text: Talk:Lead Industries Association v. EPA

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Lead Industries Association v. EPA


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Thynne, Thomas (1734-1796)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Thynne, William


text:
United States Code/Title 42/Chapter 85/Section 7408

§ 7408. Air quality criteria and control techniques CAA § 108

(a) Air pollutant list; publication and revision by Administrator; issuance of air quality criteria for air pollutants

 * (1) For the purpose of establishing national primary and secondary ambient air quality standards, the Administrator shall within 30 days after December 31, 1970, publish, and shall from time to time thereafter revise, a list which includes each air pollutant—
 * (A) emissions of which, in his judgment, cause or contribute to air pollution which may reasonably be anticipated to endanger public health or welfare;
 * (B) the presence of which in the ambient air results from numerous or diverse mobile or stationary sources; and
 * (C) for which air quality criteria had not been issued before December 31, 1970 but for which he plans to issue air quality criteria under this section.
 * (2) The Administrator shall issue air quality criteria for an air pollutant within 12 months after he has included such pollutant in a list under paragraph (1). Air quality criteria for an air pollutant shall accurately reflect the latest scientific knowledge useful in indicating the kind and extent of all identifiable effects on public health or welfare which may be expected from the presence of such pollutant in the ambient air, in varying quantities. The criteria for an air pollutant, to the extent practicable, shall include information on—
 * (A) those variable factors (including atmospheric conditions) which of themselves or in combination with other factors may alter the effects on public health or welfare of such air pollutant;
 * (B) the types of air pollutants which, when present in the atmosphere, may interact with such pollutant to produce an adverse effect on public health or welfare; and
 * (C) any known or anticipated adverse effects on welfare.

(b) Issuance by Administrator of information on air pollution control techniques; standing consulting committees for air pollutants; establishment; membership

 * (1) Simultaneously with the issuance of criteria under subsection (a) of this section, the Administrator shall, after consultation with appropriate advisory committees and Federal departments and agencies, issue to the States and appropriate air pollution control agencies information on air pollution control techniques, which information shall include data relating to the cost of installation and operation, energy requirements, emission reduction benefits, and environmental impact of the emission control technology. Such information shall include such data as are available on available technology and alternative methods of prevention and control of air pollution. Such information shall also include data on alternative fuels, processes, and operating methods which will result in elimination or significant reduction of emissions.
 * (2) In order to assist in the development of information on pollution control techniques, the Administrator may establish a standing consulting committee for each air pollutant included in a list published pursuant to subsection (a)(1) of this section, which shall be comprised of technically qualified individuals representative of State and local governments, industry, and the academic community. Each such committee shall submit, as appropriate, to the Administrator information related to that required by paragraph (1).

(c) Review, modification, and reissuance of criteria or information

 * The Administrator shall from time to time review, and, as appropriate, modify, and reissue any criteria or information on control techniques issued pursuant to this section. Not later than six months after August 7, 1977, the Administrator shall revise and reissue criteria relating to concentrations of NO2 over such period (not more than three hours) as he deems appropriate. Such criteria shall include a discussion of nitric and nitrous acids, nitrites, nitrates, nitrosamines, and other carcinogenic and potentially carcinogenic derivatives of oxides of nitrogen.

(d) Publication in Federal Register; availability of copies for general public

 * The issuance of air quality criteria and information on air pollution control techniques shall be announced in the Federal Register and copies shall be made available to the general public.

(e) Transportation planning and guidelines

 * The Administrator shall, after consultation with the Secretary of Transportation, and after providing public notice and opportunity for comment, and with State and local officials, within nine months after November 15, 1990,[1] and periodically thereafter as necessary to maintain a continuous transportation-air quality planning process, update the June 1978 Transportation-Air Quality Planning Guidelines and publish guidance on the development and implementation of transportation and other measures necessary to demonstrate and maintain attainment of national ambient air quality standards. Such guidelines shall include information on—
 * (1) methods to identify and evaluate alternative planning and control activities;
 * (2) methods of reviewing plans on a regular basis as conditions change or new information is presented;
 * (3) identification of funds and other resources necessary to implement the plan, including interagency agreements on providing such funds and resources;
 * (4) methods to assure participation by the public in all phases of the planning process; and
 * (5) such other methods as the Administrator determines necessary to carry out a continuous planning process.

(f) Information regarding processes, procedures, and methods to reduce or control pollutants in transportation; reduction of mobile source related pollutants; reduction of impact on public health

 * (1) The Administrator shall publish and make available to appropriate Federal, State, and local environmental and transportation agencies not later than one year after November 15, 1990, and from time to time thereafter—
 * (A) information prepared, as appropriate, in consultation with the Secretary of Transportation, and after providing public notice and opportunity for comment, regarding the formulation and emission reduction potential of transportation control measures related to criteria pollutants and their precursors, including, but not limited to—
 * (i) programs for improved public transit;
 * (ii) restriction of certain roads or lanes to, or construction of such roads or lanes for use by, passenger buses or high occupancy vehicles;
 * (iii) employer-based transportation management plans, including incentives;
 * (iv) trip-reduction ordinances;
 * (v) traffic flow improvement programs that achieve emission reductions;
 * (vi) fringe and transportation corridor parking facilities serving multiple occupancy vehicle programs or transit service;
 * (vii) programs to limit or restrict vehicle use in downtown areas or other areas of emission concentration particularly during periods of peak use;
 * (viii) programs for the provision of all forms of high-occupancy, shared-ride services;
 * (ix) programs to limit portions of road surfaces or certain sections of the metropolitan area to the use of non-motorized vehicles or pedestrian use, both as to time and place;
 * (x) programs for secure bicycle storage facilities and other facilities, including bicycle lanes, for the convenience and protection of bicyclists, in both public and private areas;
 * (xi) programs to control extended idling of vehicles;
 * (xii) programs to reduce motor vehicle emissions, consistent with subchapter II of this chapter, which are caused by extreme cold start conditions;
 * (xiii) employer-sponsored programs to permit flexible work schedules;
 * (xiv) programs and ordinances to facilitate non-automobile travel, provision and utilization of mass transit, and to generally reduce the need for single-occupant vehicle travel, as part of transportation planning and development efforts of a locality, including programs and ordinances applicable to new shopping centers, special events, and other centers of vehicle activity;
 * (xv) programs for new construction and major reconstructions of paths, tracks or areas solely for the use by pedestrian or other non-motorized means of transportation when economically feasible and in the public interest. For purposes of this clause, the Administrator shall also consult with the Secretary of the Interior; and
 * (xvi) program to encourage the voluntary removal from use and the marketplace of pre-1980 model year light duty vehicles and pre-1980 model light duty trucks.[2]
 * (B) information on additional methods or strategies that will contribute to the reduction of mobile source related pollutants during periods in which any primary ambient air quality standard will be exceeded and during episodes for which an air pollution alert, warning, or emergency has been declared;
 * (C) information on other measures which may be employed to reduce the impact on public health or protect the health of sensitive or susceptible individuals or groups; and
 * (D) information on the extent to which any process, procedure, or method to reduce or control such air pollutant may cause an increase in the emissions or formation of any other pollutant.
 * (2) In publishing such information the Administrator shall also include an assessment of—
 * (A) the relative effectiveness of such processes, procedures, and methods;
 * (B) the potential effect of such processes, procedures, and methods on transportation systems and the provision of transportation services; and
 * (C) the environmental, energy, and economic impact of such processes, procedures, and methods.

(g) Assessment of risks to ecosystems

 * The Administrator may assess the risks to ecosystems from exposure to criteria air pollutants (as identified by the Administrator in the Administrator’s sole discretion).

(h) RACT/BACT/LAER clearinghouse

 * The Administrator shall make information regarding emission control technology available to the States and to the general public through a central database. Such information shall include all control technology information received pursuant to State plan provisions requiring permits for sources, including operating permits for existing sources.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Thynne, Thomas (1640-1714)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Thynne, Thomas (1648-1682)


text: Index:Occasional Discourse on the Negro Question.djvu


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Thynne, John Alexander


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Page:Occasional Discourse on the Negro Question.djvu/1

670

HE following Occasional Discourse, delivered by we know not whom, and of date seemingly above a year back, may perhaps be welcome to here and there a speculative reader. It comes to us,—no speaker named, no time or place assigned, no commentary of any sort given,—in the handwriting of the so-called 'Doctor,' properly 'Absconded Reporter,' Dr. Phelim M'Quirk, whose singular powers of reporting, and also whose debts, extravagances, and sorrowful insidious finance-operations, now winded up by a sudden disappearance, to the grief of many poor tradespeople, are making too much noise in the police-offices at present! Of M'Quirk's composition we by no means suppose it to be; but from M'Quirk, as the last traceable source, it comes to us;—offered, in fact, by his respectable unfortunate landlady, desirous to make up part of her losses in this way.

To absconded reporters who bilk their lodgings, we have of course no account to give: but if the Speaker be of any eminence or substantiality, and feel himself aggrieved by the transaction, let him understand that such, and such only, is our connexion with him or his affairs. As the Colonial and Negro Question is still alive, and likely to grow livelier for some time, we have accepted the Article, at a cheap market-rate; and give it publicity, without in the least committing ourselves to the strange doctrines and notions shadowed forth in it. Doctrines and notions which, we rather suspect, are pretty much in a 'minority of one,' in the present era of the world! Here, sure enough, are peculiar views of the Rights of Negroes; involving, it is probable, peculiar ditto of innumerable other rights, duties, expectations, wrongs and disappointments, much argued of, by logic and by grape-shot, in these emancipated epochs of the human mind!—Silence now, however; and let the Speaker himself enter.

My Philanthropic Friends,—It is my painful duty to address some words to you, this evening, on the Rights of Negroes. Taking, as we hope we do, an extensive survey of social affairs, which we find all in a state of the frightfullest embroilment, and as it were, of inextricable final bankruptcy, just at present; and being desirous to adjust ourselves in that huge upbreak, and unutterable welter of tumbling ruins, and to see well that our grand proposed Association of Associations, the, which is meant to be the consummate golden flower and summary of modern Philanthropisms all in one, do not issue as a universal 'Sluggard-and-Scoundrel Protection Society,'—we have judged that, before constituting ourselves, it would be very proper to commune earnestly with one another, and discourse together on the leading elements of our great Problem, which surely is one of the greatest. With this view the Council has decided, both that the Negro Question, as lying at the bottom, was to be the first handled, and if possible the first settled; and then also, what was of much more questionable wisdom, that—that, in short, I was to be Speaker on the occasion. An honourable duty; yet, as I said, a painful one!—Well, you shall hear what I have to say on the matter; and you will not in the least like it.

West-Indian affairs, as we all know, and some of us know to our cost, are in a rather troublous condition this good while. In regard to West Indian affairs, however, Lord is able to comfort us with one fact, indisputable where so many are dubious, That the Negroes are all very happy and doing well. A fact very comfortable indeed. West Indian Whites, it is admitted, are far enough from happy; West Indian Colonies not unlike sinking wholly into ruin; at home too, the British Whites are rather badly off; several millions of them hanging on the verge of continual famine; and in single towns, many thousands of them very sore put to it, at this time, not to live 'well,' or as a man should, in any sense temporal or spiritual, but to live at all:—these, again, are uncomfortable facts; and they are extremely extensive and important


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1849.] ones. But, thank Heaven, our interesting Black population,—equalling almost in number of heads one of the Ridings of Yorkshire, and in worth (in quantity of intellect, faculty, docility, energy, and available human valour and value) perhaps one of the streets of Seven Dials,—are all doing remarkably well. 'Sweet blighted lilies,'—as the American epitaph on the Nigger child has it,—sweet blighted lilies, they are holding up their heads again! How pleasant, in the universal bankruptcy abroad, and dim dreary stagnancy at home, as if for England too there remained nothing but to suppress Chartist riots, banish united Irishmen, vote the supplies, and wait with arms crossed till black Anarchy and Social Death devoured us also, as it has done the others; how pleasant to have always this fact to fall back upon: Our beautiful Black darlings are at last happy; with little labour except to the teeth, which surely, in those excellent horse-jaws of theirs, will not fail!

, my philanthropic friends, has had its way in this matter. The Twenty Millions, a mere trifle despatched with a single dash of the pen, are paid; and far over the sea, we have a few black persons rendered extremely 'free' indeed. Sitting yonder with their beautiful muzzles up to the ears in pumpkins, imbibing sweet pulps and juices; the grinder and incisor teeth ready for every new work, and the pumpkins cheap as grass in those rich climates: while the sugar-crops rot round them uncut, because labour cannot be hired, so cheap are the pumpkins;—and at home we are but required to rasp from the breakfast loaves of our own English labourers some slight 'differential sugar-duties,' and lend a poor half-million or a few poor millions now and then, to keep that beautiful state of matters going on. A state of matters lovely to contemplate, in these emancipated epochs of the human mind; which has earned us not only the praises of Exeter Hall, and loud long-eared hallelujahs of laudatory psalmody from the Friends of Freedom everywhere, but lasting favour (it is hoped) from the Heavenly Powers themselves;—which may at least justly appeal to the Heavenly Powers, and ask them, If ever in terrestrial procedure they saw the match of it? Certainly in the past history of the human species it has no parallel; nor, one hopes, will it have in the future.

Sunk in deep froth-oceans of 'Benevolence,' 'Fraternity,' 'Emancipation-principle,' 'Christian Philanthropy,' and other most amiable-looking, but most baseless, and in the end baleful and all-bewildering jargon,—sad product of a sceptical Eighteenth Century, and of poor human hearts left destitute of any earnest guidance, and disbelieving that there ever was any, Christian or Heathen, and reduced to believe in rosepink Sentimentalism alone, and to cultivate the same under its Christian, Antichristian, Broad-brimmed, Brutus-headed and other forms,—has not the human species gone strange roads, during that period? and poor Exeter Hall, cultivating the Broadbrimmed form of Christian Sentimentalism, and long talking and bleating and braying in that strain, has it not worked out results? Our West Indian Legislatings, with their spoutings, anti-spoutings and interminable jangle and babble; our Twenty millions down on the nail for Blacks of our own; Thirty gradual millions more, and many brave British lives to boot, in watching Blacks of other people's; and now at last our ruined sugar-estates, differential sugar-duties, 'immigration loan,' and beautiful Blacks sitting there up to the ears in pumpkins, and doleful Whites sitting here without potatoes to eat: never till now, I think, did the sun look down on such a jumble of human nonsenses;—of which, with the two hot nights of the Missing-Despatch Debate, God grant that the measure might now at last be full! But no, it is not yet full; we have a long way to travel back, and terrible flounderings to make, and in fact an immense load of nonsense to dislodge from our poor heads, and manifold cobwebs to rend

Rh


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Thynne, John


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672 from our poor eyes, before we get into the road again, and can begin to act as serious men that have work to do in this Universe, and no longer as windy sentimentalists that merely have speeches to deliver and despatches to write. Oh Heaven, in West-Indian matters, and in all manner of matters, it is so with us: the more is the sorrow!—

The West Indies, it appears, are short of labour; as indeed is very conceivable in those circumstances: where a Black man by working about half an hour a-day (such is the calculation) can supply himself, by aid of sun and soil, with as much pumpkin as will suffice, he is likely to be a little stiff to raise into hard work! Supply and demand, which, science says, should be brought to bear on him, have an uphill task of it with such a man. Strong sun supplies itself gratis, rich soil in those unpeopled or half-peopled regions almost gratis; these are his 'supply;' and half an hour a-day, directed upon these, will produce pumpkin which is his 'demand.' The fortunate Black man, very swiftly does he settle his account with supply and demand;—not so swiftly the less fortunate White man of these tropical localities. He himself cannot work; and his black neighbour, rich in pumpkin, is in no haste to help him. Sunk to the ears in pumpkin, imbibing saccharine juices, and much at his ease in the Creation, he can listen to the less fortunate white man's 'demand,' and take his own time in supplying it. Higher wages, massa; higher, for your cane-crop cannot wait; still higher,—till no conceivable opulence of cane-crop will cover such wages! In, as I read in the blue book of last year, the cane-crop, far and wide, stands rotting; the fortunate black gentlemen, strong in their pumpkins, having all struck till the 'demand' rise a little. Sweet blighted lilies, now getting up their heads again!

Science, however, has a remedy still. Since the demand is so pressing, and the supply so inadequate (equal in fact to nothing in some places, as appears), increase the supply; bring more Blacks into the labour-market, then will the rate fall, says science. Not the least surprising part of our West Indian policy is this recipe of 'immigration;' of keeping down the labour-market in those islands by importing new Africans to labour and live there. If the Africans that are already there could be made to lay down their pumpkins and labour for their living, there are already Africans enough. If the new Africans, after labouring a little, take to pumpkins like the others, what remedy is there? To bring in new and ever new Africans, say you, till pumpkins themselves grow dear; till the country is crowded with Africans; and black men there, like white men here, are forced by hunger to labour for their living? That will be a consummation. To have 'emancipated' the West Indies into a Black Ireland; 'free' indeed, but an Ireland, and black! The world may yet see prodigies; and reality be stranger than a nightmare dream.

Our own white or sallow Ireland, sluttishly starving from age to age on its act-of-parliament 'freedom,' was hitherto the flower of mismanagement among the nations; but what will this be to a Negro Ireland, with pumpkins themselves fallen scarce like potatoes! Imagination cannot fathom such an object; the belly of Chaos never held the like. The human mind, in its wide wanderings, has not dreamt yet of such a 'freedom' as that will be. Towards that, if Exeter Hall and science of supply and demand are to continue our guides in the matter, we are daily travelling, and even struggling, with loans of half-a-million and such-like, to accelerate ourselves.

Truly, my philanthropic friends, Exeter Hall Philanthropy is wonderful; and the Social Science—not a 'gay science,' but a rueful—which finds the secret of this universe in 'supply-and-demand,' and reduces the duty of human governors to that of letting men alone, is also wonderful. Not a 'gay science,' I should say, like some we have heard of; no, a dreary, desolate, and indeed quite abject and distressing one; what we might call, by way of eminence, the dismal science. These two, Exeter Hall Philanthropy and the Dismal Science, led by any sacred cause of Black Emancipation, or the like, to


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1849.] fall in love and make a wedding of it,—will give birth to progenies and prodigies; dark extensive moon-calves, unnameable abortions, wide-coiled monstrosities, such as the world has not seen hitherto!

In fact, it will behove us of this English nation to overhaul our West Indian procedure from top to bottom; and ascertain a little better what it is that Fact and Nature demand of us, and what only Exeter Hall wedded to the Dismal Science demands. To the former set of demands we will endeavour, at our peril,—and worse peril than our purse's, at our soul's peril,—to give all obedience. To the latter we will very frequently demur; and try if we cannot stop short where they contradict the former,—and especially before arriving at the black throat of ruin, whither they appear to be leading us. Alas, in many other provinces besides the West Indian, that unhappy wedlock of Philanthropic Liberalism and the Dismal Science has engendered such all-enveloping delusions, of the moon-calf sort; and wrought huge woe for us, and for the poor civilized world, in these days! And sore will be the battle with said mooncalves; and terrible the struggle to return out of our delusions, floating rapidly on which, not the West Indies alone, but Europe generally is nearing the Niagara Falls. [''Here various persons, in an agitated manner, with an air of indignation, left the room; especially one very tall gentleman in white trousers, whose boots creaked much. The President, in a resolved voice, with a look of official rigour, whatever his own private feelings might be, enjoined 'Silence, Silence!' The meeting again sat motionless''.]

My philanthropic friends, can you discern no fixed headlands in this wide-weltering deluge of benevolent twaddle and revolutionary grape-shot that has burst forth on us; no sure bearings at all? Fact and Nature, it seems to me, say a few words to us, if happily we have still an ear for Fact and Nature. Let us listen a little, and try.

And first, with regard to the West Indies, it may be laid down as a principle, which no eloquence in Exeter Hall, or Westminster Hall, or elsewhere, can invalidate or hide, except for a short time only, That no Black man who will not work according to what ability the gods have given him for working, has the smallest right to eat pumpkin, or to any fraction of land that will grow pumpkin, however plentiful such land may be; but has an indisputable and perpetual right to be compelled, by the real proprietors of said land, to do competent work for his living. This is the everlasting duty of all men, black or white, who are born into this world. To do competent work, to labour honestly according to the ability given them; for that and for no other purpose was each one of us sent into this world; and woe is to every man who, by friend or by foe, is prevented from fulfilling this the end of his being. That is the 'unhappy' lot; lot equally unhappy cannot otherwise be provided for man. Whatsoever prohibits or prevents a man from this his sacred appointment to labour while he lives on earth,—that, I say, is the man's deadliest enemy; and all men are called upon to do what is in their power or opportunity towards delivering him from it. If it be his own indolence that prevents and prohibits him, then his own indolence is the enemy he must be delivered from: and the first 'right' he has,—poor indolent blockhead, black or white, is, That every unprohibited man, whatsoever wiser, more industrious person may be passing that way, shall endeavour to 'emancipate' him from his indolence, and by some wise means, as I said, compel him to do the work he is fit for. This is the eternal law of nature for a man, my beneficent Exeter Hall friends; this, that he shall be permitted, encouraged, and if need be compelled to do what work the Maker of him has intended by the making of him for this world! Not that he should eat pumpkin with never such felicity in the West India Islands is, or can be, the blessedness of our black friend; but that he should do useful work there, according as the gifts have been bestowed on him for that. And his own happiness, and that of others round him, will alone be possible by his and their getting into such a relation that this can be permitted him, and in case of need that this can be


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674 compelled him. I beg you to understand this; for you seem to have a little forgotten it, and there lie a thousand inferences in it, not quite useless for Exeter Hall, at present. The idle black man in the West Indies had not long since the right, and will again under better form, if it please Heaven, have the right (actually the first 'right of man' for an indolent person) to be compelled to work as he was fit, and to do the Maker's will who had constructed him with such and such prefigurements of capability. And I incessantly pray Heaven, all men, the whitest alike and the blackest, the richest and the poorest, in other regions of the world, had attained precisely the same right, the divine right of being compelled (if 'permitted' will not answer) to do what work they are appointed for, and not to go idle another minute, in a life so short! Alas, we had then a perfect world; and the Millennium, and true 'Organization of Labour,' and reign of complete blessedness, for all workers and men, had then arrived,—which in these our own poor districts of the Planet, as we all lament to know, it is very far from having yet done.

Let me suggest another consideration withal. West India Islands, still full of waste fertility, produce abundant pumpkins; pumpkins, however, you will please to observe, are not the sole requisite for human wellbeing. No: for a pig they are the one thing needful; but for a man they are only the first of several things needful. And now, as to the right of chief management in cultivating those West India lands; as to the 'right of property' so-called, and of doing what you like with your own? The question is abstruse enough. Who it may be that has a right to raise pumpkins and other produce on those Islands, perhaps none can, except temporarily, decide. The Islands are good withal for pepper, for sugar, for sago, arrowroot, for coffee, perhaps for cinnamon and precious spices; things far nobler than pumpkins; and leading towards commerces, arts, politics, and social developements, which alone are the noble product, where men (and not pigs with pumpkins) are the parties concerned! Well, all this fruit too, fruit spicy and commercial, fruit spiritual and celestial, so far beyond the merely pumpkinish and grossly terrene, lies in the West India lands; and the ultimate 'proprietorship' of them,—why, I suppose, it will vest in him who can the best educe from them whatever of noble produce they were created fit for yielding. He, I compute, is the real 'Vicegerent of the Maker' there; in him, better and better chosen, and not in another, is the 'property' vested by decree of Heaven's chancery itself!

Up to this time it is the Saxon British mainly; they hitherto have cultivated with some manfulness: and when a manfuller class of cultivators, stronger, worthier to have such land, abler to bring fruit from it, shall make their appearance,—they, doubt it not, by fortune of war and other confused negociation and vicissitude, will be declared by Nature and Fact to be the worthier, and will become proprietors,—perhaps also only for a time. That is the law, I take it; ultimate, supreme, for all lands in all countries under this sky. The one perfect eternal proprietor is the Maker who created them: the temporary better or worse proprietor is he whom the Maker has sent on that mission; he who the best hitherto can educe from said lands the beneficent gifts the Maker endowed them with; or, which is but another definition of the same person, he who leads hitherto the manfullest life on that bit of soil, doing, better than another yet found can do, the Eternal Purpose and Supreme Will there.

And now observe, my friends, it was not Black Quashee or those he represents that made those West India Islands what they are, or can by any hypothesis be considered to have the right of growing pumpkins there. For countless ages, since they first mounted oozy, on the back of earthquakes, from their dark bed in the Ocean deeps, and reeking saluted the tropical Sun, and ever onwards till the European white man first saw them some three short centuries ago, those Islands had produced mere jungle, savagery, poison-reptiles and swamp-malaria: till the white European first saw them, they were as if not yet created,—their noble elements of cinnamon, sugar, coffee,


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1849.] pepper black and grey, lying all asleep, waiting the white Enchanter who should say to them, Awake! Till the end of human history and the sounding of the Trump of Doom, they might have lain so, had Quashee and the like of him been the only artists in the game. Swamps, fever-jungles, man-eating Caribs, rattle-snakes, and reeking waste and putrefaction, this had been the produce of them under the incompetent Caribal (what we call Cannibal) possessors till that time; and Quashee knows, himself, whether ever he could have introduced an improvement. Him, had he by a miraculous chance been wafted thither, the Caribals would have eaten, rolling him as a fat morsel under their tongue; for him, till the sounding of the Trump of Doom, the rattle-snakes and savageries would have held on their way. It was not he, then; it was another than he! Never by art of his could one pumpkin have grown there to solace any human throat; nothing but savagery and reeking putrefaction could have grown there. These plentiful pumpkins, I say therefore, are not his: no, they are another's; they are his only under conditions; conditions which Exeter Hall, for the present, has forgotten; but which Nature and the Eternal Powers have by no manner of means forgotten, but do at all moments keep in mind; and, at the right moment, will, with the due impressiveness, perhaps in a rather terrible manner, bring again to our mind also!

If Quashee will not honestly aid in bringing out those sugars, cinnamons, and nobler products of the West Indian Islands, for the benefit of all mankind, then I say neither will the Powers permit Quashee to continue growing pumpkins there for his own lazy benefit; but will sheer him out, by and by, like a lazy gourd overshadowing rich ground; him and all that partake with him,—perhaps in a very terrible manner. For, under favour of Exeter Hall, the 'terrible manner' is not yet quite extinct with the Destinies in this Universe; nor will it quite cease, I apprehend, for soft sawder or philanthropic stump-oratory now or henceforth. No; the gods wish besides pumpkins, that spices and valuable products be grown in their West Indies; thus much they have declared in so making the West Indies:—infinitely more they wish, that manful industrious men occupy their West Indies, not indolent two-legged cattle, however 'happy' over their abundant pumpkins! Both these things, we may be assured, the immortal gods have decided upon, passed their eternal act of parliament for: and both of them, though all terrestrial Parliaments and entities oppose it to the death, shall be done. Quashee, if he will not help in bringing out the spices, will get himself made a slave again (which state will be a little less ugly than his present one), and with beneficent whip, since other methods avail not, will be compelled to work. Or, alas, let him look across to Haiti, and trace a far sterner prophecy! Let him, by his ugliness, idleness, rebellion, banish all White men from the West Indies, and make it all one Haiti,—with little or no sugar growing, black Peter exterminating black Paul, and where a garden of the Hesperides might be, nothing but a tropical dog-kennel and pestiferous jungle,—does he think that will for ever continue pleasant to gods and men? I see men, the rose-pink cant all peeled away from them, land one day on those black coasts; men sent by the Laws of this Universe, and the inexorable Course of Things; men hungry for gold, remorseless, fierce as old Buccaneers were;—and a doom for Quashee which I had rather not contemplate! The gods are long-suffering; but the law from the beginning was, He that will not work shall perish from the earth, and the patience of the gods has limits!

Before the West Indies could grow a pumpkin for any Negro, how much European heroism had to spend itself in obscure battle; to sink, in mortal agony, before the jungles, the putrescences and waste savageries could become arable, and the Devils be in some measure chained there! The West Indies grow pine-apples, and sweet fruits, and spices; we hope they will one day grow beautiful Heroic human Lives too, which is surely the ultimate object they were made for: beautiful souls and brave; sages, poets, what not; making the Earth nobler round them, as their kindred from of old have been doing; true


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676 'splinters of the old Harz Rock;' heroic white men, worthy to be called old Saxons, browned with a mahogany tint in those new climates and conditions. But under the soil of Jamaica, before it could even produce spices or any pumpkin, the bones of many thousand British men had to be laid. Brave Colonel Fortescue, brave Colonel Sedgwick, brave Colonel Brayne,—the dust of many thousand strong old English hearts lies there; worn down swiftly in frightful travail, chaining the Devils, which were manifold. Heroic Blake contributed a bit of his life to that Jamaica. A bit of the great Protector's own life lies there; beneath those pumpkins lies a bit of the life that was Oliver Cromwell's. How the great Protector would have rejoiced to think, that all this was to issue in growing pumpkins to keep Quashee in a comfortably idle condition! No; that is not the ultimate issue; not that.

The West Indian Whites, so soon as this bewilderment of philanthropic and other jargon abates from them, and their poor eyes get to discern a little what the Facts are and what the Laws are, will strike into another course, I apprehend! I apprehend they will, as a preliminary, resolutely refuse to permit the Black man any privilege whatever of pumpkins till he agree for work in return. Not a square inch of soil in those fruitful Isles, purchased by British blood, shall any Black man hold to grow pumpkins for him, except on terms that are fair towards Britain. Fair; see that they be not unfair, not towards ourselves, and still more, not towards him. For injustice is for ever accursed: and precisely our unfairness towards the enslaved black man has,—by inevitable revulsion and fated turn of the wheel,—brought about these present confusions. Fair towards Britain it will be, that Quashee give work for privilege to grow pumpkins. Not a pumpkin, Quashee, not a square yard of soil, till you agree to do the State so many days of service. Annually that soil will grow you pumpkins; but annually also without fail shall you, for the owner thereof, do your appointed days of labour. The State has plenty of waste soil; but the State will religiously give you none of it on other terms. The State wants sugar from these Islands, and means to have it; wants virtuous industry in these Islands, and must have it. The State demands of you such service as will bring these results, this latter result which includes all. Not a Black Ireland, by immigration, and boundless black supply for the demand; not that,—may the gods forbid!—but a regulated West Indies, with black working population in adequate numbers; all 'happy,' if they find it possible; and not entirely unbeautiful to gods and men, which latter result they must find possible! All 'happy' enough; that is to say, all working according to the faculty they have got, making a little more divine this earth which the gods have given them. Is there any other 'happiness,'—if it be not that of pigs fattening daily to the slaughter? So will the State speak by and by.

Any poor idle Black man, any idle White man, rich or poor, is a mere eye-sorrow to the State; a perpetual blister on the skin of the State. The State is taking measures, some of them rather extensive in Europe at this very time, and already as in Paris, Berlin, and elsewhere, rather tremendous measures, to get its rich white men set to work; for alas, they also have long sat Negro-like up to the ears in pumpkin, regardless of 'work,' and of a world all going to waste for their idleness! Extensive measures, I say; and already (as, in all European lands, this scandalous Year of street-barricades and fugitive sham-kings exhibits) tremendous measures; for the thing is instant to be done.

The thing must be done everywhere; must is the word. Only it is so terribly difficult to do; and will take generations yet, this of getting our rich European white men 'set to work!' But yours in the West Indies, my obscure Black friends, your work, and the getting of you set to it, is a simple affair; and by diligence, the West Indian legislatures, and Royal governors, setting their faces fairly to the problem, will get it done. You are not 'slaves' now; nor do I wish, if it can be avoided, to see you slaves again: but decidedly you will have to be servants to those that are born wiser than you, that are born lords of you,—servants to the whites,


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1849.] if they are (as what mortal can doubt they are?) born wiser than you. That, you may depend on it, my obscure Black friends, is and was always the Law of the World, for you and for all men: To be servants, the more foolish of us to the more wise; and only sorrow, futility and disappointment will betide both, till both in some approximate degree get to conform to the same. Heaven's laws are not repealable by Earth, however Earth may try,—and it has been trying hard, in some directions, of late! I say, no well-being, and in the end no being at all, will be possible for you or us, if the law of Heaven is not complied with. And if 'slave' mean essentially 'servant hired for life,'—for life, or by a contract of long continuance and not easily dissoluble,—I ask, Whether, in in all human things, the 'contract of long continuance' is not precisely the contract to be desired, were the right terms once found for it? Servant hired for life, were the right terms once found, which I do not pretend they are, seems to me much preferable to servant hired for the month, or by contract dissoluble in a day. An ill-situated servant, that;—servant grown to be nomadic; between whom and his master a good relation cannot easily spring up!

To state articulately, and put into practical Lawbooks, what on all sides is fair from the West India White to the West India Black; what relations the Eternal Maker has established between these two creatures of His; what He has written down, with intricate but ineffaceable record, legible to candid human insight, in the respective qualities, strengths, necessities and capabilities of each of the two: this will be a long problem; only to be solved by continuous human endeavour, and earnest effort gradually perfecting itself as experience successively yields new light to it. This will be to 'find the right terms' of a contract that will endure, and be sanctioned by Heaven, and obtain prosperity on Earth, between the two. A long problem, terribly neglected hitherto;—whence these West-Indian sorrows, and Exeter-Hall monstrosities, just now! But a problem which must be entered upon, and by degrees be completed. A problem which, I think, the English People, if they mean to retain human Colonies, and not Black Irelands in addition to the white, cannot begin too soon! What are the true relations between Negro and White, their mutual duties under the sight of the Maker of them both; what human laws will assist both to comply more and more with these? The solution, only to be gained by earnest endeavour and sincere experience, such as have never yet been bestowed on it, is not yet here; the solution is perhaps still distant: but some approximation to it, various real approximations, could be made, and must be made;—this of declaring that Negro and White are unrelated, loose from one another, on a footing of perfect equality, and subject to no law but that of Supply and Demand according to the Dismal Science; this, which contradicts the palpablest facts, is clearly no solution, but a cutting of the knot asunder; and every hour we persist in this is leading us towards dissolution instead of solution!

What then is practically to be done? Much, very much, my friends, to which it hardly falls to me to allude at present: but all this of perfect equality, of cutting quite loose from one another; all this, with 'immigration loan,' 'happiness of black peasantry,' and the other melancholy stuff that has followed from it, will first of all require to be undone, and have the ground cleared of it, by way of preliminary to 'doing!'—

Already one hears of Black ; which seems a promising arrangement, one of the first to suggest itself in such a complicacy. It appears the Dutch Blacks, in Java, are already a kind of Adscripts, after the manner of the old European serfs; bound, by royal authority, to give so many days of work a-year. Is not this something like a real approximation; the first step towards all manner of such? Wherever, in British territory, there exists a Black man, and needful work to the just extent is not to be got out of him, such a law, in defect of better, should be brought to bear upon said Black man! How many laws of like purport, conceivable some of them, might be brought to bear upon the Black man and the White, with all despatch, by way of solution instead of dissolution to their complicated case just


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678 now! On the whole it ought to be rendered possible, ought it not, for White men to live beside Black men, and in some just manner to command Black men, and produce West-Indian fruitfulness by means of them? West-Indian fruitfulness will need to be produced. If the English cannot find the method for that, they may rest assured there will another come (Brother Jonathan or still another) who can. He it is whom the gods will bid continue in the West Indies; bidding us ignominiously, Depart ye quack-ridden, incompetent!—

One other remark, as to the present Trade in Slaves, and to our suppression of the same. If buying of black war-captives in Africa, and bringing them over to the Sugar-Islands for sale again be, as I think it is, a contradiction of the Laws of this Universe, let us heartily pray Heaven to end the practice; let us ourselves help Heaven to end it, wherever the opportunity is given. If it be the most flagrant and alarming contradiction to the said Laws which is now witnessed on this Earth; so flagrant and alarming that a just man cannot exist, and follow his affairs, in the same Planet with it; why, then indeed——But is it, quite certainly, such? Alas, look at that group of unsold, unbought, unmarketable Irish 'free' citizens, dying there in the ditch, whither my Lord of Rackrent and the constitutional sheriff's have evicted them; or at those 'divine missionaries,' of the same free country, now traversing, with rags on back and child on each arm, the principal thoroughfares of London, to tell men what 'freedom' really is;—and admit that there may be doubts on that point! But if it is, I say, the most alarming contradiction to the said Laws which is now witnessed on this earth; so flagrant a contradiction that a just man cannot exist, and follow his affairs, in the same Planet with it, then, sure enough, let us, in God's name, fling aside all our affairs, and hasten out to put an end to it, as the first thing the Heavens want us to do. By all manner of means; this thing done, the Heavens will prosper all other things with us! Not a doubt of it,—provided your premiss be not doubtful.

But now furthermore give me leave to ask, Whether the way of doing it is this somewhat surprising one, of trying to blockade the Continent of Africa itself, and to watch slave-ships along that extremely extensive and unwholesome coast? The enterprize is very gigantic; and proves hitherto as futile as any enterprize has lately done. Certain wise men once, before this, set about confining the cuckoo by a big circular wall; but they could not manage it!—Watch the Coast of Africa, good part of the Coast of the terraqueous Globe? And the living centres of this slave mischief, the live-coals that produce all this world-wide smoke, it appears, lie simply in two points, Cuba and Brazil, which are perfectly accessible and manageable.

If the Laws of Heaven do authorize you to keep the whole world in a pother about this question; if you really can appeal to the Almighty God upon it, and set common interests, and terrestrial considerations, and common sense, at defiance in behalf of it,—why, in Heaven's name, not go to Cuba and Brazil with a sufficiency of s; and signify to those nefarious countries: That their procedure on the Negro Question is too bad; that, of all the solecisms now submitted to on Earth, it is the most alarming and transcendent, and, in fact, is such that a just man cannot follow his affairs any longer in the same Planet with it; that they clearly will not, the nefarious populations will not, for love or fear, watching or entreaty, respect the rights of the Negro enough;—wherefore you here, with your Seventy-fours, are come to be King over them, and will on the spot henceforth see for yourselves that they do it! Why not, if Heaven do send you? The thing can be done; easily, if you are sure of that proviso. It can be done: it is the way to 'suppress the Slave-trade;' and so far as yet appears, the one way.

Most thinking people!—If hen-stealing prevail to a plainly unendurable extent, will you station police-officers at every henroost; and keep them watching and cruizing incessantly to and fro over the Parish, in the unwholesome dark, at enormous expense, with almost no effect: or will you not try rather to


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1849.] discover where the fox’s den is, and kill the fox? Most thinking people, you know the fox and his den; there he is,—kill him, and discharge your cruisers and police-watchers!

Oh, my friends, I feel there is an immense fund of Human Stupidity circulating among us, and much clogging our affairs for some time past! A certain man has called us, ‘of all peoples the wisest in action;’ but he added, ‘the stupidest in speech:’—and it is a sore thing, in these constitutional times, times mainly of universal Parliamentary and other Eloquence, that the ‘speakers’ have all first to emit, in such tumultuous volumes, their human stupor, as the indispensable preliminary, and everywhere we must first see that and its results out, before beginning any business! (Explicit MS.)

OOR Jack Faunce was certainly in love, and of course felt as deeply the sudden blighting of his budding wishes. I will not concede to any hero of romance whatsoever, not even to one of Mr. Rabbit's faultless monsters (who could no more commit an impropriety than could one of those other waxen and whiskered works of art that ﬂourish in hairdressers' windows), a greater capacity for adoring an earthly goddess than John wed, nor a more total absence of the terrestrial utility of prudence in lavishing his admiration, nor a keener perception of a disappointment such as this late one of his. But I grieve to say that his mode of exhibiting his feelings wan not at all what romance writers, down to these very practical days of ours, have prescribed as proper for heroes in his situation. For he neither wandered away into shady woods, lost for days together to society and to himself, nor fell on his knees registering vows of any description whatsoever in heaven, nor shewed any other symptom of having sent his reason to attend the obsequies of his perished hopes; but behaved like an ordinary human being, only a little more subdued and gentle than was his wont. lie conducted his arran cuts with as much discretion as usual—which, after all, was nothing to boast of—set out on his journey in proper time, did not omit to pay for his railway ticket, put the change in his pocket, and got into the right carriage.

Nevertheless it is not to he denied, that on ﬁnding himself alone and beginning to ruminate he gave vent to a few eccentricities, such as frequent interjections, some of them profane, and all incoherent at first, but towards the conclusion of the journey taking the form of blank verse; also occasional violent stamps and reckless kickings, indicative of disregard for the furniture of the carriage he sat in, and frequent abrupt and uncalled-for changes of position, showing similar carelessness of his own head and limbs; so that a timid old lady, who (unconsciously to him) was his travelling companion for half-a-dozen miles, precipitately quitted the carriage on the first opportunity, imagining him to be not quite right in his mind. But on again mingling with his fellow-creatures he relapsed into the usages of every-day life, his Ætna wearing outwardly such a molehill-like aspect that none with whom he came in contact suspected themselves to be in the neighbourhood of a volcano.

He found his father as on a former occasion pacing the breakfast—room of the hotel. Since their last meeting both had been changed by contact with the outer world, but the process that was licking John into shape was flaying the poor Vicar. He received his son with all his usual affection,—perhaps more, but the old smile and the latent joyousness of tone were gone; and as they gazed in each other's faces John thought he looked harassed and careworn,


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Thynne, Francis


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Thyer, Robert


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 and binder must be given in the affidavit with city and state (but not street) address; but this means the printing and binding establishment and not the individual type-setter or binder. If the book is not bound but only issued in paper, the word "unbound" should be written into the affidavit. It is necessary to give the venue, that is, the county and state in which the affidavit is made, and to take the oath before a notary or other official authorized to take such oath in that locality (not merely a justice of the peace). The affiant's and notary's names should be signed exactly as written into the body of the affidavit, and the seal should correspond exactly with the name of the official and the venue. The signature of the affiant and of the notary and the seal are all necessary to validate the affidavit. The names and other writing should be written plainly, and the affiant should make sure to read the affidavit and compare it with the application and with the book.

In case of false affidavit, forfeiture of copyright is provided (sec. 17) as follows:

"That any person who, for the purpose of obtaining registration of a claim to copyright, shall knowingly make a false affidavit as to his having complied with the above conditions shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanor, and upon conviction thereof shall be punished by a fine of not more than one thousand dollars, and all of his rights and privileges under said copyright shall thereafter be forfeited." The affidavit clause is exact and specific. It may be made either by the printer or the publisher. This exacting and drastic addition to the manufacturing clause met with strong opposition from the friends of copyright, particularly authors and book publishers, as unnecessary and unreasonable, but was successfully insisted upon by the representatives of the


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 unions. The voiding of copyright because of a false affidavit by a printer or publisher, which might even be mistakenly made and of which the author would have no cognizance, was opposed as especially unjust to authors and out of keeping with the rest of the law. Under the statute as enacted, this provision must be exactly complied with, and the courts would doubtless enforce it to the letter.

The manufacturing provision of 1891 and its extension in the code of 1909 have raised important and difficult questions as to the time at which these provisions become effective in relation with copyrights previously existing. It was claimed by Benziger Brothers, as proprietors of a copyright American edition of the "Key of Heaven," that an edition of sheets printed in America previous to the law of 1909 and sent abroad for binding, could be reimported notwithstanding the new provision against binding, but the decision of the appraisers at New York against this claim was upheld by the Secretary of the Treasury, under advice of the Attorney- General, and the courts have not yet had occasion to pass on the question. This ruling indicates that since July 1, 1909, copyright could not be maintained on any book unless type-set, printed and bound completely within the limits of the United States, and that any copyrighted books, partly manufactured in the United States, but bound and otherwise completed abroad since July 1, 1909, must be denied importation. It has been decided, however, by the Attorney-General, that the manufacturing requirement as to binding refers only to the original, and that copyright books rebound abroad cannot be denied importation. Also it has been held that a foreign translation of a copyright work, for which translation American copyright is not claimed, cannot be refused importation.


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 war with the Turk; but he contented himself with a humble measure of success.

Poland, for reasons of race and of religion, was the national enemy; and from the death of Sobieski in 1696 there were symptoms that it was likely to break up. The next king, Augustus of Saxony, in 1702, proposed the partition of the Polish dominions. His agent, Patkul, renewed the idea at Berlin in 1704, and Austria did the same in 1712. At the height of his military success, in 1710, Peter entertained the idea, only to dismiss it. He preferred to wait. Poland would be convenient as a helpless neighbour, covering his frontier on a dangerous side; and its constitution prevented it from becoming formidable. He was content to make sure that the feeble government should never undergo reform. He resolutely fixed his thoughts in another direction, and chose, not the easiest, but the most difficult line of attack.

Tartars, or Persians, or Zaporogue Cossacks supplied no new element that could be of service to his people. The Russians had issued from the long subjection to the Golden Horde, indigent, ignorant, prejudiced, dishonest and false. A mighty future lay before them, but they were unfit for such a destiny. The civilising influences they required could come only from contact with superior races. From them they must import the goods, they must import the men, that were needed to raise them, in the arts of peace and war, to a level with others. The route for both species of commerce was by sea. But Russia touched the sea only in the North, where it is closed by ice. The way to the countries that were most advanced, intellectually and socially, to France and England, especially to Holland and the empire behind it, was by the Baltic.

There the Swedes stopped the way. Gustavus had conquered the Baltic provinces, and all the way from Poland to Finland the coast was inaccessible to the interior of Russia. Sweden was still esteemed a great Power; and although it was not yet discovered, the new king was, what Peter never became, a capable and


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 CHAPTER I.

1671–1682

foundation of vegetable anatomy, indeed of all insight into the structure of the substance of plants, is the knowledge of their cellular structure. We find the first perception of this truth in a comprehensive work of, which appeared in London in 1667 under the title of 'Micrographia or some physiological descriptions of minute bodies made by magnifying glasses.' The author of this remarkable book was not a botanist, but an investigator of nature of the kind more especially to be found in the seventeenth century; he was mathematician, chemist, physicist, a great mechanician, and later an architect, and moreover a philosopher of the new school then rising. Beside many discoveries in various subjects he succeeded in 1660 in so far improving the compound microscope, that with considerable increase in magnifying power it had tolerably clear definition. With this instrument Henshaw in 1661 is stated to have discovered the vessels in walnut-wood, a fact not of importance for our history. Hooke himself was anxious to show the world how much could be seen with his


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 improved instrument; as an adherent of the inductive method he desired to aid in perfecting the perceptions of sense which are the foundation of all human knowledge; with this feeling he submitted all sorts of objects to his glass, that it might be known how much the unassisted eye fails to perceive. He made what he saw texts for discussions on a multiplicity of questions of the day. The book therefore was not devoted to phytotomy; the structure of the substance of plants is noticed in the same incidental manner, as the discovery of parasitic fungi on leaves, or other similar matters. And what Hooke saw of the structure of plants was not much, but it was new, and on the whole fairly judged. It appears that he discovered the cellular structure in plants by examining charcoal with his glass, and that he then tried cork and other tissues. He says that a thin section of cork on a black ground (by direct light therefore) looks like honey-comb; he distinguishes between the hollow spaces (pores) and the dividing walls, and to the former he gives the name which they yet bear; he calls them cells. The arrangement of the cork-cells in rows misleads him into taking them for divisions of elongated hollow spaces, separated by diaphragms. These, he says, are the first microscopic pores, which he or any one else had ever seen, and he regards the cell-spaces of plants as examples of the porousness of matter, as do the text books of physics up to modern times. Hooke employed his discovery especially to explain the physical qualities of cork; he estimates the number of pores in a cubic inch at about twelve hundred millions. He draws another botanical conclusion; he gathers from the structure of the cork that it must be an outgrowth from the bark of a tree, and appeals to the statements of one Johnston in proof of this hypothesis. The fact, that cork is the bark of a tree, was therefore not yet known to all educated people in England. Hooke afterwards says that this kind of texture is not confined to cork; for as he examined the pith of elder and other trees with his microscope and the pulp of hollow stems, such as


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 those of fennel, teasel and reed, he found a similar kind of structure with the difference only, that in the latter the pores (cells) are arranged lengthwise, in cork in transverse rows. He says that he has never seen any passages for communication between the cells, but that they must exist, because the nourishing juice passes from one to another; for he has seen how in fresh plants the cells are filled with sap, as are the long pores in the wood; but these he found empty of sap in the carbonised wood, and filled with air.

It is plain that it was not much that Hooke saw with his improved microscope; thin cross-sections of the stem of balsam or gourd, two plants that grew at that time in every garden, would have shown the naked eye as much or even more of vegetable structure. At the same time there is proof here of what was said above on the influence of the microscope on the use of the eye; the pleasure in the performance of the new instrument must first direct attention to things which can be seen without it, but were never seen.

About the time of the appearance of Hooke's 'Micrographia' Malpighi and Grew had already made the structure of the plant the subject of detailed and systematic investigations, the results of which they laid before the Royal Society in London almost at the same time in 1671. The question to which of the two the priority belongs has been repeatedly discussed, though the facts to be considered are undoubted. The first part of Malpighi's large work, the 'Anatomes plantarum idea,' which appeared at a later time, is dated Bologna, November 1, 1671; and Grew, who from 1677 was Secretary to the Royal Society, informs us in the preface to his anatomical work of 1682, that Malpighi laid his work before the Society on December 7, 1671, the same day on which Grew presented his treatise, 'The Anatomy of plantes begun,' in print, having already tendered it in manuscript on the eleventh of May in the same year. But it must be observed that these are not the dates of the larger works of the two men, but only of the


text: History of botany (1530–1860)/Book 2/Chapter 1


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 commander. The main argument of Peter's reign was the struggle for supremacy with Charles XII.

Before it broke out, he undertook a journey to make acquaintance with the foreign countries by which he intended to accomplish the elevation of his own. That was the time of those grotesque studies in shipbuilding, tooth-drawing, and other useful arts in which he acquired a sort of technical mastery; and it was then that he learned to think so highly of the Dutch as a practical people, worthy of imitation. This preference was not exclusive, and he was eager to borrow what he could from others—military organisation from Austria, manners from France, clothes from England, methods of administration from Germany. Together with the foreign customs he undertook to introduce experts who were to teach them, until the disciples became equal to their masters. The Scotsman Gordon and the Genevese Lefort were at the head of his army and navy. Germans, such as Munnich and Ostermann, followed; and then there came a vast army of engineers, miners, metal founders, artificers of almost all kinds, for the roads and bridges, the ships and palaces, the schools and hospitals that he called into existence. These things were the sine qua non of civilisation. It would be long before his own people understood the use of them. They could only be obtained by importation. To stimulate the demand for them at home it would be necessary to rely on the progress of intelligence. That could not be done in a nation consisting mainly of serfs. The educational part of the enterprise was the one which had least success, and which he understood least. For such imponderables he had no scales, and he cared more for the kind of knowledge that was practically useful than for the interior improvement of the mind, which constitutes what we call a gentleman. No such exotic could flourish at his court. He required that those whom he honoured with his confidence should get as drunk as himself; that they should be servile and cringing, without moral courage or self-respect, happy to be insulted, kicked, and spat upon. They might be


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 preliminary communications, in which they gave a brief summary of the researches they had then made; the fuller and more complete treatises appeared afterwards; the preliminary communications formed the first part of the later works and to some extent the introduction to them. Malpighi's longer account was laid before the Society in 1674, while Grew produced a series of essays on different parts of vegetable anatomy between 1672 and 1682; and these appeared together with his first communication in a large folio volume under the title, 'The anatomie of plantes,' in 1682. Thus Grew had opportunity to use Malpighi's ideas in his later compositions; he actually did so, and the important point as regards the question of priority is, that where he makes use of Malpighi he distinctly quotes from him. No more is necessary to remove the serious imputation which Schleiden has made against Grew in the 'Grundzüge' (1845), i. p. 207.

Whoever has not himself read the elaborate works of Malpighi and Grew, but knows them only from the quotations in later phytotomists, may easily imagine that these fathers of phytotomy had found their way to a theory of the cell, such as we now possess. But it is not so; their works have very little resemblance to modern descriptions of vegetable anatomy; the difference lies chiefly in this, that modern writers in their accounts of the structure of plants start with the idea of the cell, and afterwards treat of the connection of cells into masses of tissue. The founders of phytotomy on the contrary, as might naturally be expected, consider first and foremost the coarser anatomical circumstances; they describe the rind, bast, wood, and pith chiefly of woody dicotyledons, and the histological distinctions between root, stem, leaf, and fruit in their broader relations, and examine the detail of the structure of buds, flowers, fruits, and seeds for the most part only so far as it can be seen with the naked eye. The more delicate structural conditions are afterwards discussed as a supplement to this less minute anatomy and always in close connection with


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 it. The chief emphasis is laid on the consideration of the way in which the fibrous tissue connects with the succulent parenchyma, while such questions as the nature of the cell, the fibre, and the vessel are only incidentally touched upon or discussed at greater length in the course of the exposition. The mode of investigation and exposition is therefore chiefly analytic, while in modern compendiums of phytotomy it is essentially synthetic. It need scarcely be said that with this mode of treatment the questions which are now regarded as fundamentally important are either treated as of secondary moment, or are disregarded; we must not therefore, in judging of the merit of these men, approach their works with the demands upon them which our more advanced science would lead us to make. It would be quite wrong even to think of measuring the value of their books by the extent to which their contents agree with the modern cell-theory. Both of them had enough to do to find their way at all in the new world which the microscope had revealed; many questions which have become trivial for us had then to be solved for the first time, and the chief merit of both lies in this very effort to understand first of all the coarser relations of the anatomical structure of plants; in this respect the study of their works may yet be recommended to beginners, because modern phytotomical books are generally very imperfect on these points. And yet we must not undervalue what Malpighi and Grew had to say on the more delicate anatomy, and especially on the nature of the solid framework of cell-membrane in the plant; imperfect and crude as their views on such points may be, yet they continued for more than a hundred years to be the foundation of all that was known about cellular structure; and when phytotomy took a new flight at the beginning of the present century, Malpighi's and Grew's scattered remarks on the union of cells with one another, and on the structure of fibres and vessels, were adopted by the later phytotomists and connected with their own investigations.


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 of the court of the inquisition at Macerata, in which he says that he was counsellor or judge. He was greatly impressed with the horrible cruelties committed in the torture-chamber, particularly on two gentlemen, whose stories, as well as his own escape, he related in detail in an 'Answer to a Scurrilous Pamphlet' (1757). Another account had been previously published by [q. v.] in 1750, professing to contain the substance of the relation which Bower gave of his escape to Dr. Hill, chaplain to the archbishop of Canterbury (Six Letters from Bower to Father Sheldon, p. 3 n). The title of Baron's pamphlet is: 'A faithful Account of Mr. Archibald Bower's Motives for leaving his Office of Secretary to the Court of Inquisition; including also a relation of the horrid treatment of an innocent gentleman, who was driven mad by his sufferings, in this bloody Court; and of a Nobleman who expired under his tortures. To both which inhuman and shocking scenes the author was an eye-witness.' A third account of these occurrences is printed at the end of 'Bower and Tillemont compared' (1757). The narrative published by Bower thirty-one years after the date of his alleged 'escape' conflicts with the versions previously given by him orally, and is of doubtful veracity.

On his arrival in England in June or July 1726 he became acquainted with Dr. Edward Aspinwall, formerly a Jesuit, who received him kindly and introduced him to Dr. Clarke. After several conferences with these gentlemen, and some with Berkeley, dean of Londonderry (afterwards bishop of Cloyne), he withdrew himself from the communion of the Roman catholic church, took leave of the provincial, and quitted the Society of Jesus. He says that he formed a system of religion for himself and was for six years a protestant of no particular denomination, but at last he conformed to the church of England.

Through the kindness of Dr. Goodman (physician to George I) Bower obtained a recommendation to Lord Aylmer, who wanted a person to assist him in reading the classics. With Aylmer he continued for several years on terms of the greatest intimacy, and was introduced to all his patron's connections, one of whom—George (afterwards Lord) Lyttelton—remained his steady friend when he was deserted by almost every other person. While he resided with Lord Aylmer he wrote the 'Historia Literaria,' a monthly review, begun in 1730 and discontinued in 1734. During the following nine years (1735-1744) he was employed by the proprietors of the 'Universal History,' to which work he contributed the history of Rome. He also undertook the education of the son of Mr. Thompson, of Cooley, Berkshire, but ill-health did not allow him to continue more than a twelvemonth in that family, and upon his recovery Lord Aylmer secured his services as tutor to two of his children.

In 1740 he invested his savings (1,100l.) in the Old South Sea annuities, and with this sum he resolved to purchase an annuity. In the disposition of this money he engaged in a negotiation which afterwards proved fatal to his reputation. Bower's own account of the transaction is that as none of his protestant friends cared to burden their estates with a life-rent, he left his money in the funds till August 1741, when being informed that an act of parliament had passed for rebuilding a church in the city of London upon life-annuities, at seven per cent., he went into the city, intending to dispose of his money in that way, but he found the subscription was closed. This disappointment he mentioned to a friend, Mr. Hill, whom he accidentally met in Will's coffee-house, and upon Hill's offering the same interest that was given by the trustees of the above-mentioned church the sum of 1,100l. was transferred to Mr. Wright, Mr. Hill's banker. Mr. Hill, Bower adds, was a jesuit, but transacted money matters as an attorney. Some time after Bower added 250l. to the sum already in Hill's hands, and received for the whole 94l. 10s. a year. He afterwards resolved to marry, and it was chiefly upon that consideration that he applied to Hill to know upon what terms he would return the capital. Hill agreed at once to repay it, only deducting what Bower had received over and above the common interest of four per cent, during the time it had been in his hands, and this was done. 'Thus,' Bower asserts, 'did this money transaction begin with Mr. Hill, was carried on by Mr. Hill, and with Mr. Hill did it end.'

By his opponents it is alleged with more probability that after a time he wished to return to the church he had renounced, and therefore, in order to recommend himself to his superiors, he desired effectually to prove his sincerity towards them. He proposed to Father Shireburne, then provincial in England, to give up to him, as representative of the Society of Jesus, the money he then possessed, on condition of being paid during his life an annuity at the rate of seven per cent. This offer was accepted, and on 21 Aug. 1741 he paid to Father Shireburne 1,100l., and on 27 Feb. 1741-2 he paid to the same person 150l. more upon the same conditions. Nor did his confidence rest here, for on 6 Aug. 1743 he added another 100l. to the above


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 sums, now augmented to 1,350l., when the several annuities were reduced into one, amounting to 94l. 10s., for which a bond was given. This negotiation had the desired effect, and Bower was readmitted in a formal manner into the order of Jesus by Father Carteret at London some time before the battle of Fontenoy (30 April 1745).

Bower soon again grew dissatisfied with his situation. It has been suggested that he took offence because his superiors insisted on his going abroad, or that he had a prospect of advancing his interest more surely as an avowed protestant than as an emissary of the pope. Whatever motive may have impelled him, it seems certain that when he began his correspondence with Father Sheldon, the successor of Father Shireburne in the office of provincial, he had finally resolved to make a second breach of his vows. To accomplish that object he wrote the famous letters which occasioned a lively controversy. The correspondence answered his purpose, and he received his money back from the borrowers on 20 June 1747.

He received 300l. for revising and correcting the second edition of the 'Universal History,' but he performed the task in a slovenly and careless manner. On 25 March 1747 he issued the 'proposals' for printing by subscription his 'History of the Popes,' describing himself as 'Archibald Bower, esq., heretofore public professor of rhetoric, history, and philosophy in the universities of Rome, Fermo, and Macerata, and, in the latter place, counsellor of the inquisition.' He announced that he had begun the work at Rome some years previously, his original design being to vindicate the doctrine of the pope's supremacy, and that while prosecuting his researches he became a proselyte to the opinion which he had proposed to confute. He presented the first volume to the king 13 May 1748, and on the death of Mr. Say, keeper of Queen Caroline's library (10 Sept.), he obtained that place through the interest of his friend Lyttelton with the prime minister, Pelham. The next year (4 Aug. 1749) he married a niece of Bishop Nicolson and daughter of a clergyman of the church of England. This lady had a fortune of 4,000l. and a child by a former husband. He had been engaged in a treaty of marriage, which did not take effect, in 1745.

The second volume of the 'History of the Popes' appeared in 1751, and in the same year Bower published, by way of supplement to this volume, seventeen sheets, which were delivered to his subscribers gratis. Towards the end of 1753 he produced a third volume, which brought down his history to the death of Pope Stephen in 757. In April 1754 his constant friend Lyttelton appointed him clerk of the buck-warrants. It was in this year that the first serious attack was made upon him on account of his 'History of the Popes' in a pamphlet by the Rev. Alban Butler, published anonymously at Douay under the title of 'Remarks on the two first volumes of the late Lives of the Popes; in letters from a Gentleman to a Friend in the Country.' Meanwhile the letters addressed by Bower to the provincial of the Jesuits had fallen into the hands of Sir Henry Bedingfield, a Roman catholic baronet, who made no secret of their contents. He asserted that the letters clearly demonstrated that while their writer was pretending to have the liveliest zeal for the protestant faith, he was in fact a member of the Roman church, and in confidential correspondence with the head of that body. Bower maintained that these letters were infamous forgeries, designed to ruin his credit with his protestant friends, and brought forward by the Jesuits in revenge for his exposure of the frauds of the priesthood. At this juncture the Rev. John Douglas (afterwards bishop of Salisbury), who had already detected the frauds of Lauder in regard to Milton, determined to expose the duplicity of Bower's conduct, and published in 1756 a pamphlet entitled 'Six Letters from A——d B——r to Father Sheldon, provincial of the Jesuits in England; illustrated with several remarkable facts, tending to ascertain the authenticity of the said letters, and the true character of the writer.' In this tract Douglas proved the genuineness of the letters; showed that want of veracity was not the only defect in Bower's character, but that he was as little remarkable for his chastity as for his love of truth; and brought forward the attestation of Mrs. Hoyles. Bower had converted this lady to Roman Catholicism, and her statement leaves no cause to doubt the historian's zeal to support in secret the church which, for self-interested ends, he was publicly disowning. Douglas's pamphlet elicited a reply from Bower, or one of his friends, under the character of a 'Country Neighbour.' Douglas then published his second tract, 'Bower and Tillemont compared' (1757), in which he demonstrates that the 'History of the Popes,' especially the first volume, is merely a translation of the work of the French historian. In 1757 Bower brought out three large pamphlets, in which he laboured to refute the charges made against his moral, religious, and literary character. Douglas followed with 'A Full Confutation of all the Facts advanced in Mr. Bower's Three Defences' (1757), and 'A Complete and Final Detection of A——d B——r'


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 (1758). To the last two pamphlets were attached certificates and other documents obtained from Italy, clearly establishing Bower's guilt and imposture. In the course of this embittered controversy, Garrick, who had formerly been his friend, threatened to write a farce in which Bower was to be introduced on the stage as a mock convert and to be shown in various situations, so that the profligacy of his character might be exposed (, Memoirs of Garrick, ed. 1808, i. 306). From this period Bower's whole time was spent in making ineffectual attacks upon his enemies, and equally vain efforts to recover the reputation of himself and his 'History of the Popes.' Before the controversy had ended he published his fourth volume, and in 1757 an abridgment of the first four volumes of his work was published in French at Amsterdam. In 1761 he seems to have assisted the author of 'Authentic Memoirs concerning the Portuguese Inquisition, in a series of letters to a friend;' and about the same time he produced the fifth volume of his 'History of the Popes.' To this volume he annexed a summary view of the controversy between himself and the Roman catholics. The remainder of his history did not appear till just before the author's death, when the sixth and seventh volumes were published together, but in so hasty and slovenly a manner that the whole period from 1600 to 1758 was comprehended in twenty-six pages. The 'History of the Popes' has been reprinted with a continuation by Dr. Samuel Hanson Cox, in 3 vols., Philadelphia, 1844-5, 8vo.

Bower died on 3 Sept. 1766, and was buried in Marylebone churchyard. The epitaph on his tomb describes him as 'a man exemplary for every social virtue, justly esteemed by all who knew him for his strict honesty and integrity, a faithful friend, and a sincere christian.' He bequeathed all his property to his wife, who, some time after his death, attested that he died in the protestant faith (London Chronicle, 11 Oct. 1766).

His portrait has been engraved by J. M'Ardell and T. Holloway from a painting by G. Knapton; and by J. Faber from a painting by Reynolds.

BOWER, or BOWERS, GEORGE (fl. 1681), medallist, worked principally in the reigns of Charles II and James II, and for a short time under William III. In January 1664 he was appointed 'embosser in ordinary' (engraver) to the Mint, an office which he continued to hold till his death in the early part of 1689-90. He executed numerous medals for the royal family as well as for private persons, and his work displays considerable skill, though it is inferior in finish and execution to that of the Roettiers, the well-known medallists of the same period. The most interesting of all his medals is, perhaps, the specimen struck to commemorate the acquittal of the Earl of Shaftesbury on the charge of high treason, showing on the obverse the bust of the earl, and on the reverse the legend 'Lætamur, 24 Nov. 1681,' and a view of London with the sun bursting from behind a cloud. It was the production of this specimen which gave rise to Dryden's satire on Shaftesbury entitled 'The Medal:'

Bower also executed in the reign of Charles II the Restoration medal (1660: reverse, Jupiter destroying prostrate giants, signed 'G. Bower '), the marriage medal (1662: signed 'G. B.'), and medals relating to the popish and Rye House plots. Of the medals made by him under James II, we may mention a piece commemorating the defeat of Monmouth (signed ' G. Bowers'), and specimens referring to the trial of the seven bishops. He further produced a medal celebrating the landing of William (III) at Torbay, 1688, and the coronation medal of William and Mary, 1689.

[Grueber's Guide to English Medals exhibited in British Museum, reff. in Index of Artists, s. v. 'Bower.' and ib. p. xx, p. 39; Hawkins's Medallic Illustrations, ed. Franks and Grueber; Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1664, p. 462; Numis-


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 more justly attributed to the death of the czar. He was imprisoned, threatened, and at last dismissed in a fashion strongly contrasting with the splendour of his reception. When ready to embark he sent back the new emperor's letters and 'paltry present' by 'some of his valiantest and discreetest men,' who safely fulfilled their dangerous mission.

The subsequent life of Bowes has left few traces. In a report by the lord chief baron of the exchequer he appears in a discreditable light, as having fraudulently dealt with a will under which he claimed (the record is undated, but assigned to 1587 in the Cal. State Papers, Domestic). On 5 Feb. 1592 a special license is granted him to make drinking-glasses in England and Ireland for twelve years, and in 1597 'the inhabitants of St. Ann, Blackfriars, built a fair warehouse under the isle' for his use, and also gave him 133l. (Notes and Queries, 1st series, x. 349). In 1607 he was living at Charing Cross, as appears by an account of a robbery and murder committed at his house there. 'A true report of the horrible murder … in the house of Sir Jerome Bowes on 22 Feb. 1606' (London, 1607); tells the story in great detail, with many invectives against Brownists, to which sect one of the murderers belonged. The culprits were apprehended on suspicion at Chester, and the lords of the council gave directions for the restitution of their plunder to Bowes (Hist. MSS. Comm. 8th Rep. 381).

Bowes was buried on 28 March 1616 in Hackney Church. A portrait of him, painted in the year of his embassy, is in the possession of the Earl of Suffolk at Charlton, and was in the National Portrait Exhibition of 1866 (No. 400 in Cat.)

[Authorities as above.]  BOWES, JOHN (1690–1767), lord chancellor of Ireland, born in 1690, studied law at London with Philip Yorke, subsequently Lord Hardwicke. Bowes was called to the bar in England in 1718, and in Ireland in 1725. He was appointed third serjeant-at-law there in 1727, solicitor-general in 1730, and through government influence became, in 1731, member of parliament for the borough of Taghmon, in the county of Wexford. He was appointed attorney-general for Ireland in 1739, and before a court of high commission at Dublin in that year displayed great eloquence and legal acquirements at the trial of Lord Santry for murder. In 1741 Bowes was appointed chief baron of the exchequer in Ireland. He presided at the remarkable trial at bar between James Annesley and Richard, earl of Anglesey, which continued from 11 Nov. 1743 to the 25th of the same month [see ]. A mezzotinto portrait of Bowes as chief baron was executed by John Brooks. Through the influence of Lord Hardwicke, Bowes was promoted to the chancellorship of Ireland in 1757, and took his seat as chairman of the House of Lords in October in that year. In 1758 the title of Baron of Clonlyon, in the county of Meath, was conferred upon him. Mrs. Delany, who met Bowes in May 1759, wrote that he was at that time 'in a miserable state of health, with legs bigger considerably at the ankle than at the calf.' In the same year, during the riot at Dublin against the proposed union of Ireland with England, Bowes was taken out of his coach by the populace at the entrance to the parliament house, and compelled to swear that he would oppose the measure. Bowes was averse to relaxation of penal laws against Irish catholics. He continued in office as chancellor on the accession of George III. Bowes promoted the publication of an edition of the 'Statutes of Ireland,' which was printed by the government in 1762 under the superintendence of Francis Vesey. According to Vesey, in his dedication of this work to Bowes, the latter had made the high court of chancery 'a terror to fraud, and a protection and comfort to every honest man.' Bowes acted as a lord justice in Ireland in 1765 and 1766. The House of Lords in 1766 passed a resolution to present an address to the crown for a grant of one thousand pounds to Chancellor Bowes, in addition to his customary allowance, in consideration of his 'particular merit and faithful services' during that session of parliament. The faculties of Bowes are stated to have been unimpaired when he died in office as lord justice in July 1767. He was interred in Christ Church, Dublin, where a marble monument, including a bas-relief of his bust, was erected to him in that cathedral by his brother, Rumsey Bowes of Binfield, Berkshire.

 BOWES, JOHN (1804–1874), preacher, was born at Swineside, Coverdale, in Coverham parish, Yorkshire, on 12 June 1804, the son of parents in very humble circumstances. While still in his teens he began preaching,


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 first among the Wesleyans, then as a primitive methodist minister. About 1830 he separated himself from that body, and, renouncing all party appellations, started a mission at Dundee, where he was joined by Mr. (afterwards Dr.) Jabez Burns. Bowes subsequently left Dundee and went from town to town, preaching in the open air or wherever he could gather a congregation, but he always declined to take part in a service at which money was taken, as he could not think of 'saddling the gospel with a collection.' He was several times prosecuted for street preaching, and often suffered privations in his journeyings. He was an earnest and vigorous platform speaker, ever ready to combat with socialists, freethinkers, or Roman catholics. With like ardour he entered into the advocacy of temperance and of peace, and in 1848 was one of the representatives of England at the Brussels Peace congress. During the greater portion of his life he refused to accept a salary for his ministrations, and he seems to have supported himself and family chiefly by the sale of his own tracts and books. He died at Dundee on 23 Sept. 1874, aged 70.

His publications consist of some 220 tracts; two series of magazines—the 'Christian Magazine' and the 'Truth Promoter'—issued between 1842 and 1874; pamphlets on 'The Errors of the Church of Rome,' 'Mormonism exposed,' 'Second Coming of Christ,' 'The Ministry,' &c. ; discussions with Lloyd Jones, G. J. Holyoake, Joseph Barker, C. Southwell, W. Woodman, and T. H. Milner; a volume on 'Christian Union' (1835, 310 pages); a translation by himself of the New Testament (1870); and his 'Autobiography' (1872). His son, Robert Aitken Bowes, was editor of the 'Bolton Guardian,' and died on 7 Nov. 1879, aged 42.

 BOWES, MARMADUKE (d. 1585), catholic martyr, is described as a substantial Yorkshire yeoman, of Angram Grange, near Appleton, in Cleveland. He was much divided on religious questions, but refused to declare himself a catholic, although he sympathised strongly with the catholic cause. According to the recollections of Grace, wife of Sir Ralph Babthorpe of Babthorpe, Yorkshire, Bowes was a married man, and 'kept a schoolmaster to teach his children.' The tutor, himself a catholic, was arrested and apostatised. The fellow thereupon reported to the council at York that Bowes, who, according to catholic testimony, was 'no catholic, but a poor schismatic,' was in the habit of entertaining catholic priests. Bowes was summoned to answer this complaint, and was ordered to appear at the August assizes of 1585. There he was indicted, condemned, and hanged, 'and, as it was reported, in his boots and spurs as he came to the town. He died very willingly and professed his faith [i.e. was openly converted to catholicism], with great repentance that he had lived in schism.' He suffered on 17 Nov. 1585 under the recent statute (27 Eliz.) against harbouring priests. Hugh Taylor, a seminary priest, who had stayed with him some time previously, was hanged about the same time.

 BOWES, MARTIN (1500?–1566), lord mayor of London and sub-treasurer of the Mint, was son and heir of Thomas Bowes of York. Early in life he became a wellknown jeweller and goldsmith in London, and had large transactions with the Mint. In 1530 he acted as deputy for Robert Amadas, deputy of Lord Mountjoy, 'keeper of the exchange,' and in April 1533 received a grant of the office of master and worker of the king's moneys, and keeper of the change in the Tower of London with his friend Ralph Rowlet 'in survivorship.' Strype states that in January 1550-1 he surrendered the post of sub-treasurer of the Mint, and was found to be 10,000l. in debt to the king. But the government were well enough satisfied with 'his honest and faithful managery of his place 'to grant him an annuity of 200 marks in addition to the pension of 66l. 13s. 4d. already granted him by Henry VIII. He was an alderman of the city, and was elected sheriff of London in 1540 and lord mayor in 1545. In June 1546 he examined the reputed heretic [q. v.] in the Guildhall, and committed her to the Counter (Narratives of the Reformation, Camd. Soc. pp. 40-1). He was a liveryman of the Goldsmiths' Company, and was a constant guest at the feasts of the other city companies, and a generous benefactor to his own company. He bequeathed to the latter the houses in Lombard Street where Messrs. Glyn's banking-house now stands.

Bowes died on 4 Aug. 1566, and was buried in the church of St. Mary Woolnoth, Lombard Street, beneath 'a goodly marble close tombe under the communion table.' By his will dated 20 Sept. 1562 he left lands to discharge the ward of Langbourne 'of all fiftenes to bee granted to the king by parliament,'