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  College on 11 May 1604, he graduated B.A. on 22 Nov. 1606. On 27 Jan. 1606–7 he was admitted student at Lincoln's Inn, where he was called to the bar in 1612. He was one of the commissioners appointed on 1 Feb. 1640–1 for the levy in Cheshire of the first two subsidies granted by the Long parliament, and on 6 Nov. 1645 was added to the committee of accounts. Parliament also appointed him on 22 Feb. 1646–7 justice of the court of session of Cheshire and of the great sessions of the counties of Montgomery, Denbigh, and Flint, and advanced him on 12 June 1649 to a puisne judgeship in the court of common pleas, having first (9 June) caused him to be invested with the coif. He was a member of the special commission which on 24 Oct. following tried [q. v.] On 14 March 1654–5 he was joined with Sir George Booth and Sir William Brereton in the militia commission for Cheshire. Soon afterwards he was transferred from the court of common pleas to the upper bench, in which he sat with Lord-chief-justice Glynne on the trial (9 Feb. 1656–7) of [q. v.] Though pardoned on the Restoration, he was not confirmed by a new call in the status of serjeant-at-law. He died on 28 Feb. 1665–6, and was buried in the church of Fetcham, Surrey. By his wife Alice, daughter of John Gardener of Kimbleton, Worcestershire, he left issue a son Robert.

WARBURTON, PETER EGERTON (1813–1889), Australian explorer, fourth son of the Rev. Rowland Egerton Warburton of Arley Hall, Northwich, Cheshire, and younger brother of [q. v.], was born at Arley Hall on 15 Aug. 1813, and, after being educated at Orleans and Paris, entered the navy in 1825. Having served over three years, he decided to go into the army, and entered at Addiscombe in 1829; he became an ensign in the Bombay army on 9 June 1831, and, after service in India, was promoted to be lieutenant on 18 July 1837, and captain on 24 Jan. 1845. He served as deputy adjutant-general for some time, and in 1853 retired with the brevet rank of major, with a view to settling in New Zealand as a colonist. Ultimately he chose South Australia instead, arriving in Adelaide in September of that year. Almost at once Warburton was appointed commissioner of police for South Australia. This office led him into all parts of the colony, and he utilised his opportunities of casual exploration in little-known districts. In 1867 he resigned his post, and in 1869 became commandant of the volunteer forces.

In 1872 Warburton was selected by the government of South Australia to command a projected exploring expedition intended to open up an overland communication between that colony and Western Australia. When the project was abandoned by the government and taken up by two public-spirited colonists, Thomas Elder and Walter Hughes, Warburton was placed by them in command. He left Adelaide on 21 Sept. 1872, and Beltana station on the 26th, travelling first northward. The special feature of this expedition was the extensive use made of the camel. Having arrived at Alice Springs on 21 Dec. 1872, he found the country suffering from drought, and decided to wait there for the rains; but he was disappointed. Starting westward for the serious work of his expedition on 15 April 1873, he was in trouble for want of water on the 20th, and from that time he was never for long free from anxiety. Striking out for the rivers Hugh and Finke in the direction of their supposed courses, he found that they were wrongly mapped. He reached Central Mount Wedge on 8 May, and soon afterwards Table Mountain. From 2 to 9 June he was going back on his tracks, and about this time lost four camels. He was now in a regular desert. About 20 Aug. he had reached Gregory's farthest point. In September the troubles due to lack of water and loss of camels were becoming very serious; the party was literally hunting the natives to discover their wells. In October things got worse; they made a long halt at some native wells so as to recoup and make reconnaissances, but in vain. For three weeks they subsisted on a single camel; ants were a perfect plague. On 12 Nov. Warburton was worn out by starvation, and thought he had only a few hours to live; he had lost the sight of one eye. A fortunate find by one of their boys relieved them; but


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SOME SALT PEOPLE one wall was hollowed out to serve as a bin for flour. The teacher's children lay on mattresses spread upon the bare floor and slept quite soundly through all the talking and singing.

As there were no other Protestants in the village, the attendance was naturally small. Two or three neighbors slipped in quietly and seated themselves by the door. These Catholics were probably drawn here merely by curiosity to see the American ladies and their visitors; but they sat reverently through the service and seemed to pay very close attention, though their dark, inscrutable faces gave no hint as to what they thought of the proceedings.

It was not an inspiring audience; but the ladies met each newcomer with a bright smile and a tactful word of greeting. We sang strange-sounding words to an old, familiar tune, after which one of the missionaries read a few verses from the Bible and added a brief explanation of their meaning. The second hymn was set to an Arab air that sounded a little startling to our Western ears. Then came a short closing prayer, followed immediately by very lengthy Oriental salutations, as the two strangers were introduced to the people of the Ras.

We should have liked to stay several days and investigate at first-hand the work among women, of which we had heard encouraging reports; but we had to ride away early the next morning. The two missionaries walked out to the edge of the village with [ 151 ]

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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SYRIA, THE LAND OF LEBANON us, where the older lady gave us a ridiculously large lunch and a pleasant invitation to "call again the next time you are passing!" The younger—she was very young—pretended to weep copiously at our departure, and wrung bucketfuls of imaginary tears out of her handkerchief. Then the two cheery figures went back up the hill to their long, lonely winter of exile.

On the last Sunday of the Old Year the air was just crisp enough to make walking an exhilarating delight. It was one of the days, not infrequent in the rainy season, when the clouds draw away for a time, while earth and sky, cleansed and refreshed by the recent showers, shine with the refulgence of the rarest mornings of our Western springtime.

As we went out of the old city of Homs, the clearness of the atmosphere was like transparency made visible. The horizon was as clean-cut as that of the ocean. Off to the west were the heights inhabited by the cruel and fanatical Nusairiyeh; straight in front of us to the south was the "Entering In of Hamath," lying low and narrow between Anti-Lebanon on our left and the snow-clad summits of highest Lebanon on our right; while to the east the great wheat-fields of the "Land of Homs" rolled away over the horizon to the unseen desert. Our goal, the little village of Feruzi, shone so white and distinct that it was hard to realize that it was over an hour's journey away. [ 152 ]


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SOME SALT PEOPLE We were four: two Americans, the native pastor of the Protestant congregation at Horns, and an old, old man. The pastor was a noble fellow, who shortly afterward showed heroic mettle during a fearful cholera epidemic which ravaged his city. The old man, however, was the more picturesque figure.

He was clothed in baggy trousers of faded blue, with a large turban on his head and a heavy, formless sheepskin mantle over his shoulders; his bare feet were thrust into great yellow slippers which flopped clumsily as he walked. We should once have been inclined to treat him with some condescension; but fortunately we had learned the Oriental lesson of reverence for old age, and we American college graduates soon found there were many things that this unschooled Syrian mechanic could teach us. What dignity and quietness marked his speech and manner! How calm and trustful was his attitude toward the future! He was one of the first Protestants in this district, and many were the stories he could tell of the early days of struggle and persecution. He had never been rich—I doubt if he earned thirty cents a day; yet he spoke as one who had observed much and reflected much and, although many kinds of trouble had come to him, his contentment and faith were an inspiration to us. As we were his guests, we were of course treated with the greatest friendliness, yet we could see that in his eyes we were mere boys, who knew little of the problems of life. And, to tell the [ 153 ]


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Tübingen

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Tübingen


text: Talk:1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Tübingen


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SYRIA, THE LAND OF LEBANON truth, before the day was over we were more than half inclined to agree with him.

Feruzi is one of the few remaining villages in the country which are not Syrian, but the older Chaldean in blood and language. Its inhabitants, who number about a thousand, appear quite different in feature as well as dress from the people of the surrounding district. Their costume is a peculiar one, remarkable for its warm colors and long, queerly cut trimmings. The women remind one of American Indians, and the faces of the men are of unusual fierceness. It seemed quite natural that there should be a Chaldean church here, big and gaudy, yet ugly and ill-kept, with a much-prized copy of the Scriptures in the Syriac tongue chained to the lectern; but we saw no structure resembling a Protestant place of worship, and among the crowds that followed us curiously about it was impossible to find any one who looked like a Presbyterian elder.

Yet when we turned into the room set apart for the use of the Protestant congregation, some of the wildest and most dangerous-looking men followed. It was a small place, not over twenty feet square, low and dark, and quite bare save for a rough matting on the floor and a chair and a table for the preacher. In a few minutes it was crowded to suffocation. There were over ninety people in the little room. The men sat on one side and the women on the other; but all of us sat on the floor and were so packed  [ 154 ]


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SOME SALT PEOPLE that any change of position was quite impossible, except for a few mothers with babies, who sat near the door.

Throughout the long Christmas sermon the cramped audience showed a reverence and an attentiveness that would have shamed many an American congregation. Suppose that a full-blooded Arab in his flowing native dress, should enter one of our churches at home—what a crafting of necks there would be, and how few persons would be able to recall the text! We appeared just as outlandish to the people of Feruzi; yet, although we sat at the back of the room, not a person turned to look at us, except that the man at my side would always help me find the place in the hymn book. It was not indifference, but consideration for the stranger and respect for the occasion; and we who had come merely to see an unusual sight, stayed to worship God with these new friends, and went away with a fuller realization of the meaning of Christmas.

After the service was over, however, there could be no charge of indifference brought against these Chaldean villagers—and here too American congregations might well learn from them. The same men who just now had seemed to ignore our existence came crowding around to greet us as "brethren." They inquired about our life at Beirut and our own wonderful country far beyond the western ocean; they expressed a complimentary surprise at the extent of [ 155 ]


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SYRIA, THE LAND OF LEBANON our travels; they sympathized tenderly with the homesickness which comes so strongly at Christmas-time and expressed kindly wishes for our dear ones in America; they pressed upon us the poor hospitality that it was in their power to offer. In short, out of church as in church, the people of Feruzi acted like the devout, courteous and friendly Christians that they were.

When at last we had to leave, they all followed us out to the village limits, and one or two—such is the pleasant Oriental custom—walked on with us for a mile on our homeward journey. When the last strange, dark Chaldean had said "God be with you, brother!" we went on in the beautiful calm of evening a little more quietly than we had come, with a clearer understanding of the brotherhood of man, and a deeper faith in the teachings of man's great Brother.

To those who look to see an effective Gospel brought again to the Near East through a reawakening of the ancient Oriental churches, it is encouraging to know that even now there are prelates who are earnest, sincere and capable. Such a one was Butrus Jureijery, the first bishop of Cæsarea Philippi and later the patriarch of the Greek Catholic Church.

From beginning to end he was a thoroughgoing Catholic. Indeed, the most striking incident of his [ 156 ]


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SOME SALT PEOPLE early career was an argument with a Protestant Bible-seller, which developed into a fierce fistic combat, with the result that the governor of Lebanon exiled both parties from their native town of Zahleh.

Some years later, after he had been ordained priest, Butrus journeyed to Rome and presented to the Holy Father a novel petition.

"We Catholics," he said, "build our church upon St. Peter, the first bishop, the rock, the holder of the keys; and we remember that the apostle's divine commission was given by Christ at Cæsarea Philippi on the slopes of Mount Hermon. How is it that the original bishopric of the Christian Church, the first see of Peter, has been so long allowed to remain unoccupied? "Now Butrus is the Arabic pronunciation of Peter. So he continued, "Here am I, bearing the very name of the greatest apostle, a native of the holy land of Lebanon, and ready to take up the arduous labors which shall reclaim for the church its first, long neglected bishopric."

The pope was so struck by the force of the argument that he promised to consecrate the young priest as bishop of Cæsarea, or Banias, as it is now called. Then the bishop-elect went through France, preaching a kind of new crusade. His idea was novel and striking, and met with enthusiastic approval. Indeed, with such eloquence did he appeal for the proposed diocese that he became immensely popular throughout all France, and gifts for the Bishopric of [ 157 ]


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SYRIA, THE LAND OF LEBANON Banias continued to flow in from that country as long as Butrus lived.

In 1897 the highest ecclesiastics of the Greek Catholic Church gathered in solemn convention at Serba to elect a new patriarch. Butrus Jureijery was the people's choice; but the odds against him seemed overwhelming. He was too active and too honest for the hierarchy. The Turkish government was inimical to him, the powerful Jesuit order fought him, the papal nuncio objected to his nomination, and the bishops, almost to a man, opposed him.

For once, however, the Syrian peasants defied their ecclesiastical lords. Word was sent to the convention that its members need not return to their dioceses unless they cast their votes for Butrus. So, in spite of government, Jesuits, papal nuncio, and the wishes of the very electors themselves, the enterprising bishop of Banias became "Patriarch of Antioch, Jerusalem, Alexandria and the Whole East," and, subject to a hardly more than nominal allegiance to the Vatican, the supreme head of a great church whose five million adherents are scattered throughout the Near East from Hungary to Persia and from the Black Sea to the upper Nile.

He had been elected as the "People's Patriarch," and such he remained. A religious and political autocrat, with every opportunity and every precedent for using his office to enrich himself and his family he remained poor and honest to the end. This means [ 158 ]


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 after this Warburton had two narrow escapes—once from the explosion of his pistol, another time from a snake. On 11 Dec. they struck the Oakover river in Western Australia, and on 30 Dec. they were relieved by settlers from Raeburn, which they reached on 26 Jan. 1874. They were enthusiastically received at Perth and Albany. On their return to Adelaide they were entertained at a public banquet. The legislative assembly voted him 1,000l., and the Royal Geographical Society awarded him their gold medal for 1874.

In November 1875 Warburton came to England for a brief holiday, but the colder climate did not agree with him, and he quickly returned. In the same year he was created C.M.G., and there was published his ‘Journey across the Western Interior of Australia … with Introduction and Additions by C. M. Eden … Edited by H. W. Bates’ (London, 8vo).

In 1877 Warburton retired from the post of colonel commandant of volunteers, and took charge of the imperial pensions establishment, living in comparative retirement at Adelaide, where he died on 16 Dec. 1889.

He married, in October 1838, Alicia, daughter of Henry Mant of Bath. One of his sons was his second in command in his journey of exploration.

WARBURTON, ROWLAND EYLES EGERTON- (1804–1891), poet, born at Moston, near Chester, on 14 Sept. 1804, was son of the Rev. Rowland Egerton Warburton, who assumed the name Warburton on his marriage with Emma, daughter of James Croxton, and granddaughter and sole heiress of Sir Peter Warburton, bart., of Warburton and Arley, Cheshire. [q. v.] was his younger brother. Rowland Warburton was educated at Eton and matriculated from Corpus Christi College, Oxford, on 14 Feb. 1823. After making the grand tour, he settled at Arley and devoted himself to the care of his estates, rebuilding Arley Hall and seldom visiting London. He was high sheriff of Cheshire in 1833. A strong tory and a high churchman, he took little part in politics, but Gladstone's action in disestablishing the Irish church went near to severing an intimate friendship which began when both were young men.

An ardent foxhunter, he generally rode thoroughbred horses bred by himself, and amused himself and his friends by writing hunting songs for the Old Tarporley Club meetings. These verses were of unusual spirit and elegance; they were first collected and published in 1846 under the title of ‘Hunting Songs and Miscellaneous Verses,’ running subsequently through several editions, the eighth edition having appeared in 1887. Among these poems are many with which every hunting man is familiar, such as the one beginning ‘Stags in the forest lie, hares in the valley-o.’ Besides this volume Egerton-Warburton published ‘Three Hunting Songs’ (1855), ‘Poems, Epigrams, and Sonnets’ (1877), ‘Songs and Verses on Sporting Subjects’ (1879), as well as some minor works. For the last seventeen years of his life he was totally blind from glaucoma. He died at Arley Hall on 6 Dec. 1891. He married, on 7 May 1831, Mary, eldest daughter of Sir Richard Brooke, bart., of Norton Priory, Cheshire, and he was succeeded in the estates by his son Piers.

WARBURTON, WILLIAM (1698–1779), bishop of Gloucester, born on 24 Dec. 1698, was second and only surviving son of George Warburton, town clerk of Newark, Nottinghamshire, by Elizabeth, daughter of William Holman. The Warburtons descended from the old Cheshire family, and William's paternal grandfather (also a William), before settling at Newark, had taken part in Booth's rising at Chester in 1659. Warburton's grandmother lived to a great age, and her anecdotes of the civil wars interested him so much that, as he told Hurd long afterwards, he read nearly every pamphlet published from 1640 to 1660 (, Works, i. 73). His father died in 1706. He was sent by his mother to a school at Newark kept by a Mr. Twells, and afterwards to the grammar school at Oakham, Rutland. His first master there is said to have declared, on the appearance of the ‘Divine Legation,’ that he had always considered young Warburton as ‘the dullest of all dull scholars’ (Gent. Mag. 1780, p. 474). Hurd, who made some inquiries from Warburton's relations, could only discover that as a boy he had resembled other boys. In 1714 a cousin, William Warburton, became master of Newark grammar school, and Warburton is said to have been then placed under him. If so, it was for a very short time, as on 23 April 1714 Warburton was articled for five years to John Kirke, an attorney, of East Markham, Nottinghamshire. He served his time with Kirke, and,


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SOME SALT PEOPLE more than the American reader realizes. Throughout the East, political or ecclesiastical office is supposed to afford a quasi-legitimate means of amassing wealth. Few princes of the church have ended their lives in poverty, nor have their families known want. Yet when Butrus died, his own brother would have been unable to attend the funeral, if a popular subscription had not raised sufficient money to buy him a decent coat.

Butrus was progressive as well as honest. His personal beliefs did not change, but, as he grew older, he showed a more liberal spirit toward those who differed with him. He entered into no more fistfights with his opponents; on the contrary, he treated them with the greatest courtesy. He was the first Greek Catholic patriarch, for instance, to return the calls of the Americans in Beirut or to visit the English Mission at Baalbek. Indeed, at one time four of the seven teachers in his own patriarchal school were Protestants. A thorough churchman himself, he learned to fight dissent with its own weapons; not anathema, excommunication and seclusion, but education, honesty and progress. He presented the spectacle of a man devout of heart and noble of purpose, but differing with some of the rest of us in his theological beliefs. Such are honored by all who hold character above creed.

He was loved by his people and admired and respected by the members of all other communions; but [ 159 ]


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 while acquiring some knowledge of law, developed a voracious appetite for miscellaneous reading. On leaving Kirke in 1719 he returned to Newark, and, according to some accounts, began practice there as an attorney. A statement (ib. 1782, p. 288) that he was for a time a ‘wine merchant’ in the Borough is obviously a blunder. His love of reading was stimulated by his cousin, the schoolmaster, to whom he perhaps acted occasionally as assistant. Warburton often spoke gratefully to Hurd of the benefits derived from this connection, and upon his cousin's death in 1729 composed a very laudatory epitaph, placed in Newark church. Anecdotes are told of his absorption in his studies in early years, which led his companions to take him for a fool, and enabled him to ride past a house on fire without noticing it (, Anecdotes, iii. 353, v. 540; Gent. Mag. 1779, p. 519). He read much theological literature, and decided to take orders. He was ordained deacon on 22 Dec. 1723 by the archbishop of York. In the same year he published his first book, a volume of miscellaneous translations from the Latin. It contains his only attempts at English verse, which, though not so bad as might be expected, may help to explain why he afterwards desired to suppress the book. A Latin dedication to Sir Robert Sutton showed very poor scholarship, though he seems to have afterwards improved his command of the language. Sutton was a cousin of Robert Sutton, second lord Lexington [q. v.], at whose house Warburton met him. Sir Robert had been ambassador at Constantinople through his cousin's influence, and was now member for Nottinghamshire (see Warburton's letter in Works, ed. Courthope, ix. 234;, Baronetage, 1803). He became a useful patron, and obtained for Warburton in 1727 the small living of Greaseley, Nottinghamshire. Warburton was then ordained priest (1 March) by the bishop of London. In June 1728 Sutton presented Warburton to the living of Brant Broughton, near Newark, then worth 560l. a year. He resigned Greaseley, but in 1730 was presented by the Duke of Newcastle to the living of Frisby in Lincolnshire, worth about 250l. a year, which he held without residence till 1756 (, Illustrations, ii. 59, 845). In 1728 the university of Cambridge, through Sutton's influence, gave him the M.A. degree on occasion of the king's visit. Meanwhile Warburton had been making acquaintance (it does not appear by what means) with Matthew Concanen [q. v.], Lewis Theobald [q. v.], and other authors, whom Pope attacked collectively as Grubstreet. Theobald, who was collecting materials for his edition of Shakespeare, applied to Warburton for notes. A long correspondence took place upon this subject between Warburton and Theobald. Theobald's letters (published in Lit. Illustr. vol. ii.) contain some sharp remarks upon Pope, with which Warburton apparently sympathised. Warburton, writing to Concanen (2 Jan. 1727) in regard to Theobald's proposal, incidentally remarked that ‘Dryden borrowed for want of leisure and Pope for want of genius.’ Pope, luckily for Warburton, never knew of this letter, which was first published by Akenside in a note to his ‘Ode to Thomas Edwards.’ In 1727 Warburton gave to Concanen the manuscript of a queer little book upon ‘Prodigies and Miracles.’ Concanen, as he told Hurd in 1757 (Letters from an Eminent Prelate, 1809, p. 218), sold it ‘for more money than you would think.’ Curll afterwards bought the copyright and proposed to reprint it, when Warburton had to buy back his own book. Though anonymous, it was dedicated to Sutton, and contained compliments to George I and the university of Cambridge, which implied willingness to be discovered. Warburton, however, had some reason for the suppression. It is now chiefly remarkable for an audacious plagiarism in which he applies the famous passage in Milton's ‘Areopagitica’ about a ‘noble and puissant nation’ to the university of Cambridge. In 1727 Warburton showed that he had not quite forgotten his law by writing ‘The Legal Judicature in Chancery Stated,’ from materials provided by a barrister, Samuel Burroughs, who was engaged in a controversy as to the respective powers of the court of chancery and the rolls court. Burroughs's antagonist was the attorney-general, Sir Philip Yorke (afterwards Lord Hardwicke), as Warburton was informed by Hardwicke's son Charles [q. v.] Warburton continued to live quietly at Brant Broughton with his mother and sisters. One of the sisters told Hurd that they were alarmed by his excessive application to study. He generally sat up for a great part of the night, and sought relief only by alternating studies of poetry and lighter literature with his more serious reading. He carried on a correspondence with William Stukeley [q. v.], the antiquary, who from 1726 lived in his part of the country; and was afterwards in communication with Peter Des Maizeaux [q. v.] and Thomas Birch [q. v.] upon literary


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INDEX Kanobin, Monastery of, 174

Karayatein, 129

Kasyun, Mount, 88

Keneiseh, Mount, 5, 52, 62, 67

Keshaya, Monastery of, 175f

Lebanon Mountains, I, 60-68

Lebanon, Province, 8, 16f

Leja, 83-85

Leontes River, 64

Maronites, 9, 14-17

Metawileh, 10

Mirage in Bika', 186

Missionaries, XI

Mohammedanism

Attitude to Jesus, 122

Images forbidden, 112f

Position of women, 113f

Power of, 124f

Muzeirib, 76

Palmyra, X, 69

History, 133-138

Modern Village, 138, 140

Ruins, 138-140

Tombs, 132

Persons incidentally mentioned:

Abdul Hamid II., 76f, 108n

Abel, 69, 88

Abraham, 88, 90f, 98, 101

Abulfeda, 93

Adam, 88

Alexander the Great, 26

Amenhotep, Pharaoh, 26

Ananias, 119

Antar, 142

Antoninus Pius, 190

Antony, Mark, 133

Argyll, Duke of, 146

Asad Pasha, 110

Ashur-nasir-pal III. 34

Augustus, 26

Aurelius, Marcus, 34

Baldwin of Flanders, 26, 91

Balkis, Queen of Sheba, 129, 190

Benjamin of Tudela, 190

Bildad the Shuhite, 78

Cain, 69

Constantine the Great, 129, 191 Diocletian, 137

Dodge, Wm. E., 146

Domna, Julia, 190, 207

Dorotheus, Professor, 42

Eliezer, 90

Esarhaddon, 34

Fakhreddin, 30

Fatima, 116

Hadrian, 168

Hakim Biamrillah, 11

Hamzeh ibn Ahmed, 11

Helena, St., 179

Heliogabalus, 191n, 207

Herod the Great, 26, 91

Hiram of Tyre, 168, 173, 183 Ibrahim Pasha, 30, 84

Idrisi, 93

Jesup, Morris K., 146

John the Baptist, 121, 123, 215

Josephus, 84, 90

Justinian, 42, 137, 168 [ 223 ]


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INDEX Longinus, 135

Louis VII. of France, 91

Mohammed, 12, 93f, 116

Mukadassi, 188

Naaman, 89n, 117, 120

Nicodemus, 96

Nureddin, 91

Odenathus II., 134

Og, king of Bashan, 77

Paul, St., 91, 116f.

Pompey, 26

Post, Dr. Geo, E. 168

Rameses II., 26, 34, 79

Rib-addi, 26

Richard Cœur de Lion, 28

Robinson, Edw., 195, 204n

Rustum Pasha, 168

Sapor of Persia, 134

Selim, Sultan, 34

Sennacherib, 26, 34

Severus, Septimius, 190, 207n

Shalmaneser II., 34

Solomon, 133, 190

Tamerlane, 91, 137

Tancred, 205

Theodosius the Great, 175

Tiglath-pileser III., 34, 91

Titus, 26

Uz, 90

Vahballathus, 134

Valerian, 134

Varius, see Heliogabalus

Vespasian, 26

William II. of Germany, 120 William of Tyre, 78

Phallic worship, 11

Pharpar, 89n

Pilgrim Route, 114, 122

Protestants, 40

Qadesh, see Homs, Lake of

Railways, 60, 72f, 76f, 82, 210

Ras Baalbek, 149-152

Ras esh-Shukkah, 4

Rayak, 67

Saladin, 97, 91, 119f

Semakh, 73

Sirocco, 80

Smuggling, 32

Suk Wadi Barada, 69

Sunnin, Mount, 5, 52, 67, 178

Suweida, 78

Syria, II

Boundaries, 6

Manners and customs, 18-22

Names, 6

Population, 8

Provinces, 8

Religions, 9-13

Syrian Desert, 7, 95, 129-132, 141 Syrian Protestant College, IV, 42f, 146f

Syrians, 16, 22-25

Tadmor, see Palmyra

Tell el Amarna Letters, 26

Tell Biseh, 211

Trachonitis, see Leja

Transfiguration, the, 67

Tripoli, 8, 178, 201

[ 224 ]


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User talk:Hesperian/Archive 8

 * The following text is preserved as an archive of discussions at User talk:Hesperian. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on User talk:Hesperian. No further edits should be made to this page.

Question about reprint of The Time Machine
Hi, since there is Index:The Time Machine.djvu and Index:The Time Machine (1st edition).djvu, which is the preferred one to work on, since they appear to be identical? Regards, Mattisse (talk) 15:14, 9 October 2010 (UTC)
 * The short answer is that I uploaded the latter because I'd much rather work on a first edition than on some random later edition.
 * The long answer is that I uploaded it so that I could page out and proof our mainspace The Time Machine, which is an old featured text. However I've since learnt that there are two completely different versions of The Time Machine. These djvu files are the 'Holt version', published by Henry Holt & Co in New York. The mainspace text is the 'Heinemann version', published by Heinemann in London. The Time Machine will need to become a versions page, the mainspace version moved to The Time Machine/Heinemann version, and one of these djvu's manually proofed and transcluded to The Time Machine/Holt version. You are welcome to work on this / take it over if you like; for me it is a background task amongst many other things I'm working on.
 * Hesperian 23:27, 9 October 2010 (UTC)
 * I've made the move to The Time Machine (Heinemann text), and set up a version page for The Time Machine (Holt text). Hesperian 02:07, 10 October 2010 (UTC)
 * I have been working on Index:The Time Machine (1st edition).djvu,  proofing the pages  per my understanding of what you said above. Is that worth doing? Should I stop?  I’m confused Best, Mattisse (talk) 23:29, 10 October 2010 (UTC)
 * Yes, that is what has to be done. I'll start transcluding them in a sec. Hesperian 23:31, 10 October 2010 (UTC)
 * The main page with contents, and the first two chapters, are now at The Time Machine (Holt text). :-) Hesperian 23:42, 10 October 2010 (UTC)
 * ok, thanks! I was confused about what was happening. Mattisse (talk) 23:52, 10 October 2010 (UTC)
 * Yeah, our proofreading setup is extremely confusing when you first start grappling with it. Hesperian 23:56, 10 October 2010 (UTC)

Manipulating with class=headertemplate
We used to be able to utilise the class headertemplate and have it apply the colour and borders in a controlled fashion, ie. within a table of a certain width. However it seems that the recent mods to common.css/.js no longer allow us to do so. Trying at Devonshire Characters and Strange Events to add the link to the index, though to differentiate it from what actually appeared in the ToC of the work, and now it makes it full width.

Of course, it may be that my brain is still just too tired after a busy week away and I am missing something (un)obvious. — billinghurst  sDrewth  00:14, 14 October 2010 (UTC)

 * Is that what you're after? Unfortunately "headertemplate" only works if applied to a table. You want to apply it only to the last row of a table. If you close the table you're in and open a new one, the class defaults will apply and you'll get full width on the new table. The trick is to leave your table open, and embed a new table within it. Hesperian 00:41, 14 October 2010 (UTC)
 * Thanks, yes, and when it was within prose I believe that it kept to the width. Thanks for fixing, as I said, brain is still not back into the mental gymnastics of css. — billinghurst  sDrewth  11:31, 14 October 2010 (UTC)

Thanks!
Thanks for reverting my page. (I didn’t figure out what was happening at first!) Regards, Mattisse (talk) 00:14, 19 October 2010 (UTC)
 * welcome. Hesperian 00:20, 19 October 2010 (UTC)

Houston book
Please see Featured_text_candidates WhisperToMe (talk) 09:17, 21 October 2010 (UTC)

Images
I've done a few of the pictures, but I am done for the night if you would like to continue working on them. Sorry for the edit conflicting earlier...I didn't notice. If you wouldn't mind, could you look over my pictures to see if they are rotated the right amount. I would love a second opinion. Thanks —Xxagile (talk) 01:30, 22 October 2010 (UTC)
 * No worries; it wasn't an edit conflict in the technical mediawiki sense. I cropped and rotated an image, but when I went to upload it I found that you had uploaded a cropped and rotated image a few minutes earlier. Okay, I'll have a look shortly. Hesperian 03:07, 23 October 2010 (UTC)

consideration
I considered it, or rather, I tested it … it works, what else is there to consider! :-)

Can I assume that useless strokes like cntrl-x (random page) can be overwritten in the same way? It is perhaps haphazard, or 'unrecommendable', to overwrite many of the keystrokes, but there is no reason to leave a Page in edit-mode (one risks losing data in some browsers).

[musing] This is, however, contra to the mnemonic cue of these, but I want the lazy left hand workin' and fancy adopting the gaming  (author, save, [but not] delete, watch)  and so on. I'm an instant fan of the rest of your scripting, the make ref and overflow gizmos are big time-savers. My work-flow is evidently different though, I hunt out the word breaking hyphens and new lines before the cleanup; this is possibly be too clever by half (knowing that there is a transition from things like folk-lore to folklore), because when I forget the compound usually turns up in the spell-check.

Secondly, is there a crack for pagination with roman numerals? I love those introductions, but need to add them as I go.

Thirdly, an issue woven from complaint, do I have to create a new skin to shed the useless buttons and suites of code given as default. I probably, for example, use redirect here more than the other place but I have to scroll to my 'Standard suite' to click that (having three areas of the screen for these things is bugging me). There are about 9 actions that I perform repetitively, 12-15 by most others I imagine, but we are lumbered with stuff we almost never use. I do see the sense in having the infrequently used stuff available in the drop-down menus, just not taking up my valuable screen space.

Parenthetically, cygnis insignis 15:39, 24 October 2010 (UTC)

 * Second things first... roman function. With this, you should just be able to change "(pagenum-20)" to "roman(pagenum-20)", and get roman numerals instead. Completely untested; pardon the hubris; let me know if it doesn't work, and I'll fix it. Hesperian 23:35, 24 October 2010 (UTC)
 * First things second... I tried clobbering some of these shortcuts with shortcuts of my own, and it didn't work. Either they are inherently unclobberable, or they get loaded last and clobber mine, or my browser just doesn't know what to do with the situation. Hesperian 23:42, 24 October 2010 (UTC)
 * Three: I don't think the useless buttons are under the control of your skin. Even if you edit under the "simple" skin you still get them. Have you tried unchecking the boxes in Special:Preferences | Editing | Beta features? Hesperian 23:48, 24 October 2010 (UTC)
 * I didn't follow the link, and I assumed that 'roman' was recognised like the index. Dunno why it doesn't work either, though I see a glimpse of how. cygnis insignis 13:14, 25 October 2010 (UTC)

my roman is working now; just a stupid coding bug. Hesperian 10:32, 28 October 2010 (UTC)
 * Neat. I discovered this url mix:  ! Perhaps these can be avoided; I also noticed you abbreviating them in yr spec. frmt, have you found any problem with that? cygnis insignis 11:14, 28 October 2010 (UTC)
 * Nah, you just need any unique string in the url, so in that case you could use "s_household_tales,_volume_2". Hesperian 11:45, 28 October 2010 (UTC)

Use page image vs page contains image
These two templates seem to be a variations without clarity of any difference in outcome and purpose between the two. Got an opinion that you would care to share? — billinghurst  sDrewth  01:32, 3 November 2010 (UTC)

Further note to Bot requests …

Discussion point. There are examples where use page image has been added to the page, however, the image has been added not in page sequence, instead it has been added with the appropriate part of the text, an example that I did is Page:Notes on the churches in the counties of Kent, Sussex, and Surrey.djvu/49, so the page itself is not problematic, at the same time this example doesn't have text, so is it proofread or not? — billinghurst  sDrewth  01:50, 3 November 2010 (UTC)

Personally this is what I would do. Feel free to revert;it just seemed easier to show than to tell. Hesperian 05:30, 3 November 2010 (UTC)

 * Thanks, though seems a lot of bother, and some potential for confusion, for not a lot of return. With ThomasV having updated the script where blank pages are transcluded and not displaying the page number, I have now just <noinclude>'d a link to the image (with a note) and that allows a straight   run. Seems less confusing.  I do wish that one could utilise figure text without the surround border on images. C'est la vie. — billinghurst  sDrewth  11:40, 6 November 2010 (UTC)

User:Hesperian/Without text batch complete
I believe that the batch of images at User:Hesperian/Without text now has the requisite conversions of pages with images to Proofread. It would look as we need to revisit Help:Page Status and maybe some elements around the tag to update to our current reality. — billinghurst  sDrewth  10:41, 18 November 2010 (UTC)
 * I am gathering that you are busy with other things, however, did you manage to get further? Could we even flick to 2000-3000? BTW the page shows up at Commons. — billinghurst  sDrewth  02:31, 14 December 2010 (UTC)
 * Yeah, I have been very busy on other stuff. Likely to ease up a bit now, so maybe I'll be around here a little more. Thanks for the poke. I've posted the full gallery. MediaWiki can't handle it all on one page, so split into batches of a thousand. Hesperian 02:47, 14 December 2010 (UTC)
 * Cool. By the way, if you are again disappearing from where you run power searches over the Dec./Jan. period, would you be so kind to do an update on Validated pages needing to be typeset before you fly. Thanks. — billinghurst  sDrewth  03:48, 14 December 2010 (UTC)
 * Yes I am, for much of it. Wilco. Hesperian 04:02, 14 December 2010 (UTC)
 * Done. Hesperian 23:34, 14 December 2010 (UTC)
 * Like yeah and ouch. User:Hesperian/V (diff | hist) . . (+77,978)  — billinghurst  sDrewth
 * What will be the future means to track these pages? Keep track of the day when they were marked NO TEXT, and then watch the last 1000 of a batch? (presuming that once we have done the lot, we only need to keep a track of the last XXX edited? To note that I am converting them from PageQuality to <pagequality> — billinghurst  sDrewth  14:45, 18 December 2010 (UTC)
 * When you ask the API to tell you the contents of a category, you have the facility to ask for timestamps indicating when each page was added to the category. I already use this facility elsewhere, so it should be a simple matter to restrict any updates to pages tagged into Category:Without text since last time the script was run. Hesperian 22:57, 18 December 2010 (UTC)
 * Ah, code for blackmagic. One day I will look at and try to understand the API. — billinghurst  sDrewth  00:07, 19 December 2010 (UTC)
 * Heh, when that day comes I'll be happy to talk you though it, donate my scripts, etc, whatever. Until then, I'm usually happy to script stuff if asked. Hesperian 01:00, 19 December 2010 (UTC)

I just implemented and ran an updated version of the script that only returns pages categorised as 'Without text' after a given time. I wasn't expecting much—since it has only been nine days since the last run—but there were about a thousand hits, apparently because your changes were touching the timestamp. It did, however, turn up six pages that had been pushed back to 'Without text' shortly after you promoted them to 'Proofread'. This demonstrates that my new version of the script works and should meet our needs, and also suggests that you may need to evangelise your changes somewhat. Hesperian 04:10, 23 December 2010 (UTC)
 * One can hope that the discussion that you started about indices will shake out a few components, and we will can paste it together into something linking from Style guide and Help:Proofread, give it a shortcut from there when we do the updates, we can have a link to it specifically. We may also be more obvious about the incorrectness if we revert a change from any of the proofread stages to without text. I also think that the text for the label without text may be part of the problem. — billinghurst  sDrewth  10:06, 23 December 2010 (UTC)
 * Yeah I have this notion of enhancing the script table with a column that says what the index status should be. That would depend on unwanted pages being tagged as "Not transcluded". Then the index status depends on the lowest status page not so tagged.
 * I'm finding lots and lots of index page histories with what almost amount to edit warring over status. I say 'almost' because the main culprit seems not to watch these pages nor check the page history, so is probably unaware that they have tagged the same page as 'Done' four or five times against a range of people demoting it.
 * I wouldn't be averse to adding documentation to the index page javascript itself. "Source file is an excerpt of a larger volume, or a mixture of several sources" is hell long, so there's no reason why "Done" can't be "Done: all transcludable pages are validated or without text".
 * Unfortunately "validated"—>"without text" can't be reverted, because "without text"—>"validated" is not permitted. But "proofread"—>"without text" can be reverted, and, as you say, probably should be. Hesperian 11:13, 23 December 2010 (UTC)

Again? Billinghurst (talk) 12:44, 14 March 2011 (UTC)
 * Wilco. In the morning, if I remember.... Hesperian 14:16, 14 March 2011 (UTC)
 * Done. 1955 pages. Hesperian 00:21, 15 March 2011 (UTC)

Second opinion User talk:The Tetrast
Has added an excerpt and not within WS:WWI, am I being too nasty to push on "plan and typeset for all"? — billinghurst  sDrewth  02:19, 20 December 2010 (UTC)
 * The way I see it, if we had a textual framework in place for the Century Dictionary, and The Tetrast had been able to submit this at the title The Century Dictionary/Supplement/Pragmatism, then we'd be saying thankyou very much, and we certainly wouldn't be calling it an excerpt. Are you comfortable telling The Tetrast that Century Dictionary articles are unwelcome here until someone puts in place a textual framework for the entire multi-volume work? I'm not. Hesperian 02:59, 20 December 2010 (UTC)
 * Comfortable? Not the choice of word, though I have done it. — billinghurst  sDrewth  10:28, 20 December 2010 (UTC)

Incomplete indexes.
Hi Hesperian. I just glanced at your Scriptorium post regarding Index:1947SydneyHailstorm.djvu and aside from the contents of your post, I would gladly clean and upload the missing images. All I would need is the source of a higher definition image (like .JP2) to download.Ineuw 22:19, 21 December 2010 (UTC)
 * Thanks for the offer. I've been doing quite a lot of this kind of thing lately, and this was on my list of things to do. Normally I'd be happy to divide the labour, but...
 * The file page says that it is based on a private PDF, so apparently no online source exists. The only way to obtain images is to decode them from the DjVu file, which, fortunately, is quite high resolution, though the scan quality is low. But the time I've decoded the DjVu file, cropped and balanced the images, and uploaded them to Commons, that's the job 95% done, so you may as well leave it with me...
 * Unless you want to download, install, and learn to drive djvulibre and imagemagick for yourself, in which case I'm happy to leave it with you.
 * Hesperian 00:31, 22 December 2010 (UTC)

Manar Group
I know you hang out here more, I left a note on W:User talk:Hesperian. Jeepday (talk) 19:36, 24 December 2010 (UTC)
 * Thanks mate. Hesperian 03:28, 25 December 2010 (UTC)

Linking to authors/people where they are the subject
I need somewhere to throw about a thought, especially as you someone prompted the work that has come about in the Portal: ns. I am looking at how we designate our linking, and trying to get the right emphasis

 * Where a complete work is about an author, it is fairly cruisy, we can link to the author page, and the author page links to the work, though I wonder whether the linkage is suitably highlighted.
 * Where the component of a work is a small, especially encyclopaedic, eg. DNB, SBDEL, ..., then we can fairly easily link using traditional wikilink at the top of the article.
 * Passing mention, again we can wikilink.

What I am not so certain or clear is when we have chapters, or parts of chapters. We can easily add sister links in the header through the adaption/amalgamation of plain sister. However, we seem incapable of/unthinking towards the linking to our own works by a similar clean and obvious method. Backlinking seems functional in that we can link

Similarly, the portions around indexes and portals are butt ugly, and maybe usable for how we meld into other works, they are however, butt ugly in implementation (IMNSHO). We also haven't done as well in working out how to do the Portal linking for significant people and we are still linking through to WP through plain sister, or direct wikilink. And/or maybe we need to do more in the disambiguation space to develop pages that collect such information, however, again, we don't have the ready means to point to them internally. Cyg identifies that the use of similar often passes him by.

A blowfly on this ice-cream is that with the developing use of  eliminates many of the internal embedding of our linking template, and we are almost needing to look to linking/compiling outside of header

So in summation, it seems that we need a neat and stylish way to better link to internal works. — billinghurst  sDrewth  13:32, 28 December 2010 (UTC)

Warning about abuse
You have no right to issue "warnings" in a manner as you did here. After asking multiple people in IRC, not one found anything resembling your claims in my words. I have not even come close to violating our standards, but many people were aghast in your initial incredibly hostile use of the privacy policy in a very misleading manner. Accusing others inappropriately of incivility while making personal attacks and such is very inappropriate, especially for an admin. Maybe when you have gotten some sleep you will realize the error in your approach and manner. Ottava Rima (talk) 06:41, 30 December 2010 (UTC)
 * Didn't even read this. You are warned for the last time, you will be taking an involuntary wikibreak if this continues. cygnis insignis 06:43, 30 December 2010 (UTC)

Your edit contained url
Your edit still had the url, so being lazy (and about to out for a meal) I have just blocked the whole comment, rather than resurrect the witty component. — billinghurst  sDrewth  07:59, 31 December 2010 (UTC)
 * No dramas. I saw Cygnis reverted it, and couldn't be bothered saying it again. ;-) Hesperian 08:16, 31 December 2010 (UTC)

Kinda contradictory
There is a glaring ethical contradiction between the happiness with which you attack my name and the respect you'd like accorded yours. Both of us began on Wikipedia under our names, so that's no different either. I could easily say, "Ah, but it was your choice to edit under your name, and you can't take that back!" Guess what, that's exactly what English Wikipedia's ArbCom said when they outed me. That's how this whole mess started. So how about everyone redact, I won't out anyone here, and we move on? If you wanna go tit-for-tat, you can kiss your pseudonymity goodbye, because I won't put up with being treated this way. 24.18.132.13 06:48, 2 January 2011 (UTC)
 * You want your name redacted? Sure. I figured you didn't mind, since you already announced it yourself. Hesperian 06:51, 2 January 2011 (UTC)
 * And that's why I stopped using it, because nasty unaccountable sysops decided to attack it. If this were really a civil environment, it wouldn't be a problem. Running around accusing people of crimes (e.g. "stalking", see my usertalk) and trying to get them blocked or banned ain't civil.24.18.132.13 07:08, 2 January 2011 (UTC)

Talkback
prod and poke — billinghurst  sDrewth  13:49, 3 January 2011 (UTC)

Abaout tl|left margin
You wrote: "(divs need to go on a separate line, else mediawiki rendering can be unusual)". Thanks, very interesting. But... precisely, when? why? --Alex brollo (talk) 15:31, 3 January 2011 (UTC)
 * See Scriptorium/Archives/2008-12. That's about all I know on the subject. Hesperian 00:11, 4 January 2011 (UTC)
 * I'll never rest, since I'll understand it fully. I found by experience that these kind of fuzzy behaviour are the key to understand deeply how wiki software runs. I too have been extremely frustrated by broken paragraphs at the end of a nsPage .... but I found the when and the why. :-)
 * See recent User talk:Inductiveload (under the title "You are invited :-)" for details. --Alex brollo (talk) 13:49, 4 January 2011 (UTC)

Can the discussion look to begin?
I would like for the discussion around Poetlister and his ancillary bits to begin. Is there information that you would like from me? I think that waiting longer means that the matter will lose impetus. I think that discussions at other places will just have to wax and wane, and no longer be a distraction to what we need to accomplish. — billinghurst  sDrewth  09:49, 4 January 2011 (UTC)
 * Wilco. Wait out. Hesperian 11:10, 4 January 2011 (UTC)
 * My offer (made at Meta last night) to assist with drafting was for real. What can I do to help? Beeswaxcandle (talk) 06:08, 5 January 2011 (UTC)
 * Send me an email and I'll cc you into the discussion. Hesperian 06:38, 5 January 2011 (UTC)

WYSIWIG djvu layer project
While thinking and testing my ideas about this fashinating topic, I'll write down anything here: User:Alex brolloBot/WYSIWYG djvu project. Yesterday in the evening I tested them on a bundled copy of file:Horse shoes and horse shoeing.djvu, a very large file; the idea runs, but scripts are a mess so far, I'll post them as soon as I'll be moderately satisfied about them... and I'll turn as soon as possible into a different approach, using an indirect version of the file, so allowing a much faster "try and learn". Consider that I didn't unzip so far your scripts... what a shame :-( . --Alex brollo (talk) 08:31, 19 January 2011 (UTC)
 * While exploring deeper and deeper the djvu text layer stuff (and your scripts: thanks!), a question: did any of you write a general XSLT file to transform XML coming from djvutoxml.exe into HTML? I can't write such a file so far... but I guess, it will be very interesting. And: wouldn't it be interesting to add book metadata to djvu text layer? And ... did you ever try to insert into djvu layer elements of wiki markup? They run perfectly, and the " character is the only one that needs care/escaping! Dsed format is very tolerant about special characters, much more than xml. I see interesting opportunities coming out. --Alex brollo (talk) 01:10, 25 January 2011 (UTC)

and don't play fair
Gday Hesperian. When dropinitialis used within block center (and I believe <poem> is in the mix) one can need to force the width of block center to stop line wrapping. My lack of knowledge in the space doesn't give me a clue of which is the cause, and which is the effect. Can you help, or is that not possible at the moment? — billinghurst  sDrewth  22:45, 24 January 2011 (UTC)

Djvu text layer
First of all, please throw away all the scripts and files I sent you! Now things are different - very different. I'll send you a new zip, if you like.

Second: I successfully uploaded running wiki markup into a page, so that extracting the text layer by proofread extension returns a perfectly formatted page! Plase try to create it:Pagina:Indice delle prove.djvu/4; don's save it, take olny a look to preview, so other users can experiment the trick. --Alex brollo (talk) 09:42, 27 January 2011 (UTC)
 * I'm in touch with Jayvdb since there is that unexpected result from my layman tries - a promise of a wikirecaptcha. Well, my script can select and send to a rechaptcha procedure the doubtful OCR words - where a ^ character is usually added - but it would be great if even the words found by your algorithm could be sent to a recaptcha procedure. Would you like to come into the running talk? I shared my running scripts into a shared DropBox folder "as they are" (really it's not a backup folder, I work into it in my pc). I realized that I shared also the Hesperian folder, can I keep it there, or you sent me your files privately for personal use? Can I invite you too to the shared dropbox folder? --Alex brollo (talk) 17:36, 1 February 2011 (UTC)

re:edit wars
I was only aware of some of them, I've put Index:La Fontaine - The Original Fables Of, 1913.djvu back to be proofread as there are images still missing and I won't interfere anymore with Problematic Pages. --kathleen wright5 (talk) 07:55, 7 February 2011 (UTC)

Zodiac letters
I had started a discussion at Possible copyright violations before I saw that you removed the tag. I may have a faulty understanding of the copyright law.

If someone had a letter from George Washington, previously unpublished, and they published it in a new book then the letter would be protected by the copyright of the book, correct?

With the Zodiac materials, my questions were first pertaining to the channels by which they were published (i.e. newspapers) but secondly, what is the source of the digital files. If they are published via someone else's website...would that not be a copyvio? Thank you, ⋙–Berean–Hunter—► ((⊕)) 01:00, 23 February 2011 (UTC)

Scriptorium
Can I be bold to specifically point you towards Scriptorium. You have done scripting for your personal js file that we may be able to utilise around the odd and even page numbers, and other bits if you think that you can help get bits organised for ThomasV. Thanks. — billinghurst  sDrewth  12:48, 5 March 2011 (UTC)

 * ''The above text is preserved as an archive of discussions at User talk:Hesperian. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on User talk:Hesperian. No further edits should be made to this page.

title: User talk:Hesperian/Archive 8


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Varnhagen, Francisco Adolpho de


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 59.djvu/309

 topics. His patron, Sir Robert Sutton, was in 1732 expelled from the House of Commons on account of the corrupt practices of the ‘Charitable Corporation,’ of which he was a director (Parl. Hist. viii. 1162). Warburton is supposed to have been part author of ‘An Apology for Sir R. Sutton,’ published in that year. He afterwards persuaded Pope to remove two sarcastic allusions to Sutton (in the third ‘Moral Essay’ and the first Dialogue of 1738), and in a later note to Pope's ‘Works’ declared his full conviction of Sutton's innocence.

Warburton contemplated an edition of Velleius Paterculus, and a specimen of his work was sent to Des Maizeaux and published in the ‘Bibliothèque Britannique’ in the autumn of 1736. It was addressed to Bishop Hare, who, as well as Conyers Middleton, hinted to Warburton that he was not well qualified for the office of classical critic. Warburton had the sense to take the hint, and soon afterwards showed his powers in the ‘Alliance between Church and State,’ also published in 1736. This book has often been considered his best. He accepts in the main the principles of Locke; and from the elastic theory of a social contract deduces a justification of the existing state of things in England. The state enters into alliance with the church for political reasons, and protects it by a test law and an endowment. In return for these benefits the church abandons its rights as an independent power. The book, representing contemporary ideas and vigorously written, went through several editions. It was highly praised afterwards by Horsley (Case of Protestant Dissenters, 1787); by Whitaker in the ‘Quarterly’ for 1812; and has some affinity with the doctrine of Coleridge in his ‘Church and State’ (see preface by H. N. Coleridge). Warburton showed some of the sheets before publication to Bishops Sherlock and Hare. Hare admired the book sufficiently to recommend Warburton to Queen Caroline, who had inquired (according to Hurd) for a person ‘of learning and genius’ to be about her. Her death in 1737 was fatal to any hopes excited by this recommendation.

Warburton had meanwhile been composing his most famous book, from which he considered the Alliance to be a kind of corollary. The first part of his ‘Divine Legation of Moses demonstrated’ appeared in 1737. The second part was published in 1741. A third part was never completed, though a fragment was published by Hurd after Warburton's death. The argument, which Warburton considered to be a ‘demonstration’ of the divine authority of the Jewish revelation, is summed up at starting. The doctrine of a future state of rewards and punishments, he says, is necessary to the well-being of society; no such doctrine is to be found in the Mosaic dispensation: ‘therefore the law of Moses is of divine original.’ As the Jewish religion, that is, does not contain an essential doctrine, it must have been supported by an ‘extraordinary providence.’ The absence of any distinct reference to a future life in the Old Testament had been admitted, as Warburton afterwards said (Works, xi. 304), by various orthodox divines, such as Grotius, Episcopius, and Bishop Bull; and Warburton's ingenuity was intended to turn what to them seemed a difficulty into a demonstration. The English deists, whom he professed to be answering, had certainly not laid much stress on the point. It seems rather to have been suggested to Warburton by Bayle's argument in the ‘Pensées sur la Comète’ for the possibility of a society of atheists. Warburton warmly admired Bayle, who had ‘struck into the province of paradox as an exercise for the unwearied vigour of his mind’—a phrase equally applicable to his panegyrist (, Works, 1811, i. 230). The book, whatever its controversial value, was at least calculated to arouse attention. Warburton's dogmatic arrogance and love of paradox were sufficiently startling, while his wide reading enabled him to fill his pages with a great variety of curious disquisition; and his rough vigour made even his absurdities interesting. The ‘Divine Legation’ provoked innumerable controversies, though, for the most part, with writers of very little reputation. According to Warburton himself, the London clergy, encouraged by Archbishop Potter, ‘took fire,’ and resolved to ‘demolish the book’ (Letters of an Eminent Prelate, p. 116). Their scheme came to nothing, but Warburton found critics enough to assail. His first opponent was William Webster [q. v.], author of the ‘Weekly Miscellany,’ in which appeared ‘A Letter from a Country Clergyman.’ Hare and Sherlock advised Warburton to reply to this paper, which had been attributed to Waterland. Its real sting was the insinuation that Warburton had been complimentary to Conyers Middleton, who was generally suspected of covert infidelity. Warburton published a ‘Vindication’ (1738) in which he still spoke highly of Middleton, though guarding against the suspicion of complicity in his friend's views. Hurd says that at this time Warburton was trying earnestly to soften Middleton's prejudices against


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Warburton revelation. He afterwards again attacked Webster, who had written other letters, in an appendix to a sermon; and in the preface to the second volume of the ‘Divine Legation’ hung Webster and his fellows ‘as they do vermin in a warren, and left them to posterity to stink and blacken in the wind’ (, Lit. Illustr. ii. 115). To a ‘Brief Examination’ of the ‘Divine Legation’ by a ‘Society of Gentlemen,’ accusing him of virtually supporting the freethinkers whom he had abused, he made no reply. His next victim was John Tillard, who in 1742 had published a book to prove that the ancient philosophers believed in a future life. Warburton treated him with great contempt in a pamphlet of ‘Remarks.’ It was well, as he told Doddridge, that Tillard was a man of fortune, ‘for I have spoiled his trade as a writer.’ He replied to a variety of other assailants in ‘Remarks on several occasional Reflections,’ two parts of which appeared in 1744 and 1745. The preface attacked Akenside, who in the ‘Pleasures of the Imagination’ had defended Shaftesbury's doctrine that ridicule is a test of truth, and added a note which Warburton took to be directed against himself. The book then opened with an attack upon Middleton, whom he accused of inferring (in the ‘Letter from Rome’) that catholicism was derived from paganism. This attack, though civil for Warburton, and a difference of opinion as to Cicero's belief in a future life, led to the complete alienation of the friends. Warburton next attacked Richard Pococke [q. v.], the traveller, for differing from an assertion in the ‘Divine Legation’ that the Egyptian hieroglyphics stood for things and not words. He attacked Nicholas Mann [q. v.] for supporting Sir Isaac Newton's identification of Sesostris and Osiris; and Richard Grey [q. v.] for arguing that the Book of Job was written, not, as Warburton had maintained, by Ezra, but by Moses. The second part of the ‘Remarks on occasional Reflections’ is devoted to the demolition of Henry Stebbing (1687–1763) [q. v.], who, in an ‘Examination of Mr. Warburton's Second Proposition,’ had argued against Warburton's explanation of the command to Abraham to offer up his son; and of Arthur Ashley Sykes [q. v.], who, in an ‘Examination of Mr. Warburton's Account of the Conduct of the Ancient Legislators,’ &c., had, like John Spencer (1630–1693) [q. v.] in his ‘De Legibus Hebræorum,’ confounded the ‘theocracy’ with the ‘extraordinary providence’ which existed under it. Warburton becomes more arrogant in the second than in the first part of these remarks; and takes the opportunity of incidentally insulting various minor writers. He ends by declaring that he had been civil to Middleton and Mann, and had passed ‘without chastisement such’ impotent railers as ‘Dr. Richard Grey and one Bate’ (Julius Bate [q. v.]), ‘a zany to a mountebank,’ but was forced to hunt down like wolves the ‘pestilent herd of libertine scribblers with which the island is overrun.’ In executing this scheme he naturally made enemies on all sides. Gibbon's famous attack upon the interpretation of the sixth book of the ‘Æneid’ did not appear till 1770, when Warburton had ceased to write. The failure to finish the book may be ascribed to his difficulty in constructing any plausible argument for its main topic—the à priori necessity of the peculiar providential dispensation which he asserted—or to his occupation with a variety of other matters. Hurd says that he was disgusted at the violent opposition of the clergy, for whose ‘ease and profit’ he took himself to be working. This, says Hurd, was his ‘greatest weakness’ (Life, p. 81). In fact the clergy were not only offended by his personalities, but had very natural doubts as to the tendency of his argument.

Among other antagonists was William Romaine [q. v.], whom Warburton attacked for writing an apparently friendly letter and making unfair use of his answer. The correspondence was printed in the ‘Works of the Learned’ in 1739 (see Selections, pp. 85, 122). He also attacked Henry Coventry (d. 1752) [q. v.] for his stealing in a similar way some of his theories about hieroglyphics. He co-operated with one of his jackals, John Towne, in attacking John Jackson (1686–1763) [q. v.], who in several pamphlets disputed his theories as to the knowledge of a future life among both Jews and philosophers (1745 &c.), and afterwards, in his ‘Chronological Antiquities’ (1752), plagiarised from his account of hieroglyphics and mysteries. Jackson also helped his friend John Gilbert Cooper [q. v.] to carry on the war in his ‘Life of Socrates’ (1749), when Warburton insulted Cooper in a note to Pope's ‘Essay on Criticism.’ In a preface to the second part of the ‘Divine Legation’ (edition of 1758) Warburton savagely attacked John Taylor (1704–1766) [q. v.], editor of Demosthenes, who, in his ‘Elements of the Civil Laws,’ had disputed Warburton's views about the persecutions of Christians. Taylor was also reported to have admitted that he always thought Warburton no scholar, though he did not remember to have said so. It is, however, impossible to exhaust the list of Warburton's controversies. Warburton's


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Rh And hungering for the gilt and jewell'd world About him, look'd, as he is like to prove, When Julian goes, the lord of all he saw. 'My guests,' said Julian: 'you are honour'd now Ev'n to the uttermost: in her behold Of all my treasures the most beautiful. Of all things upon earth the dearest to me.' Then waving us a sign to seat ourselves. Led his dear lady to a chair of state. And I, by Lionel sitting, saw his face Fire, and dead ashes and all fire again Thrice in a second, felt him tremble too. And heard him muttering, 'So like, so like; She never had a sister. I knew none. Some cousin of his and hers—O God, so like!' And then he suddenly ask'd her if she were. She shook, and cast her eyes down, and was dumb.


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Rh But sit on a cushion and sew a fine seam, And feed upon strawberries, sugar, and cream!

" maid, pretty maid, whither goest thou?" "Down in the forest to milk my cow." "Shall I go with thee?" "No, not now; When I send for thee, then come thou."

Bent his bow, Shot at a pigeoen, And killed a crow.

and Mary Gray, They were two bonny lasses: They built their house upon the lea, And covered it with rushes,

Bessy kept the garden gate, And Mary kept the pantry; Bessy always had to wait. While Mary lived in plenty.

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 whole career was changed by a new alliance. It is uncertain how far he had joined Pope's enemies on his first introduction to literary circles. He was reported to have said in a club at Newark that Pope's ‘Essay on Man’ was ‘collected from the worst passages of the worst authors’ (, Life of Pope, p. xlv;, Malone, p. 430). He changed his opinions, if this story be trustworthy; and in December 1738 published, in the ‘Works of the Learned,’ a letter replying to Crousaz's examination of Pope's ‘Essay on Man.’ Five letters followed during 1739, and the whole was published as a ‘Vindication’ of Pope's essay in the same year. Pope wrote to Warburton thanking him warmly, and soon afterwards said, ‘You understand my work better than I do myself’ (, Works, ix. 211). The best reply to Crousaz would, in fact, have been that Pope did not understand the obvious bearing of his own doctrines; though Warburton ingeniously tried to read an orthodox meaning into the teaching which Pope had adopted from Bolingbroke. He admitted to Birch that he found the defence of Pope's last epistle to be very difficult (, Lit. Illustr. ii. 113). In 1740 Warburton visited Pope at Twickenham, and was received by him, as Warton reports, with compliments which astonished Dodsley the bookseller, who was present at the meeting. Pope soon employed Warburton in various literary matters. Warburton procured for him a translator of the ‘Essay on Man’ into Latin, and soon afterwards became the authorised commentator upon his works. He especially stimulated Pope to write the fourth book of the ‘Dunciad,’ which appeared in 1742. He wrote many of the notes and the prefatory discourse of ‘Ricardus Aristarchus,’ intended as a travesty of Bentley's ‘Milton.’ The ridicule of Bentley in the text and notes was partly due to Pope's connection with Bentley's old enemies at Christ Church. Bentley was also reported to have said that Warburton was a man of monstrous appetite and very bad digestion. Warburton may have heard of this, and, at any rate, seems to have regarded the great critic with a mixture of admiration and envy (see Warburton, p. 228, and  Bentley, 1833, ii. 409–10). Warburton saw Pope constantly during the remainder of the poet's life. They were at Oxford together in 1741 (, Works, ed. Courthope, ix. 216), when Pope refused to accept the degree of D.C.L. because he heard that a proposal to confer the degree of D.D. upon Warburton at the same time would be rejected.

In November 1741 Ralph Allen [q. v.], with whom Pope was staying at Prior Park, near Bath, joined Pope in an invitation to Warburton to visit them. The acquaintance which followed ultimately made Warburton's fortune. On 5 Sept. 1745 he married Allen's favourite niece, Gertrude Tucker. He ceased after this to live at Brant Broughton, though he continued to hold the living, probably till he became a bishop. Pope meanwhile had become strongly attached to his mentor, and was innocently desirous to bring him into friendly relations with his older mentor, Bolingbroke. About 1742 he showed to Warburton Bolingbroke's ‘Letters on the Study of History.’ Warburton at once wrote some remarks upon a passage in which the authority of the Old Testament is impugned. Pope sent these remarks to Bolingbroke, who was then abroad, and, according to Warburton, wrote an angry reply, which was finally suppressed (, Works, xii. 338; and Letters to Hurd, p. 95). Pope, shortly before his death (30 May 1744), got Bolingbroke and Warburton to meet at a dinner at the house of Murray (Lord Mansfield). The result was an altercation which left bitter resentment on both sides (, Pope, p. 220). Pope, dying in 1744, left to Warburton the properties of all the printed works upon which he had written or should write commentaries, only providing against alterations in the text.

Warburton's relations to the most famous contemporary author no doubt helped to raise his own position in the literary world. It brought further quarrels with Bolingbroke. He must have consented to the suppression of the edition of the ‘Moral Essays’ demanded by Bolingbroke directly after Pope's death [see under, (1688–1744)]. When in 1749 Bolingbroke published his ‘Letters’ on the ‘Idea of a Patriot King,’ with a preface by the editor (Mallett), attacking Pope for having printed them privately, Warburton remonstrated in an indignant ‘Letter to the Editor of the Letters.’ An angry reply was made in ‘A Familiar Epistle to the most Impudent Man living’ [see under ]. Warburton brought out an edition of the ‘Dunciad’ directly after Pope's death, and a general edition of Pope's works in 1751, to a later reprint of which (in 1769) was added a ‘life’ nominally by Owen Ruffhead [q. v.], but inspired and probably written to a great degree by Warburton himself. Warburton also added many notes in his various editions of Pope's ‘Works.’ As Lowth said in their later controversy, notes to the ‘Dunciad’ or the ‘Divine Lega-


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 tion’ became his ‘ordinary places of literary executions.’ In 1761 he put up in Twickenham church a tablet in memory of Pope, with a verse in very bad taste, though Pope himself had directed that the only inscription to his memory should be a line added on to the tablet to his parents.

Warburton published a few sermons during the ‘unnatural rebellion’ of 1745. His next conspicuous performance was the edition of Shakespeare which appeared in 1747. In 1737 Warburton had told Birch that he intended such an edition after he had finished the ‘Divine Legation.’ He went on to say that Sir Thomas Hanmer [q. v.] had ‘done great things’ for Shakespeare, and appears to imply that he was to co-operate with Hanmer and write a critical preface. Notices of the forthcoming edition appeared in the ‘General Dictionary’ and the ‘Works of the Learned.’ A letter from Sherlock and Hare in 1739 (, Selections, pp. 84, 121) shows that Warburton had then complained that he could not get his papers back from Hanmer. Hanmer himself, writing in 1742 to Joseph Smith (1670–1756) [q. v.], provost of Queen's College, Oxford, to offer his edition to the university of Oxford, said that Warburton had been introduced to him by Sherlock in order to suggest some observations upon Shakespeare. After some communications Hanmer discovered that Warburton wished to publish the edition himself. Hanmer would not consent, and Warburton thereupon left him in a ‘great rage.’ One Philip Nichols wished in 1761 to insert this letter in a life of Smith in the ‘Biographia Britannica.’ He submitted a proof to Warburton, who was indignant, and declared that Hanmer's letter was ‘a falsehood from beginning to end.’ He declared that Hanmer had made the first overtures to him, and had afterwards made unauthorised use of his notes. Although the sheet containing Hanmer's letter had already been printed, the proprietors of the ‘Biographia’ yielded at last to pressure from Warburton, and reprinted it so as to omit the letter. Nichols in 1763 told the story in a pamphlet called ‘the castrated letter of Sir T. Hanmer.’ Nichols was a man of bad character who had been expelled from Cambridge for stealing books. His story, however, was not contradicted, and the presumption is in favour of Hanmer's account of his intercourse with Warburton.

In his preface to the ‘Shakespeare’ Warburton spoke with contempt both of Hanmer and his old friend Theobald, and accused both of stealing some of his conjectures. He admitted that Theobald had ‘punctiliously collated old books,’ but accused him of ignorance of the language and want of critical sagacity. It is now admitted that this is a ludicrous inversion of the truth [see under ], and that Theobald was incomparably superior to Warburton as a Shakespearean critic. Though a few of Warburton's emendations have been accepted, they are generally marked by both audacious and gratuitous quibbling, and show his real incapacity for the task. Though this was less obvious at the time, a telling exposure was made by Thomas Edwards [q. v.] in ‘a supplement’ to Warburton's edition, called in later editions ‘Canons of Criticism.’ Johnson (, ed. Birkbeck Hill, i. 263 n.) compared Edwards to a fly stinging a stately horse; but the sting was sharp, and the ‘Canons of Criticism’ is perhaps the best result of Warburton's enterprise. Warburton could only retort by insulting Edwards in notes to Pope's ‘Works,’ and saying that he was not a gentleman. Another quarrel arose with Zachary Grey [q. v.], to whose ‘Hudibras’ Warburton had contributed notes. In his preface he now, for some reason, called the same book an execrable heap of nonsense, when Grey retorted by three pamphlets against Warburton's ‘Shakespeare.’ Other critics were John Upton, in ‘Critical Observations on Shakespeare’ (2nd edit. 1748), and Benjamin Heath [q. v.], in a ‘Revisal of Shakespeare's Text’ (1766). When Johnson, in his ‘Shakespeare,’ mixed some blame with some high praise, Warburton wrote to Hurd complaining of his critic's insolence, malignity, and folly. Johnson had much respect for Warburton, who sent him a word of approval upon his refusal to accept Chesterfield's patronage (, i. 263). They only met once, when Warburton began by looking surlily at Johnson, but ended by ‘patting’ him (ib. iv. 47, 48, see also v. 80).

Warburton returned to his theological inquiries in 1750. His former friend, Middleton, had attacked his evidence for the later miracles in his ‘Free Inquiry’ (1749). Warburton tried to show in his ‘Julian’ (1750) that there was at least sufficient evidence for the story of the destruction of the temple at Jerusalem when Julian attempted to rebuild it. He argues at the same time, by the help of some curious reading, that some of the concomitant circumstances, especially the appearance of crosses on the garments of the spectators, were purely natural. The book was less arrogant in tone than some others, perhaps because revised before publication by his new friend Hurd. It was well received in France, as was shown by a letter from the Duc de Noailles. Montesquieu also, in a letter to Charles Yorke, politely


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 expressed a wish to make the author's acquaintance.

Warburton was now coming within the range of preferment. In 1738 he had been made chaplain to the Prince of Wales. His books had already excited attention, and he was known to Bishops Hare and Sherlock. It does not appear whether the distinction indicated any particular influence. The prince himself was no great judge of literature. Pope, as soon as they became known to each other, introduced Warburton to the great men of his own circle. In 1741 he got an unnamed nobleman to promise ‘a large benefice’ to his new friend (, Works, ix. 217; and, p. 488). The promise was broken, but directly afterwards Pope told Warburton that Chesterfield ‘intended to serve him.’ Chesterfield was then in opposition, but on becoming lord lieutenant of Ireland in 1745 he offered to take Warburton as his chaplain. Warburton declined, but three years later showed his gratitude by dedicating a new edition of the ‘Alliance’ to Chesterfield. Pope also introduced Warburton to Murray (Lord Mansfield), who, when solicitor-general in 1746, induced the benchers of Lincoln's Inn to appoint him their preacher. The salary was small, and, as the office required attendance during term time, Allen made him spend the whole upon a house in Bedford Row. He kept it till at the beginning of 1757 he took a house in Grosvenor Square, which he occupied till his death. He was forced, he complains, to write sermons, and the completion of the ‘Divine Legation’ was indefinitely adjourned. The position, however, helped to make him known to powerful friends. In April 1753 Lord-chancellor Hardwicke, the father of his friend, Charles Yorke, gave him a prebend of small value in Gloucester Cathedral. In September 1754 he was appointed one of the king's chaplains in ordinary, and obtained the D.D. degree from the archbishop of Canterbury. In March 1755 he was appointed to a prebend worth 500l. a year at Durham, through the interest of Murray (now attorney-general) with Bishop Trevor. He resigned the Gloucester prebend, but held that at Durham in commendam after becoming a bishop. It was a tradition at Durham that Warburton was the first prebendary to give up wearing a cope, because the high collar ruffled his full-bottomed wig (Quarterly Review, xxxii. 273). At Durham he found a copy of Neal's ‘History of the Puritans,’ and made annotations, afterwards published by Hurd in his ‘Works.’ In 1756 he resigned Frisby, where he had left a Mr. Wright to take care of his financial matters and to provide a curate (Gent. Mag. March 1820). In September 1757 Warburton was made dean of Bristol by Pitt. Newcastle had told Allen some years before that if the deanery became vacant, he thought of recommending Warburton to the place, which had the advantage of being within reach of Prior Park. Allen was worth courting for his great influence in Bath; he was also on intimate terms with Pitt, who had just been elected for Bath (July 1757) with his support (Letters to Hurd, pp. 155, 257). The same influence no doubt helped to produce Warburton's elevation at the end of 1759 to the bishopric of Gloucester (consecrated 20 Jan. 1760). Hurd (Life of Warburton, p. 70) admits Allen's influence, but says that he had seen a letter in which Pitt declared that nothing of a private nature had given him so much pleasure as the elevation of Warburton to the bench.

During this period of steady rise in the church Warburton had written little. He had added something to new editions of the ‘Divine Legation’ and the ‘Alliance,’ but his main performances were two assaults upon sceptics. The first was a ‘View of Lord Bolingbroke's Philosophy’ (1754 and 1755), suggested by the publication in 1753 of his old enemy's posthumous ‘Works.’ Warburton's attack is as tiresome as the book assailed, and the style was so rude as to provoke a remonstrance from Murray in an anonymous letter, to which Warburton replied in an ‘Apology’ afterwards prefixed to the letters. Montesquieu, in return for a copy of the book, sent a very complimentary letter to the author. It was wrong, he said, to attack natural religion anywhere, and especially wrong to attack so moderate a form of revealed religion as that which prevailed in England. The second assault was ‘Remarks’ upon Hume's ‘Natural History of Religion,’ in which Hurd gave him some help. In order to conceal the authorship, it was called a letter to Warburton by ‘a Gentleman of Cambridge.’ Hume took it for Hurd's, and in his autobiographical sketch says ‘that the public entry’ of his book was ‘rather obscure, except only that Dr. Hurd wrote a pamphlet against it, with all the illiberal petulance, arrogance, and scurrility which distinguish the Warburtonian school. This pamphlet gave me some consolation for the otherwise indifferent reception of my performance’ (, Phil. Works, 1875, iii. 5). Warburton also thought of confuting Voltaire, but was persuaded by Hurd not to condescend to ‘break a butterfly upon a wheel’ (, Works, i. 105).

Hurd's relation to Warburton had become


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 Such assimilation is of course of old standing in the language. The Book of Deer has, for example, igginn for in cinn, at the head of, and naglerec for nan clerec of the clerics.

Before the verbal particle ‘do’ n is sometimes lost. For example, in West Ross, An do chuir thu e? Did you sow it? is ’Do chuir thu e? so ’Do dhùin thu e ? Did you close it? Do ghabh thu e? Did you take it? Also in Thubhairt e gu’n do chuir thu e, he said that you had sowed it, gu’n do is sounded gu’do, and so on. A more frequent occurrence in the North and a distinctive feature of the northern dialect is the loss of d in all those positions. Munro in his Gaelic Grammar says in a footnote (p. 207): ‘In speaking, an do, whether interrogative or relative, is commonly contracted into na; as ’Na shil e? for an do shil e? Has it begun to rain? Seall na ghoil e, for seall an do ghoil e (see if it has boiled), etc. In writing so violent an elision is hardly admissible. In verse, however, where the poet is obliged at times to reduce the two particles into one syllable, the contraction is allowable; more especially as the other form of it (’ndo) is so difficult of pronunciation, v. Ossian, Comala, 11. 38, 82, 83). The lines from Comala, with their renderings in the version by Peter M‘Naughton, Grandtully, are:—

In those instances na is for the interrogative particle an and do. The phrase ‘Na thuit?’ Did [he] fall, is of constant occurrence in MacPherson’s Ossian, e.g. Fingal, i. 11. 203, 263, 265. Instances of na for an do abound in the works of Mary MacPherson, the Skye bardess; and some have been quoted in the paper on Skye Gaelic mentioned at the beginning of these articles. For example:—

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 important to both, and forms a curious passage in Warburton's history. Hurd had read Warburton's books when a B.A. at Cambridge, and admired even the essay on ‘Prodigies’ (Letters, p. 215). He inserted a compliment to Warburton in his edition of Horace's ‘Ars Poetica’ (1749), and sent a copy to Warburton. Warburton acknowledged it gratefully, at once offered his friendship, and began a warm correspondence. They exchanged extravagant compliments, and consulted each other upon their works in preparation. Warburton did his best to promote Hurd's preferment, and introduced him to the Allens at Prior Park. The intimacy became notorious by a discreditable quarrel with Warburton's old friend, John Jortin [q. v.] Jortin had been Warburton's assistant at Lincoln's Inn from 1747 to 1751, and they had exchanged compliments. In 1738 Warburton had sent a notice of Jortin's ‘Remarks upon Spenser’ to the ‘Works of the Learned,’ and had added some emendations of his own. In 1751 he wrote and induced Jortin to insert in his ‘Ecclesiastical Remarks’ an account of Rhys (or ‘Arise’) Evans [q. v.] showing an apparent belief in the prophecies of a disreputable fanatic, which was attacked in ‘Confusion worse Confounded’ (1772) by Indignatio, said to be Henry Taylor (1711–1785) [q. v.] (, Lit. Anecd. iii. 125). In 1755 Jortin published ‘Six Dissertations,’ in the last of which he modestly expressed his dissent from Warburton's view of the Sixth Æneid. Hurd hereupon wrote a ‘Seventh Dissertation, on the Delicacy of Friendship,’ which, in a laboured and tiresome strain of irony, bitterly attacked Jortin for presuming to differ from Warburton. Warburton was delighted with being ‘so finely praised’ himself, and, next to that, ‘in seeing Jortin mortified’ (Letters, &c. p. 207). Jortin made no direct reply, but in his ‘Life of Erasmus’ (1758), besides other allusions (see, pp. 446–51), took occasion to expose a gross grammatical blunder of Warburton's without naming him. Warburton hereupon wrote a letter to be shown to Jortin, complaining of his unfriendly action (, Selections, p. 220). Jortin replied with dignity, disavowing malicious intentions, and accepting an emendation suggested by Warburton; but no renewal of friendship took place.

Warburton apparently took his episcopal duties as easily as most of his brethren. There is a story (, Lit. Anecd. v. 618) of his giving offence by his neglect to take the sacrament. On the other hand, he issued a circular to his clergy directing them to take more care in the preparation of candidates for confirmation. In 1762 he showed the dislike of ‘enthusiasm’ characteristic of his contemporaries by the ‘Doctrine of Grace.’ It is mainly an assault upon Wesley, supported by extracts from his journals. Warburton had begun his book by an attack upon an old essay of Middleton upon the ‘gift of tongues.’ A reply to this was made by Thomas Leland [q. v.], upon whom Hurd was left to take vengeance. Warburton took little part in debates in the House of Lords, except on one occasion. The ‘Essay on Woman,’ for which Wilkes was attacked in 1763, contained notes ironically attributed to Warburton. At Lord Sandwich's request Warburton made a speech or two in the House of Lords at the end of 1763. He argued (hardly to Sandwich's satisfaction) that the bad character of a prosecutor need not prove the innocence of the prosecuted, and declared that the ‘hardiest inhabitant of hell would blush as well as tremble’ to hear the ‘Essay on Woman’ (see Selections, pp. 277–83, for Warburton's report of his two speeches). Horace Walpole makes fun of Warburton in his letters on this occasion. Churchill also, as Wilkes's friend, attacked him with singular virulence and some force in the ‘Duellist’ (bk. iii.). A final controversy took place soon afterwards. In 1756 Warburton had had a sharp correspondence with Robert Lowth [q. v.], afterwards bishop of London. Lowth had become a prebendary shortly after Warburton, and a story which connects their quarrel with Warburton's succession to Lowth's place is therefore erroneous. Warburton had complained of certain passages in Lowth's lectures which he took to be aimed at his own treatment of the Book of Job in the ‘Divine Legation.’ (These letters were republished by Lowth, and are in Works, vol. xii.) Lowth replied with spirit, denying the special application to that treatise. Warburton then withdrew, under the pretext that as he had unknowingly attacked Lowth's father, Lowth was excusable for attacking him. Lowth afterwards had a brush with Towne on the same topic. In 1765 Warburton, publishing a fourth edition of the ‘Divine Legation,’ took occasion of this controversy to insert a fresh and insolent attack upon Lowth. Lowth replied in a ‘Letter to the Author of the “Divine Legation.”’ The merits of the controversy as to Job need not be considered; but Lowth's personal attack upon Warburton's arrogance and want of scholarship was singularly effective, and, as Gibbon said, his victory ‘was clearly established by the silent confession of Warburton and his slaves.’

Ralph Allen had died in 1764, leaving


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Works about Macalister

 * Obituary for Alexander Macalister from jstor.org

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 5,000l. apiece to Warburton and his wife. Mrs. Warburton was also to have 3,000l. a year upon the death of Mrs. Allen, which took place two years later. Warburton afterwards wrote a few sermons, but his vigour was beginning to decline. He mentions various symptoms of illness in 1767. In 1768 he gave 500l. to found a lecture to be given at Lincoln's Inn upon the proof of Christianity from the prophecies. In 1769 he gave up Prior Park and settled at Gloucester. In 1770 he had a bad accident by a fall in his library. In 1771 Hurd told Mrs. Warburton that her husband, apparently as the result of his advice, would write no more (Letters, pp. 460, 462). He seems afterwards to have failed rapidly. Horace Walpole saw him in 1774, and says that his memory was failing. He was sufficiently conscious to be greatly depressed by the loss in 1775 of his only child, a young man (b. 6 April 1756), who was intended for the bar, and died of consumption on 18 July 1775. He then became almost imbecile, but shortly before his death revived enough to say ‘Is my son really dead?’ He died in his palace at Gloucester on 7 June 1779, and was buried in the cathedral. His widow erected a marble monument, with an inscription by Hurd over a medallion portrait. The phrase that he had always supported ‘what he firmly believed, the Christian religion,’ was taken to be ambiguous by those who read it without the comma (see, iv. 205). Mrs. Warburton took for a second husband the Rev. Martin Stafford Smith, who was presented by Hurd to the rectory of Fladbury, Worcestershire. Mrs. Warburton appears to have been a lively lady. Walpole speaks of Thomas Potter as her gallant (George III, i. 313), a bit of scandal supported by, or perhaps derived from, Churchill's statement in the ‘Duellist’ (see Notes and Queries, 2nd ser. iv. 41). Cradock says that Mrs. Warburton always spoke ‘with peculiar satisfaction’ of her husband's excellence. She died on 1 Sept. 1796.

Warburton seems to have been thoroughly good to his family. He was always affectionate to his mother, who survived till 1749 (see his letter to Doddridge in June 1749;, Illustrations, ii. 834). He had three sisters. The youngest, Frances, remained unmarried; the eldest, Mary, married a tradesman who became bankrupt, when Warburton gave generous support (ib. ii. 831); the third, Elizabeth, married an attorney, named Twells, son of Warburton's first schoolmaster. This marriage appears also to have been unfortunate (Letters, p. 247). He helped some of their children.

Bishop Newton says that Warburton was a ‘tall, robust, large-boned’ man. An engraving from a portrait by William Hoare [q. v.], in Gloucester Palace, is prefixed to his ‘Works.’ A painting by Charles Phillips is in the National Portrait Gallery, London; both have been frequently engraved (, p. 356). Hurd bought most of his books, and placed them in the library of his palace, Hartlebury Castle.

Warburton, said Johnson (, Johnson, ed. Hill, iv. 49), ‘is perhaps the last man who has written with a mind full of reading and reflection.’ To his admirers he represented the last worthy successor of the learned divines of the preceding century. His wide reading and rough intellectual vigour are undeniable. Unfortunately he was neither a scholar nor a philosopher. Though he wrote upon the Old Testament, his knowledge of Hebrew was, as Lowth told him, quite superficial; and his blunders in Latin proved that he was no Bentley. His philosophical weakness appears not only in his metaphysical disquisitions, but in the whole conception of his book. The theological system presupposed in the ‘Divine Legation’ is grotesque, and is the most curious example of the results of applying purely legal conceptions to such problems. Warburton, as Lowth pointed out, retained the habits of thought of a sharp attorney, and constantly mistakes wrangling for reasoning. He was ingenious enough to persuade himself that he had proved his point when he had upset an antagonist by accepting the most paradoxical conclusions. Freethinkers such as Walpole and Voltaire thought him a hypocritical ally; and no one, except such personal friends as Hurd and Towne, has ever seriously accepted his position. He flourished in a period in which divines, with the exception of Butler, were becoming indifferent to philosophical speculation. For that reason he found no competent opponent, though his pugnacity and personal force made many enemies and conquered a few humble followers. Hurd tries to prove that he had distinguished friends among men of learning. His instances are John Towne [q. v.] and Thomas Balguy [q. v.], neither of them a very shining light. Hurd was himself the chief disciple, and he also had friendly relations with John Brown (1715–1766) [q. v.] of the ‘Estimate,’ who in that book calls Warburton the Colossus who bestrides the world, and who afterwards defended him against Lowth; with Mason, the poet; with Jonathan Toup [q. v.], the editor of Longinus and a warm admirer of Warbur-