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 de Warenne (1286–1347) [q. v.] He had a daughter married to Guy de Laigle (, i. 187).

[Benedictus Abbas, Roger Hoveden, Chronicles of Stephen, Henry II, and Richard I, Ralph of Diceto, Materials for the History of Thomas Becket, Giraldus Cambrensis, Red Book of Exchequer, Epistolæ Cantuarienses, in Chronicles of the reign of Richard I (all the above in Rolls Series); Calendar of Papal Letters, vol. i.; Rotuli Cartarum and Rymer's Fœdera, vol. i. (both in Record Comm.); Dugdale's Baronage, i. 75–6, and Monasticon, vol. vi.; G. E. C[okayne]'s Complete Peerage, vii. 326; Doyle's Official Baronage, iii. 470; Eyton's Itinerary of Henry II; Hunter's South Yorkshire, vol. i.; Norgate's England under the Angevin Kings; Watson's Memoirs of the Earls of Warren and Surrey, i. 154–73, a useful storehouse, but to be employed with the utmost caution.]

WARENNE, JOHN, or  (1231?–1304), was the son of William de Warenne, earl of Warenne or Surrey (d. 1240) [q. v.], and of his wife Matilda, daughter of William Marshal, earl of Pembroke (d. 1219) [q. v.], and widow of Hugh Bigod, third earl of Norfolk. Roger Bigod, fourth earl of Norfolk (d. 1270) [q. v.], was thus his elder half-brother. He is said in the Lewes register to have been five years old at his father's death (, i. 225), but two chronicles give 1231 as the date of his birth (Cont. ii. 129; ‘Lewes Chron.’ in Sussex Archæological Collections, ii. 24). Henry III's alien kinsmen benefited largely by his long minority. Peter of Savoy [q. v.] was made guardian of his estates (Sussex Arch. Coll. iv. 133), and on 16 April 1247 he was married at London to the king's half-sister, Alice of Lusignan (Liber de Antiquis Legibus, p. 12). Warenne's earldom was thought too rich a provision for the needy Poitevin lady (, iv. 629). In the next few years the young earl was closely attached to his Lusignan brothers-in-law, joining them in 1253 in the attack on the official of Archbishop Boniface, and sharing their excommunication (ib. v. 359). Absolved from this, he went abroad with William of Valence [q. v.] and Richard de Clare, seventh earl of Gloucester [q. v.] (Sussex Arch. Coll. ii. 26), probably to take part in the tournament at Paris that celebrated the betrothal of Gloucester's son Gilbert to Warenne's wife's niece, Alice of Angoulême. On 29 May 1254 he accompanied Edward, the king's son, to Gascony (, v. 447), whence he attended Edward on his visit to Spain to wed Eleanor of Castile. He was knighted along with Edward (Sussex Arch. Coll. ii. 26) at Las Huelgas by Alfonso X of Castile. The statement that he took a prominent part in Gascon affairs at this time is due to a confusion between him and John de Plessis, earl of Warwick [q. v.] (, Rôles Gascons, supplément au tome i. p. 130. ‘Johannes comes de War.’ was extended into ‘Warenne’ instead of ‘Warwick’ by Michel. The confusion is, however, older: see e.g. Flores Hist. ii. 412; and, i. 227–8). His association with the courtiers made Warenne unpopular (, v. 514).

On 15 Jan. 1256 the countess Alice gave birth to a son, William. Two days later her husband took ship from Dover to the continent. However, on 9 Feb. Alice died, and was buried by her brother, Bishop Aymer de Valence [q. v.], at Lewes priory (Sussex Arch. Coll. ii. 26). In May 1256 Warenne had the grant of the third penny of the Sussex county revenues. He soon became a member of the king's council.

During the earlier stages of the baronial troubles Warenne strongly upheld the king. He witnessed on 2 May 1258 the king's consent to the baronial project of reform (Select Charters, p. 381), and was one of the twelve ‘fideles de concilio nostro’ associated with twelve opposition barons to draw up the plan of reform for the great council at Oxford on 11 June (Burton Annals, p. 447). In this ‘Mad’ parliament Warenne joined with William de Valence and his other Poitevin brothers-in-law in refusing all concessions, even when Henry III and his son Edward had accepted the reforms (, v. 696–7). They thereupon fled from Oxford to Winchester, where Bishop Aymer sheltered them in Wolvesley Castle. When the aliens gave up the struggle, Warenne took the oath to the Provisions of Oxford (Burton Annals, p. 444), and on 5 July escorted his Poitevin kinsmen to Dover.

Like many of the young nobles, Warenne was now strongly attracted by Simon de Montfort. In 1260 he acted as justice in Somerset, Dorset, and Devon (, Biographia Juridica, p. 705). In the same year he twice crossed the Channel to take part in tournaments (Sussex Arch. Coll. ii. 27). On 18 July 1261 he joined with the other barons in requesting the king of France to arrange their differences with the king (, Simon de Montfort, p. 331). On 21 Nov. he took part in the compromise by which the Provisions were submitted to the arbitration of six magnates, and was included among those who received pardons (ib. p. 193). Warenne now commonly acted with Henry of Cornwall [q. v.] In the spring of 1263


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Rotrou, Jean de

ROTROU, rṓ'trōō ' , (1609-50). A French dramatist, born in Dreux. At nineteen he was successful on the stage with L'hypocondriaque. About 1635 Richelieu made him one of the famous five employed to write tragedies from his plots. Rotrou's earlier plays were mostly based on Spanish dramas, especially on those of Lope de Vega; and at a later period he was more clearly under classical influence. Corneille also influenced him considerably. The more important of his plays are: La bague d'oubli (1635); Cléagénor et Doristée (1635); Venceslas (1648), a tragedy which long held the stage; and Cosroès (1648), probably his best tragedy. A complete edition was brought out by Viollet-le-Duc (Paris, 1820 et seq.). Consult: Jarry, Essai (Paris, 1868); Chardon, La vie de Rotrou (ib., 1884).

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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86 'There is a custom in the Orient, friends— I read of it in Persia—when a man Will honour those who feast with him, he brings And shows them whatsoever he accounts Of all his treasures the most beautiful, Gold, jewels, arms, whatever it may be. This custom—'

Pausing here a moment, all The guests broke in upon him with meeting hands And cries about the banquet—'Beautiful! Who could desire more beauty at a feast?'

The lover answer'd, 'There is more than one Here sitting who desires it. Laud me not Before my time, but hear me to the close. This custom steps yet further when the guest Is loved and honour'd to the uttermost.


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258

last spring the University of Calcutta published The Folk-Literature of Bengal, a reprint of lectures delivered to the University by Mr. Sen as Ramtanu Lahiri Research Fellow. In that book Mr. Sen gratefully expressed his obligations to Mr. Dakṣiṇā Rañjan Majumdār, the Grimm of Bengal. But he modestly omitted to state that he too is a collector of Bengali folk-lore. Indeed, as a lifelong student of popular poetry of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, his attention must have been forcibly drawn to the ancient legends of local deities imbedded in this artless old verse. In his Sājher Bhog he has published six stories which are not without interest to collectors of folk-tales. Two of these indeed are modified versions of tales already recorded. One is taken from the Kathā-saritā sāgara, and another from a Persian source to which Mr. Sen has not given a reference. It is to be hoped that he will repair this omission in a second edition. A third tale is taken from the English of the famous missionary Carey, and a fourth is little more than an amusing anecdote of how an Amir of Afghanistān was misled as to the taste of the Indian mangoe. There remain two excellent tales which the author heard in his childhood, true specimens of village folklore in Eastern Bengal. The first (and best) of these is the horrific tale of the Bhūta Tāpāi. I make a brief summary of it as an example of the wares Mr. Sen has to offer to his readers.

A middle-aged Brāhmaṇ, one cold winter’s night, was crossing a wide plain on his way home. The wind blew shrill and chill, and the wayfarer, Śibu by name, trembled in every limb. Suddenly, on the left of his path, he saw a fire blazing cheerily, and round it a number of people enjoying its warmth. What a temptation to warm himself in good company before continuing his homeward journey! He came near, and feeling the genial influence of the flame from afar, incautiously shouted “Tāpāi, tāpāi,” meaning “I am warmed, I am warmed.”

Alas, the creatures round the fire were maleficent ghosts, hideous, distorted, grinning, sworn enemies of mankind, shouting obscene words with the nasal utterance which marks their race.

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Rh For after he hath shown him gems or gold, He brings and sets before him in rich guise That which is thrice as beautiful as these, The beauty that is dearest to his heart— "O my heart's lord, would I could show you," he says, "Ev'n my heart too." And I propose to-night To show you what is dearest to my heart, And my heart too.

'But solve me first a doubt. I knew a man, nor many years ago; He had a faithful servant, one who loved His master more than all on earth beside. He falling sick, and seeming close on death, His master would not wait until he died, But bade his menials bear him from the door, And leave him in the public way to die.


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Rötscher, Heinrich Theodor

RÖTSCHER, rẽt'shẽr, (1803-71). A German dramatic critic. He was born in Mittenwalde, studied at Berlin and Leipzig, and from 1828 to 1845 was professor in the Gymnasium of Bromberg. Then he became dramatic critic to the Spenersche Zeitung of Berlin. His principal work is the Kunst der dramatischen Darstellung (1841-40; 2d ed. 1864). Among his works may be mentioned Aristophanes und sein Zeitalter (1827) and Abhandlungen zur Philosophie der Kunst (1837-47), both strongly tinged with Hegelianism; Shakespeare in seinen höchsten Charaktergebilden (1864); Dramuturgische und ästhetische Abhandlungen (1864-67); and Seydelmanns Leben und Wirken (1845).


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Rh By all the laws of love and gratefulness, The service of the one so saved was due All to the saver—adding, with a smile, The first for many weeks—a semi-smile As at a strong conclusion—'body and soul And life and limbs, all his to work his will.' Then Julian made a secret sign to me To bring Camilla down before them all. I And crossing her own picture as she came, And looking as much lovelier as herself Is lovelier than all others—on her head A diamond circlet, and from under this A veil, that seemed no more than gilded air, Flying by each fine ear, an Eastern gauze With seeds of gold—so, with that grace of hers, Slow-moving as a wave against the wind, That flings a mist behind it in the sun—


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Rh Moreover, one of them was named Tāpāi, and the ghostly assemblage were mightily vexed at a mortal’s familiar use of their comrade’s name. They threatened him with instant death. The Brāhmaṇ, in terror, felt for his sacred thread, but it had slipped down. He strove to repeat the holy names of the gods, but his memory was paralysed with fear. But finally the thread came into his hand, and taking heart, he boldly asserted that he knew Tāpāi quite well, seeing that Tāpāi and his ancestors for three generations had been the slaves of his family. “Well,” cried Tāpāi, “if he can tell me the names of my ancestors, I will become his bond servant.” To which the keen-witted priest replied: “How can I be expected to know the names of all the slaves of my ancestors? But I have them recorded in a ledger at home.” On which he was allowed to depart on condition that he returned on the third day to answer to Tāpāi’s challenge. Otherwise not only he but his family would perish at the hands of the man-eating bhūtas.

The Brāhmaṇ went home, saved for the moment, indeed, but filled with despair for the future. For two miserable days the wretched priest could neither eat nor sleep, and his wife and daughter and infant son shared his anxiety. The third night, when his family slept, the miserable man went forth to hang himself in the jungle rather than face his ghostly foes. But on the very tree he chose for his suicide were two dark forms. He shuddered, he stood still, but he listened. It was Tāpāi and his wife, and the latter, with true feminine curiosity, was asking her husband the names of his forebears. Of course Tāpāi had to tell, as every husband does when his wife presses him. He recited the following verse:

Such was the verse which the Brāmaṇ committed to memory, and groping his way home through the dark forest, faced life with a new confidence. Next evening he went to the ghostly rendezvous, and the unlucky Tāpāi followed him home, his submissive slave.

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260 But there was one condition. Tāpāi would perform all tasks given to him from dawn till nightfall. But he must be kept occupied all the time. At first the condition seemed easy to fulfil. The bhūta was ordered to build a palace, raise a noble temple, dig a tank, procure a bridegroom for the Brāhmaṇ’s daughter, etc., etc. But there are limits to human desires and human inventiveness, and even the Brāhmaṇ was, in spite of all the luxury with which he was now surrounded, a harassed and perplexed mortal. He was like to die of sheer worry and anxious thought, when his wife came to his rescue. She plucked a curly hair from her husband’s eyebrow. “Give that to the creature,” she said, “and tell him to straighten it.” The poor demon, for once, was at his wit’s end. He pulled the hair, and pressed it, and wetted it. But all in vain. The moment it was released, it curled up again. Finally, at nightfall, the good Brahman released Tāpāi, as Prospero released Ariel, and then he and his family lived happily afterwards!

It is only fair to say that this crude summary gives a very faint idea of the primitive charm of the tale as told by Mr. Sen in his racy Bengali, with all manner of delightful details of domestic life in an old-fashioned Hindu household. This is equally true of all the tales, which have all a pleasant homely humour which is singularly evocative of country life in Eastern India. It is to be hoped that Mr. Sen, instead of rewriting tales from the Persian, will collect more genuine village tales like that of Tāpāi the bhūtā. Many Anglo-Indian children have heard such stories from ayah and bearer, and would be glad to have a permanent record of such primitive and probably ancient legends.

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text: Folk-Lore/Volume 31/Review/Man, Past and Present


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88 I knew another, not so long ago, Who found the dying servant, took him home, And fed, and cherish'd him, and saved his life. I ask you now, should this first master claim His service, whom does it belong to? him Who thrust him out, or him who saved his life?'

This question, so flung down before the guests, And balanced either way by each, at length When some were doubtful how the law would hold, Was handed over by consent of all To one who had not spoken, Lionel.

Fair speech was his, and delicate of phrase. And he beginning languidly—his loss Weigh'd on him yet—but warming as he went, Glanced at the point of law, to pass it by, Affirming that as long as either lived,


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 CRAWLEY, RICHARD (1840–1893), scholar, born at Bryngwyn rectory on 26 Dec. 1840, was eldest son of William Crawley, archdeacon of Monmouth, by his wife, Mary Gertrude, third daughter of Sir Love Jones Parry of Madryn, Carnarvonshire. From 1851 to 1861 he was at Marlborough College. He matriculated from University College, Oxford, as an exhibitioner on 22 May 1861, and graduated B.A. in 1866, having taken a first class both in moderations and in the school of lit. hum. In 1866 he was elected to a fellowship at Worcester College, which he held till 1880. Called to the bar at Lincoln's Inn on 7 June 1869, Crawley never practised owing to ill-health, which compelled him to reside abroad for many years. He was thus free to cherish unhampered a native love of literature. At length, in April 1875, he became director of a life assurance company, and that business largely occupied him until his death on 30 March 1893.

Crawley had an admirable literary taste and a wide knowledge of literature. In the ample leisure of his early manhood he perseveringly essayed various branches of it. In 1868 he published 'Horse and Foot,' a witty satire on contemporary literary effort in the manner of Pope, which is now of historical value. A more serious endeavour, 'Venus and Psyche and other Poems,' which appeared in 1871, proved less distinctive. 'The Younger Brother,' a play in the style of the Elizabethan drama, which Crawley dedicated to his father, followed in 1878. Crawley contributed some sparkling verse to conservative newspapers during the general election of 1880. These he collected in a volume called 'Election Rhymes' in the same year. But his most notable performance was a translation of Thucydides's 'History of the Peloponnesian War.' His rendering of the first book came out in 1866, and the whole was issued in 1874. It was an able and vigorous piece of work, although it secured little recognition.

[Athenæum, 8 April 1893; Times, 8 April 1893; private information.]  CREALOCK, HENRY HOPE (1831–1891), soldier, artist, and author, born on 31 March 1831, was the second son of William Betton Crealock of Langeston in Devonshire. Crealock entered Rugby school in February 1844 and obtained a commission in the 90th light infantry on 13 Oct. 1848. He obtained his lieutenancy on 24 Dec. 1852, and his captaincy on 29 Dec. 1854. On 5 Dec. he landed at Balaklava and served at the siege of Sebastopol. He was mentioned in the despatches for his gallant conduct during the attacks on the Redan on 18 June and 8 Sept. 1855, and was appointed deputy adjutant quartermaster-general at headquarters on 17 Sept. and at Constantinople in December. For his services he received the brevet rank of major, a medal with a clasp, and the fifth class of the Turkish order of the Medjidie with a medal. On 26 Dec. 1856 he attained the rank of major, and in March 1857 he was appointed deputy adjutant quartermaster-general to the China expeditionary force. He was present at the whole of the operations at Canton in December 1857 and January 1858, and received the brevet rank of lieutenant-colonel and a medal with a clasp. On 20 July 1858 he reached the regimental rank of lieutenant-colonel. He served in the Indian campaigns of Rohilkhand, Biswara, and TransGogra during 1858 and 1859 on the staff of Sir (afterwards Baron Sandhurst) [q. v.], was present at the actions of Bareilly and Shajehanpur, was mentioned in the despatches, and received a medal with a clasp. In March 1860 he was appointed military secretary to Lord Elgin during his Chinese embassy [see, eighth ]. He was attached to the headquarters of the army during the war that followed; was present at the action of Sinho, the capture of the forts at Tangku and Taku, the engagement at Palichau, and the capture of Pekin; and received a medal with two clasps. On 6 July 1864 he received his colonelcy, and on 2 Jan. 1870 was gazetted major-general. During the Austro-Prussian war he was military attaché at Vienna, and from 1874 to 1877 he served as quartermaster-general in Ireland. In the Zulu war of 1879 he commanded the first division, and for his services was created C.M.G. and received a medal with a clasp. He was also a C.B. Crealock retired from the army on 4 Sept. 1884 with the rank of lieutenant-general.

Crealock was an accomplished draughtsman, and his sketches of scenes in the Indian mutiny and China campaign are valuable records. He furnished many sketches of the Zulu campaign to the 'Illustrated London News.' He illustrated 'Wolf-Hunting, or Wild Sport in Lower Brittany' (1875), and Whyte-Melville's 'Katerfelto' (1875). In 1885 he republished a series of papers which had appeared between 1870 and 1879 on 'The Eastern Question' (London, 8vo), written from a point of view hostile to Russia. At the time of his death Crealock was engaged on his most important work, 'Deer-Stalking in the Highlands of Scotland,'


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90 And bearing high in arms the mighty babe, The younger Julian, who himself was crown'd With roses, none so rosy as himself— And over all her babe and her the jewels Of many generations of his house Sparkled and flash'd, for he had decked them out As for a solemn sacrifice of love— So she came in:—I am long in telling it, I never yet beheld at thing so strange, Sad, sweet, and strange together—floated in— While all the guests in mute amazement rose— And slowly pacing to the middle hall, Before the board, there paused and stood, her breast Hard-heaving, and her eyes upon her feet, Not daring yet to glance at Lionel. But him she carried, him nor lights nor feast, Dazed or amazed, nor eyes of men; who cared Only to use his own, and staring wide


text: Folk-Lore/Volume 31/Review/A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province


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 BOOK VII

INTERMEDIATE BETWEEN PIERRE'S TWO INTERVIEWS WITH ISABEL AT THE FARM-HOUSE

I

immediately, not for a long time, could Pierre fully, or by any approximation, realise the scene which he had just departed. But the vague revelation was now in him, that the visible world, some of which before had seemed but too common and prosaic to him; and but too intelligible; he now vaguely felt, that all the world, and every misconceivedly common and prosaic thing in it, was steeped a million fathoms in a mysteriousness wholly hopeless of solution. First, the enigmatical story of the girl, and the profound sincerity of it, and yet the ever accompanying haziness, obscurity, and almost miraculousness of it;—first, this wonderful story of the girl had displaced all commonness and prosaicness from his soul; and then, the inexplicable spell of the guitar, and the subtleness of the melodious appealings of the few brief words from Isabel sung in the conclusion of the melody—all this had bewitched him, and enchanted him, till he had sat motionless and bending over, as a tree-transformed and mystery-laden visitant, caught and fast bound in some necromancer's garden.

But as now burst from these sorceries, he hurried along the open road, he strove for the time to dispel the mystic feeling, or at least postpone it for a while, until he should have time to rally both body and soul from the more immediate consequences of that day's long fastings and 5em

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Rh words to Mr. Falsgrave, sufficiently evinced that already, ere quitting that gentleman's study, he had begun to repent his ever entering it on such a mission.

And as he now walked on in the profound meditations induced by the hour; and as all that was in him stirred to and fro, intensely agitated by the ever-creative fire of enthusiastic earnestness, he became fully alive to many palliating considerations, which had they previously occurred to him would have peremptorily forbidden his impulsive intrusion upon the respectable clergyman.

But it is through the malice of this earthly air, that only by being guilty of Folly does mortal man in many cases arrive at the perception of Sense. A thought which should forever free us from hasty imprecations upon our ever-recurring intervals of Folly; since though Folly be our teacher, Sense is the lesson she teaches; since if Folly wholly depart from us, Further Sense will be her companion in the flight, and we will be left standing midway in wisdom. For it is only the miraculous vanity of man which ever persuades him, that even for the most richly gifted mind, there ever arrives an earthly period, where it can truly say to itself, I have come to the Ultimate of Human Speculative Knowledge; hereafter, at this present point I will abide. Sudden onsets of new truth will assail him, and overturn him as the Tartars did China; for there is no China Wall that man can build in his soul, which shall permanently stay the irruptions of those barbarous hordes which Truth ever nourishes in the loins of her frozen, yet teeming North; so that the Empire of Human Knowledge can never be lasting in any one dynasty, since Truth still gives new Emperors to the earth.

But the thoughts we here indite as Pierre's are to be very carefully discriminated from those we indite concerning him. Ignorant at this time of the ideas

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text: Folk-Lore/Volume 31/Review/The Tale of the Two Travellers, or The Blinded Man


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234 the reciprocity and partnership of Folly and Sense, in contributing to the mental and moral growth of the mind; Pierre keenly upbraided his thoughtlessness, and began to stagger in his soul; as distrustful of that radical change in his general sentiments, which had thus hurried him into a glaring impropriety and folly; as distrustful of himself, the most wretched distrust of all. But this last distrust was not of the heart; for heaven itself, so he felt, had sanctified that with its blessing; but it was the distrust of his intellect, which in undisciplinedly espousing the manly enthusiast cause of his heart, seemed to cast a reproach upon that cause itself.

But though evermore hath the earnest heart an eventual balm for the most deplorable error of the head; yet in the interval small alleviation is to be had, and the whole man droops into nameless melancholy. Then it seems as though the most magnanimous and virtuous resolutions were only intended for fine spiritual emotions, not as mere preludes to their bodily translation into acts; since in essaying their embodiment, we have but proved ourselves miserable bunglers, and thereupon taken ignominious shame to ourselves. Then, too, the never-entirely repulsed hosts of Commonness, and Conventionalness, and Worldly Prudent-mindedness return to the charge; press hard on the faltering soul; and with inhuman hootings deride all its nobleness as mere eccentricity, which further wisdom and experience shall assuredly cure. The man is as seized by arms and legs, and convulsively pulled either way by his own indecisions and doubts. Blackness advances her banner over this cruel altercation, and he droops and swoons beneath its folds.

It was precisely in this mood of mind that, at about two in the morning, Pierre, with a hanging head, now crossed the private threshold of the mansion of Saddle Meadows.

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text: The Lover's Tale/Part 4

title: The Lover's Tale/Part 4


text: Folk-Lore/Volume 31/Review/Sir Roger de Coverley and other Literary Pieces


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Rh II

In the profoundly silent heart of a house full of sleeping serving-men and maids, Pierre now sat in his chamber before his accustomed round table, still tossed with the books and the papers which, three days before, he had abruptly left, for a sudden and more absorbing object. Uppermost and most conspicuous among the books were the Inferno of Dante, and the Hamlet of Shakespeare.

His mind was wandering and vague; his arm wandered and was vague. Soon he found the open Inferno in his hand, and his eye met the following lines, allegorically overscribed within the arch of the outgoings of the womb of human life:

He dropped the fatal volume from his hand; he dropped his fated head upon his chest.

His mind was wandering and vague; his arm wandered and was vague. Some moments passed, and he found the open Hamlet in his hand, and his eyes met the following lines:

He dropped the too true volume from his hand; his petrifying heart dropped hollowly within him, as a pebble down Carisbrooke well.

III

The man Dante Alighieri received unforgivable affronts and insults from the world; and the poet Dante Alighieri bequeathed his immortal curse to it, in the sublime

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text: Folk-Lore/Volume 31/Review/Sajher Bhog

title: Folk-Lore/Volume 31/Review/Sajher Bhog


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236 malediction of the Inferno. The fiery tongue whose political forkings lost him the solacements of this world, found its malicious counterpart in that muse of fire, which would forever bar the vast bulk of mankind from all solacement in the worlds to come. Fortunately for the felicity of the Dilettante in Literature, the horrible allegorical meanings of the Inferno, lie not on the surface; but unfortunately for the earnest and youthful piercers into truth and reality, those horrible meanings, when first discovered, infuse their poison into a spot previously unprovided with that sovereign antidote of a sense of uncapitulatable security, which is only the possession of the furthest advanced and profoundest souls.

Judge ye, then, ye Judicious, the mood of Pierre, so far as the passage in Dante touched him.

If among the deeper significances of its pervading indefiniteness, which significances are wisely hidden from all but the rarest adepts, the pregnant tragedy of Hamlet convey any one particular moral at all fitted to the ordinary uses of man, it is this:—that all meditation is worthless, unless it prompt to action; that it is not for man to stand shillyshallying amid the conflicting invasions of surrounding impulses; that in the earliest instant of conviction, the roused man must strike, and, if possible, with the precision and the force of the lightning-bolt.

Pierre had always been an admiring reader of Hamlet; but neither his age nor his mental experience thus far, had qualified him either to catch initiating glimpses into the hopeless gloom of its interior meaning, or to draw from the general story those superficial and purely incidental lessons wherein the painstaking moralist so complacently expatiates.

The intensest light of reason and revelation combined, cannot shed such blazonings upon the deeper truths in man, as will sometimes proceed from his own profoundest

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Rh gloom. Utter darkness is then his light, and cat-like he distinctly sees all objects through a medium which is mere blindness to common vision. Wherefore have Gloom and Grief been celebrated of old as the selectest chamberlains to knowledge? Wherefore is it, that not to know Gloom and Grief is not to know aught that an heroic man should learn?

By the light of that gloom, Pierre now turned over the soul of Hamlet in his hand. He knew not—at least, felt not—then, that Hamlet, though a thing of life, was, after all, but a thing of breath, evoked by the wanton magic of a creative hand, and as wantonly dismissed at last into endless halls of hell and night.

It is the not impartially bestowed privilege of the more final insights, that at the same moment they reveal the depths, they do, sometimes, also reveal—though by no means so distinctly—some answering heights. But when only midway down the gulf, its crags wholly conceal the upper vaults, and the wanderer thinks it all one gulf of downward dark.

Judge ye, then, ye Judicious, the mood of Pierre, so far as the passage in Hamlet touched him.

IV

Torn into a hundred shreds the printed pages of Hell and Hamlet lay at his feet, which trampled them, while their vacant covers mocked him with their idle titles. Dante had made him fierce, and Hamlet had insinuated that there was none to strike. Dante had taught him that he had bitter cause of quarrel; Hamlet taunted him with faltering in the fight. Now he began to curse anew his fate, for now he began to see that after all he had been finely juggling with himself, and postponing with himself, and in meditative sentimentalities wasting the moments consecrated to instant action.

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238 Eight-and-forty hours and more had passed. Was Isabel acknowledged? Had she yet hung on his public arm? Who knew yet of Isabel but Pierre? Like a skulking coward he had gone prowling in the woods by day, and like a skulking coward he had stolen to her haunt by night! Like a thief he had sat and stammered and turned pale before his mother, and in the cause of Holy Right, permitted a woman to grow tall and hector over him! Ah! Easy for man to think like a hero; but hard for man to act like one. All imaginable audacities readily enter into the soul; few come boldly forth from it.

Did he, or did he not vitally mean to do this thing? Was the immense stuff to do it his, or was it not his? Why defer? Why put off? What was there to be gained by deferring and putting off? His resolution had been taken, why was it not executed? What more was there to learn? What more which was essential to the public acknowledgment of Isabel, had remained to be learned, after his first glance at her first letter? Had doubts of her identity come over him to stay him?—None at all. Against the wall of the thick darkness of the mystery of Isabel, recorded as by some phosphoric finger, was the burning fact, that Isabel was his sister. Why then? How then? Whence then this utter nothing of his acts? Did he stagger at the thought, that at the first announcement to his mother concerning Isabel, and his resolution to own her boldly and lovingly, his proud mother, spurning the reflection on his father, would likewise spurn Pierre and Isabel, and denounce both him and her, and hate them both alike, as unnatural accomplices against the good name of the purest of husbands and parents? Not at all. Such a thought was not in him. For had he not already resolved, that his mother should know nothing of the fact of Isabel?—But how now? What then? How was Isabel to be acknowledged to the

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 he returned with Henry from a mission to France (Cont. ii. 219). About Whitsuntide he supported Montfort at a council held ‘rege et concilio suo ignorantibus’ (Dunstable Annals, p. 222, but cf., p. 199). He joined the baronial army and took part in the attack on Peter of Aigueblanche [q. v.], bishop of Hereford (Dunstable Annals, pp. 221–2). On 7 Aug. he was made constable of Pevensey Castle, and on 23 Aug. joint commissioner to treat with the Welsh (Fœdera, i. 430).

By the autumn Warenne again wavered. After the flight of Edward from the capital the Londoners turned Warenne out of the city (Dunstable Annals, p. 225), whereupon he and Henry of Cornwall led a great secession to the royalists. Edward's timely grants of land encouraged the seceders. Warenne was with the king when, on 3 Dec., he was refused admission to Dover Castle (Cont. ii. 229). On 16 Dec. he signed the agreement to submit to the arbitration of St. Louis (Royal Letters, ii. 252). On 24 Dec. the king made him guardian of the peace in Surrey and Sussex.

Warenne fought strenuously on the king's side in the war that followed the repudiation of the Mise of Amiens. In March 1264 he was with the king at Oxford, whence he went with Roger de Leybourne [q. v.] to protect his castle of Reigate from the Londoners (, De Bello, p. 22). He soon retreated to Rochester, where he arrived on 16 April. On the 19th Leicester took the outworks of the castle and drove Warenne into the Norman keep, where he held out until 26 April, when Leicester retreated to London on the approach of Edward ( i. 313;, pp. 146–7; Cont. ii. 235–6). On 29 April Warenne left Rochester. A few days later he was at his castle of Lewes, where he entertained Edward on the night of 13 May (Battle Chronicle apud, p. 376). In the battle of Lewes, 14 May, Warenne fought on the right or north wing of the royalist host commanded by Edward (, p. 26, Rolls Ser.;, i. 316). If, however, he accompanied Edward's pursuit of the Londoners, he soon returned to the town, where, after the capture of the king, he fought a fierce fight in the streets with the victorious barons (Battle Chronicle, u.s. p. 377). Beaten signally in this, he rode off with Hugh Bigod and his Lusignan brothers-in-law over the Ouse bridge to Pevensey Castle, of which he was still constable. Leaving behind a garrison, they thence fled to the exiled queen in France. Warenne's flight was severely denounced by the chroniclers. Wykes (p. 151), the royalist, makes it an excuse for Edward's surrender.

On 18 June all Warenne's lands, save Lewes and Reigate, were handed over to Earl Gilbert of Gloucester. He remained abroad for nearly a year, staying partly in France and partly in Flanders. The quarrel of Leicester with Gloucester at last gave him his opportunity. On 19 March 1265 he was summoned to appear in parliament ‘to do and suffer justice.’ Early in May, along with William de Valence, he landed in Pembrokeshire (, p. 165; Royal Letters, ii. 282). They joined the escaped Edward and Gloucester at Ludlow, and took part in the Evesham campaign. On the night of 1–2 Aug. Warenne accompanied Edward in his secret march on Kenilworth, and took part in its capture on the morning of the latter day (Liber de Ant. Leg. pp. 74–5). After Evesham he reduced Kent and the Cinque ports (Royal Letters, ii. 289). On 27 May 1266 he and William of Valence suddenly attacked Bury St. Edmund's. The abbey at once yielded, and the townsfolk atoned for their disloyalty by a fine (Cont. ii. 197). In 1267, still acting with William of Valence, he mediated between Gloucester and the king and his son (, p. 50, Rolls Ser., and De Bello, p. 60; Cont. ii. 246). At the conclusion of the disturbances Warenne obtained a formal pardon for his rebellions against the king (Abbreviatio Placitorum, p. 168), and for the excesses of himself and his followers up to 1268 (cf. Cal. Patent Rolls, 1281–92, p. 167). On 24 June 1268 he took the cross at the same time as Edward (, p. 218). This did not prevent fierce quarrels with rival barons. In 1269 a contest broke out between Warenne and Henry de Lacy [q. v.], the young earl of Lincoln, with regard to their rights over a certain pasture. Both earls prepared to wage private war, but the king forced them to refer the dispute to the justices, who decided in favour of Lacy (Flores Hist. iii. 17–18). On 13 Oct. 1269 Warenne was present at the translation of Edward the Confessor (, p. 226). A dispute broke out between Warenne and Alan de la Zouch about a certain manor. On 19 June 1270 the case was being tried in Westminster Hall (ib. p. 234). Fearing lest once more the law might be adverse, Warenne overwhelmed Alan and his eldest son with reproaches. Thereupon his followers set upon the Zouches, dangerously wounding the father. The son only escaped by flight. The king and his son were in the neighbouring palace, and were


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Rh world, if his mother was to know nothing of that acknowledgment?—Short-sighted, miserable palterer and huckster, thou hast been playing a most fond and foolish game with thyself? Fool and coward! Coward and fool! Tear thyself open, and read there the confounding story of thy blind dotishness! Thy two grand resolutions—the public acknowledgment of Isabel, and the charitable withholding of her existence from thy own mother,—these are impossible adjuncts.—Likewise, thy so magnanimous purpose to screen thy father's honourable memory from reproach, and thy other intention, the open vindication of thy fraternalness to Isabel,—these also are impossible adjuncts. And the having individually entertained four such resolves, without perceiving that once brought together, they all mutually expire; this, this ineffable folly, Pierre, brands thee in the forehead for an unaccountable infatuate!

Well may'st thou distrust thyself, and curse thyself, and tear thy Hamlet and thy Hell! Oh! fool, blind fool, and a million times an ass! Go, go, thou poor and feeble one! High deeds are not for such blind grubs as thou! Quit Isabel, and go to Lucy! Beg humble pardon of thy mother, and hereafter be a more obedient and good boy to her, Pierre—Pierre, Pierre,—infatuate!

Impossible would it be now to tell all the confusion and confoundings in the soul of Pierre, so soon as the above absurdities in his mind presented themselves first to his combining consciousness. He would fain have disowned the very memory and the mind which produced to him such an immense scandal upon his common sanity. Now indeed did all the fiery floods in the Inferno, and all the rolling gloom in Hamlet suffocate him at once in flame and smoke. The cheeks of his soul collapsed in him; he dashed himself in blind fury and swift madness against the wall, and fell dabbling in the vomit of his loathed identity.

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 BOOK X

THE UNPRECEDENTED FINAL RESOLUTION OF PIERRE

I

be his gracious memory who first said, The deepest gloom precedes the day. We care not whether the saying will prove true to the utmost bounds of things; sufficient that it sometimes does hold true within the bounds of earthly finitude.

Next morning Pierre rose from the floor of his chamber, haggard and tattered in body from his past night's utter misery, but stoically serene and symmetrical in soul, with the foretaste of what then seemed to him a planned and perfect Future. Now he thinks he knows that the wholly unanticipated storm which had so terribly burst upon him, had yet burst upon him for his good; for the place, which in its undetected incipiency, the storm had obscurely occupied in his soul, seemed now clear sky to him; and all his horizon seemed distinctly commanded by him.

His resolution was a strange and extraordinary one; but therefore it only the better met a strange and extraordinary emergency. But it was not only strange and extraordinary in its novelty of mere aspect, but it was wonderful in its unequalled renunciation of himself.

From the first, determined at all hazards to hold his father's fair fame inviolate from anything he should do in reference to protecting Isabel, and extending to her a brother's utmost devotedness and love; and equally determined not to shake his mother's lasting peace by 5em

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Rh any useless exposure of unwelcome facts; and yet vowed in his deepest soul some way to embrace Isabel before the world, and yield to her his constant consolation and companionship; and finding no possible mode of unitedly compassing all these ends, without a most singular act of pious imposture, which he thought all heaven would justify in him, since he himself was to be the grand self-renouncing victim; therefore, this was his settled and immovable purpose now; namely: to assume before the world, that by secret rites, Pierre Glendinning was already become the husband of Isabel Banford—an assumption which would entirely warrant his dwelling in her continual company, and upon equal terms, taking her wherever the world admitted him; and at the same time foreclose all sinister inquisitions bearing upon his deceased parent's memory, or any way affecting his mother's lasting peace, as indissolubly linked with that. True, he in embryo, foreknew, that the extraordinary thing he had resolved, would, in another way, indirectly though inevitably, dart a most keen pang into his mother's heart; but this then seemed to him part of the unavoidable vast price of his enthusiastic virtue; and, thus minded, rather would he privately pain his living mother with a wound that might be curable, than cast world-wide and irremediable dishonour—so it seemed to him—upon his departed father.

Probably no other being than Isabel could have produced upon Pierre impressions powerful enough to eventuate in a final resolution so unparalleled as the above. But the wonderful melodiousness of her grief had touched the secret monochord within his breast, by an apparent magic, precisely similar to that which had moved the stringed tongue of her guitar to respond to the heart-strings of her own melancholy plaints. The deep voice of the being of Isabel called to him from out

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242 the immense distances of sky and air, and there seemed no veto of the earth that could forbid her heavenly claim.

During the three days that he had personally known her, and so been brought into magnetic contact with her, other persuasions and potencies than those direct ones, involved in her bewildering eyes and marvellous story, had unconsciously left their ineffaceable impressions on him, and perhaps without his privity, had mainly contributed to his resolve. She had impressed him as the glorious child of Pride and Grief, in whose countenance were traceable the divinest lineaments of both her parents. Pride gave to her her nameless nobleness; Grief touched that nobleness with an angelical softness; and again that softness was steeped in a most charitable humility, which was the foundation of her loftiest excellence of all.

Neither by word or letter had Isabel betrayed any spark of those more common emotions and desires which might not unreasonably be ascribed to an ordinary person placed in circumstances like hers. Though almost penniless, she had not invoked the pecuniary bounty of Pierre; and though she was altogether silent on that subject, yet Pierre could not but be strangely sensible of something in her which disdained to voluntarily hang upon the mere bounty even of a brother. Nor, though she by various nameless ways, manifested her consciousness of being surrounded by uncongenial and inferior beings, while yet descended from a generous stock, and personally meriting the most refined companionships which the wide world could yield; nevertheless, she had not demanded of Pierre that he should array her in brocade, and lead her forth among the rare and opulent ladies of the land. But while thus evincing her intuitive, true lady-likeness and nobleness by this entire freedom from all sordid motives, neither had she merged all her feelings in any sickly sentimentalities of sisterly affection toward her so

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The New International Encyclopædia/Rottenhammer, Johann

ROTTENHAMMER, rṓt'ten-häm'ẽr, (1564-1623). A German historical painter, born at Munich. He was a pupil there of Hans Donauer from 1582 to 1590, studied afterwards in Venice after Tintoretto, went thence to Rome in 1605, and settled at Augsburg in 1607. His best pictures are those on a small scale, to be found in all the principal galleries of Europe. He supplied the figures in some of the landscapes of Jan Breughel and Paul Bril. A good example of his early style, in which he approaches Tintoretto, is the “Death of Adonis,” in the Louvre. Among his best works are those painted for Emperor Rudolph II., including a “Nativity” (1608), “Battle Between Centaurs and Lapithæ,” and four others, in the Vienna Museum.


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Rh discovered brother; which, in the case of a naturally unattractive woman in her circumstances, would not have been altogether alluring to Pierre. No. That intense and indescribable longing, which her letter by its very incoherencies had best embodied, proceeded from no base, vain, or ordinary motive whatever; but was the unsuppressible and unmistakable cry of the godhead through her soul, commanding Pierre to fly to her, and do his highest and most glorious duty in the world.

Nor now, as it changedly seemed to Pierre, did that duty consist in stubbornly flying in the marble face of the Past, and striving to reverse the decree which had pronounced that Isabel could never perfectly inherit all the privileges of a legitimate child of her father. And thoroughly now he felt, that even as this would in the present case be both preposterous in itself and cruel in effect to both the living and the dead, so was it entirely undesired by Isabel, who though once yielding to a momentary burst of aggressive enthusiasm, yet in her more wonted mood of mournfulness and sweetness, evinced no such lawless wandering. Thoroughly, now he felt, that Isabel was content to live obscure in her paternal identity, so long as she could any way appease her deep longings for the constant love and sympathy and close domestic contact of someone of her blood. So that Pierre had no slightest misgiving that upon learning the character of his scheme, she would deem it to come short of her natural expectations; while so far as its apparent strangeness was concerned,—a strangeness, perhaps invincible to squeamish and humdrum women—here Pierre anticipated no obstacle in Isabel; for her whole past was strange, and strangeness seemed best befitting to her future.

But had Pierre now re-read the opening paragraph of her letter to him, he might have very quickly derived a

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244 powerful anticipative objection from his sister, which his own complete disinterestedness concealed from him. Though Pierre had every reason to believe that—owing to her secluded and humble life—Isabel was in entire ignorance of the fact of his precise relation to Lucy Tartan:—an ignorance, whose first indirect and unconscious manifestation in Isabel, had been unspeakably welcome to him;—and though, of course, he had both wisely and benevolently abstained from enlightening her on that point; still, notwithstanding this, was it possible that any true-hearted, noble girl like Isabel, would, to benefit herself, willingly become a participator in an act, which would prospectively and forever bar the blessed boon of marriageable love from one so young and generous as Pierre, and eternally entangle him in a fictitious alliance, which, though in reality but a web of air, yet in effect would prove a wall of iron; for the same powerful motive which induced the thought of forming such an alliance, would always thereafter forbid that tacit exposure of its fictitiousness, which would be consequent upon its public discontinuance, and the real nuptials of Pierre with any other being during the lifetime of Isabel.

But according to what view you take of it, it is either the gracious or the malicious gift of the great gods to man, that on the threshold of any wholly new and momentous devoted enterprise, the thousand ulterior intricacies and imperillings to which it must conduct; these, at the outset, are mostly withheld from sight; and so, through her ever-primeval wilderness Fortune's Knight rides on, alike ignorant of the palaces or the pitfalls in its heart. Surprising, and past all ordinary belief, are those strange oversights and inconsistencies, into which the enthusiastic meditation upon unique or extreme resolves will sometimes beget in young and over-ardent souls. That all-comprehending oneness, that calm representativeness,

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 greatly incensed at this violence. Warenne fled to Reigate Castle. Edward pursued him thither and threatened him with a siege, whereupon Warenne yielded. On 6 July he submitted himself in Westminster Hall to the king's mercy, protesting that he had not acted from malice but from anger. A fine of ten thousand marks was exacted, and on 3 Aug. he was further purged by the oath of twenty-five knights at Winchester, where, on 4 Aug., the king issued his pardon (, i. 244–5). The death of Alan on 10 Aug. of a fever, brought about by his wounds, did not further complicate the matter, but it was thought a scandal that Warenne got off so lightly (London Annals, p. 81). The greater part of the fine was still unpaid at his death (cf. Cal. Patent Rolls, 1301–7, pp. 496–7;, pp. 233–5, and Winchester Annals, p. 109, give somewhat different versions of the Zouch affair). In 1270 he was rebuked by Archbishop Giffard for his exactions in Yorkshire (Letters from Northern Registers, p. 22).

After Henry III's death, Warenne on 20 Nov. 1272 took oaths of fealty to the absent Edward I (Winchester Annals, p. 112; Liber de Ant. Leg. p. 154). According to the Lewes chronicler he was one of four ‘custodes terræ’ (Sussex Arch. Coll. ii. 30). He resented the writs of quo warranto of 1278. When, in 1279, the justices asked Warenne by what warranty he held his franchises, he produced ‘an ancient and rusty sword,’ saying, ‘Here is my warranty. My ancestors, who came with William the Bastard, conquered their lands with the sword, and with the sword will I defend them against all who desire to seize them. For the king did not conquer his lands by himself, but our ancestors were his partners and helpers’ (, ii. 6). The entry in ‘Kirby's Quest’ (Kirby's Quest, p. 3, Surtees Soc.) that he holds Conisborough but ‘non dicit de quo nec per quod servitium,’ and the king's officials' complaint that his bailiffs would not permit them to enter his liberties, nor allow his tenants to answer or appear before them (ib. pp. 227, 231), show that he did not recede from this attitude. His claim of free warren and free chase in all his Sussex lands (Rot. Parl. i. 6 b) was equally uncompromising. Warenne's attitude so generally represented that of the greater baronage that Edward desisted. A letter from Archbishop Peckham to Warenne, expostulating with him for damaging his tenants by permitting an intolerable excess of game on his lands, shows that he was equally strict over his dependents (, Letters, i. 38–9; the Hundred Rolls speak of the ‘diabolical innumerable oppressions’ of his steward at Conisborough (, South Yorkshire, p. 108). After 1282 Warenne was often called earl of Sussex as well as of Surrey. This was when the death of Isabella, widow of Hugh de Albini, last earl of Sussex of that house, had left that earldom vacant. It is sometimes thought to point to a fresh creation of Warenne as earl of Sussex, or to a contest for that dignity with the Fitzalans, who were forced in the end to be content with the title of earls of Arundel ( Complete Peerage, i. 145;, p. 29).

Warenne took a conspicuous share in carrying out Edward I's Welsh policy. In 1277 and in 1282 he served personally in Edward's campaigns. He spent most of 1283 in Wales with the king, and on 30 Sept. was summoned to the parliament of Shrewsbury. On the death of the two sons of Gruffydd ab Madog [q. v.] in 1281, the king, after some unsuccessful experiments (Rotulus Walliæ, p. 42, privately printed by Sir T. Phillips), divided their lands between Roger Mortimer [see ] and Warenne, the former obtaining Chirk and the latter taking the more westerly lordship of Bromfield, with part of that of Yale. Warenne's grant was dated 7 Oct. 1282 (, i. 267). Henceforth, as lord of Bromfield and Yale, he became one of the most important of the Welsh marcher lords, building the castle of Dinas Bran on a hill overlooking the Dee valley. In 1287 he raised troops and fought against Rhys ap Maredudd (Parl. Writs, i. 252), being sent to Wales in June and ordered to remain in Bromfield till Rhys was subdued (ib. i. 253; cf. Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1281–92, p. 271). In 1292 he granted the king a fifteenth from his Welsh lordships on condition that it should not be made a precedent (ib. p. 500). In 1293 he urged his right to the custody during vacancies of those temporalities of the bishopric of St. Asaph which lay within Bromfield, but the claim was rejected (Rot. Parl. i. 93 b; and, i. 598–9). In 1294 again Warenne was despatched to relieve Bere Castle, threatened by Madog ab Llywelyn (Parl. Writs, i. 264). He repeatedly raised large numbers of Welsh foot from his lordships to serve against the Scots. On 7 Feb. 1301 he received the grant of the castle and town of Hope, in the modern Flint, at a rent of 40l. (Cal. Patent Rolls, 1292–1301, p. 576). It was not until 25 July 1302 that he did homage for Bromfield and Yale.

Warenne's share in Edward's Scottish policy was very conspicuous. In September


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Rh by which a steady philosophic mind reaches forth and draws to itself, in their collective entirety, the objects of its contemplations; that pertains not to the young enthusiast. By his eagerness, all objects are deceptively foreshortened; by his intensity each object is viewed as detached; so that essentially and relatively everything is misseen by him. Already have we exposed that passing preposterousness in Pierre, which by reason of the above-named cause, which we have endeavoured to portray, induced him to cherish for a time four unitedly impossible designs. And now we behold this hapless youth all eager to involve himself in such an inextricable twist of Fate, that the three dextrous maids themselves could hardly disentangle him, if once he tie the complicating knots about him and Isabel.

Ah, thou rash boy! are there no couriers in the air to warn thee away from these imperillings, and point thee to those Cretan labyrinths, to which thy life's cord is leading thee? Where now are the high beneficences? Whither fled the sweet angels that are alleged guardians to man?

Not that the impulsive Pierre wholly overlooked all that was menacing to him in his future, if now he acted out his most rare resolve; but eagerly foreshortened by him, they assumed not their full magnitude of menacing; nor, indeed,—so riveted now his purpose—were they pushed up to his face, would he for that renounce his self-renunciation; while concerning all things more immediately contingent upon his central resolution; these were, doubtless, in a measure, foreseen and understood by him. Perfectly, at least, he seemed to foresee and understand, that the present hope of Lucy Tartan must be banished from his being; that this would carry a terrible pang to her, which in the natural recoil would but redouble his own; that to the world all his heroicness, standing equally unexplained and unsuspected, therefore

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246 the world would denounce him as infamously false to his betrothed; reckless of the most binding human vows; a secret wooer and wedder of an unknown and enigmatic girl; a spurner of all a loving mother's wisest counsellings; a bringer down of lasting reproach upon an honourable name; a besotted self-exile from a most prosperous house and bounteous fortune; and lastly, that now his whole life would, in the eyes of the wide humanity, be covered with an all-pervading haze of incurable sinisterness, possibly not to be removed even in the concluding hour of death.

Such, oh thou son of man! are the perils and the miseries thou callest down on thee, when, even in a virtuous cause, thou steppest aside from those arbitrary lines of conduct, by which the common world, however base and dastardly, surrounds thee for thy worldly good.

Ofttimes it is very wonderful to trace the rarest and profoundest things, and find their probable origin in something extremely trite or trivial. Yet so strange and complicate is the human soul; so much is confusedly evolved from out itself, and such vast and varied accessions come to it from abroad, and so impossible is it always to distinguish between these two, that the wisest man were rash, positively to assign the precise and incipient origination of his final thoughts and acts. Far as we blind moles can see, man's life seems but an acting upon mysterious hints; it is somehow hinted to us, to do thus or thus. For surely no mere mortal who has at all gone down into himself will ever pretend that his slightest thought or act solely originates in his own defined identity. This preamble seems not entirely unnecessary as usher of the strange conceit, that possibly the latent germ of Pierre's proposed extraordinary mode of executing his proposed extraordinary resolve—namely, the nominal conversion of a sister into a wife—might have been found in the previous conversational conversion of

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Rh a mother into a sister; for hereby he had habituated his voice and manner to a certain fictitiousness in one of the closest domestic relations of life; and since man's moral texture is very porous, and things assumed upon the surface, at last strike in—hence, this outward habituation to the above-named fictitiousness had insensibly disposed his mind to it as it were; but only innocently and pleasantly as yet. If, by any possibility, this general conceit be so, then to Pierre the times of sportfulness were as pregnant with the hours of earnestness; and in sport he learned the terms of woe.

II

If next to that resolve concerning his lasting fraternal succour to Isabel, there was at this present time any determination in Pierre absolutely inflexible, and partaking at once of the sacredness and the indissolubleness of the most solemn oath, it was the enthusiastic, and apparently wholly supererogatory resolution to hold his father's memory untouched; nor to one single being in the world reveal the paternity of Isabel. Unrecallably dead and gone from out the living world, again returned to utter helplessness, so far as this world went; his perished father seemed to appeal to the dutifulness and mercifulness of Pierre, in terms far more moving than though the accents proceeded from his mortal mouth. And what though not through the sin of Pierre, but through his father's sin, that father's fair fame now lay at the mercy of the son, and could only be kept inviolate by the son's free sacrifice of all earthly felicity;—what if this were so? It but struck a still loftier chord in the bosom of the son, and filled him with infinite magnanimities. Never had the generous Pierre cherished the heathenish conceit, that even in the general world, Sin

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 1285 he was sent on a mission to Scotland (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1281–92, p. 192). Between September and November 1289 he was engaged in negotiating the treaty of Salisbury with the Scots (ib. p. 328; Cal. Doc. Scotl. i. 107). On 14 Feb. 1290 he received protection on going to Scotland as the king's envoy (ib. p. 343), and on 20 June was appointed with Antony Bek [q. v.], bishop of Durham, to treat with the guardians of that country (ib. p. 372; Cal. Doc. Scotl. i. 158). On 18 July they concluded the treaty of Brigham (ib. i. 162). On 28 Aug. he was nominated proctor for the king's son Edward on the occasion of his expected marriage with the little queen of Scots, and next day was one of an embassy appointed to treat with her father, Eric of Norway (ib. p. 386). During his absence he was respited from paying his debts (ib. i. 180). He strongly upheld the candidature of John Baliol, his son-in-law, for the Scottish throne.

On 16 Sept. 1295 Warenne was appointed custodian of the sea coast (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1292–1301, p. 147). On 5 Oct. he was made, jointly with Anthony Bek, custodian of the counties beyond the Trent (ib. p. 152), and next day of Bamburgh Castle (ib. p. 151). On 18 Oct. he nominated attorneys until Easter, as being about to go to Scotland on the king's service (ib. p. 156). He was therefore on the borders already when, in the spring of 1296, Edward began his great invasion. A month after the capture of Berwick, on 30 March, Edward sent Warenne and William Beauchamp, earl of Warwick, to attack the castle of Dunbar. Arriving outside the walls on 23 April, on the 27th they defeated the Scots army that sought to relieve the town (, ii. 103–4), and next day forced Dunbar to surrender. Warenne accompanied Edward in his march through Scotland. He was at Montrose on 10 July, and went back with Edward to Berwick. There on 22 Aug. Warenne was appointed ‘warden of the kingdom and land of Scotland.’ On 23 Nov. 1296 he was at Jedburgh (Hist. Doc. Scotl. ii. 245, misdated 1297 by the editor), but early in the winter Warenne quitted his government on the plea that the climate made it impossible for him to remain without danger to his health (, ii. 127). He made a merit of remaining in the north of England. It was during his absence that Sir William Wallace [q. v.] rose against the English in May 1297. Even then Warenne delayed his return on various excuses. ‘And know, sire,’ he wrote, ‘that the delay which we have made will cause you no harm whatever, if God pleases’ (Hist. Doc. Scotl. ii. 183–4; cf., however,, ii. 127, ‘quod fuit nobis in posterum fons et origo mali’). On 14 June the king ordered Warenne to his post (Hist. Doc. Scotl. ii. 184–5); it was not until the end of July that he reached Berwick (ib. ii. 204, 223). Even then he lost time by sending his grandson, Henry Percy, to negotiate with the Scots. On 14 Aug. the king, losing patience, made Brian Fitzalan [q. v.], lord of Bedale, governor of Scotland (Fœdera, i. 874). Edward then went to Flanders. Fitzalan, however, showed such unwillingness to take office that on 7 Sept. the regents begged Warenne to continue in his command (Hist. Doc. Scotl. ii. 230). During these transactions Warenne crossed the border. His want of men and money probably extenuates, though it does not excuse, his remissness. Late in August he advanced to Stirling. He was still unwilling to fight, and gladly negotiated with the steward of Scotland, who counselled delay and offered to bring back the insurgents to the king's peace. Ultimately Warenne found that the steward could not or would not redeem his promise. Meanwhile the Scottish army under Wallace had taken up a position north of the Forth on the hills overlooking the narrow bridge of Stirling. On 11 Sept. the clamour of his soldiers forced Warenne to fight (, ii. 135). Though warned of the certain consequences, he foolishly sent his men over the bridge to attack the enemy on the other side. When the van had crossed over, Wallace fell upon it and cut it off almost to a man. The demoralised English army melted away. The steward of Scotland joined Wallace. Warenne threw a garrison into Stirling and escaped with a few followers to Berwick (, p. 190). Thence he hurried to England, begging for help from the regency. On 27 Sept. he was at York (Hist. Doc. Scotl. ii. 232–3). The Scots then occupied Berwick, only the castle holding out. Later in the year Warenne joined with other royalist earls in protecting his nephew Norfolk and the Earl of Hereford against the wrath of Edward I (, ii. 154).

Despite his past blunders, on 10 Dec. Warenne was again appointed captain of an expedition against the Scots (Hist. Doc. Scotl. ii. 249–50). This time he showed greater haste, taking out on 12 Dec. letters of attorney until Easter (, Scotland in 1298, p. 53), and receiving on 14 Dec. letters of protection as about to go to Scotland (ib. p. 16). His debts and pleas were respited until his return. On 14 Jan. he held a council at York, where the charters which the regents


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248 is a fair object to be stretched on the cruellest racks by self-complacent Virtue, that self-complacent Virtue may feed her lily-liveredness on the pallor of Sin's anguish. For perfect Virtue does not more loudly claim our approbation, than repented Sin in its concludedness does demand our utmost tenderness and concern. And as the more immense the Virtue, so should be the more immense our approbation; likewise the more immense the Sin, the more infinite our pity. In some sort, Sin hath its sacredness, not less than holiness. And great Sin calls forth more magnanimity than small Virtue. What man, who is a man, does not feel livelier and more generous emotions toward the great god of Sin—Satan,—than toward yonder haberdasher, who only is a sinner in the small and entirely honourable way of trade?

Though Pierre profoundly shuddered at that impenetrable yet blackly significant nebulousness, which the wild story of Isabel threw around the early life of his father; yet as he recalled the dumb anguish of the invocation of the empty and the ashy hand uplifted from his father's death-bed, he most keenly felt that of whatsoever unknown shade his father's guilt might be, yet in the final hour of death it had been most dismally repented of; by a repentance only the more full of utter wretchedness, that it was a consuming secret in him. Mince the matter how his family would, had not his father died a raver? Whence that raving, following so prosperous a life? Whence, but from the cruellest compunctions?

Touched thus, and strung in all his sinews and his nerves to the holding of his father's memory intact,—Pierre turned his confronting and unfrightened face toward Lucy Tartan, and stilly vowed that not even she should know the whole; no, not know the least.

There is an inevitable keen cruelty in the loftier heroism. It is not heroism only to stand unflinched ourselves in the

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 HERVEY, ARTHUR CHARLES (1808–1894), bishop of Bath and Wells, fourth son of Frederick William, first marquis and fifth earl of Bristol, by Elizabeth Albana Upton, daughter of Clotworthy, lord Templetown, was born at his father's London house, 6 St. James's Square, on 20 Aug. 1808. From 1817 to 1822 he lived abroad with his parents, chiefly in Paris, and was taught by a private tutor; he entered Eton in 1822, and remained there until 1826, entered Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1827, and after a residence of two years and a half obtained a first class in the classical tripos, and graduated B.A. in 1830. Having been ordained both deacon and priest in October 1832, he was instituted in November to the small family living of Ickworth-cum-Chedburgh, Suffolk, and Chedburgh being in 1844 separated from Ickworth and joined to Horningsheath or Horringer, he also became curate of Horringer until in 1856 he was instituted to the rectory which he held with Ickworth. He was active in clerical work, took a leading part in the organisation of educational institutions in the neighbouring town of Bury St. Edmunds, and seems to have been the first to propose a system of university extension in a pamphlet entitled 'A Suggestion for supplying the Literary … Institutes … with Lecturers from the Universities' (1855). In 1862 he was appointed archdeacon of Sudbury. On the resignation of, lord Auckland [q. v.], bishop of Bath and Wells, in 1869, he was offered the bishopric on the recommendation of W. E. Gladstone, and was consecrated on 21 Dec. In consequence of his refusal to institute a clerk of intemperate habits, who had presented himself to a benefice, he was in 1877-9 involved in a lawsuit, which was carried before the privy council. Judgment was given in his favour with costs, but being unable to recover them he had to pay 1,558l., of which 978l. was raised by subscription in the diocese. He died at Hackwood, near Basingstoke, the house of his son-in-law, Mr. C. Hoare, on 9 June 1894, in his eighty-sixth year, and was buried at Wells. By his wife Patience, daughter of John Singleton (born Fowke) of Hazely, Hampshire, and Mell, co. Louth, whom he married on 30 July 1839, and who (1901) survives him, he had twelve children, of whom five sons and three daughters survived him.

Hervey was a handsome and well-made man, had been a champion tennis-player in his younger days, and retained a remarkable amount of physical activity at an advanced age. He remained a good classical scholar, studied Hebrew for many years, knew something of Arabic and Sanscrit, and spoke French with unusual facility and correctness. Though not intellectually brilliant he was accurate and painstaking. Archæology and family history attracted him, and he wrote several papers and addresses on these subjects. He was gracious in manner and sympathetic in temperament. As a bishop he was diligent and judicious. Sincerely devout and of moderate views on church matters, though inclined to evangelicalism, he was trusted by men of all parties, ruled his diocese with tact and firmness, and was universally popular in it. For the last three years of his life he was lamed by some gouty affection, but his mental vigour continued unimpaired to the last. He was one of the committee of revisers of the authorised version of the Old Testament, which sat 1870-84, and in 1885 received the honorary degree of D.D. from the university of Oxford in recognition of his services. He contributed largely to (Sir) William Smith's 'Dictionary of the Bible' and to the 'Speaker's Commentary,' and besides sermons and lectures, some collected in volumes and others published singly, charges and pamphlets, he was author of 'The Genealogies of our Lord,' 1853, a work of importance as regards the chronology of Jewish history.

Bishop Hervey's portrait, painted in 1889 by Sir W. B. Richmond, R.A., is in the town hall at Wells, and a miniature painted by Sir, R.A. [q. v.] in 1851, is in the possession of his family; there are engraved portraits in the 'Memoir' and the volume of the 'Wedmore Chronicle' as below.

HESSEY, JAMES AUGUSTUS (1814–1892), divine, eldest son of James Augustus Hessey of St. Bride's, London, was born in London on 17 July 1814. He was educated at Merchant Taylors' School, where he remained from 1823 till 1832, and obtained three times the chief annual prize for composition. On 25 June 1832 he matriculated at St. John's College, Oxford, of which he was for some years a resident fellow and lecturer. He graduated B.A. in 1836, taking a first-class in literis humanioribus, M.A. in 1840, B.D. in 1845, and D.C.L. in 1846. In 1839 he was presented to the vicarage of Helidon, Northamptonshire. He was appointed


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 had continued in the king's absence were renewed and excommunication threatened against all who broke them (, ii. 155–6). On 22 Jan. Warenne was ordered to invade Scotland at once (Scotland in 1298, p. 70). He raised the siege of Roxburgh and occupied Berwick (, ii. 156–7), whence he was recalled to attend the Whitsuntide council at York ‘as secretly as might be’ (Scotland in 1298, p. 95). However, in June he crossed the border with the king, joining other lords in assuring Norfolk and Hereford that the king would confirm the charters on his return (, p. 186). On 22 July he commanded the rearward ‘battle’ at Falkirk (Scotland in 1298, p. 151). On 25 Sept. he was back at Carlisle (ib. p. 256).

On 9 Sept. 1299 Warenne was at Edward I's second marriage at Canterbury (Cont. ii. 317). In November he was made guardian of his grandson, Edward Baliol (Hist. Doc. Scotl. ii. 405). In July 1300 Warenne and his grandson, Henry Percy, commanded the second squadron of the army that besieged Caerlaverock (, Siège de Karlaverok, p. 14). In February 1301 he signed the Lincoln letter of the barons to the pope (Fœdera, i. 426–7). In March 1301 he was chief of the embassy treating with the French at Canterbury. He died on 27 Sept. 1304 at Kennington in Surrey (Sussex Arch. Coll. ii. 37; cf. London Ann. p. 133). On 1 Dec. the remains were taken to Lewes, where they were buried after Christmas, in the church of St. Pancras (, ii. 240), Archbishop Winchelsea celebrating the funeral service.

By Alice of Lusignan, who died on 9 Feb. 1256, John left three children: (1) Alice, born in 1251 (Sussex Arch. Coll. ii. 25), and married, in September 1268, to Henry Percy (d. 1272); she was the mother of Henry Percy, first baron Percy of Alnwick [q. v.] (2) Isabella, born on 23 Sept. 1253 (ib. ii. 26), and married, in 1279, to John de Baliol [q. v.], afterwards king of Scots; she was the mother of Edward de Baliol [q. v.] (3) William, the only son of the marriage, born on 15 Jan. 1256 (ib. ii. 26), and married before 1283 to Joanna, daughter of Robert de Vere, earl of Oxford (d. 1296). William was knighted in 1285 (ib. ii. 35), and in December 1286 was accidentally killed at a tournament at Croydon, and buried at Lewes. His only son, John de Warenne (1286–1347) [q. v.], thus became the heir.

[Calendarium Genealogicum; Hist. Documents relating to Scotland, 1286–1306; Rymer's Fœdera, vol. i.; Parl. Writs, vol. i.; Calendars of Patent Rolls under Edward I; Annales Monastici, Royal Letters, Henry III, vol. ii., Matt. Paris's Hist. Major, vols. iv. and v., Flores Hist. vols. ii. and iii., Cotton, Rishanger, Oxenedes, Peckham's Letters, Chron. Edw. I and Edw. II, vol. i. (the last nine in Rolls Ser.); Liber de Antiquis Legibus, Rishanger's De Bello, Wright's Political Poems (the last three in Camden Soc.); Trivet and Hemingburgh (both in English Hist. Soc.). Mr. Blaauw has printed in Sussex Archæological Collections, ii. 23–37, a Lewes chronicle that gives many details of Warenne's personal history; Gough's Scotland in 1298; Wallace Papers, Chron. de Lanercost (both in Maitland Club); Courthope's Historic Peerage, pp. 29, 462, 465, ed. Nicolas; G. E. C[okayne]'s Complete Peerage, vii. 327–8; Doyle's Official Baronage, iii. 471–2; Nicolas's Siège de Karlaverok, pp. 130–6; Dugdale's Baronage, i. 77–80. The elaborate life in Watson's Memoirs of the Earls of Warren and Surrey, i. 225–304, must be used with caution; Bémont's Simon de Montfort; Stubbs's Const. Hist. vol. ii.; Pauli's Geschichte von England, vol. iv.]

WARENNE, JOHN, and , or  (1286–1347), son of William de Warenne (d. 1286) and Joanna, daughter of Robert de Vere, earl of Oxford, and grandson of John de Warenne, earl of Surrey (1231?–1304) [q. v.], was born on 24 June and baptised on 7 Nov. 1286 (Calendarium Genealogicum, p. 378; Sussex Arch. Coll. ii. 35). His father died when he was only six months old, and his mother when he was aged 7. He was nineteen when his grandfather's death on 27 Sept. 1304 made him Earl of Surrey and Sussex. On 20 May 1306 he married, at the Franciscan church at Newgate, Joan, only daughter of Henry III, count of Bar, and of Eleanor, eldest daughter of Edward I (ib. vi. 119–21). On Whitsunday, 22 May, he was knighted along with the Prince of Wales (Chron. de Melsa, ii. 227). He received his first parliamentary summons for 30 May at Westminster (Parl. Writs, i. 164). He was, however, excused from attendance at the Carlisle parliament in January 1307 as being in Wales by license of the king (ib. i. 183). On 6 Feb. 1307 Edward I, being at Lanercost, released him from his grandfather's debt of 6,693l. 6s. 10¼d. to the crown (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1301–7, pp. 496–7).

Under Edward II Warenne was one of the earls who on 6 Aug. 1307 attested the grant of Cornwall to Peter de Gaveston (Fœdera, ii. 2). On 2 Dec. in the famous tournament at Gaveston's castle of Wallingford he led the side that fought against the favourite, whose victory involved, as Trokelowe (p. 65) says, ‘his perpetual shame’ (see also, p. 156). The


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The New International Encyclopædia/Rottmann, Karl

ROTTMANN, rṓt'mȧn, (1798-1850). A noted German landscape painter, born at Handschuhsheim, near Heidelberg. He formed himself chiefly through the study of nature and of great masterworks, and after gaining prominence by “Heidelberg at Sunset” (water color), and “Castle Eltz,” he settled in Munich (1822), devoting himself to Bavarian scenery. His success in characterizing the main features of a landscape, and producing ideal effects in line and color, created a new epoch in landscape painting. During his travels in Italy (1826-28) he made sketches for the 28 Italian landscapes in fresco which he was commissioned to paint in the arcades of the Hofgarten at Munich (1829-33) and which constitute Rottmann's most sterling work, but unfortunately deteriorated under climatic influences. The cartoons for them are in the Darmstadt Gallery. In 1834-35 he was in Greece, and the results of this journey were 23 Greek landscapes, which were placed in a special room in the New Pinakothek, Munich. Of his easel pictures “Ammer Lake” and “Marathon” are in the National Gallery, Berlin; “The Acropolis of Sikyon” and “Corfu” in the Pinakothek, Munich; others in the Schack Gallery, Munich, and in Karlsruhe; and seven in the Leipzig Museum. Consult: Pecht, Deutsche Künstler, ii. (Nördlingen, 1879); and Regnet, in Dohme, Kunst und Künstler, iv. (Leipzig, 1885).


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 upstart's behaviour much irritated Warenne, who ‘never showed a cheerful countenance to Peter after that tournament’ (ib. p. 161). He was conspicuous in 1308 in procuring the banishment of the favourite, but in 1309, after Gaveston's unauthorised return, he was induced by Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln [q. v.], to become his ‘friend,’ probably at the parliament at Stamford in July, where on 6 Aug. he signed the letter of the barons to Clement V (London Annals, p. 162). With three other royalist earls he was appointed to enforce order at the parliament of March 1310 (Fœdera, ii. 103). On 15 June he was granted the castle, honour, and forest of the High Peak (Cal. Close Rolls, 1307–13, p. 283). That summer he accompanied Edward II and Gaveston against Robert Bruce (London Ann. p. 174; Ann. Paulini, p. 269). In February 1311 he traversed Selkirk forest, receiving the foresters into the English obedience (, p. 214).

Archbishop Winchelsea reconciled Warenne with the barons (, ii. 277), who appointed him to keep the peace in London and the eastern counties. In May 1312 he was sent with his kinsman, Aymer de Valence, earl of Pembroke [see ], against Gaveston, and besieged Scarborough, forcing Peter to surrender on 18 May, on conditions which they swore to observe (London Ann. pp. 204–5; Lit. Cantuar. iii. 388–92). Disgusted at Warwick's putting Gaveston to death, they again went over to the king, and in August joined Edward's army against the ordainers (Flores Hist. iii. 337). In the pacification of October 1313 Warenne was specifically pardoned all offences since the king's accession. Early next year, however, he was again at variance with the court, and on 22 Feb. 1314 the sheriff of Derbyshire was ordered to resume by force the possession of Castleton and Peak Forest (Cal. Close Rolls, 1313–18, p. 38). In June he refused, like Lancaster, to follow Edward to Bannockburn (, p. 201). In September 1314 at the parliament at York he supported the northern primate in his attack on Archbishop Reynolds (Cal. Close Rolls, 1313–18, p. 194).

The fluctuations of Warenne's policy during these years are partly explained by his domestic troubles. His marriage with Joan of Bar was unhappy, and he was now living in open adultery with Matilda de Nerford, a Norfolk gentleman's daughter. In May 1313 he was threatened with excommunication, which was postponed on the prayer of the king (Fœdera, ii. 216). In June and July the Countess Joan was living at the king's cost in the Tower (ib. 1313–18, p. 45). Before long, however, the bishop of Chichester issued the threatened sentence, and an unseemly fray ensued between Warenne's followers and those of the bishop. Warenne now sought to procure a dissolution of his marriage in the ecclesiastical courts on the ground of nearness of kin and want of consent. Archbishop Greenfield of York summoned Joan to appear at Michaelmas 1314 (Letters from Northern Registers, pp. 228–30; Blaauw in Sussex Arch. Coll. vi. 117–27). On 23 Feb. 1316 Warenne bound himself to pay 200l. a year to the king for Joan's support during the time the suit ran (Cal. Close Rolls, 1313–18, p. 325). The marriage was never dissolved, but the parties henceforth lived apart. In the interests of Matilda de Nerford and her children, Warenne on 11 July 1316 surrendered his Yorkshire, Welsh, Sussex, and Lincolnshire lands to the king (ib. p. 347), receiving them back for life with reversion to the crown, and obtaining on 4 Aug. the settlement of the West Riding estate after his death on Matilda and her sons (, ii. 14–16).

The king and Warenne were for the moment close allies. On 9 Feb. 1317 the earl attended a council at Clarendon, where, perhaps, a plot was formed to attack Lancaster (Cont., ed. Hall, pp. 21–2). Warenne's fears prevented his carrying out this scheme (Flores Hist. iii. 179). However, the Countess Alice of Lancaster was on 9 May carried off by Warenne from Canford to Reigate. Alice welcomed the abduction, and she was then or later guilty of adultery. Though it is probable that Warenne was not her lover, the abduction was a deadly insult to Lancaster, and private war at once broke out in Yorkshire and the north march of Wales, where Warenne and Lancaster were neighbours. Lancaster captured Sandal and Conisborough with the estate which they protected, and on 25 Oct. Warenne saved Grantham and Stamford from him by surrendering them to the king (Cal. Close Rolls, 1313–18, p. 569). It was vain for Edward on 3 Nov. to forbid Lancaster to continue hostilities (Fœdera, ii. 345). When, in March 1318, a new reconciliation between Edward and Thomas was effected, Lancaster was allowed to except his quarrel with Warenne. In June 1318 Lancaster attacked Bromfield and Yale, and, despite royal prohibitions, conquered them with their castles. He pleaded the king's favour to Warenne as an excuse for not attending the council at Leicester (, p. 235). When, in August, another pacification was patched up, Warenne was again excluded from its terms (Cal.


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Ohio v. United States EPA

ON PETITION for Review from the Environmental Protection Agency.

Engel, Merritt and Milburn, Circuit Judges. Engel, Circuit Judge, concurring. Merritt, Circuit Judge, delivered the opinion of the Court, in which Milburn, Circuit Judge, joined. Engel, Circuit Judge, (p. 15) delivered a separate concurring opinion.

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 around London. In the north and east, I fancied sometimes, and had worked at many things, and no doubt had often been trusted as caretaker or odd hand because of his smile alone. He worked at the brickyards now, and lived with his married brother Tom, over at Little-Sump thin-on-the-Mud—(a little up the river from Chawlton, on this side). He was the only young man left who was after Lizzie's time at Chawlton, and was therefore new to her, as she pervaded him at the village, and walked home with him from Shepperton one night. His smile was acquiescent. Perhaps she only wanted to see if it would make some talk. It did, and female necks craned over the little quickset front hedge (common to the whole village) to wait for them at dusk—and after it.

Then it appeared to Lizzie that Billy, who was a first-class brick hand, had put together a few pounds, and was thinking of a decent furnished little place of his own, and some 'un to take care of it. He wasn't comfortable with his sister-in-law at Little-Sumpthinon-the-Mud. He wasn't " warm " there, she had too many " dry words " for Tom and the children, and some on 'em was meant for him. So Lizzie began to pervade him in a practical manner, and it made a good deal of talk.

It made more at Little Sumpthin, which was about half the size of Chawlton, for Tom was obstinately opposed to Elizabeth Higgins. And in this his wife agreed with him—she agreed with him in nothing else–not even the weather. But Billy set it all down to her.


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