of this pompous commander reached Fredericksburg, and many of her citizens shared the fate of the unfortunate citizens of Fauquier and Culpeper counties. By General Pope's order No.19 our most prominent and highly esteemed citizens were arrested and sent to Washington, where they were incarcerated in Old Capitol prison. These men were arrested in retaliation for the arrest of two Union men by the Confederate authorities—Major Charles Williams, of Fredericksburg, and Mr. Wardwell, of Richmond—and confined in prison at Richmond. Major Williams was a native of Fredericksburg and died here several years after the war, and Mr. Wardwell, we are informed was a northern man and was appointed superintendent of the penitentiary when Virginia was made "Military District No. 1, with headquarters at Richmond." These 19 gentlemen were arrested in August, 1862, and confined in Old Capitol prison until the latter part of the following September, a period of about six weeks. It will be seen from the list of the names that they were the leading citizens of the town, exempt from military service by reason, either of age or official position, and were the natural guardians of the helpless women and children who were then in town. The following list was obtained from a diary kept by John J. Berrey while in prison: Rev. Wm. F. Broaddus, D. D., James McGuire, Charles C. Wellford, Thomas F. Knox, Beverley T. Gill, James H. Bradley, Thomas B. Barton, Benjamin Temple, Lewis Wrenn, Michael Ames, John Coakley, John H. Roberts, John J. Berrey, Dr. James Cooke, John F. Scott, Montgomery Slaughter, George H. C. Rowe, Wm. H. Norton, Abraham Cox. The Christian Banner, then published in Fredericksburg by Rev.James W. Hunnicutt, of the Free Will Baptist denomination, himself a strong Union man, and who would not have written complimentary of these gentlemen beyond their respective merits, published the following short sketches of the "Fredericksburg prisoners": Thomas B. Barton is the oldest lawyer at the Fredericksburg bar and Attorney for the Commonwealth. He was originally an Old Line Whig and a member of the congregation of the Episcopal church. Thomas F. Knox was a large wheat speculator and flower manufacturer, an Old line Whig and a prominent member of the Episcopal church. Beverley T. Gill was, for a number of years, a large merchant tailor, but for several years past had retired into private life. Was an Old Line Whig and a prominent member of the Presbyterian church. Charles C. Wellford was an extensive dry goods merchant, the oldest in town, than whom none stood higher. Was an Old Line Whig and an elder in the Presbyterian church. James McGuire was one of the oldest merchants in Fredericksburg, an Old Line Whig, a prominent member of the Presbyterian church and a most excellent man. James H. Bradley was a grocery merchant, an Old Line Whig and a deacon in the Baptist church. Rev. William F. Broaddus, D. D., was the pastor of the Baptist church in Fredericksburg and an Old Line Whig. He conducted a female school in addition to his pastoral work. Montgomery Slaughter, Mayor of Fredericksburg, was a large wheat speculator and flour manufacturer, was an Old Line Whig and a member of the Episcopal church. George H. C. Rowe was a talented jurist, a Democrat and a Douglas elector during the late presidential election and a member of the Baptist church. Some amusing Incidents are related of Dr. Broaddus while a prisoner worth relating in these pages. The Doctor was an educated, polished gentleman, and quite a humorist. When he was received Into prison the keeper proceeded in his usual manner to ascertain his name, age and place of nativity. When asked his name he said it was William F. Broaddus. "What does the F stand for?" asked the keeper. The Doctor replied that he did not know. "Don't know?" demanded the keeper. "I will tell you the circumstances," said the Doctor, "and let you decide for yourself. My name was William Francis Ferguson. I did not like the two F's and asked my mother to let me drop one. She consented and I dropped one, but I never could tell whether I dropped the one that stood for Francis or the one that stood for Ferguson. Now, can you tell me which one I dropped?" The keeper saw he was beaten, and demanded, "What is your age?" "I was born In the year of one," replied the Doctor. "What! Do you mean to tell me you are 1861 years old," shouted the keeper. "Not at all," said the Doctor. "Well, then, explain yourself," demanded the keeper, showing some impatience. "I was born In the year one of this century" responded the Doctor. "Where were you born?" indignantly asked the keeper. "Now, you've got me again," answered the Doctor. "That's a question I have long wanted settled, and I'll state the case and perhaps you can help me settle it. My birthplace at the time of my birth was in Culpeper county. Changes In county lines afterwards placed it in Rappahannock county. Now, If I were to tell you I was born in Culpeper, and you should go down there to Inquire, you would And the place In Rappahannock. If I were to tell you I was born In Rappahannock and you were to investigate you would find that when I was born the place was In Culpeper and there was no Rappahannock county at the time. Now, will you please tell me where I was born?" The keeper passed him without further questions. It was the habit of Dr. Broaddus to preach on Sunday mornings to his fellow prisoners, and such others as would come to hear him while the prison chaplain would hold services in another part of the prison. It is related of the superintendent of the prison, that in making the announcements for preaching he would cry out: "All who wish to hear the gospel according to Abraham Lincoln come this way; those who wish to hear it according to Jeff. Davis go over there," pointing to Dr. Broaddus and his congregation. John Coakley was for many years a merchant, but for several years past had retired from business, and, at the time of his arrest, was Superintendent of the Fredericksburg Aquaduct Company. He was an Old Line Whig and a very prominent member of the Episcopal church. Benjamin Temple was a wealthy farmer, an Old Line Whig and, we believe, a member of no church, but a most excellent man. Dr. James Cooke was a druggist, owning the largest establishment, perhaps south of the Potomac river; was an Old Line Whig and a prominent member of the Episcopal church. John F. Scott was proprietor of the large Fredericksburg foundry and carried on an extensive business up to the time the Union troops took possession of Fredericksburg, was an Old Line Whig and a prominent member of the Episcopal church. John H. Roberts lived off his income, was an old Line Whig and, we believe, was a member of no church. Michael Ames was a blacksmith, an Old line Whig and a member of no church. John J. Berrey, formerly engaged in a large produce business, but at the time of his arrest connected with a hardware store, was an Old Line Whig and a member of no church. Abraham Cox was a tailor, a Breckinridge Democrat and a Southern Methodist. William H. Norton was a house carpenter, an Old Line Whig and a member of the Baptist church. Lewis Wrenn, no particular business, an Old Line Whig and a member of the Baptist church. After these gentlemen had been in prison some four weeks they procured a parole and permission to send Dr. Broaddus to Richmond to effect the release of Major Williams and Mr. Wardwell, that he and his friends might be liberated and permitted to return to their homes. Armed with a parole and passports, Dr. Broaddus proceeded to Richmond, where he called upon Judge Beverley R. Wellford, Jr., formally of Fredericksburg, who went with him to see Mr. Randolph, Secretary of War. After hearing the case Mr. Randolph ordered the release of the two prisoners, and Dr. Broaddus returned to Washington with great joy, supposing that he and his fellow prisoners would be at once set at liberty. But not so. The Federal authorities changed their requirements and demanded also the release of two gentlemen by the name of Turner, who resided in Fairfax county, and were then held in a Confederate prison. It took nearly two weeks to effect the release of these Turners, and when it was done the certificate of release, signed by General Winder, the Commandant of the post at Richmond, was rejected by the Federal authorities as evidence of the release of the prisoners, and the personal presence of the Turners was demanded in Washington before the release of the Fredericksburg party. This took time, but it was finally accomplished, and the Fredericksburgers were permitted to leave their prison pen and again "breathe the air of freedom." They were sent down the Potomac river on a steamer to Marlborough Point, from which landing they walked to town to greet their families and friends. There was great rejoicing on their return, and the whole population turned out to meet them and give them a cordial welcome. Of that party of nineteen not one of them is living to-day. The "last one to cross the river" was Mr. Abraham Cox, who died December 28,1898, eighty-six years of age. But the unkindness of the military authorities and their harsh treatment of our citizens, by the order of General Pope, did not cease with the arrest and incarceration of the nineteen gentlemen above mentioned. Among other things, the Federal Provost Marshal of Fredericksburg was charged with too much leniency to the citizens and was removed; Col. Scriver was falsely charged with furnishing the destitute with food, and was ordered to stop it at once, if he had done so, and not to repeat it, and the stores and places of business were closed, it was said, to prevent the citizens from obtaining supplies. General Pope's plan seems to have been, he declared, to subsist his army as much as possible on the country and to starve the old men and women into submission to his demands. In this, however, he was not sustained by the Washington authorities, and especially by President Lincoln. This condition of things in Fredericksburg continued only for a short time. The campaign, inaugurated by General Pope, which resulted in the Second Battle of Manassas and so disastrously to the Federal army, was speedily followed by the advance of the Confederate army into Maryland, the capture of Harper's Ferry, with General Nelson A. Miles's whole force of eleven thousand prisoners and immense military supplies, by General Thomas J. (Stonewall) Jackson, aided by General Wm. Barksdale, on the Maryland Heights, and General John B. Floyd, on the Loudoun Heights, and the fierce and bloody, but undecided, struggle between General Lee and General McClellan at Sharpsburg. In consequence of the results of these events the Federal authorities found it necessary to recall from the line of the Rappahannock, which they were unable to hold, the forces then occupying the same, and therefore on the 21st day of August, 1862, Fredericksburg was evacuated by the Federal forces, and thus for a brief time the town was relieved from the presence and rule of the enemy until the following November, when Gen. Burnside moved against the town.

EVACUATION SCENES.

The scenes incident to the evacuation of Fredericksburg are well remembered to the present day by those who were present and witnessed them. They are indelibly impressed upon their minds and can never be forgotten, and are often related with great interest. In describing this stirring event and the reoccupation of the town in the Fall of 1862, we use the eyes of citizens, who were present and witnessed the scenes described and the words of another, who wrote of them years afterwards. (These scenes of the evacuation of Fredericksburg are taken principally from "The Past, Present and Future of Fredericksburg, by Rev. Robert R. Howlson, LL.D., who was aided in its preparation by diaries kept by those present at the time and the recitals of other eye witnesses, besides newspaper articles, the reports of Generals in both armies and our own knowledge, being present.) Crowds at the corners of the streets indicated that some unusual excitement prevailed, and clouds of smoke rose from the encampments on the Stafford side of the river. Everything indicated an immediate departure. The guards were drawn up in line; the horses and wagons packed at headquarters; cavalry officers rode up and down, giving orders; company after company of pickets were led into town from different roads and joined the regiment at the City Hall; ambulances, with the sick, moved slowly through the streets; the provost marshal and his adjutant rode by, and, in a few minutes, the command was given to march, and the infantry and cavalry marched down to the bridges, each one moving by different streets. This march was quietly made. There was no music, no drum, no voice, but the command of the officers' forward, march! The ladies, standing in groups along the streets, found it difficult to repress their exultation. Glad to be relieved of the presence of the enemy, and to be freed from the restraints of their power; glad to be once more within Southern lines, and to be brought into communication with their own dear people; but the great gladness was that the evacuation of Fredericksburg showed that the enemy had been defeated on the upper line and could no longer hold the line of the Rappahannock river. And this gave them strong hope that Virginia might yet be free from the armies of the invader. Several severe explosions followed the blowing up of the two bridges, and, as the bright flames seized upon and leaped along the sides and floors of the bridges, the whole horizon was illuminated. The burning continued all night. A guard was at once organized by the citizens, for the protection of the town against any stragglers or unruly persons who might chance to be prowling about. With the departure of the Federal troops came now the desire on the part of the citizens of town and country to meet and greet each other, and also a longing to welcome the appearance of the Confederates, a sight which had so long been denied them. In this, to their great delight, they were soon to realize their wish, for on the 2nd day of September about two hundred people came into town from the surrounding country, and general congratulations ensued. On the evening of that day a small force of Confederate cavalry rode into town and were received with shouts of joy. The ladies lined the streets, waving their hankerchiefs and loudly uttering their welcome. On the morning of the 4th of September the soldiers in camp at Hazel Run were treated to breakfast by the ladies, and greatly enjoyed the hot rolls, beefsteak and hot coffee, after their long abstinence from such delicacies, and probably from rations of any sort. After a brief season of comparative quiet, disturbed only by the general interest felt in the operations of our armies, the condition of the country generally, and the liability to the reoccupation of the town at any time, Fredericksburg was again the subject and recipient of war's horrors in their most appalling form.

On Sunday morning, the 10th of November, 1862, a company of Federal cavalry, commanded by Captain Ulric Dahlgren crossed the Rappahannock river, above Falmouth, and charged rapidly down Main street, with drawn sabres. A small force of Confederate cavalry (Colonel John Critcher's battalion), was quartered in town, who, recovering from the disorder into which they were thrown by the sudden and unexpected appearance of the enemy, quickly rallied, and, aided by citizens and Captain Simpson's company, of Colonel W. B. Ball's command, attacked the raiders, pursued and drove them across the river, inflicting upon them a slight loss in men and horses. The Federal army then began to move down from Fauquier, Culpeper and Prince William counties, through Stafford county, to occupy Fredericksburg. To Colonel Wm. A. Ball, an experienced officer, who had greatly distinguished himself at the battle of Leesburg, and in other encounters, was entrusted by General Lee the duty of holding the town, and in retarding the approach of the enemy, if possible, with the promise of speedy reinforcements. The divisions of Gen. Lafayette McLaws and General Robert Ransom, of General Longstreet's corps, with General Wm. H. F. Lee's brigade of cavalry and a battery of artillery, were marched hurriedly to this point, and the whole of General Lee's army prepared to follow. On Sunday, November 16th, Colonel Ball's scouts announced the approach of the enemy on three roads—the Warrenton, Stafford Courthouse and the Poplar. He telegraphed to General Gustavus W. Smith, in Richmond, for reinforcements. General Smith promptly sent him a battalion of four companies, under Major Finney, from the Forty-second Mississippi. With his small force, which scarcely exceeded five hundred men, the gallant Colonel proposed to engage the enemy, if he sought to cross the Rappahannock near Fredericksburg. Colonel Ball placed his infantry in the millrace and mill opposite Falmouth, stationed his cavalry in the upper part of Fredericksburg and planted Captain John W. Lewis's battery of four guns and eighty men on the plateau around the old Fitzgerald residence, at Little Falls, half a mile above the town. At 10 o'clock on Monday, the 18th, the Southern scouts were driven across the river by the enemy's cavalry, and several hours thereafter a Federal corps, of twelve thousand strong, appeared on the Stafford Heights, opposite Fredericksburg, and planted their field-batteries, consisting of more than twenty guns. Capt. Lewis's men maintained their ground and replied to the rapid firing of the enemy. The distance was short—less than half a mile. The firing of the men was accurate, yet the Confederate fire was kept up, and the Federals, uncertain as to the force opposing them, made no attempt to cross the river. Colonel Ball, with five hundred men, maintained his front, in the face of the twelve thousand Federals, encouraged by General Lee, who telegraphed him, "Hold your position if you can. Reinforcements are hurrying to you." On Tuesday, the 18th, the enemy's force was largely increased. General Burnside's whole force was pouring down to the Stafford hills. They were waiting for pontoon bridges, and did not cross the river. Meanwhile Gen. Lee's army was rushing down the roads from Culpeper and Orange counties to occupy the crest of hills around Fredericksburg. Wednesday, at daybreak, General Fitzhugh Lee's cavalry arrived. The next morning General McLaws, with his own division and that of General Ransom's, was in position, and on the 20th the Commander-in-Chief was at hand to direct the movements of the remainder of General Longstreet's command and General Jackson's corps, which rapidly followed him. On Tuesday, the 20th of November, by request of General Lee, Montgomery Slaughter, Mayor of Fredericksburg, accompanied by the Recorder, William A. Little, Esq., and by Mr. Douglas H. Gordon, a member of her Council, held an interview with the Confederate Commander-in-Chief. It was held at Snowden, the residence of the late John L. Stansbury, about a mile above town. On Friday, the 21st, General E. V. Sumner, of the Federal Army, sent over a flag of truce, with a written message to the Mayor and Common Council of Fredericksburg. General Patrick, the bearer of the message, was met by Colonel Wm. A. Ball at "French John's" wharf, at the foot of Hawke street. General Sumner's letter, to the town authorities was as follows:— "GENTLEMEN :— Under cover of the houses of your town, shots have been fired upon the troops of my command. Your mills and factories are furnishing provisions and material for clothing for armed bodies in rebellion against the Government of the United States. Your railroads and other means of transportation are removing supplies to the depots of such troops. This condition of things must terminate; and by direction of Major-General Burnside, commanding this army, I accordingly demand the surrender of the city into my hands, as the representative of the Government of the United States, at or before five o'clock this afternoon (5 o'clock P. M. to-day). Failing an affirmative reply to this demand by the time indicated, sixteen (16 hours) hours will be permitted to elapse for the removal from the city of women and children, the sick, wounded and aged; which period having elapsed, I shall proceed to shell the town. Upon obtaining possession of the town every necessary means will be taken to preserve order and secure the protective operation of the laws and policy of the United States Government." Colonel Ball simply stated to General Patrick that before delivering the letter to the civil authorities it must be referred to his commanding military officer. But neither he nor the Mayor gave any intimation of the actual presence of General Lee, with a large part of his army, on the heights in rear of the town. General Patrick was obliged to remain in the log house from ten o'clock in the morning to seven in the afternoon, on the 21st. Meanwhile Colonel Ball, through the proper channels forwarded the letter to General Lee. At twenty minutes before five o'clock in the afternoon the letter was received at his office by the Mayor, through General J. E. B. Stuart, who communicated in full General Lee's decision. With the aid of his advisers, Mayor Slaughter prepared a written reply, bearing date, "Mayor's Office, Fredericksburg, November 21st, 1862." This reply was to the effect that the communication of General Sumner had not reached the Mayor in time to furnish a reply by 5 o'clock P. M., as requested; that it had been sent to him after passing (by General Patrick's consent) through the hands of the commanding officer of the Confederate States forces near the town; that as to the shots complained of in the northern suburbs of the town, they were the acts of the Confederate military force holding the town; that the Mayor was authorized to say that the several subjects of complaint would not recur; that the Confederate troops would not occupy the town, and neither would they permit the Federal troops to do so. Mayor Slaughter, attended by Dr. Wm. S. Scott and Samuel S. Howison, Esq., repaired to the place of meeting, and, at about seven o'clock in the evening, delivered the reply to General Patrick. In view of the threatened shelling of the town, General Lee advised the inhabitants to remove from it as rapidly as possible. The bombardment was not opened the next morning, but it became apparent that the enemy would cross, and the town would be exposed, not only to their fire, but to the most terrible desolations of war. The humane and considerate Chief of the Confederate army urged the women and children to leave the town, and furnished wagons, ambulances and every facility in his power for their aid.

THE INHABITANTS LEAVE THEIR HOMES.

Then followed a scene, illustrating both the horrors of war and the virtues to which it sometimes gives birth. The people of Fredericksburg, almost en masse, left their homes rather than yield to the enemy. Trains of cars departed, full of refugees. Upon the last the enemy opened a fire of shells; they afterwards explained that it was a mistake. Wagons and vehicles of every kind left the town filled with women and little children, with the few articles of apparel and necessity that could be removed. Many were seen on foot along the roads leading into the country. Winter had commenced, and snow had fallen. Many were compelled to take refuge in cabins, barns and tents, scattered through the woods and fields. They were dependent for food on the exertions of their friends and the humane efforts of the Southern army. A few families remained in Fredericksburg, determined to brave the horrors of war as long as possible. The hardships and privations, incurred by these people, who surrendered their homes and property to destruction rather than remain with them and fall into the hands of the enemies of their country, excited the sympathy and won the admiration of the South. A movement to aid them commenced in Richmond. A committee of relief and treasurer was appointed, and funds were liberally contributed throughout the South, and the soldiers in the field, of their small rations and pay, contributed generously, both in food and money. The contributions of the people and army continued until more than ninety thousand dollars had been received and disbursed by the committee in Richmond and nearly an equal, if not greater, sum was distributed by Mayor Slaughter. A number of skirmishes of an unimportant character were soon followed by the grand movement of the enemy. On the night of December the 10th the armies prepared for action. Two hundred and fifty thousand armed men, like crouched lions ready to spring upon their adversary, were ready for the bloody conflict. It was the most restless, anxious night ever passed by the citizens of Fredericksburg. It was the night of terror! The dread of to-morrow hung like a pall over the devoted city, and everybody was hurriedly preparing for the awful destruction that was at hand and could not be averted. The threatened bombardment had long been delayed, and many citizens had returned from their flight. From one end of the town to the other, all during that sleepless night, could be seen in nearly every home dim lights, where busy hands with heavy hearts were preparing for the flight at the sound of the first gun. What to attempt to carry, and what to leave to be destroyed by the enemy, was the perplexing question, and so in the anxiety of the refugees to take with them sufficient food, clothing and bedding to prevent suffering from cold and hunger, they overtaxed their strength and had to abandon many things on the roadside.

THE BOMBARDMENT OF THE TOWN.

Having received his pontoon bridges, General Burnside prepared to throw his grand army across the river. At two o'clock on the morning of Thursday, December the 11th, his troops were put in motion and two signal guns from the Confederate side, at five o'clock, sounded a note of warning to the people and the army. General Burnside commenced throwing three pontoon bridges across the Rappahannock river. One was to span the river at French John's wharf, at the foot of Hawke street, one at Scott's Ferry, at the lower end of Water street, and one at Deep Run, about two and a half miles below town. General Wm. Barksdale's brigade, consisting of the Thirteenth, Seventeenth, Eighteenth and Twenty-first Mississippi regiments, held the town. "General Barksdale kept his men quiet and concealed until the bridges were so far advanced that the working parties were in easy range, when he opened fire with such effect that the bridges were abandoned at once. Nine separate and desperate attempts were made to complete the bridges under fire of their sharpshooters and guns on the opposite bank, but every attempt being attended with such severe loss from the Confederates, posted in rifle-pits, in the cellars of the houses along the banks, and behind whatever offered concealment, that the enemy abandoned their attempts and opened a terrific fire from their numerous batteries concentrated along the hills just above the river. The fire was so severe that the men could not use their rifles, and, the different places occupied by them becoming untenable, the troops were withdrawn from the river bank back to Caroline street at 4:30 P. M. The enemy then crossed in boats, and, completing their bridges, passed over in force and advanced into the town. The Seventeenth Mississippi and ten sharpshooters from Colonel J. W. Carter's regiment (the 13th) and three companies of the Eighteenth regiment, Lieutenant Colonel Luse, under Lieutenant William Ratliff, were all the troops that were actually engaged in defending the crossings in front of the city." [* Extract from Gen Lafayette McLaw's official report of the battle of Fredericksburg, made to General James Longstreet—War of Rebellion, Series 1, Vol. 21, page 578.] The other regiments and parts of regiments were held in reserve, and were not brought into action until the enemy had crossed the river. At the first dawn of light on the morning of December the 11th the Federal artillery commenced its work of destruction. From the heights above the town of Falmouth, north of Fredericksburg, to the Washington farm below, on every available place artillery was stationed, bearing upon the town. About one hundred and seventy-five (175) of the grim monsters, ready to "belch forth death and destruction," were placed in position the day before, well manned, and only waiting for the signal to send forth their deadly messengers of shot and shell. At the hour appointed the signal was given, and the thunder of artillery, the lightning from bursting shells in the air, the crashing of solid shot through the houses, the roar of musketry on both sides of the river, the shrieks of frightened women and children, the bustle and confusion that followed, may be imagined, but can never be described. From early morning until four o'clock in the afternoon, with only half an hour's cessation between one and two o'clock, this deluge of shot and shell was poured upon the streets and houses of the town. The few inhabintants who remained in the town fled to their cellars and sought to save their lives from the storm which was beating their homes to pieces. Many houses were burned with all or most of their contents, the result of hot shot, it was claimed, thrown from the enemy's guns on the Lacy farm, just opposite the town. Among the houses that were burned were the residence of Mr. Reuben T. Thorn, in which was located the post-office; the Bank of Virginia, where the Opera house now stands, and several other private residences on Main street. And yet the worst was still to come.

title: Fredericksburg, Virginia 1608-1908/6


text:
Fredericksburg, Virginia 1608-1908/7

The Great Battle — The Town Sacked by Soldiers — A wonderful display of humanity — The Federals recross the river — A great Revival of Religion — The Battle of Chancellorsville — The Wilderness campaign — Citizens arrested — A statement by the Council — The citizens and Federal soldiers release, &c.

To those who had a proper idea of the sacrifices made, the sufferings endured and the privations experienced by the inhabitants of Fredericksburg, up to this period, whether that idea was formed from observation, from reading the narratives or from their rehearsals by those who experienced them, it might appear that their cup of sorrow was full even to overflowing, and from further troubles and trials they might be exempted. But not so. Probably the worst was yet to come; but they firmly believed that the same patriotic devotion to the cause they had espoused, and the same fidelity to principle which enabled them to "bear the spoiling of their goods" with composure in the past, would sustain them in any additional trials and sacrifices they might have to endure in the future. Patriotic, self sacrificing and confiding in the right, they were prepared for the worst, and the worst came. On taking possession of Fredericksburg the Federal soldiers abandoned themselves to pillage and destruction. They entered the stores and dwellings, forcing their way where force was necessary, rifling them of all that they wanted of their contents and destroying those things that they could not remove. China and glassware were broken up and scattered promiscuously; silverware was carried away, books and family pictures were mutilated and destroyed; furniture was cut up or broken up and converted into fire-wood, beds, bedclothing and wearing apparel were destroyed or carried off, and the residences were left despoiled of their contents. In the three days the invaders occupied the town they made the destruction complete. But it is a gratification, even to those who suffered by this occupation, to know that the commanders were not to blame for the sacking of the town. It was the work, so it is asserted, of stragglers and camp followers—the most detestable and destructive scabs of an army. On Friday, the 12th of December, the Union army was drawn up in line of battle, prepared to advance. Not less than sixty thousand men were on the south bank of the river, with more than a hundred pieces of artillery. Near the mouth of Deep Run there were probably as many more ready for the final charge. The Confederate army was confronting them in a line extending from Fall Hill to Hamilton's Crossing, between six and seven miles in length. At one o'clock the heavy batteries on each side opened, and for an hour kept up a brilliant duel of shell and round shot. On the morning of Saturday, the 13th of December, a dense fog hung over the river and the adjoining fields. Under its cover the Federal army advanced. By eight o'clock it was in position and the dreadful conflict began. Line after line of battle advanced on the Confederate position, at the stone wall at the foot of Marye's Heights, to be repulsed with great slaughter. This was kept up without cessation, charge after charge, as rapidly as they could reform the men, from eight o'clock in the morning until four o'clock in the afternoon, when one desperate charge, with troops en masse, was made all along the line in front of the stone wall, accompanied by the most terrific fire of artillery. In this last and grandest effort, the men, marching to death and destruction through an open field, got within twenty five yards of the stone wall, notwithstanding the deadly aim of the Confederate infantry behind it and the destructive fire of the artillery on the heights above, so skillfully arranged by General Edward Porter Alexander. It was a sublime spectacle, and the gallantry of both officers and men won the admiration of the commanders on both sides, Lieutenant-General Longstreet, on the Confederate side, declaring that such gallant conduct deserved success. But success was not to be theirs. The gallant charges of the Federals were met with that undaunted coolness and courage so characteristic of the Confederate soldier, and a disastrous Federal defeat was the result. The fighting was the most desperate that had been witnessed up to that time, and the Union loss was very great, being nearly fifty per cent, of the numbers engaged. The battle-field was covered with the dead, wounded and dying, and it is related by those behind the stone wall that all during the night the most piteous groans and cries, for water of the wounded could be heard, but no relief could be afforded, although the Confederates deeply sympathized with them.[1] Thus ended the battle of Fredericksburg, fought, it is claimed, against the judgment and advice of every corps commander in the army who refused to renew the attack next day, although it was the desire of Gen. Burnside to do so. [1] It Is said that Just south of the Stevens house, about a hundred yards In front of the Confederate line, lay a wounded Union soldier on the night of the 18th. His supply of water gave out. Just before daylight he began to call for water. The cry was incessant. Both lines could hear him, but no one seemed willing to venture to his relief. As the day dawned he seemed to cry louder — water, water, water; but none came. Among those who heard him, and whose heart was touched with pity, was a Confederate youth, yet In his teens. He determined to answer the call or die In the attempt; and so informed Gen. Kershaw, his commander, who tried to dissuade him from It. But his purpose was fixed, and it is said that just as "the sun was gliding the blue arch above with his golden beams," this youth took canteens, filled with water, jumped oyer the stone wall, and, with form bending low, carried it to the sufferer. Just as the deed was accomplished a yell of approval went up from both Confederate and Union lines, such as was never heard before, and which was repeated time and again. The boy soldier did not have to bend his form in returning to his post. He went back a hero, and a good Samaritan, proclaimed such by both armies, and he has since been immortalised in verse. That youth was Richard Kirkland, of Co. E. 2nd S. C. Vol. He has a memorial stone in the Church of the Prince of Peace at Gettysburg, and the inscription:-- A hero of benevolence; at the risk of his life he gave his enemy drink at Fredericksburg. He was killed at Chlckamanga.

THE FEDERALS RECROSS THE RIVER.

On Monday night, December the 15th, General Burnside withdrew his army across the river and removed his pontoons. The citizens returned to their houses, to find them stripped of everything that was left in them. What could not be carried away was broken up and destroyed. Private residences, orphan asylums, church buildings and lodges of benevolent and charitable institutions, all fared alike. Not only were the residences of the refugees deprived of everything left in them, but the returning citizens were without money and food. They were in a destitute condition, and, between the two great armies, with no prospect of relief, unless it came from friends in the way of a contribution. It was at this critical period that the appeal, made but a few days before, brought to them relief in the way of money and supplies. The contributions in money amounted to $164,169.45, and the provisions were ample to relieve the present needs. Thus the wants of the destitute of the town were supplied and untold suffering prevented.

A GREAT REVIVAL OF RELIGION.

From the first of January to the second day of June, 1862, General Barksdale's brigade, that had guarded the banks of the river from the arrival of the Confederate army at this point to the great battle of the 13th of December, was quartered in town for picket and provost guard duty. About the first of April, 1863, one of the most remarkable and successful religious revivals took place here that was known to that generation. The dangers and hardships of war were to yield for a time for the comforts of religion. The services were commenced in the Presbyterian church by Rev. Wm. B. Owens, Dr. J. A. Hackett, Rev. E. McDaniel and Rev. W. T. West, chaplains in the brigade, aided by Rev. John L. Pettigrew, then a private soldier in Company A, Thirteenth Mississippi regiment, but afterwards appointed to a chaplaincy in a North Carolina regiment. Rev. Owens, a Methodist minister, had charge of the services, and for some reason the meetings were transferred from the Presbyterian church to the Southern Methodist church, then standing on the comer of Charles and George streets, where Mr. P. V. D. Conway's residence now stands. The interest in the meetings deepened, their influence spread to the adjoining camps,[2] and the congregations became so large that they could not find standing room in the building.

[2] See Christ In the Camp, by Rev. J. Wm. Jones, D. D.

To accommodate these rapidly-increasing crowds, Rev. A. M. Randolph, then rector, tendered the use of St. George's church, which was gladly accepted, and the services were conducted there until the close of the meeting, in the latter part of May. Before the close, this revival attracted the attention of the leading ministers of nearly all denominations, many of whom came to the assistance of Mr. Owens and his co-workers. Among those who were at times present, preached and rendered valuable assistance, were Rev. J. C. Stiles, D. D., Rev. Wm. J. Hoge, D. D., Rev. James D. Coulling, Rev. James A. Duncan, D. D., Rev. J. Lansing Burrows, D. D., Rev. Alfred E. Dickinson, D. D., and Rev. W. H. Carroll. During the meeting more than five hundred soldiers, most of whom belonged to Barksdale's brigade, were converted and united with churches of the various Christian denominations. Of this wonderful religious awakening, Rev. Dr. Wm. J. Hoge wrote to the Southern Presbyterian as follows: "We found our soldiers at Fredericksburg all alive with animation. A rich blessing had been poured upon the labors of Brother Owens, Methodist chaplain in Barksdale's brigade. The Rev. Dr. Burrows, of the Baptist church, Richmond, had just arrived, expecting to labor with him some days. As I was to stay but one night, Dr. Burrows insisted on my preaching. So we had a Presbyterian sermon, introduced by Baptist services, under the direction of a Methodist chaplain, in an Episcopal church! Was not that a beautiful solution of the vexed problem of Christian union?" Rev. Wm. B. Owens, who worked so faithfully in the great meeting at Fredericksburg, endeared himself to all who had the pleasure of attending the services. On his return to his Mississippi home, at the close of the war, he at once entered upon his work as a travelling minister, and was drowned while attempting to cross a swollen stream on horseback, endeavoring to reach one of his preaching stations.

GENERAL JOHN SEDGWICK TAKES THE TOWN. Chancellorsville campaign.

In the Spring of 1863, as soon as the roads began to dry off, the armies were put in readiness to move, preparatory to another great battle. General Joseph Hooker, known as "Fighting Joe Hooker," had succeded General Ambrose E. Burnside in the command of the Army of the Potomac, which he claimed was the finest army on the planet. His desire was to reach Richmond, which his predecessors, General McDowell, General McClellan, General Pope and General Burnside, had failed to do. Accordingly, about the last of April, detaching General John Sedgwick, with twenty-two thousand men, to threaten General Lee's rear at Fredericksburg, he crossed his army at the several fords of the Rappahannock river above town and concentrated it at Chancellorsville. His plan seems to have been to turn General Lee's right flank with the forces under General Sedgwick, double back his left flank with the corps under General Howard, and then, with the forces of General Crouch and General Meade, make a bold and desperate dash against the center, crush it and capture the entire army of his adversary. This accomplished, Richmond would be an easy prey. But while General Hooker was moving to execute his plans, General Lee had the Army of Northern Virginia in motion, and when General Hooker reached Chancellorsville he found to his great astonishment, the Confederate army in his front and prepared to dispute his advance. Skirmishers were thrown out by both armies and soon the engagement of May the 2nd and 3rd commenced. On the morning of the 2nd, General Stonewall Jackson commenced his famous flank movement that has been the study and wonder of military men of this and other countries, which resulted in a great disaster to the Federal army and a great calamity to the Southern cause. General Hooker was badly defeated and driven in haste from the field, but General Jackson lay mortally wounded. Of that attack and result we use in substance the language of General Lee in his official report of the Battle of Chancellorsville. [War of the Rebellion, Series 1. Vol. 25, Part 1, page 798.] After a long and fatiguing march, General Jackson's leading division, under General Rodes, reached old turnpike, about three miles in the rear of Chancellorsville, at four in the afternoon. As the different divisions arrived they were formed at right angles with the road — Rodes in front, Trible's division, under Brigadier-General R. E. Colston, in the second, and General A. P. Hill's in the third line. At six o'clock the advance was ordered. The enemy were taken by surprise and fled after a brief resistance. General Rodes's men pushed forward with great vigor and enthusiasm, followed closely by the second and third lines. Position after position was carried, the guns captured, and every effort of the enemy to rally defeated by the impetuous rash of our troops. In the ardor of pursuit through the thick and tangled woods, the first and second lines at last became mingled and moved on together as one. The enemy made a stand at a line of breastworks across the road at the house of Melzi Chancellor, but the troops of Rodes and Colston dashed over the entrenchments together and the flight and pursuit were resumed and continued until our advance was arrested by the abatis in front of the line of works near the central position at Chancellorsville. It was now dark, and General Jackson ordered the third line, under General Hill, to advance to the front and relieve the troops of Rodes and Colston, who were completely blended, and in such disorder, from their rapid advance through intricate woods and over broken ground, that it was necessary to reform them. As General Hill's men moved forward, General Jackson, with his staff and escort, returning from the extreme front, met his skirmishers advancing, and in the obscurity of the night were taken for the enemy and fired upon. Captain J. K. Boswell, chief engineer of the corps and several others were killed and a number wounded. General Jackson himself received a severe injury and was borne from the field. He was taken to the Chandler house, at Guiney's station, in Caroline county, where, notwithstanding everything possible was done for him that loving hearts could do or medical skill could suggest. Confederate pickets had accidentally shot him at the Battle of Chancellorsville on May 2, 1863, which the general survived, albeit with the loss of an arm to amputation. However, he died of complications of pneumonia eight days later. Amid the sorrow and tears of the Southern people he was laid to rest in Lexington, Virginia. General Jubal A. Early had been left at Fredericksburg to watch General Sedgwick, and had been instructed, in the event of the enemy withdrawing from his front and moving up the river, to join the main body of the army. This order was repeated on the 2nd, but by some mistake General Early was directed to move unconditionally. Leaving Hays's brigade and one regiment of Barksdale's at Fredericksburg, he moved with the rest of his command towards Chancellorsville. As soon as his withdrawal was perceived the enemy began to advance, and General Early returned to his original position. The line to be defended by Barksdale's brigade extended from the Rappahannock, above Fredericksburg, to the rear of Howison's house, a distance of more than two miles.' The artillery was posted along the heights in rear of the town. Before dawn on the morning of the 3rd General Barksdale reported to General Early that the enemy had occupied Fredericksburg in large force and had bridged the Rappahannock river. Hays's brigade was sent to his support, and placed on his extreme left, with the exception of one regiment, stationed on the right of his line behind the Howison house. Seven companies of the Twenty-first Mississippi regiment were posted by General Barksdale between the Marye house and the Plank road, the Eighteenth and the three other companies of the Twenty-first occupied the Telegraph road, behind the stone wall, at the foot of Marye's Hill, the two remaining regiments of the brigade being farther to the right on the hills near Howison's house. The enemy made a demonstration against the extreme right, which was easily repulsed by General Early. Soon afterward a column moved from Fredericksburg along the river bank as if to gain the heights on the extreme left, which commanded those immediately in rear of the town. This attempt was foiled by General Hays and the arrival of General Wilcox from Banks's Ford, who deployed a few skirmishers on the hill near Dr. Taylor's house and opened on the enemy with a section of artillery. Very soon the enemy advanced in large force against Marye's Heights and the hills to the right and left. Two assaults were gallantly repulsed by Barksdale's men and the artillery. After the second, a flag of truce, it was claimed, was sent from the town to obtain permission to provide for the wounded, which was granted. At the end of the truce three heavy lines advanced and renewed the attack. They were bravely repulsed on the right and left, but the email force at the foot of Marye's Hill, overpowered by more than ten times their numbers, was captured* after a heroic resistance, and the Heights carried. Eight pieces of artillery were taken on Marye's and the adjacent heights. The remainder of Barksdale's brigade, together with that of General Hays, and the artillery on the right, retired down the Telegraph road. The success of the enemy enabled him to threaten Gen. Lee's communications by moving down the telegraph road, or gain his rear at Chancellorsville by the Plank road. He at first advanced on the Telegraph road, but was checked by General Early, who had halted the brigades of Barksdale and Hays with the artillery, about two miles from Marye's Hill, and reenforced them with three regiments of General John B. Gordon's brigade. The enemy then began to advance up the Plank road, his progress being gallantly disputed by the brigade of General Cadmus M. Wilcox, who had moved from Banks's Ford as rapidly as possible to the assistance of General Barksdale, but arrived too late to take part in the action. General Wilcox fell back slowly until he reached Salem church, on the Plank road, about four miles from Fredericksburg. Information of the state of affairs in our rear having reached Chancellorsville, General McLaws, with his three brigades and one of General Anderson's, was ordered to reinforce General Wilcox. He arrived at Salem church early in the afternoon, where he found General Wilcox in line of battle, with a large force of the enemy—consisting, as was reported, of one army corps and part of another, under Major-General Sedgwick—in his front. The brigades of General Kershaw and General Wofford were placed on the right of General Wilcox and those of Semmes and Mahone on the left. The enemy's artillery played vigorously upon our position for some time, when his infantry advanced in three strong lines, the attack being directed mainly against General Wilcox, but partially involving the brigades on his left. The assault was met with the utmost firmness, and after a fierce struggle the first line was repulsed with great slaughter. The second then came forward, but immediately broke under the close and deadly fire which it encountered, and the whole mass fled in confusion to the rear. They were pursued by the brigades of General Wilcox and General Semmes, in the direction of Banks's Ford, where the enemy crossed to the Stafford side of the river. The next morning General Early advanced along the Telegraph road and recaptured Marye's Heights and the adjacent hills without difficulty. General Barksdale's brigade entered the town, to find the enemy gone, with the exception of some stragglers who had secreted themselves in cellars and elsewhere about town. These were captured and sent to the rear, and the brigade took up its former quarters in the town, where it remained until the first of June. After some four weeks of rest and reorganization the army was again put in motion, the object of Gen. Lee being the invasion of Pennsylvania. After the removal of the army Fredericksburg was left practically without any armed troops, and soon relapsed into her usual quiet, so characteristic of the place. This condition of things existed until the return of the army from its invasion in the Fall, when the town was occasionally visited by scouting cavalry from the Confederate army, the main body of the troops camping west of Fredericksburg.

GEN. GRANT'S ARMY IN POSSESSION. The Wilderness Campaign.

With the opening of the Spring of 1864, was inaugurated the most active and bloody campaign of the war in Virginia. This battle embraces those of Mine Run, the Wilderness, Todd's Tavern, the Po, the Ny and those around Spotsylvania Courthouse, in which both armies, the Confederate, under General Robert E. Lee, and the Federal, under General Ulysses S. Grant, lost heavily. Many thousands of the wounded Federals were sent in ambulances and wagons to Fredericksburg, where hospitals were established, under the charge of United States surgeons. Every house in the town that was at all available was converted into a hospital. Residences, stores, churches and lodge rooms were all occupied by the wounded and the surgeons were kept busy day and night. As fast as the wounded could be moved they were sent north, and others were brought from the battle-fields. This was kept up from the time the battles commenced, on the 4th of May, until they closed, on the 20th of May, the first batch reaching town with their authorized attendants on the 9th of May. On Sunday, the 8th, a small body of Federal troops, numbering about sixty, most of them slightly wounded, came into town. They were armed, and the citizens demanded their surrender as prisoners of war. This demand was acceded to and they were delivered over to the Confederate military authorities at the nearest post from which they were sent to Richmond. This action of the citizens was regarded by the Federal authorities as a violation of law, and the arrest of an equal number of citizens was ordered by the Federals, that they might be held as hostages until these Union soldiers were released and returned. This order caused great consternation in town. No one could foretell the fate of those arrested and the worst for them was feared. Many of the male citizens sought hiding places, but quite a number made no effort to escape or elude the officers, as they did not consider they had done any wrong—certainly no intentional wrong—and they were willing to abide the consequences until an impartial investigation was made, when they believed they would be exonerated from any crime. In the execution of this order, sixty-two citizens were arrested and carried to Washington, ten of whom were there liberated and the remaining fifty-two were sent to Fort Delaware. Afterwards five other citizens were arrested and sent to the same prison. The families of these citizens were almost frantic at being thus deprived of their protectors, while the town was overrun by Federal soldiers, many of them stragglers, without any one to restrain them, and others brought here from the Wilderness and other battle-fields, wounded and dying, their groans and shrieks filling the air. No one can imagine the distressing scenes enacted in town about this time who did not witness them, or form any conception of the terrible ordeal through which these helpless families passed save those who shared their privations and sufferings. The town had been the scene of a bombardment unparalleled; two fearful battles had been fought here, with their accompanying destruction of property and consumption of food and family supplies; the town had been in possession of both armies at different times; therefore these families were destitute of food and the comforts of life, and now comes the order for the arrest and imprisonment of those whom God had given them; to protect and provide for them. Notwithstanding the intense excitment of the people of the town, and the sufferings and entreaties of theu bereaved ones, it was thought prudent to defer public action until farther developments, in the hope that the prisoners would be released and allowed to return to their homes. Having impatiently awaited the release of the prisoners, and their hopes not being realized, on the 31st of May a meeting of the Common Council was called, and upon assembling the Mayor informed the body that the object of the meeting was to take some steps for the relief of those citizens who had been arrested and who were then suffering in prison at Fort Delaware. A paper was submitted by Mr. Wm. A. Little, which was unanimously adopted, looking to their release. As the paper contains the views of the citizens of Fredericksburg, with reference to the arrest of the Federal soldiers, and also the names of the citizens arrested, it is here copied in full, as follows:— FREDERICKSBURG, VA., May 31st, 1864. To the Honorable James A. Seddon, Secretary of War of the Confederate States, Richmond, Virginia. At a meeting of the Mayor and Common Council of Fredericksburg, Virginia, held this 31st of May, 1864, a committee of two citizens, to wit: Montgomery Slaughter and John F. Scott, were appointed to repair to Richmond and present to you the following statement and application.

Statement

On Sunday, the 8th instant, a number of slightly-wounded and straggling Federal soldiers, who entered the town, many of them with arms in their hands, and with the capacity and intention, we feared, of doing mischief in the way of pillage and injury to our people, who were unprotected by any military force, were arrested by order of our municipal authorities and forwarded to the nearest military post as prisoners of war, under the guard of citizens. These prisoners amounted to about sixty men, of whom but few are said to have been sljghtfy wounded. In retaliation of this act, the provost marshal-under orders from the Secretary of War at Washington, arrested on the 20th instant some sixty of our citizens and forwarded them to Washington, to be held as hostages for said prisoners. Ten of the citizens were afterwards released in Washington, and have returned to their homes, leaving some fifty-one citizens still in confinement, who have been sent to the military prison at Fort Delaware. In behalf of these unfortunate people, who are thus made to suffer so serfously, and for their suffering families who are thus left without their natural protectors, and many of them without their means of support, we appeal to you to take such steps as may be proper and in accordance with.military regulations to return the said prisoners to the Federal authorities and thus secure the release of our citizens. Surely the matter of a few prisoners cannot be allowed to interfere with the humane and generous work of restoring to these desolated homes, and these mourning women and children, the only source of comfort which the fate of war has left them in this war-ravaged and desolated town, the presence of those loved ones who are separated from them and imprisoned at Fort Delaware. The following is a list of the citizens arrested and carried to Washington as aforesaid:—  James H. Bradley, Thomas F. Knox, James McGuire, Councellor Cole, Michael Ames, John G. Hurkamp, John J. Chew, George H. Peyton, Wm. H. Thomas, John D. Elder, who were released at Washington.   F. B. Chewning, R. B. Rennolds, James B. Marye, George Aler, Charles Mander, Benjamin F. Currell, John L. Knight, Wm. C. Smith, Joseph W. Sener, E. W. Stephens, Charles Cash, Charles B. Waite, Charles G. Waite, Jr., George W. Wroten, Thomas Newton, Robert H. Alexander, Robert Smith, Lucien Love, George F. Sacrey, Henry M. Towles, Landon J. Huffman, Lewis Moore, John T. Evans, Walter Bradshaw, Samuel D. Curtis, Lewis Wrenn, Wm. White, John Solan, George W. Eve, James Mazeen, Abraham Cox, Wm. Brannan, James A. Turner, A. E. Samuel, Tandy Williams, Robert S. Parker, Christopher Reintz, Thomas F. Coleman, Patrick McDonnell, Charles Williams, Wm. Cox, Walter M. Mills, Thomas S. Thornton, John Joyce, John Miner, Richard Hudson, Wm. B. Webb, Alexander Armstrong, Wm. Wiltshire, Gabriel Johnston, George Mullin, William Burke.  The following citizens were arrested subsequently and are still held by the Federal authorities: Wm. Lange, Thomas Manuell, Joseph Hall, Wm. W. Jones, Wyatt Johnson. The committee appointed by the Council proceeded to Richmond and laid the matter before the Secretary of War, and, on their return home, reported to the Council in writing. This report was filed, but was not entered upon the records of the Council, and, from indications as shown by subsequent entries in the Council proceedings, the committee appointed Mr. George H. C. Rowe to visit Washington, interview the Federal authorities and ascertain what could be done. Some of the members of the Council claimed that this action of the committee was without authority, as the appointment should have been made by the Council itself and not by the committee of the Council. This claim was, no doubt, well founded, and the action of the committee may have been a stretch of its authority, but their great anxiety to have these gentlemen released from prison and have them restored to their families and friends, was a sufficient explanation and apology, if such had been needed, for their action, independent of the Council. And furthermore, the propriety of, and authority for, this action of the committee may be explained, if not justified, by the fact that one of the committeemen was the Mayor and executive officer of the town and the other one was a leading member of the Common Council. But be that as it may, Mr. Rowe proceeded to Washington, and on his return, on the 20th of June, made a report of his visit to the Council, stating that he was well received by the Federal authorities and was assured by the Secretary of War that the exchange could be effected. Mr. Rowe further stated that the proposition made by the Secretary of War was that the Federal prisoners should be released and placed in his care, and he be permitted to take them through their lines with the assurance that the citizen prisoners would be turned over to him. Mr. Rowe concluded his report as foIIows:— "This proposition, it seems to me, obviates all difficulties of misconstruction, and I will undertake the delivery and receipt of the prisoners at Alexandria. It is proper to state that in 1862, I undertook and executed, a similar Commission of exchange of citizens captured, with success, and thorough satisfaction to our Government, and I am sure with its assent and cooperation as proposed, I will now reap a similar result." Upon the reception of this report by the Council Mayor Slaughter and Mr. Rowe were appointed a commission to visit Richmond and secure the release of the Federal prisoners, and, when so released, the commission was authorized to do what might be necessary to effect the final exchange. On their arrival in Richmond they called on the Confederate authorities and stated the terms of agreement, and through their solicitation the following order was issued by Colonel Robert Ould, the Confederate commissioner of exchange of prisoners:— "RICHMOND, VA., JUNE 23rd, 1864. Brigadier General M. M. Gardner— Sir: I will thank you to deliver to M. Slaughter, Mayor of Fredericksburg, fifty-six Federal Soldiers (privates) who are to be exchanged for an equal number of our people, captured in Fredericksburg. I will thank you also to furnish M. Slaughter the necessary guard, &c, for their transportation to Fredericksburg. Please send two or three surgeons with the party.

Resp'y yr Obt. Sert.,

R. OULD, Agt."

The issuance of this order, with the previous assurance of the Federal authorities, encouraged and rejoiced the hearts of all interested parties. The mourning changed to rejoicing, and nothing now remained to complete the joy but the presence of the loved ones, who yet lingered in prison. An order was at once issued by the Common Council authorizing Mr. Slaughter and Mr. Rowe to procure all the necessary transportation and make proper arrangements for the exchange and effect the release of the imprisoned citizens as speedily as possible. From the final report, made on the subject, it appears that the whole matter of making the exchange of prisoners was turned over to Mr. Rowe. On his return from Washington he reported the transactions in full to the Council, on the 8th of July, in the following words:— "I have the honor to report that I reached the military lines of the United States in safety with the fifty-six prisoners of war and four civil officers of the so-called State of West Virginia, committed to my charge by the corporation authorities, to be exchanged for the captive citizens of Fredericksburg. After some difficulty in obtaining personal access to the authorities at Washington, and several days' discussion there, I succeeded in closing a negotiation that the Federal prisoners delivered by me should be released from their paroles simultaneously with the delivery of fifty-three captive citizens of Fredericksburg, and seven Confederate prisoners of war, on board of a flag of trace steamer, with transportation to Split Rock, on the Potomac river. "In execution of this obligation the Federal authorities delivered to me, on board the Steamer Weycomote, whence they were landed at Split Rock on yesterday, forty-nine citizens and two prisoners of war, according to the roll which accompanies this report, marked A. The four citizens and five prisoners of war still due, I have solid assurances will be forwarded by the same route at an early day." At the conclusion of Mr. Rowe's report, on motion made by Mr. John James Young, the Council unanimously adopted the following resolution: "That the thanks of this body be tendered to Mr. Rowe for the energetic and efficient manner in which he has effected the exchange of Federal prisoners for our captive citizens." Having been set at liberty at Split Rock, on the banks of the Potomac river, the march to Fredericksburg was soon commenced. Some few of the party, and especially the sick, were fortunate enough to have carriages sent for them, some got seats in wagons, but a large majority of them made the journey on foot, and were delighted at the privilege of doing so. The distance is about twelve miles. It is unnecessary to attempt (for we could not if we did) to describe the scene upon the arrival of these unfortunate ones to their homes and families. It is sufficient to say they reached home in safety amidst the shouts of welcome and the rejoicing of the inhabitants of the town, the returned prisoners joining in the refrain, bearing testimony to the truth of Payne's declaration, "There's no place like home." The small batch of wounded and straggling Federal soldiers, who were arrested by the citizens on the 8th of May, was followed next day and the succeeding days, until there were in the different improvised hospitals in town about fifteen thousand sick and wounded soldiers. They were attended by a large body of surgeons and assistants of every kind, including nurses. The native population of the town at this time was small, and consisted entirely of women, children and elderly men. Even the colored population had become very much reduced. The sudden increase of the population by the advent of this large number of sick and wounded soldiers, and their numerous attendants, caused great suffering and distress, and during this occupation by the wounded, the suffering, disease and sorrow endured by the people of Fredericksburg were greater than any that had previously visited them. But notwithstanding this, and notwithstanding the harsh and cruel treatment they received at the hands of General Pope and his subordinates, truth demands the record and admission that these scenes of horror were greatly mitigated by many acts of courtesy and considerate aid on the part of the Federal officers stationed here, which even now are kindly remembered and spoken of by many of our citizens who were participants in the scenes referred to above.

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title: Fredericksburg, Virginia 1608-1908/7


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 a trustee!" A list of gentlemen was thus prepared before the end of the year came. The names were submitted to Mr. Rockefeller and to Mr. Field and to the rest of the principal subscribers and were by them approved to the Executive Board of the Education Society for appointment. Their names were submitted as the nominees of the subscribers to the fund and as such were approved by the Executive Board as the first Board of Trustees of the projected institution. The following were the men thus chosen: Joseph M. Bailey, a member of the state Supreme Court and later chief justice; E. Nelson Blake, twice president of the Chicago Board of Trade, and first president of the University Board; Charles C. Bowen, a business man of Detroit, Michigan; Elmer L. Corthell, a civil engineer; Eli B. Felsenthal, a lawyer and an alumnus of the first University of Chicago of the class of '78; Edward Goodman, one of the proprietors of The Standard; Dr. William R. Harper, later president of the University; Francis E. Hinckley, a business man; Charles L. Hutchinson, president of the Corn Exchange Bank and the Art Institute, first treasurer of the University; Herman H. Kohlsaat, newspaper proprietor and editor; Andrew MacLeish, merchant, long vice-president of the Board; John W. Midgley, railroad expert; C. W. Needham, lawyer; Dr. Alonzo K. Parker, pastor of the Centennial Baptist Church; Ferdinand W. Peck, a capitalist and an alumnus of the first University of the class of '68; George A. Pillsbury, a business man of Minneapolis, Minnesota; Henry A. Rust, business man, later business manager of the University; Martin A. Ryerson, capitalist, long president of the Board of Trustees; Daniel L. Shorey, a retired lawyer; Frederick A. Smith, lawyer, alumnus of the first University of the class of '66, later judge in the Chicago courts and second vice-president of the Board; and George C. Walker, capitalist.

The first meeting of the trustees was held in the Grand Pacific Hotel on July 9, 1890. Although not yet legally incorporated, the Board appointed committees and elected officers. The officers of the first year were E. Nelson Blake, president; Martin A. Ryerson, vice-president; Charles L. Hutchinson, treasurer; Thomas W. Goodspeed, secretary.


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 At this meeting Mr. Goodspeed gave in outline a history of the enterprise to date and reported that seventy-five thousand dollars had been paid on the subscriptions. Mr. Gates submitted a very important statement, which may be found in the Appendix, as to "the engagements and obligations which the Education Society entered into with the subscribers to this fund," and how thus far these obligations had already been discharged. In concluding his statement Mr. Gates said, " We now commit to you this high trust. The erection of the buildings, the organization of the institution, the expenditure and investment of its funds, and all that pertains to its work, its growth, and its prosperity, is placed absolutely without any reserve under your control."

On September 8, 1890, the trustees of the first University of Chicago formally changed the name of that institution to "The Old University," and two days later the Secretary of State issued the certificate of incorporation of the new University. The second meeting of the Board of Trustees was held September 18, 1890, when all action previously taken was "approved, ratified, and re-enacted," and Dr. Justin A. Smith, editor of The Standard, was made recording secretary, in which position he served for several months. This meeting was chiefly memorable because it witnessed the unanimous election of Dr. Harper to the Presidency. This story will be told in the next chapter.

The year 1890-91 was a busy one for the Trustees, but the promise made to the alumni of the Old University was not forgotten, and on February i, 1891, the following resolution, offered by President-elect Harper was adopted:

Resolved, That in view of the relation of the new University of Chicago to the institution that formerly bore that name, we hereby confirm and re-enact the degrees of B.A. and B.S. conferred by the former University of Chicago and we invite the graduates to consider themselves alumni of this University and to co-operate with us in building it into greatness.

That the record of this matter may be made complete it may be stated that later the board extended this action to all who had received the degree of Bachelor from the Old University.

At the end of the first fiscal year of the University, June 30, 1891, one hundred and sixty thousand dollars of the subscriptions


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74  The good sense of Vespasian engaged him indeed to embrace every measure that might confirm his recent and precarious elevation. The military oath, and the fidelity of the troops, had been consecrated, by the habits of an hundred years, to the name and family of the Cæsars; and, although that family had been continued only by the fictitious rite of adoption, the Romans still revered, in the person of Nero, the grandson of Germanicus, and the lineal successor of Augustus. It was not without reluctance and remorse that the prætorian guards had been persuaded to abandon the cause of the tyrant. The rapid downfall of Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, taught the armies to consider the emperors as the creatures of their will, and the instruments of their licence. The birth of Vespasian was mean; his grand-father had been a private soldier, his father a petty officer of the revenue, his own merit had raised him, in an advanced age, to the empire; but his merit was rather useful than shining, and his virtues were disgraced by a strict and even sordid parsimony. Such a prince consulted his true interest by the association of a son whose more splendid and amiable character might turn the public attention from the obscure origin to the future glories of the Flavian house. Under the mild administration of Titus, the Roman world enjoyed a transient felicity, and his beloved memory served to protect, above fifteen years, the vices of his brother Domitian.

Nerva had scarcely accepted the purple from the assassins of Domitian before he discovered that his feeble age was unable to stem the torrent of public disorders which had multiplied under the long tyranny of his predecessor. His mild disposition was respected by the good; but the degenerate Romans required a more vigorous character, whose justice should strike terror into the guilty. Though he had several relations, he fixed his choice on a stranger. He adopted Trajan, then about forty years of age, and who commanded a powerful army in the Lower Germany; and immediately, by a decree of the senate, declared him his colleague and successor in the empire. It is sincerely to be lamented, that, whilst we are fatigued with the disgustful relation of Nero's crimes and follies, we are reduced to collect the actions of Trajan from the glimmerings of an abridgment, or


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Rh  The country of Pannonia and Dalmatia, which occupied the space between the Danube and the Hadriatic, was one of the last and most difficult conquests of the Romans. In the defence of national freedom, two hundred thousand of these barbarians had once appeared in the field, alarmed the declining age of Augustus, and exercised the vigilant prudence of Tiberius at the head of the collected force of the empire. The Pannonians yielded at length to the arms and institutions of Rome. Their recent subjection, however, the neighbourhood, and even the mixture of the unconquered tribes, and perhaps the climate, adapted, as it has been observed, to the production of great bodies and slow minds, all contributed to preserve some remains of their original ferocity, and, under the tame resemblance of Roman provincials, the hardy features of the natives were still to be discerned. Their warlike youth afforded an inexhaustible supply of recruits to the legions stationed on the banks of the Danube, and which, from a perpetual warfare against the Germans and Sarmatians, were deservedly esteemed the best troops in the service.

The Pannonian army was at this time commanded by Septimius Severus, a native of Africa, who, in the gradual ascent of private honours, had concealed his daring ambition, which was never diverted from its steady course by the allurements of pleasure, the apprehension of danger, or the feelings of humanity. On the first news of the murder of Pertinax, he assembled his troops, painted in the most lively colours the crime, the insolence, and the weakness of the Prætorian guards, and animated the legions to arms and to revenge. He concluded (and the peroration was thought extremely eloquent) with promising every soldier about four hundred pounds; an honourable donative, double in value to the infamous bribe with which Julian had declared purchased the empire. The acclamations of the army immediately saluted Severus with the names of Augustus, Pertinax, and Emperor; and he thus attained the lofty station to which


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Rh University of Freiberg to avail himself of the knowledge of its eminent professors, its excellent laboratories, and its scientific equipments. Insight into many marvellous chemical reactions and problems awakened his mind as to the infinite vastness of the subject.

Freiberg—one of the oldest Universities in Europe—conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with high honours. From there he proceeded to Munich to enter the army. He, however, followed and completed his studies at the University. In the commercial application of his acquirements he practised in prominent and responsible positions, partly in Germany and partly in Italy, two countries which afford great scope for chemical and metallurgical work. Dr. Scheidel next went to England, to attend the meetings of the British Association and of the Iron and Steel Institute; and, further, to study the mining and metallurgical industries of Great Britain. In pursuance of subsequent professional duties he crossed the German Ocean to Sweden, and paid a prolonged visit to the important copper-gold mines of Falun. Returning to London, Dr. Scheidel accepted the appointment of general manager of the New Zealand Gold Extraction Company Limited—a strong English corporation of prominence and weight in the mining world. He sailed for New Zealand in 1888, and on his arrival established his headquarters at the Thames. His scientific attainments, experience, and practical resources were called into requisition. Dr. Scheidel made distant journeys to all the New Zealand gold centres, and erected extensive gold-extraction works on the Hauraki goldfield. Any scientific speculation on a sound commercial basis, which he felt certain would prove remunerative to his company, was entered into with zeal. Then, in the interests of his company, he crossed over to the goldfields of Queensland, New South Wales, and Victoria. It would seem as if his stream of energy inundated every Australian goldfield, and what to him was a work of pleasure and satisfaction was to his company accumulation of wealth and an increase in dividends.

In a few years he severed his connection with the company, and took the managership of the Sylvia Gold Mines in New Zealand. He there erected large works for the reduction, amalgamation, concentration, and cyanide extraction of gold ores at Tararu, Hauraki, New Zealand. The concentrating plant, on the German system, proved a great success, as did also his cyanide works, which were the first (outside of Africa) where complete gold ores were treated on a large commercial scale with an undeniably brilliant triumph. The Government of New Zealand published a description of these splendid works in their official mines reports. In 1893 Dr. Scheidel accepted a call to the goldfields of California. Making San Francisco his headquarters, he remained on the American continent till late in 1895. In these years he completed many important works and engagements. For the famous Utica Mine he erected large cyanide extraction works at Angel's Camp. Holding, as he did, many appointments as manager and consulting engineer to large mining corporations, Dr. Scheidel led a very busy life in the States. His professional duties took him to Montana, Arizona, Texas, Utah, British Columbia, and Mexico, and his capabilities were recognised by men of eminence. They saw in him a man of scientific learning, with a practical ability that could resolve the fruits and theories of his mind into visible things.

It was not surprising, therefore, that, in 1894, the Government of the State of California approached him with a commission to write a treatise on the cyanide process. No one was more fit than he to expound the complexities and intricacies of this delicate and immensely economically-important process. Dr. Scheidel accepted the commission, and produced a work which was published by the State Mining Bureau of California in 1894, under the title, "The Cyanide Process: Its Practical Applications and Economical Results". As a contribution to science the life of this valuable standard work in ensured. Dressed in concrete scientific phraseology, it is an exhaustive treatment of the subject, and combines simplicity with clearness. Its success in the United States of America was an immediate consequence of the publication, and metallurgists all the world over have to thank Dr. Scheidel's lucid exposition for an intimate and thorough knowledge of the subject. The book was most favourably received in the stronghold of the cyanide process—Johannesburg. Before he left America in 1895, Dr. Scheidel had gained for himself a scientific reputation which singled him out as a man of uncommon abilities.

From America he went to Europe in connection with important mining affairs. Whilst in London, he entered into negotiations with the New Zealand Mines Trust, a most influential corporation in London, with a capital of £250,000. He came to the colonies as their representative. This company is interested in the chief mines of New Zealand, amongst them the Waihi and the Waitekauri, and nearly all the mining industries of the colonies. Going to New Zealand about the end of 1895, Dr Scheidel inspected the properties there.

In the beginning of 1896 he departed for Western Australia as the company's general manager and consulting engineer. The New Zealand Mines Trust have since acquired a number of properties on the Coolgardie Goldfields, and Dr. Scheidel's position is one involving much arduous work and grave responsibility. The many properties of the company—the North Kalgoorlie Gold Mines at Hannan's, the Lady Charlotte group of leases at Coolgardie, and a number of other important interests are under his personal supervision. The Lady Charlotte group, which comprises an area of sixty-five acres, is being rapidly opened up, and is expected to become one of the best properties in the district. The company is about (1896) to increase their holdings at Black Flag and in the northern districts. In advancing the interests of the company Dr. Scheidel has travelled over wide portions of the goldfields and visited many mines and mining camps, stretching from the Norseman to Mount Malcolm, both included. Thus he has acquired a thorough knowledge of the goldfields and their resources. His company has recently acquired an important town lot in Sylvester Street, Coolgardie, with the object of erecting extensive office buildings, for the administration of the mining concerns in which they are interested.

Dr. Scheidel is a member of the executive committee of the Coolgardie Chamber of Mines. His numerous official duties preclude his accepting other public offices, and, thereby, from rendering the public services that otherwise he would willingly grant. In Coolgardie, where his attainments are known and appreciated, he is regarded as an authority on all mining and metallurgical matters, and also on mining laws. His opinion is valued by his corporation—who alone have claim on his services—for his vast scientific and practical experience, explicitness in his reports, impartiality in his evidences, and sincerity in his statements. Everything is weighed diligently, and is soberly expressed by him.

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Works

 * On the Regulation of Currencies (1844)
 * Historical memoir of the family of Eglinton and Winton, 1864

title: Author:John Fullarton