text: Talk:The Rivals (Sheridan)

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title: Talk:The Rivals (Sheridan)


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1848] subject of internal improvements; and if I am out of order in doing so, I give the chair an opportunity of so deciding, and I will take my seat.

 * The Chair: I will not undertake to anticipate what the gentleman may say on the subject of internal improvements. He will, therefore, proceed in his remarks, and if any question of order shall be made, the chair will then decide it.

Mr. Lincoln: At an early day of this session the President sent us what may properly be called an internal improvement veto message. The late Democratic convention, which sat at Baltimore, and which nominated General Cass for the presidency, adopted a set of resolutions, now called the Democratic platform, among which is one in these words:

 * That the Constitution does not confer upon the General Government the power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements.

General Cass, in his letter accepting the nomination, holds this language:

 * I have carefully read the resolutions of the Democratic National Convention, laying down the platform of our political faith, and I adhere to them as firmly as I approve them cordially.

These things, taken together, show that the question of internal improvements is now more distinctly made—has become more intense—than at any former period. The veto message and the Baltimore resolution I understand to be, in substance, the same thing; the latter being the more general statement, of which the former is the amplification—the bill of particulars. While I know there are many Democrats, on this floor and elsewhere, who disapprove that message, I


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Frost, Robert

FROST, ROBERT (1875-), American writer, was born in San Francisco, March 26 1875. His father was a New Englander and his mother was born in Edinburgh. In 1885 he moved with his parents to Lawrence, Mass., studied in the public schools, and entered Dartmouth College in 1892, remaining there one year. During 1897-9 he was a student at Harvard. During 1905-11 he taught English in the Pinkerton Academy, Derry, N.H., and then for a year taught psychology at the N.H. Normal School at Plymouth. In 1912 he went to England, where he remained three years and published his first two volumes of verse. On his return to America he retired to a farm at Derry and gave much time to active farming. During 1916-20 he was professor of English at Amherst College. His poems portray in realistic fashion every-day country life in New England. Some of the work of his first volume had been denied publication for 20 years, and some of the second for 10 years. He was the author of A Boy's Will (1913); North of Boston (1914); Mountain Interval (1916) and A Way Out, a play (1917).


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text: Index:The Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland, Holinshed, 1587.jpg


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Gregory, Augusta, Lady

GREGORY, AUGUSTA, Author:Lady Gregory (1852-), Irish folklorist, playwright and author, was born March 5 1852, the youngest daughter of Dudley Persse of Roxborough, co. Galway. She married in 1881 Sir William Gregory, a well-known Irish M.P. and ex-governor of Ceylon (d. 1892), whose autobiography she afterwards edited in 1894. A prolific writer upon Irish subjects, she produced many plays, essays, volumes of folklore, and popularized versions of ancient sagas and romances concerning the early Irish heroes. She always lived in close rapport with the people, and identified herself with their sufferings and aspirations, as in The Jail Gate, the Rising of the Moon, and other plays. It was she who chiefly popularized the Anglo-Irish dialect of English as spoken in the west, which had been first employed in the Love Songs of Connacht. She translated for the Abbey theatre several of Molière's plays into this dialect under the title of The Kiltartan Molière (1910). Hence this form of idiom has by some been christened “Kiltartanese” after the name of her district in Galway. She made Cuchulain — the greatest hero of pre-christian Ireland — known to thousands through her re-telling of the ancient tales, which she wove with great restraint and ability into a consistent whole. She did the same for Finn MacCumhail and other heroes of the old sagas. Her work as playwright, and director, in association with W. B. Yeats, of the Abbey theatre, was enormously fruitful. Over a hundred new plays had been produced there by 1921, and scores of actors had been developed and trained. This theatre was opened in 1904, and she told its story in her volume Our Irish Theatre (1913). Her only son, a distinguished airman and artist, was killed in the World War; and Sir Hugh Lane, whose life she wrote (1920), was her nephew.


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 Rh door. Here she sees a bairnie playing with a wand, and overhears one of the fairies say, “Three strakes o’ that wand would mak Kate’s sick sister as bonnie as ever she was.” So Kate rowed nuts to the bairnie, and rowed (rolled) nuts till the bairnie let fall the wand, and Kate took it up and put it in her apron.

Then the cock crew, and the prince made all haste to get on horseback, Kate jumping up behind, and home they rode, and Kate sat down by the fire and cracked her nuts, and ate them. When the morning came Kate said the prince had a good night, and she was willing to sit up another night, for which she was to get a “pock o’ gowd”. The second night passed as the first had done. The third night Kate consented to watch only if she should marry the sick prince. This time the bairnie was playing with a birdie; Kate heard one of the fairies say, “Three bites of that birdie would mak the sick prince as weel as ever he was.” Kate rowed nuts to the bairnie till the birdie was dropped, and Kate put it in her apron.

At cockcrow they set off again, but instead of cracking her nuts as she used to do, Kate plucked the feathers off and cooked the birdie. Soon there arose a very savoury smell. “Oh!” said the sick prince, “I wish I had a bite o’ that birdie,” so Kate gave him a bit o’ the birdie, and he rose up on his elbow. By-and-by he cried out again, “Oh, if I had anither bite o’ that birdie!” so Kate gave him another bit, and he sat up on his bed. Then he said again, “Oh! if I had a third bite o’ that birdie!” So Kate gave him a third bit, and he rose quite well, dressed himself, and sat down by the fire, and when “the folk came i’ the mornin’ they found Kate and the young prince cracking nuts th’gether.” So the sick son married the weel sister, and the weel son married the sick sister, and they all lived happy and dee’d happy, and never drank out o’ a dry cappy.


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Hyde, Douglas

HYDE, DOUGLAS (1860–), Irish scholar and writer, known in Ireland as the Craoibhín Aoibhinn (i.e. “delightful little branch,” an allegorical name for Ireland, in folk-song), was born in 1860, the youngest son of the Rev. Arthur Hyde, of Frenchpark, co. Roscommon, and nearest living representative of the Castle Hyde family of co. Cork. He was educated at Trinity College, Dublin, where he won the highest honours, and afterwards spent a year in Canada in the State University of New Brunswick. Coming back to Ireland he helped to found in 1893 the Gaelic League or Connradh na Gaedhilge, and became its first president, a position to which he was annually reëlected until 1915, when he resigned. He was also first president of the National Literary Society, a post which he resigned on the foundation of the Gaelic League. As president of the elder society he had already in 1892 foreshadowed the ideals of the League in a lecture entitled “The necessity for de-anglicizing the Irish nation,” not, he explained “as a protest against imitating what is best in the English people, for that would be absurd, but rather to show the folly of neglecting what is Irish, and hastening to adopt, pell-mell and indiscriminately, everything that is English, simply because it is English.” For some years Dr. Hyde's work for “Irish Ireland” made little progress; but in 1899 an attack upon the Irish language, before a Vice-regal Committee to inquire into intermediate education, gave him his chance. He produced letters which he had procured from all the leading Celtic scholars in Europe as to the value of the language and literature, and the publication of these letters and his own evidence saved the language on the Intermediate Board, and attracted a great deal of attention throughout Ireland. Towards the beginning of the century the first Oireachtas was held in Dublin; it was the equivalent of the Welsh Eisteddfod, and became an annual event, and from this time forward the movement (which had now added to its aims a new clause the support of Irish industries) began to go forward of its own momentum. In 1905 Dr. Hyde set out on a tour through America to collect money for the League, and returned after seven months with £11,000. On his return he was presented with the freedom of Dublin, Cork, and other cities. He was also appointed on a Royal Commission to inquire into Irish university education, including Trinity College, an institution which had been excluded from the purview of former commissions. The result of this commission was the foundation of the National University of Ireland, with three colleges (Dublin, Cork and Galway), and the Queen's University, Belfast. It was probably owing to Dr. Hyde's influence with his fellow commissioners that Trinity College, following their recommendations, established a moderatorship and gold medal in Celtic studies. He himself became professor of modern Irish in University College, Dublin.

Dr. Hyde was the first to collect the Love Songs of Connacht, which he published in 1894, and which he translated into verse and also into the sort of English prose afterwards adopted by Lady Gregory and by Synge. He was also the first to collect Irish folk-lore in the original; and his many volumes, some in Irish and some with English or French translations, will always be of value to the folklorist. He was also almost the first to turn

to short plays in Irish as a method of popularizing the language. The first of these, The Twisting of the Rope, was produced in the Gaiety theatre, Dublin, in 1901, the author himself acting the principal role. His Literary History of Ireland (1899) had gone through seven impressions by 1921.


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 302 V.—.

There were once a king and queen in Rousay who had three daughters. The king died and the queen was living in a small house with her daughters. They kept a cow and a kail yard (cabbage garden); they found their cabbage was all being taken away. The eldest daughter said to the queen, she would take a blanket about her and would sit and watch what was going away with the kail. So when the night came she went out to watch. In a short time a very big giant came into the yard; he began to cut the kail and throw it in a big cubby (creel). So he cut till he had it well filled.

The princess was always asking him why he was taking her mother’s kail. He was saying to her, if she was not quiet he would take her too.

As soon as he had filled his cubby he took her by a leg and an arm and threw her on the top of his cubby of kail, and away home he went with her.

When he got home he told her what work she had to do; she had to milk the cow and put her up to the hills called Bloodfield, and then she had to take wool, and wash and tease it, and comb and card, and spin and make claith.

When the giant went out she milked the cow and put her to the hills. Then she put on the pot and made porridge to herself. As she was supping it, a great many peerie (little) yellow-headed folk came running, calling out to give them some. She said:

When she came to work the wool, none of that work could she do at all.

The giant came home at night and found she had not done her work. He took her and began at her head, and peeled the skin off all the way down her back and over


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 Rh her feet. Then he threw her on the couples among the hens.

The same adventure befell the second girl. If her sister could do little with the wool she could do less.

When the giant came home he found her work not done. He began at the crown of her head and peeled a strip of skin all down her back and over her feet, and threw her on the couples beside her sister. They lay there and could not speak nor come down.

The next night the youngest princess said she would take a blanket about her and go to watch what had gone away with her sisters. Ere long, in came a giant with a big cubby, and began to cut the kail.

She was asking why he was taking her mother’s kail. He was saying if she was not quiet he would take her too. He took her by a leg and an arm and threw her on the top of his cubby and carried her away. Next morning he gave her the same work as he had given her sisters.

When he was gone out she milked the cow and put her to the high hills. Then she put on the pot and made porridge to herself. When the peerie yellow-headed folk came asking for some she told them to get something to sup with. Some got heather cows and some got broken dishes; some got one thing, and some another, and they all got some of her porridge.

After they were all gone a peerie yellow-headed boy came in and asked her if she had any work to do; he could do any work with wool. She said she had plenty, but would never be able to pay him for it. He said all he was asking for it was to tell him his name. She thought that would be easy to do, and gave him the wool. When it was getting dark an old woman came in and asked her for lodging.

The princess said she could not give her that, but asked her if she had any news. But the old woman had none, and went away to lie out.


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 304 There is a high knowe near the place, and the old woman sat under it for shelter. She found it very warm. She was always climbing up, and when she came to the top she heard someone inside saying, “Tease, teasers, tease; card, carders, card; spin, spinners, spin, for peerie fool, peerie fool is my name.” There was a crack in the knowe, and light coming out. She looked in and saw a great many peerie folk working, and a peerie yellow-headed boy running round them calling out that.

The old woman thought she would get lodging if she went to give this news, so she came back and told the princess the whole of it.

The princess went on saying “peerie fool, peerie fool” till the yellow-headed boy came with all the wool made into claith.

He asked what was his name, and she guessed names, and he jumped about and said “No”.

At last she said, “Peeriefool is your name.” He threw down the wool and ran off very angry.

As the giant was coming home he met a great many peerie yellow-headed folk, some with their eyes hanging on their cheeks, and some with their tongues hanging on their breasts. He asked them what was the matter. They told him it was working so hard pulling wool so fine. He said he had a good-wife at home, and if she was safe, never would he allow her to do any work again.

When he came home she was all safe, and had a great many webs lying all ready, and he was very kind to her.

Next day when he went out she found her sisters, and took them down from the couples. She put the skin on their backs again, and she put her eldest sister in a cazy (cubby or creel), and put all the fine things she could find with her, and grass on the top.

When the giant came home she asked him to take the cazy to her mother with some food for her cow. He was so pleased with her he would do anything for her, and took it away.


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 Rh Next day she did the same with her other sister. She told him she would have the last of the food she had to send her mother for the cow ready next night. She told him she was going a bit from home, and would leave it ready for him. She got into the cazy with all the fine things she could find, and covered herself with grass. He took the cazy and carried it to the queen’s house. She and her daughters’ had a big boiler of boiling water ready. They couped it about him when he was under the window, and that was the end of the giant.

VI.—.

Once on a time, in the parts of Lindsey, there lived a wise woman. Some said she was a witch, but they said it in a whisper, lest she should overhear and do them a mischief, and truly it was not a thing one could be sure of, for she was never known to hurt anyone, which, if she were a witch, she would have been sure to do. But she could tell you what your sickness was, and how to cure it with herbs, and she could mix rare possets that would drive the pain out of you in a twinkling; and she could advise you what to do if your cows were ill, or if you’d got into trouble, and tell the maids whether their sweethearts were likely to be faithful.

But she was ill-pleased if folks questioned her too much or too long, and she sore misliked fools. A many came to her asking foolish things, as was their nature, and to them she never gave counsel—at least of a kind that could aid them much.

Well, one day, as she sat at her door paring potatoes, over the stile and up the path came a tall lad with a long nose and goggle eyes and his hands in his pockets.

“That’s a fool, if ever was one, and a fool’s luck in his


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140 that all who shall vote for General Cass will thereafter be counted as having approved it,—as having indorsed all its doctrines. I suppose all, or nearly all, the Democrats will vote for him. Many of them will do so not because they like his position on this question, but because they prefer him, being wrong on this, to another whom they consider farther wrong on other questions. In this way the internal improvement Democrats are to be, by a sort of forced consent, carried over and arrayed against themselves on this measure of policy. General Cass, once elected, will not trouble himself to make a constitutional argument, or perhaps any argument at all, when he shall veto a river or harbor bill; he will consider it a sufficient answer to all Democratic murmurs to point to Mr. Polk's message, and to the "Democratic Platform." This being the case, the question of improvements is verging to a final crisis; and the friends of this policy must now battle, and battle manfully, or surrender all. In this view, humble as I am, I wish to review, and contest as well as I may, the general positions of this veto message. When I say general positions, I mean to exclude from consideration so much as relates to the present embarrassed state of the treasury in consequence of the Mexican War.

Those general positions are that internal improvements ought not to be made by the General Government—First. Because they would overwhelm the treasury. Second. Because, while their burdens would be general, their benefits would be local and partial, involving an obnoxious inequality; and—Third. Because they would be unconstitutional. Fourth. Because the States may do enough by the levy and collection of


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1848] duties; or if not—Fifth. That the Constitution may be amended. "Do nothing at all, lest you do something wrong," is the sum of these positions—is the sum of this message. And this, with the exception of what is said about constitutionality, applying as forcibly to what is said about making improvements by State authority as by the national authority; so that we must abandon the improvements of the country altogether, by any and every authority, or we must resist and repudiate the doctrines of this message. Let us attempt the latter.

The first position is, that a system of internal improvements would overwhelm the treasury. That in such a system there is a tendency to undue expansion, is not to be denied. Such tendency is founded in the nature of the subject. A member of Congress will prefer voting for a bill which contains an appropriation for his district, to voting for one which does not; and when a bill shall be expanded till every district shall be provided for, that it will be too greatly expanded is obvious. But is this any more true in Congress than in a State legislature? If a member of Congress must have an appropriation for his district, so a member of a legislature must have one for his county. And if one will overwhelm the national treasury, so the other will overwhelm the State treasury. Go where we will, the difficulty is the same. Allow it to drive us from the halls of Congress, and it will, just as easily, drive us from the State legislatures. Let us, then, grapple with it, and test its strength. Let us, judging of the future by the past, ascertain whether there may not be, in the discretion of Congress, a sufficient power to limit and restrain this expansive


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Rh came to the Barwin, which we crossed, and then could plainly see the black heads of a number of natives amongst the reeds: appearing to me like a large flock of crows. About a hundred men came to meet us, but the women remained digging for roots, which they use as food: their huts being situated near an extensive lagoon. My friendly natives, or rather new acquaintance whom I had accompanied, took me to their homes, which were merely branches of trees thrown across each other, with slips of tea-tree and pieces of bark placed over as an additional shelter. They motioned me to be seated, but I preferred at first keeping a standing position, in order to be the better able to watch their movements: in the mean time, the women behind the huts were all fighting with clubs and sticks. Presently the men, excepting the two with me, rushed toward them, in order to separate the combatants, after which they brought roots which they roasted and offered me. What the fight was about I could not understand, but think it must have originated in the unfair division of the food.

My presence now seemed to attract general attention; all the tribe, men and women, closed up around me, some beating their breasts and heads with their clubs, the women tearing off their own hair by handfulls. I was much alarmed, but they made me to understand these were the customs they followed, and that no harm to me was intended. This was the manner by which they evinced their sorrow when any of them died, or had been a long time absent; and, as they believed me


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/George V.

GEORGE V. (1865–), King of Great Britain and Ireland (see 11.745), succeeded to the British throne on the death of his father King Edward VII., May 6 1910. By the Regency Act 1910 (a temporary constitutional necessity in view of the fact that his eldest son, Prince Edward, was then not 16) his consort Queen Mary was at once nominated to become regent in the event of a demise of the Crown while the heir to the throne was under age. A new Civil List for the Crown, fixed at £470,000 a year, was approved by Parliament in 1910. An important change in the King's accession declaration was also embodied in an Act of that year, to the satisfaction of his Roman Catholic subjects, the following short and simple formula being substituted for the old “no popery” manifesto which had long been resented by them:—

“I do solemnly and sincerely in the presence of God profess, testify and declare, that I am a faithful Protestant, and that I will, according to the true intent of the enactments which secure the Protestant succession to the Throne of my Realm, uphold and maintain the said enactments to the best of my power according to law.”

The coronation at Westminster Abbey on June 22 1911 was attended by representatives from all parts of the Empire and other countries, and, in order to complete the public assumption of royal authority throughout the United Kingdom, the King and Queen, with the Prince of Wales (as Prince Edward was created on June 23 1910) and Princess Mary, made State visits to Ireland, Wales and Scotland during July. There followed later in the year an important extension of the whole principle

of the recognition of Imperial sovereignty in the visit made by their Majesties to India, and the coronation ceremonies at the ancient capital of Delhi (Dec. 12 1911). They left England on Nov. 11 and did not return till Feb. 5 1912.

From the very first, King George and Queen Mary showed in all their actions their earnest desire to use their royal position in the most public-spirited manner. At the death of so active, popular and influential a sovereign as King Edward VII., in the midst of grave parliamentary difficulties, and conditions of social-economic unrest and industrial conflict, the country was fortunate in the fact that so much had already been done to establish the Throne in the hearts of the people as a central and unifying national and Imperial force, distinct and aloof from sectional interests of party or class. Under King George, the Sailor-King, — whose exhortation “Wake up, England!” in the speech he had made in 1901 at the Guildhall, when returning from his colonial tour as Duke of York, had never been forgotten — a further strengthening of this conception of the functions of the Throne was steadily pursued. King George and Queen Mary, assisted by other members of the royal family, devoted themselves on every available occasion, public or private, to the task of making the influence of the court a pure, useful and kindly one in the life of the country. It may briefly be noted that in the summer of 1912, for the first time, State visits were paid to a London music-hall (the Palace) and to Henley Regatta, while the King also went to Lord's on the occasion of the test-match between Australian and South African cricketers, and had the teams presented to him. But the King and Queen were not content with lending themselves, constantly though unostentatiously, to the scenic side of royalty: they mingled graciously and sympathetically with different classes of society, and were ever active in accepting new opportunities of service. Thus Queen Mary, after a royal visit to the Dowlais steel works at Merthyr (June 27 1912), took tea with a Welsh miner's wife, and during a tour through the industrial districts of Yorks. King George went down the Elsecar colliery (July 9 1912), and showed himself no less handy in wielding a pick than in bringing down grouse on a Scottish moor. Such incidents, which naturally attracted attention early in the reign, became too familiar with the public in later years to need chronicling in detail. The personal tastes both of King George and Queen Mary were known to lie in characteristically British domestic directions, while the King's well-known hobby of stamp-collecting and his long-standing reputation as one of the best shots in the country, were typical links with popular interests of one sort or another. Facilities were wisely extended to the press to give contemporary publicity to the royal doings. Enhanced confidence resulted in the British Throne and its occupants, whose happy domestic relations were, moreover, universally appreciated. It is now purely a curious episode in the history of scandal-mongering that, at the time when King George came to the Throne, a story was current in various quarters that he had been secretly married before his marriage with the Queen, and that this earlier wife was alive, though for dynastic purposes the union was ignored. In 1893 this cruel allegation had been privately contradicted, at Queen Victoria's desire, by confidants of the royal family such as Sir Theodore Martin and Canon Dalton, in letters to various people of influence and newspaper editors (including the present writer); but it was revived, to the King's natural annoyance, and with the danger of public misconception and ill-feeling if it were not finally disproved, in 1910. It was hoped that the public contradictions authoritatively given by the Dean of Norwich (Dr. Russell Wakefield) in a speech in July 1910, by Mr. W. T. Stead in the Review of Reviews for that month, and by Sir Arthur Bigge (afterwards Lord Stamfordham) in Reynolds' Newspaper (Oct. 30 1910) would put an end to it; but it was repeated in a definite way by a certain Edward Mylius in Nov. and Dec. 1910 in a “republican” paper called the Liberator, published in Paris and circulated in England under the auspices of the Indian revolutionary Krishnavarma. In this the writer declared that the King, when a midshipman, had in 1890 married at Malta a daughter of Admiral Sir Michael Culme-Seymour; that his subsequent marriage in 1893 was therefore bigamous and shameful, and the Church, by conniving at it, had been guilty of subordinating its own principles to reasons of State. Copies of the Liberator were seized by the police, and Mylius was arrested and on Feb. 1 1911 tried for criminal libel before the Lord Chief Justice and a special jury. Evidence was given by Sir M. Culme-Seymour and others absolutely contradicting the whole fabrication. The admiral had no daughter whom the King could have married in 1890; one of his daughters died unmarried in 1895 without ever knowing the King, the other (Mrs. Napier) had not met him between 1879 and 1898; the King was not at Malta between 1888 and 1901; the Maltese registers were produced, and contained no record of any such marriage. Mylius refused to give evidence, his claim that the King ought to appear as a witness to be cross-examined by him being overruled; and the jury promptly found him guilty. He was sentenced to the maximum penalty of a year's imprisonment; and the attorney-general then read a statement signed by the King that he had never been married to anyone but the Queen and that he would have attended in person to give evidence if the law officers of the Crown had not insisted that it would be unconstitutional for him to do so. The whole affair caused naturally a great sensation, but the effect was excellent, and the straightforward action taken by the King — for it was known that the Government doubted the expediency of bringing the matter into court — confirmed public opinion as to the character of the new occupant of the throne. He had insisted on having the truth told, and was not prepared to forgo his rights as a man simply because, as a king, he was above the law.

The exposure of this malicious libel may indeed be said to have put an end, once for all, to all forms of personal aspersion on the King's private character; for, coincidently, no less absurd stories had been current that he drank too much, a charge which was utter nonsense to all his personal friends and acquaintances, who knew him ever to have been the most abstemious of men. Still, in spite of its gross absurdity, the charge was made, and had been publicly denounced as unfounded by the Dean of Norwich in the speech already referred to in July 1910. After the Mylius case this calumny, too, sank into the oblivion it merited.

The political history of the period from 1910 onwards is dealt with in the article (see also ). With a less popular sovereign on the throne, the development of the domestic political crisis which was obviously impending when King Edward died might have created more embarrassment than actually was produced in the public mind, as regards the functioning of the Crown in relation to parliamentary government. It was generally felt, indeed, that Mr. Asquith's use of the royal prerogative in 1911, however justifiable on political grounds, in securing the King's assent to the creation of enough new peers, if necessary, for overcoming the resistance of the House of Lords to the Parliament bill, involved a more uncomfortably violent disclosure of the domination of the parliamentary executive than had ever before been regarded as convenable in the working of English party government. But the responsibility for the use of the royal prerogative for such a purpose was, by common consent, put upon the Government; and the political bearing of the incident on the constitutional position of the Crown was effectively minimized in the controversy between the parties. On the other hand, the value of the influence of the Crown as standing above and outside domestic party politics, continued to be emphasized, alike by such incidents as the Buckingham Palace conference in 1914 on the Irish deadlock, though unhappily abortive; by the increased momentum given throughout the British Empire to the progress of its conception as an Imperial Commonwealth of self-governing nations with a common sovereign; and by the events of the World War, during which the King and the royal family in various ways consolidated their hold on the loyal affections of the British people.

From the opening of the World War in Aug. 1914 the King and Queen, jointly and severally, set themselves to make the royal influence an encouragement to every form of national activity in aid of the fighting forces. The nation found in the Throne, from the moment when war started, the embodiment of its will-to-victory and of its patriotic devotion. Queen Mary herself gave a lead to the war work of women, details of which are given elsewhere (see ), in many notable directions. King George's own messages to the nation, during the war years and afterwards, were admirably conceived

for initiating or supporting the special efforts required from the public from time to time in the organization of the home front — notably his messages appealing for voluntary national service (Oct. 23 1915), compulsory military service (May 25 1916), strengthening of the volunteer forces against the risk of invasion (Jan. 27 1917), general economy in food (May 2 1917), the observance of a special day of prayer on Sunday Jan. 6 1918 (Nov. 7 1917), and those on the victory itself (Nov. 19 1918), on the need for subscriptions to the Victory Loan (June 12 1919), on the signing of the Peace Treaty (June 28 1919), appealing for support to the “King's National Roll” of employers who would take discharged soldiers into their employ (Aug. 18 1919), for the League of Nations (Oct. 13 1919), and for the celebration of the first anniversary of Armistice Day, by two minutes' silence on the 11th hour of the 11th day of the 11th month of the year (Nov. 6 1919). A collection of the King's numerous speeches and replies to addresses, and his constant messages to the Dominions and India, to the army and the navy, or in such special connexions as the repatriation of prisoners of war or the success of The Times '  Red Cross fund, would make a bulky volume, and were always full of inspiration and good cheer for those who received them. The King and Queen regularly went in state to prorogue and open Parliament in successive sessions, and on frequent occasions royal visits were paid during the war to important factories and workshops at the munitions centres throughout the country, as well as to shipbuilding yards, hospitals and other institutions engaged in war-work of one kind or another. The King's inspections of provincial industrial establishments included visits to Glasgow and the Clyde (May 1915), Coventry and Birmingham (July 1915), Leeds and Sheffield (Sept. 1915), Nottingham (Dec. 1916), Liverpool, Manchester, Barrow and Gretna (May 1917), Newcastle-on-Tyne, Hull and Rosyth (June 1917), Glasgow for a third time (Sept. 1917), Bristol for a second time (Nov. 1917), Bradford, Huddersfield and Leeds (May 1918).

The King was also constantly inspecting the forces at home, visiting the various camps, and holding investitures for conferring honours and decorations indeed the total number of war decorations personally conferred by him from the outbreak of war up to the end of 1919 reached the colossal figure of 50,669. Moreover, periodical visits were made by the King to the Grand Fleet (July 8–10 1915; June 18 1916; June 27 1917; and July 23 1918), and to the battle-front in France (Nov. 29–Dec. 5 1914; Oct. 21–Nov. 1 1915; Aug. 7–Aug. 15 1916; July 3–July 14 1917; March 28–30 and Aug. 5–13 1918). It was during his visit to the front in 1915 that, on Oct. 28, King George met with a somewhat serious accident, which laid him up for some weeks, through his horse rearing and falling backwards on him, being startled by the sudden cheering of a regiment whom he was inspecting; but after being safely brought back home he made a good recovery from his injuries. On the 1917 visit Queen Mary accompanied the King to France, and returned with him, but made a separate tour while there. Finally, after the Armistice, the King made another visit to Paris and to the battle-fields, Nov. 27–Dec. 10 1918, and had an enthusiastic reception in the French capital (Nov. 28–30). On each of his last two French visits a distance of about 860 m. was covered by motor-car.

In other directions during the war period, the King's desire to set an example of patriotic self-abnegation was illustrated by two specially notable actions — his announcement on March 30 1915 that the serving of alcoholic liquor for his own use and that of the royal family and household would be suspended (as from April 6), in order to assist in the movement for increased temperance and economy in wartime, and his spontaneous gift, on March 31 1916, of £100,000 to the Exchequer out of the Privy Purse, to be used as the Government might decide in relief of war expenditure. The long record of royal attendances at notable ceremonies included such occasions as the funeral services at St. Paul's for Lord Roberts (Nov. 19 1914) and Lord Kitchener (June 13 1916), the commemoration service there on the entry of the United States into the war (April 20 1917), the Albert Hall commemoration of the first

Seven Divisions (Dec. 15 1917), the thanksgiving at St. Paul's on Their Majesties' silver wedding (July 6 1918), the presentation to the King at Buckingham Palace by the special Japanese mission of the sword and badge of a Japanese field-marshal (Oct. 29 1918), the U.S. navy and army baseball match at Stamford Bridge (July 4 1918), the Drury Lane matinee of the Shakespeare tercentenary celebration (May 2 1916), and Their Majesties' visit to the Bank of England and the Stock Exchange (Dec. 18 1917). On the occasion of Their Majesties' silver wedding, the King and Queen were received at the Guildhall (July 6 1918) and were presented with a cheque for £53,000, subscribed by the citizens of London, to be devoted to charities by Their Majesties' wish, together with a silver tankard once owned by Charles II.

On July 17 1917 it was announced that King George V. had abandoned all German titles for himself and his family. At the same time a proclamation was issued to the effect that henceforth the royal house of Great Britain and Ireland would be known, not as the house of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, but as the house of Windsor. It had previously been announced (June 20 1917) that the King had decided that those princes of his family who were British subjects but bore German titles should relinquish those titles in favour of British names. The following peerages were consequently conferred: — The Duke of Teck and Prince Alexander of Teck, brothers of Queen Mary, adopted the surname of Cambridge, in allusion to their descent from the Duke of Cambridge, seventh son of George III., and became respectively Marquess of Cambridge and Earl of Athlone; Prince Louis of Battenberg (see 3.531), brother of Queen Victoria's son-in-law Prince Henry of Battenberg, adopted the surname of Mountbatten, and became Marquess of Milford Haven, his eldest son assuming the courtesy title of Earl of Medina; while the sons of Princess Henry of Battenberg, youngest daughter of Queen Victoria, also adopted the surname of Mountbatten, the eldest, Prince Alexander, receiving the title of Marquess of Carisbrooke. Princess Henry of Battenberg herself resumed the style of Princess Beatrice.

With the return of peace it was possible for the more normal activities of court life to be resumed on the lines already familiar before the war, but in the long list of later royal functions some stand out typically as worthy of record for their special appeal to contemporary public interest. Immediately after the Armistice in 1918, the King and Queen on successive days made popular progresses through different sections of London, and received general ovations, in carriage drives through the city (Nov. 11), to a special thanksgiving at St. Paul's (Nov. 12), through the East End (Nov. 13), the south (Nov. 14), the north (Nov. 15), the north-west (Nov. 18) and the south-west (Nov. 22). On Dec. 27 a great banquet was given in honour of President Wilson at Buckingham Palace, where he and Mrs. Wilson were staying with the King and Queen. During 1919, mention may also be made of Their Majesties' visit (March 4) to Westminster school, to witness the “tossing of the pancake” on Shrove Tuesday; the King's presentation of a cup to the New Zealand Rugby football team at Twickenham after their match against a French army team (April 19); Their Majesties' presence at the thanksgiving at St. Paul's on the signing of the Peace Treaty (July 6), and at the river procession (sea services commemoration) on the Thames (Aug. 4); the King's banquets at Buckingham Palace to the Shah of Persia (Oct. 31), to the President of the French Republic (Nov. 10), and to the Prince of Wales on his return from his world tour (Dec. 1); and the King's visit to the Oxford and Cambridge Rugby football match (Dec. 9). As time went on the King's long-standing interest in sport was indeed regularly shown by his presence at the chief popular events, whether at race meetings, football or cricket; and public appreciation of this royal interest in sport was enhanced by the way in which the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York (as the King's second son, Prince Albert, was created in 1920) were also taking an active part in it on their own account. On no such occasion was popular enthusiasm shown more emphatically than in the reception given to the King and the Duke

of York at Stamford Bridge on April 23 1921, when the King presented the Football Association's cup to the Tottenham Hotspur team on its victory over the Wolverhampton Wanderers in the final tie. On June 21–2 1921, the King and Queen visited Belfast, going and returning by sea, in order that His Majesty might inaugurate the new Northern Irish Parliament under Sir James Craig's premiership. In Dec. the engagement of Princess Mary to Viscount Lascelles, son of the Earl of Harewood, was a happy event in the Royal Family.

title: 1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/George V.


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28 to have been dead, they were lamenting the sufferings I must have undergone when I was killed, and, perhaps, until my reappearance again on this earth.

They eventually dispersed, leaving me in the charge of the two who had found me in my perilous situation. All was then quiet for about three hours, for they had gone, it seemed, to their respective huts to eat their roots; then there was a great noise amongst them, and a trampling backwards and forward from hut to hut, as if something of importance was going on. I was naturally anxious at this, not knowing how it would all end; at last it came on night, and the boys and girls set to work making a very large fire, probably to roast me—who could tell? At any rate I supposed it not at all improbable, surrounded as I was by such a host of wild uncultivated savages: however that might be, it was impossible to escape, as I was too weak and terrified at the appearance of all around. At last all the women came out naked—having taken off their skin rugs, which they carried in their hands. I was then brought out from the hut by the two men, the women surrounding me. I expected to be thrown immediately into the flames; but the women having seated themselves by the fire, the men joined the assemblage armed with clubs more than two feet long; having painted themselves with pipe-clay, which abounds on the banks of the lake. They had run streaks of it round the eyes, one down each cheek, others along the forehead down to the tip of the nose, other streaks meeting at the chin, others from the middle of the body


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Rh down each leg; so that altogether, they made a most horrifying appearance, standing round and about the blazing night fire. The women kept their rugs rolled tight up, after which, they stretched them between the knees, each forming a sort of drum. These they beat with their hands, as if keeping time with one of the men who was seated in front of them, singing. Presently the men came up in a kind of close column, they also beating time with their sticks, by knocking them one against the other, making altogether a frightful noise. The man seated in front appeared to be the leader of the orchestra, or master of the band—indeed I may say, master of the ceremonies generally. He marched the whole mob, men and women, boys and girls, backwards and forwards at his pleasure, directing the singing and dancing, with the greatest decision and air of authority. This scene must have lasted at least three hours, when, as a wind-up, they gave three tremendous shouts, at the same time pointing to the sky with their sticks; they each shook me heartily by the hand, again beating their breasts, as a token of friendship. By this time I was greatly relieved in my mind, finding no injury to me was contemplated, and particularly when they all dispersed to their huts, and I was left again with my guardians.

The reader, in these colonies, will be aware that what I had witnessed was nothing more than a great Corrobberree, or rejoicing, at my having come to life again; as they supposed. After eating some roots I lay down by the side of my new friends, and although so recently


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30 highly excited, yet I enjoyed a sleep undisturbed by dreams either of the past, the present, or the future. In reality, nature had been exhausted by hunger, thirst, and continued apprehension. In the morning I rose greatly refreshed, and found the tribe already upon the move, gathering roots and spearing eels, a few only remaining with me hi the encampment. I observed that one man was dispatched on some errand, and as he was leaving, they pointed out to me the way he was going for some particular kind of food, or on a message to another tribe, in which message I was in some way or other interested.

Finding myself now tolerably at home, I evinced a desire to make myself useful, by fetching water, carrying wood, and so forth. I went to the river one day for the purpose of having a bathe, but was not long absent before I was missed and an alarm raised; for they thought I had deserted. Search was made in all directions, and just as I returned the messenger came back who had been sent away, as I supposed, to another tribe, bringing with him a young man; who came, as it appeared, to invite the others to their encampment. The following day therefore, our tribe left the borders of the lagoon, taking me with them, and after a tramp through the bush of a few miles, we arrived and took up our quarters, not with the strangers, but at some distance from them, where we erected our temporary huts, or shelters for the night. I was soon afterwards transferred to the charge of a man and woman of the tribe we had come to visit; the man being brother to


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Index talk:Library of Congress Classification Outline.djvu

Formatting reference note
Just to explain how I am laying out each page, and why:-

The heading of each item should look like this: In order for the contents list of each class to be able to link internally (as a custom TOC/Header combination matching the source material).

The content, using a table, often looks like this: The table, with predefined column widths, allows the indentations seen in the source representing subsections of the classification. Defined column widths should ensure that tables onn different pages all line up when seen in the mainspace. Each new subsection/indentation needs a new column; the first example of which should have a defined width of 10%. Colspan should be used to allow the other items to take up a full row with unnecessary line-wrapping. Altogther, this should correctly display the classification outline in the mainspace. - AdamBMorgan (talk) 12:12, 21 January 2011 (UTC)

 * I think that a revision might make the pages more useful. The column that is currently at 10% should be fixed at 20px. The reason behind this is that the current layout looks very strange on wide monitors. Here's what I'm talking about. Any objections? --Hardwigg (talk) 19:45, 16 July 2011 (UTC)

 * Sorry, I should have replied to this a while ago. I will change it but only when all of the pages are proofread and formatted.  Getting everything to line up is a problem at the moment (and the major reason why this is taking a while to proofread).  However, once everything isdone, it will be relatively easy to change the spacing of the entire index. - AdamBMorgan (talk) 12:51, 13 September 2011 (UTC)

Note on OCR text, raw text and style
As the pdf I uploaded put all the OCRed text in the first page rather than in each page to match the image, I have started copying and pasting the raw text into pages myself. Hopefully, this will make the total proofreading easier. This text is completely unformatted. The final style that I'm aiming for can be seen in subclass Z, where the use of tables should display the indented text faithfully when they are transcluded (as is already the case for subclass Z). - AdamBMorgan (talk) 17:45, 10 January 2011 (UTC)

 * Curious - would a .djvu of this .pdf help to make any difference as far as generating a proper OCR? — George Orwell III ( talk ) 22:10, 27 February 2011 (UTC)

 * Was too curious to see if I could make one at that online AnyDJVU server thing and to my surprise - it did. It's index is based on the PDF Index:Library of Congress Classification Outline.djvu amd lines up the same. Let me know if its worth using or not so I can delete it if it isn't or give you a hand to quickly port over the existing pages. — George Orwell III ( talk ) 23:17, 27 February 2011 (UTC)

 * That might be easier to adapt (lining up the call numbers and the subjects in the table is the most annoying part of the current index) and we should probably use DjVu instead of Pdf. Oddly, I did try AnyDJVU before I uploaded the Pdf and I didn't get a useful file out of it; I don't know why it worked this time.

 * Something new & different is going on at AnyDJVU - there are more options that much is sure. This went through awfully quick too.

 * Anyway, yes, it's better to use the DjVu. Is this going to involve manually moving individual pages or something similar? (I can't think of an easy way to port them over.) - AdamBMorgan (talk) 00:38, 28 February 2011 (UTC)

 * Sorry, you must still be under the impression I know what am I doing most of the time (not the case). My gut tells me not to do anything until the .DJVU is moved to Commons first or the images will constantly appear then disappear for days afterwards. Beside that, I know of no other way other than applying...

 * in each corresponding .DJVU's page, manually. Maybe we should reach out to someone just in case there is some other way? — George Orwell III ( talk ) 00:53, 28 February 2011 (UTC)
 * [GOIII asked for some comment so, I hope this helps (from a quick read)] A few ways that we can handle it
 * Create the text article in the main ns with the OCR'd text (forget about the pdf), and then when the djvu file is in place just do a match and split. This will align the text and undertake the transclusion, and we just need to proofread and validate
 * The text aticles have existed for some time now though I'm not sure if it was complete or not. You should really inspect a page or two - these are basically the bullet-lists of the LLC catalog system that frames the Portal system here on en.WS now

 * We get someone to bot the moves in the Page ns. I believe that 's has designed his bot to do moves, so that would be stick a request at Bot requests. (Noting that moving is not a run-of-the-mill process for the obvious reason).  A one-to-one move from Page:filename.pdf/1 to Page:filename.djvu/1 should be fairly trivial. If transcluded need to fix main ns (see below)
 * At first glance this seems the way to go. Both old and new are page to page matched only the file extension changes from .pdf to .djvu

 * We move them all manually; it is not the most complex of moves, just time-consuming.
 * Would need the index: page created first to make it easy for ourselves, and we would be looking to move and preferably to suppress the redirect, noting that if we have transcluded pages, that we would need to get to update those promptly, and that is an easy bot task (we can even do ahead of moves, depending on when we want them broken). — billinghurst  sDrewth  01:47, 28 February 2011 (UTC)

 * Index exists Index:Library of Congress Classification Outline.djvu but the file is uploaded to WS not Commons (my bad I was taking a chance the upload was pointless but it wasn't). Can you do that voodoo that you-do and move that to Commons before I hit the Jack Potte for his lucky charms? 01:59, 28 February 2011 (UTC)
 * Moved to Commons, deleted locally. — billinghurst  sDrewth  03:05, 28 February 2011 (UTC)

 * The bot option looks the best to me. I'll finish setting up R (Medicine) as I'm alomst done there, then it should be easy to work out which pages need to be moved and which do not (I've already finished S-Z and the individual TOCs - first pages - of the other classes). - AdamBMorgan (talk) 14:32, 28 February 2011 (UTC)

 * I agree - asking Jack Potte to run a bot to move the pages sounds like the way to go first but I'm not so clear on how many of those pages are done and how many are just copy & paste of pg.1 PDF hidden text or the equivalent of what would amount to OCR text in the new anyway. If only a dozen or two pages are finished-finished then lets run the Thomas bot and move those formatted pages manually rather tying up Jack. I was wondering why so many pages are still "Red". — George Orwell III ( talk ) 22:20, 28 February 2011 (UTC)

 * Formatted pages are: 1-5, 12, 35, 46, 84, 96, 109, 131, 145, 179, 193, 197, 206, 237, 250-320. That is, the five proofread pages at the start, the first page of each class and everything from page 250 onwards. (There may be an odd page not noted here but, if so, it'll be easier just to re-format than to find it.) I'll start moving them with the normal move tool soon. - AdamBMorgan (talk) 01:17, 1 March 2011 (UTC)

 * I think everything has been moved now, including this talk page. - AdamBMorgan (talk) 13:11, 1 March 2011 (UTC)

Should I delete the PDF LoC Classification Outline?
Thanks for the DjVu version of the LOC Classification Outline. I think everything has been moved across to it from the PDF, just leaving unformatted text behind. Should I nominate the PDF index, and all of its remaining pages, for deletion? Can I speedy delete them myself as duplicates? I'm not really clear on deletion etiquette. - AdamBMorgan (talk) 13:20, 1 March 2011 (UTC)

 * Well we sort of azzed that up a bit. As I understand it, the Thomas Bot should have ran 1st, turning all the pages "red" and in process, fixing the originally embedded text as the first edit history and set the text in place upon viewing. Then, those pages already formatted in the PDF should have been deleted in the DJVU so when we moved the PDF page to the to DJVU page the histories could have been merged, retaining the original embedded text revision along with the 3 or 4 edits made of that specific page over in PDF index.
 * No matter now, what's done is done so I guess there is no issue -- you being the original contributor all this time primarily anyway -- of stepping on anybody else's edits either. I would not bother nominating it, & delete the pages themselves myself and the index last once all the pages are gone to insure there are no orphans.

 * Using F8 - djvu Updated or G4 - Redundant as our reason? you start from the front and I'll start from the end & work backwards until we conflict sound OK? — EDIT calling it a night. — George Orwell III ( talk )

 * ...and now it's done. Thanks again. - AdamBMorgan (talk) 18:26, 2 March 2011 (UTC)

 * Never a problem. — George Orwell III ( talk ) 01:16, 3 March 2011 (UTC)


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 328 When visiting a strange place with the set purpose of personal collecting, the best way of beginning is, perhaps, to get the parish clerk or sexton (if such a person is to be found) to show the church, and then to draw him out on bell-ringing and burying customs, and to obtain from him the names of the “oldest inhabitants” for further inquiry. Failing the sexton, the village innkeeper might be a good starting-point. Then a visit may be paid to the school in the mid-day “recess”, and the children may be bribed to play all the games they know for the instruction of the visitor. Possibly some bits of local legend may be gleaned from them as a foundation for further inquiries. These inquiries will often be quite as successful on some points if pursued among the oldest families in the place, as among the oldest inhabitants of the place. Old household or family customs are best preserved in solitary farmhouses, especially if tenanted by the same family for several generations. But it is a mistake to think that a very remote and thinly populated parish will necessarily yield more folklore of all kinds than another. A scanty stay-at-home population does not preserve legends well, and has not esprit de corps sufficient for the celebration of public customs. A large village, or a market-town quite in the country, is generally the best place to find these; and the “lowest of the people”—the chimney-sweepers, brick-makers, besom-makers, hawkers, tinkers, and other trades in which work is irregular—are those who keep up old games, songs, dances, and dramatic performances.

Most villages have their doctress, generally an intelligent old woman, who, nevertheless, mixes something of superstition with her remedies. But in the counties with which I am best acquainted, fortune-telling, divination, and sorcery generally, flourish chiefly in the low parts of large towns, where their professors acquire a wide reputation and are resorted to from considerable distances.

Superstitious opinions, though they flourish most, of


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 {| width="100%" Including veterinary genetics, ethology, anatomy, physiology, embryology, pathology
 * width="20%"| SF561 || width="10%"| || colspan="3" | Lac-insects
 * SF600-1100 || || colspan="3" | Veterinary medicine
 * SF756.5-769.5 || || width="10%"|  || colspan="2" | Special preclinical sciences
 * SF756.5-769.5 || || width="10%"|  || colspan="2" | Special preclinical sciences
 * SF756.5-769.5 || || width="10%"|  || colspan="2" | Special preclinical sciences
 * SF780.2-780.7 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary microbiology, bacteriology, virology, mycology
 * SF780.9 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary epidemiology. Epizootiology
 * SF781-809 || ||  || colspan="2" | Communicable diseases of animals (General)
 * SF810 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary parasitology
 * SF810.5-810.7 || ||  || colspan="2" | Predatory animals and their control
 * SF811-909 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary medicine of special organs, regions, and systems
 * SF910 || ||  || colspan="2" | Other diseases and conditions
 * SF910.5 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary orthopedics
 * SF911-914.4 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary surgery
 * SF914.3-914.4 || ||  || width="10%"|  || Veterinary traumatology. Veterinary emergencies
 * SF914.5 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary acupuncture
 * SF915-919.5 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary pharmacology
 * SF925 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary physical medicine
 * SF951-997.5 || ||  || colspan="2" | Diseases of special classes of animals
 * }
 * SF910.5 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary orthopedics
 * SF911-914.4 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary surgery
 * SF914.3-914.4 || ||  || width="10%"|  || Veterinary traumatology. Veterinary emergencies
 * SF914.5 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary acupuncture
 * SF915-919.5 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary pharmacology
 * SF925 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary physical medicine
 * SF951-997.5 || ||  || colspan="2" | Diseases of special classes of animals
 * }
 * SF915-919.5 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary pharmacology
 * SF925 || ||  || colspan="2" | Veterinary physical medicine
 * SF951-997.5 || ||  || colspan="2" | Diseases of special classes of animals
 * }
 * SF951-997.5 || ||  || colspan="2" | Diseases of special classes of animals
 * }


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 {| width="100%" Including theory, management, history Including animals injurious and beneficial to plants
 * width="20%"| SB469-(476.4) || width="10%"|  || colspan="3" | Landscape gardening. Landscape architecture
 * SB481-486 || || colspan="3" | Parks and public reservations
 * SB481-486 || || colspan="3" | Parks and public reservations
 * SB599-990.5 || || colspan="3" | Pests and diseases
 * SB608 || || width="10%"|  || colspan="2" | Individual or types of plants or trees
 * SB610-615 || ||  || colspan="2" | Weeds, parasitic plants, etc.
 * SB617-618 || ||  || colspan="2" | Poisonous plants
 * SB621-795 || ||  || colspan="2" | Plant pathology
 * SB818-945 || ||  || colspan="2" | Economic entomology
 * SB950-990.5 || ||  || colspan="2" | Pest control and treatment of diseases. Plant protection
 * SB950.9-970.4 || ||  ||  width="10%"|  || Pesticides
 * SB973-973.5 || ||  ||  || Soil disinfection
 * SB974-978 || ||  ||  || Organic plant protection. Biological control
 * SB979.5-985 || ||  ||  || Inspection. Quarantine
 * SB992-998 || || colspan="3" | Economic zoology applied to crops. Agricultural zoology
 * SB950-990.5 || ||  || colspan="2" | Pest control and treatment of diseases. Plant protection
 * SB950.9-970.4 || ||  ||  width="10%"|  || Pesticides
 * SB973-973.5 || ||  ||  || Soil disinfection
 * SB974-978 || ||  ||  || Organic plant protection. Biological control
 * SB979.5-985 || ||  ||  || Inspection. Quarantine
 * SB992-998 || || colspan="3" | Economic zoology applied to crops. Agricultural zoology
 * SB974-978 || ||  ||  || Organic plant protection. Biological control
 * SB979.5-985 || ||  ||  || Inspection. Quarantine
 * SB992-998 || || colspan="3" | Economic zoology applied to crops. Agricultural zoology
 * SB979.5-985 || ||  ||  || Inspection. Quarantine
 * SB992-998 || || colspan="3" | Economic zoology applied to crops. Agricultural zoology
 * SB992-998 || || colspan="3" | Economic zoology applied to crops. Agricultural zoology
 * }


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 Rh course, among the lower classes cannot well be collected direct from them, because they really do not understand what superstition is, and cannot, as they say, “make out what the gentleman is driving at.” They must be inquired for among the class of small employers, who have a little more cultivation than their workpeople, but yet live on terms of sufficient familiarity with them to know their ideas thoroughly and to share a good many of them! A little patient effort will in all probability enable the collector to make the acquaintance of some old grandfather or grandmother of this class, who, sitting in the chimneycorner of some old-fashioned kitchen, loves nothing better than to pour out tales of “old times”. Here is the collector’s opportunity! and from talk of sickles, spinning-wheels, and tinder-boxes, he may lead the conversation to matters more purely folk-loric. A list of annual festivals, and the chief customs connected with them, will be found a useful basis for questions. If his witness proves intelligent and comprehending, a list of common superstitions may then be produced and gone through, when a few additions will probably be made to it. A list of proverbs will almost certainly prove a success; the “old sayings” will be thought extremely interesting, both wise and witty, and the memory ransacked for similar ones. Local legends must, of course, be asked for as local features—hill or well, ruined castle or Roman camp—suggest, and will probably vary greatly, ranging from ghost stories to folk-etymology. Märchen, in my experience, are scarcely to be found; but ballads, which are folk-tales in verse, are not nearly so rare as is sometimes supposed, but it is seldom that any but old people know them.

They are excellent company, these old people! if one can but get them to talk of their past lives, and not of their present ailments; and they are dying around us every day, and their traditions are dying with them, for they


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ای چرخِ فلک خرابی از کینهُ تست بیدادگری شیوهُ دیرینهُ تست ای خاک اگر سینهُ تو بشْکافند بس گوهرِ قیمتی که در سینهُ تست

این یک دو سه روزه نوبتِ عمر گذشت چون آب بجویبار و چون باد بدشت هرگز غمِ دو روز مرا یاد نگشت روزی که نیامدست و روزی که گذشت


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142 tendency within reasonable and proper bounds. The President himself values the evidence of the past. He tells us that at a certain point of our history more than two hundred millions of dollars had been applied for to make improvements; and this he does to prove that the treasury would be overwhelmed by such a system. Why did he not tell us how much was granted? Would not that have been better evidence? Let us turn to it, and see what it proves. In the message the President tells us that "during the four succeeding years embraced by the administration of President Adams, the power not only to appropriate money, but to apply it, under the direction and authority of the General Government, as well to the construction of roads as to the improvement of harbors and rivers, was fully asserted and exercised."

This, then, was the period of greatest enormity. These, if any, must have been the days of the two hundred millions. And how much do you suppose was really expended for improvements during that four years? Two hundred millions? One hundred? Fifty? Ten? Five? No, sir; less than two millions. As shown by authentic documents, the expenditures on improvements during 1825, 1826, 1827, and 1828 amounted to one million eight hundred and seventy-nine thousand six hundred and twenty-seven dollars one cent. These four years were the period of Mr. Adams's administration, nearly and substantially. This fact shows that when the power to make improvements "was fully asserted and exercised," the Congress did keep within reasonable limits; and what has been done, it seems to me, can be done again.


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1848] Now for the second portion of the message—namely, that the burdens of improvements would be general, while their benefits would be local and partial, involving an obnoxious inequality. That there is some degree of truth in this position, I shall not deny. No commercial object of government patronage can be so exclusively general as to not be of some peculiar local advantage. The navy, as I understand it, was established, and is maintained at a great annual expense, partly to be ready for war when war shall come, and partly also, and perhaps chiefly for the protection of our commerce on the high seas. This latter object is, for all I can see, in principle the same as internal improvements. The driving a pirate from the track of commerce on the broad ocean, and the removing a snag from its more narrow path in the Mississippi River, cannot, I think, be distinguished in principle. Each is done to save life and property, and for nothing else.

The navy, then, is the most general in its benefits of all this class of objects; and yet even the navy is of some peculiar advantage to Charleston, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and Boston, beyond what it is to the interior towns of Illinois. The next most general object I can think of would be improvements on the Mississippi River and its tributaries. They touch thirteen of our States—Pennsylvania, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Wisconsin, and Iowa. Now I suppose it will not be denied that these thirteen States are a little more interested in improvements on that great river than are the remaining seventeen. These instances of the navy and the Mississippi River show clearly


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 day before, and makes constantly all over the country,—I ask your attention to them. In the first place, what is necessary to make the institution national? Not war. There is no danger that the people of Kentucky will shoulder their muskets, and, with a young nigger stuck on every bayonet, march into Illinois and force them upon us. There is no danger of our going over there and making war upon them. Then what is necessary for the nationalization of slavery? It is simply the next Dred Scott decision. It is merely for the Supreme Court to decide that no State under the Constitution can exclude it, just as they have already decided that under the Constitution neither Congress nor the Territorial Legislature can do it. When that is decided and acquiesced in, the whole thing is done.

This being true, and this being the way, as I think, that slavery is to be made national, let us consider what Judge Douglas is doing every day to that end. In the first place, let us see what influence he is exerting on public sentiment. In this and like communities, public sentiment is everything. With public sentiment, nothing can fail; without it, nothing can succeed. Consequently, he who moulds public sentiment, goes deeper than he who enacts statutes or pronounces decisions. He makes statutes and decisions possible or impossible to be executed. This must be borne in mind, as also the additional fact that Judge Douglas is a man of vast influence, so great that it is enough for many men to profess to believe anything, when they once find out that Judge Douglas professes to believe it. Consider also the attitude he occupies at the head of a large party,—a party which he claims has a majority of all the voters of the country. This man sticks to a decision which forbids the people of a Territory from excluding slavery, and he does so, not because he says it is right in itself,—he does not give any opinion on that,—but because it has been decided by the court; and being decided by the court, he is, and you are, bound to take it in your political action as law, not that he judges at all of its merits, but because a decision of the court is to him a "Thus saith the Lord." He places it on that ground alone; and you will bear in mind that thus committing himself unreservedly to this decision commits him to the next one just as firmly as to this. He did not commit himself on account of the merit or demerit of the decision, but it is a "Thus saith the Lord." The next decision, as much as this, will be a "Thus saith the Lord." [Applause.]

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144 that there is something of local advantage in the most general objects. But the converse is also true. Nothing is so local as to not be of some general benefit. Take, for instance, the Illinois and Michigan Canal. Considered apart from its effects, it is perfectly local. Every inch of it is within the State of Illinois. That canal was first opened for business last April. In a very few days we were all gratified to learn, among other things, that sugar had been carried from New Orleans through this canal to Buffalo in New York. This sugar took this route, doubtless, because it was cheaper than the old route. Supposing benefit of the reduction in the cost of carriage to be shared between seller and buyer, the result is that the New Orleans merchant sold his sugar a little dearer, and the people of Buffalo sweetened their coffee a little cheaper, than before,—a benefit resulting from the canal, not to Illinois, where the canal is, but to Louisiana and New York, where it is not. In other transactions Illinois will, of course, have her share, and perhaps the larger share too, of the benefits of the canal; but this instance of the sugar clearly shows that the benefits of an improvement are by no means confined to the particular locality of the improvement itself.

The just conclusion from all this is that if the nation refuse to make improvements of the more general kind because their benefits may be somewhat local, a State may for the same reason refuse to make an improvement of a local kind because its benefits may be somewhat general. A State may well say to the nation, "If you will do nothing for me, I will do nothing for you." Thus it is seen that if this argument of "inequality" is


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1848] sufficient anywhere, it is sufficient everywhere, and puts an end to improvements altogether. I hope and believe that if both the nation and the States would, in good faith, in their respective spheres do what they could in the way of improvements, what of inequality might be produced in one place might be compensated in another, and the sum of the whole might not be very unequal.

But suppose, after all, there should be some degree of inequality. Inequality is certainly never to be embraced for its own sake; but is every good thing to be discarded which may be inseparably connected with some degree of it? If so, we must discard all government. This capitol is built at the public expense, for the public benefit; but does any one doubt that it is of some peculiar local advantage to the property-holders and business people of Washington? Shall we remove it for this reason? And if so, where shall we set it down, and be free from the difficulty? To make sure of our object, shall we locate it nowhere, and have Congress hereafter to hold its sessions, as the loafer lodged, "in spots about"? I make no allusion to the present President when I say there are few stronger cases in this world of "burden to the many and benefit to the few," of "inequality," than the presidency itself is by some thought to be. An honest laborer digs coal at about seventy cents a day, while the President digs abstractions at about seventy dollars a day. The coal is clearly worth more than the abstractions, and yet what a monstrous inequality in the prices! Does the President, for this reason, propose to abolish the presidency? He does not, and he ought not. The true rule in determining to


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146 embrace or reject anything, is not whether it have any evil in it, but whether it have more of evil than of good. There are few things wholly evil or wholly good. Almost everything, especially of government policy, is an inseparable compound of the two; so that our best judgment of the preponderance between them is continually demanded. On this principle the President, his friends, and the world generally act on most subjects. Why not apply it, then, upon this question? Why, as to improvements, magnify the evil, and stoutly refuse to see any good in them?

Mr. Chairman, on the third position of the message—the constitutional question—I have not much to say. Being the man I am, and speaking where I do, I feel that in any attempt at an original constitutional argument, I should not be, and ought not to be, listened to patiently. The ablest and the best of men have gone over the whole ground long ago. I shall attempt but little more than a brief notice of what some of them have said. In relation to Mr. Jefferson's views, I read from Mr. Polk's veto message:

 * President Jefferson, in his message to Congress in 1806, recommended an amendment of the Constitution, with a view to apply an anticipated surplus in the Treasury "to the great purposes of the public education, roads, rivers, canals, and such other objects of public improvements as it may be thought proper to add to the constitutional enumeration of the federal powers"; and he adds: "I suppose an amendment to the Constitution, by consent of the States, necessary, because the objects now recommended are not among those enumerated in the Constitution, and to which it permits the public moneys to be applied." In 1825, he repeated in his published letters the opinion that no such power has been conferred upon Congress.


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 There is nothing that can divert or turn him away from this decision It is nothing that I point out to him that his great prototype, General Jackson, did not beheve in the binding force of decisions. It is nothing to him that Jefferson did not so believe. I have said that I have often heard him approve of Jackson's course in disregarding the decision of the Supreme Court pronouncing a National Bank constitutional. He says, I did not hear him say so. He denies the accuracy of my recollection. I say he ought to know better than I, but I will make no question about this thing, though it still seems to me that I heard him say it twenty times. [Applause and laughter.] I will tell him, though, that he now claims to stand on the Cincinnati platform, which affirms that Congress cannot charter a National Bank, in the teeth of that old standing decision that Congress can charter a bank.

And I remind him of another piece of history on the question of respect for judicial decisions: and it is a piece of Illinois history belonging to a time when the large party to which Judge Douglas belonged were displeased with a decision of the Supreme Court of Illinois; because they had decided that a Governor could not remove a Secretary of State. You will find the whole story in Ford's History of Illinois, and I know that Judge Douglas will not deny that he was then in favor of overslaughing that decision by the mode of adding five new judges, so as to vote down the four old ones. Not only so, but it ended in the Judge's sitting down on that very bench as one of the five new judges to break down the four old ones. [Cheers and laughter.] It was in this way precisely that he got his title of judge. Now, when the Judge tells me that men appointed conditionally to sit as members of a court will have to be catechised beforehand upon some subject, I say, "You know. Judge; you have tried it." [Laughter.] When he says a court of this kind will lose the confidence of all men, will be prostituted and disgraced by such a proceeding, I say, "You know best, Judge; you have been through the mill." [Great laughter.]

But I cannot shake Judge Douglas's teeth loose from the Dred Scott decision. Like some obstinate animal (I mean no disrespect) that will hang on when he has once got his teeth fixed, you may cut off a leg, or you may tear away an arm, still he will not relax his hold. And so I may point out to the Judge, and say, that he is bespattered all over, from the beginning of his political life to the present time, with attacks upon judicial decisions; I may cut off limb after limb of his}}

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1848] I introduce this not to controvert just now the constitutional opinion, but to show that, on the question of expediency, Mr. Jefferson's opinion was against the present President—that this opinion of Mr. Jefferson, in one branch at least, is in the hands of Mr. Polk like McFingal's gun—"bears wide and kicks the owner over."

But to the constitutional question. In 1826 Chancellor Kent first published his "Commentaries" on American law. He devoted a portion of one of the lectures to the question of the authority of Congress to appropriate public moneys for internal improvements. He mentions that the subject had never been brought under judicial consideration, and proceeds to give a brief summary of the discussion it had undergone between the legislative and executive branches of the government. He shows that the legislative branch had usually been for, and the executive against, the power, till the period of Mr. J. Q. Adams's administration, at which point he considers the executive influence as withdrawn from opposition, and added to the support of the power. In 1844 the chancellor published a new edition of his "Commentaries," in which he adds some notes of what had transpired on the question since 1826. I have not time to read the original text on the notes; but the whole may be found on page 267, and the two or three following pages, of the first volume of the edition of 1844. As to what Chancellor Kent seems to consider the sum of the whole, I read from one of the notes:

 Mr. Justice Story, in his commentaries on the Constitution of the United States, Vol. II., pp. 429-440, and again pp. 519-538, has stated at large the arguments for


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148  and against the proposition that Congress have a constitutional authority to lay taxes, and to apply the power to regulate commerce as a means directly to encourage and protect domestic manufactures; and without giving any opinion of his own on the contested doctrine, he has left the reader to draw his own conclusions. I should think, however, from the arguments as stated, that every mind which has taken no part in the discussion, and felt no prejudice or territorial bias on either side of the question, would deem the arguments in favor of the Congressional power vastly superior.

It will be seen that in this extract the power to make improvements is not directly mentioned; but by examining the context, both of Kent and Story, it will be seen that the power mentioned in the extract, and the power to make improvements, are regarded as identical. It is not to be denied that many great and good men have been against the power; but it is insisted that quite as many, as great and as good, have been for it; and it is shown that, on a full survey of the whole, Chancellor Kent was of opinion that the arguments of the latter were vastly superior. This is but the opinion of a man; but who was that man? He was one of the ablest and most learned lawyers of his age, or of any age. It is no disparagement to Mr. Polk, nor indeed to any one who devotes much time to politics, to be placed far beyond Chancellor Kent as a lawyer. His attitude was most favorable to correct conclusions. He wrote coolly, and in retirement. He was struggling to rear a durable monument of fame; and he well knew that truth and thoroughly sound reasoning were the only sure foundations. Can the party opinion of a party President on a law question, as this purely is, be


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1848] at all compared or set in opposition to that ot such a man, in such an attitude, as Chancellor Kent? This constitutional question will probably never be better settled than it is, until it shall pass under judicial consideration; but I do think no man who is clear on the questions of expediency need feel his conscience much pricked upon this.

Mr. Chairman, the President seems to think that enough may be done, in the way of improvements, by means of tonnage duties under State authority, with the consent of the General Government. Now I suppose this matter of tonnage duties is well enough in its own sphere. I suppose it may be efficient, and perhaps sufficient, to make slight improvements and repairs in harbors already in use and not much out of repair. But if I have any correct general idea of it, it must be wholly inefficient for any general beneficent purposes of improvement. I know very little, or rather nothing at all, of the practical matter of levying and collecting tonnage duties; but I suppose one of its principles must be to lay a duty for the improvement of any particular harbor upon the tonnage coming into that harbor; to do otherwise—to collect money in one harbor, to be expended on improvements in another—would be an extremely aggravated form of that inequality which the President so much deprecates. If I be right in this, how could we make any entirely new improvement by means of tonnage duties? How make a road, a canal, or clear a greatly obstructed river? The idea that we could involves the same absurdity as the Irish bull about the new boots. "I shall niver git 'em on," says Patrick, "till I wear 'em a day or two, and stretch 'em a little." We shall never make a


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150 canal by tonnage duties until it shall already have been made awhile, so the tonnage can get into it.

After all the President concludes that possibly there may be some great objects of improvement which cannot be effected by tonnage duties, and which it therefore may be expedient for the General Government to take in hand. Accordingly he suggests, in case any such be discovered, the propriety of amending the Constitution. Amend it for what? If, like Mr. Jefferson, the President thought improvements expedient, but not constitutional, it would be natural enough for him to recommend such an amendment. But hear what he says in this very message:

 * In view of these portentous consequences, I cannot but think that this course of legislation should be arrested, even were there nothing to forbid it in the fundamental laws of our Union.

For what, then, would he have the Constitution amended? With him it is a proposition to remove one impediment merely to be met by others, which, in his opinion, cannot be removed,—to enable Congress to do what, in his opinion, they ought not to do if they could.

 * [Here Mr. Meade of Virginia inquired if Mr. Lincoln understood the President to be opposed, on grounds of expediency, to any and every improvement.]

Mr. Lincoln answered: In the very part of his message of which I am speaking, I understand him as giving some vague expression in favor of some possible objects of improvement; but in doing so I understand him to be directly on the teeth of his own arguments in other parts of it. Neither the President nor any one can possibly specify an improvement which shall not be


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 public record, and strive to wrench him from a single dictum of the court,—yet I cannot divert him from it. He hangs, to the last, to the Dred Scott decision. [Loud cheers.] These things show there is a purpose strong as death and eternity for which he adheres to this decision, and for which he will adhere to all other decisions of the same court. [Vociferous applause.]

A Hibernian.—"Give us something besides Drid Scott."

Mr. Lincoln.—Yes; no doubt you want to hear something that don't hurt. [Laughter and applause.] Now, having spoken of the Dred Scott decision, one more word, and I am done. Henry Clay, my beau ideal of a statesman, the man for whom I fought all my humble life,—Henry Clay once said of a class of men who would repress all tendencies to liberty and ultimate emancipation, that they must, if they would do this, go back to the era of our Independence, and muzzle the cannon which thunders its annual joyous return; they must blow out the moral lights around us; they must penetrate the human soul, and eradicate there the love of liberty; and then, and not till then, could they perpetuate slavery in this country ! [Loud cheers.] To my thinking, Judge Douglas is, by his example and vast influence, doing that very thing in this community, [cheers] when he says that the negro has nothing in the Declaration of Independence. Henry Clay plainly understood the contrary.

Judge Douglas is going back to the era of our Revolution, and to the extent of his ability, muzzling the cannon which thunders its annual joyous return. When he invites any people, willing to have slavery, to establish it, he is blowing out the moral lights around us. [Cheers.] When he says he "cares not whether slavery is voted down or voted up,"—that it is a sacred right of self-government,—he is, in my judgment, penetrating the human soul and eradicating the light of reason and the love of liberty in this American people. [Enthusiastic and continued applause.] And now I will only say that when, by all these means and appliances, Judge Douglas shall succeed in bringing public sentiment to an exact accordance with his own views; when these vast assemblages shall echo back all these sentiments; when they shall come to repeat his views and to avow his principles, and to say all that he says on these mighty questions,—then it needs only the formality of the second Dred Scott decision, which he endorses in advance, to make slavery alike lawful in all the States, old as well as new, North as well as South.

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1848] clearly liable to one or another of the objections he has urged on the score of expediency. I have shown, and might show again, that no work—no object—can be so general as to dispense its benefits with precise equality; and this inequality is chief among the "portentous consequences" for which he declares that improvements should be arrested. No, sir. When the President intimates that something in the way of improvements may properly be done by the General Government, he is shrinking from the conclusions to which his own arguments would force him. He feels that the improvements of this broad and goodly land are a mighty interest; and he is unwilling to confess to the people, or perhaps to himself, that he has built an argument which, when pressed to its conclusions, entirely annihilates his interest.

I have already said that no one who is satisfied of the expediency of making improvements needs be much uneasy in his conscience about its constitutionality. I wish now to submit a few remarks on the general proposition of amending the Constitution. As a general rule, I think we would much better let it alone. No slight occasion should tempt us to touch it. Better not take the first step, which may lead to a habit of altering it. Better, rather, habituate ourselves to think of it as unalterable. It can scarcely be made better than it is. New provisions would introduce new difficulties, and thus create and increase appetite for further change. No, sir; let it stand as it is. New hands have never touched it. The men who made it have done their work, and have passed away. Who shall improve on what they did?


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152 Mr. Chairman, for the purpose of reviewing this message in the least possible time, as well as for the sake of distinctness, I have analyzed its arguments as well as I could, and reduced them to the propositions I have stated. I have now examined them in detail. I wish to detain the committee only a little while longer with some general remarks upon the subject of improvements. That the subject is a difficult one, cannot be denied. Still it is no more difficult in Congress than in the State legislatures, in the counties, or in the smallest municipal districts which anywhere exist. All can recur to instances of this difficulty in the case of county roads, bridges, and the like. One man is offended because a road passes over his land, and another is offended because it does not pass over his; one is dissatisfied because the bridge for which he is taxed crosses the river on a different road from that which leads from his house to town; another cannot bear that the county should be got in debt for these same roads and bridges; while not a few struggle hard to have roads located over their lands, and then stoutly refuse to let them be opened until they are first paid the damages. Even between the different wards and streets of towns and cities we find this same wrangling and difficulty. Now these are no other than the very difficulties against which, and out of which, the President constructs his objections of "inequality," "speculation," and "crushing the treasury." There is but a single alternative about them; they are sufficient, or they are not. If sufficient, they are sufficient out of Congress as well as in it, and there is the end. We must reject them as insufficient, or lie down and do nothing by any