text:
Talk:The Wreck of the Titan: Or, Futility

Original issue
Hello, I would find it interesting to read the original from 1898, without later changes. But the whole internet does not provide the text, it seems? Ziko (talk) 16:44, 17 July 2023 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Author:Thomas Chrowder Chamberlin

Works

 * (ed.) The Journal of Geology
 * With F. J. Turner.
 * (Geology (in part))

title: Author:Thomas Chrowder Chamberlin


text:
United States Code/Title 11/Chapter 5/Section 548

§ 548. Fraudulent transfers and obligations

 * (a)
 * (1) The trustee may avoid any transfer (including any transfer to or for the benefit of an insider under an employment contract) of an interest of the debtor in property, or any obligation (including any obligation to or for the benefit of an insider under an employment contract) incurred by the debtor, that was made or incurred on or within 2 years before the date of the filing of the petition, if the debtor voluntarily or involuntarily—
 * (A) made such transfer or incurred such obligation with actual intent to hinder, delay, or defraud any entity to which the debtor was or became, on or after the date that such transfer was made or such obligation was incurred, indebted; or
 * (B)
 * (i) received less than a reasonably equivalent value in exchange for such transfer or obligation; and
 * (ii)
 * (I) was insolvent on the date that such transfer was made or such obligation was incurred, or became insolvent as a result of such transfer or obligation;
 * (II) was engaged in business or a transaction, or was about to engage in business or a transaction, for which any property remaining with the debtor was an unreasonably small capital;
 * (III) intended to incur, or believed that the debtor would incur, debts that would be beyond the debtor’s ability to pay as such debts matured; or
 * (IV) made such transfer to or for the benefit of an insider, or incurred such obligation to or for the benefit of an insider, under an employment contract and not in the ordinary course of business.
 * (2) A transfer of a charitable contribution to a qualified religious or charitable entity or organization shall not be considered to be a transfer covered under paragraph (1)(B) in any case in which—
 * (A) the amount of that contribution does not exceed 15 percent of the gross annual income of the debtor for the year in which the transfer of the contribution is made; or
 * (B) the contribution made by a debtor exceeded the percentage amount of gross annual income specified in subparagraph (A), if the transfer was consistent with the practices of the debtor in making charitable contributions.

 * (b) The trustee of a partnership debtor may avoid any transfer of an interest of the debtor in property, or any obligation incurred by the debtor, that was made or incurred on or within 2 years before the date of the filing of the petition, to a general partner in the debtor, if the debtor was insolvent on the date such transfer was made or such obligation was incurred, or became insolvent as a result of such transfer or obligation.

 * (c) Except to the extent that a transfer or obligation voidable under this section is voidable under section 544, 545, or 547 of this title, a transferee or obligee of such a transfer or obligation that takes for value and in good faith has a lien on or may retain any interest transferred or may enforce any obligation incurred, as the case may be, to the extent that such transferee or obligee gave value to the debtor in exchange for such transfer or obligation.

 * (d)
 * (1) For the purposes of this section, a transfer is made when such transfer is so perfected that a bona fide purchaser from the debtor against whom applicable law permits such transfer to be perfected cannot acquire an interest in the property transferred that is superior to the interest in such property of the transferee, but if such transfer is not so perfected before the commencement of the case, such transfer is made immediately before the date of the filing of the petition.
 * (2) In this section—
 * (A) “value” means property, or satisfaction or securing of a present or antecedent debt of the debtor, but does not include an unperformed promise to furnish support to the debtor or to a relative of the debtor;
 * (B) a commodity broker, forward contract merchant, stockbroker, financial institution, financial participant, or securities clearing agency that receives a margin payment, as defined in section 101, 741, or 761 of this title, or settlement payment, as defined in section 101 or 741 of this title, takes for value to the extent of such payment;
 * (C) a repo participant or financial participant that receives a margin payment, as defined in section 741 or 761 of this title, or settlement payment, as defined in section 741 of this title, in connection with a repurchase agreement, takes for value to the extent of such payment;
 * (D) a swap participant or financial participant that receives a transfer in connection with a swap agreement takes for value to the extent of such transfer; and
 * (E) a master netting agreement participant that receives a transfer in connection with a master netting agreement or any individual contract covered thereby takes for value to the extent of such transfer, except that, with respect to a transfer under any individual contract covered thereby, to the extent that such master netting agreement participant otherwise did not take (or is otherwise not deemed to have taken) such transfer for value.
 * (3) In this section, the term “charitable contribution” means a charitable contribution, as that term is defined in section 170(c) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986, if that contribution—
 * (A) is made by a natural person; and
 * (B) consists of—
 * (i) a financial instrument (as that term is defined in section 731(c)(2)(C) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986); or
 * (ii) cash.
 * (4) In this section, the term “qualified religious or charitable entity or organization” means—
 * (A) an entity described in section 170(c)(1) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986; or
 * (B) an entity or organization described in section 170(c)(2) of the Internal Revenue Code of 1986.

 * (e)
 * (1) In addition to any transfer that the trustee may otherwise avoid, the trustee may avoid any transfer of an interest of the debtor in property that was made on or within 10 years before the date of the filing of the petition, if—
 * (A) such transfer was made to a self-settled trust or similar device;
 * (B) such transfer was by the debtor;
 * (C) the debtor is a beneficiary of such trust or similar device; and
 * (D) the debtor made such transfer with actual intent to hinder, delay, or defraud any entity to which the debtor was or became, on or after the date that such transfer was made, indebted.
 * (2) For the purposes of this subsection, a transfer includes a transfer made in anticipation of any money judgment, settlement, civil penalty, equitable order, or criminal fine incurred by, or which the debtor believed would be incurred by—
 * (A) any violation of the securities laws (as defined in section 3(a)(47) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 (15 U.S.C. 78c (a)(47))), any State securities laws, or any regulation or order issued under Federal securities laws or State securities laws; or
 * (B) fraud, deceit, or manipulation in a fiduciary capacity or in connection with the purchase or sale of any security registered under section 12 or 15(d) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 (15 U.S.C. 78l and 78o (d)) or under section 6 of the Securities Act of 1933 (15 U.S.C. 77f).


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hacket, Roger


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hacket, William


text:
United States Code/Title 11/Chapter 5/Section 549

§ 549. Postpetition transactions

 * (a) Except as provided in subsection (b) or (c) of this section, the trustee may avoid a transfer of property of the estate—
 * (1) that occurs after the commencement of the case; and
 * (2)
 * (A) that is authorized only under section 303 (f) or 542 (c) of this title; or
 * (B) that is not authorized under this title or by the court.

 * (b) In an involuntary case, the trustee may not avoid under subsection (a) of this section a transfer made after the commencement of such case but before the order for relief to the extent any value, including services, but not including satisfaction or securing of a debt that arose before the commencement of the case, is given after the commencement of the case in exchange for such transfer, notwithstanding any notice or knowledge of the case that the transferee has.

 * (c) The trustee may not avoid under subsection (a) of this section a transfer of an interest in real property to a good faith purchaser without knowledge of the commencement of the case and for present fair equivalent value unless a copy or notice of the petition was filed, where a transfer of an interest in such real property may be recorded to perfect such transfer, before such transfer is so perfected that a bona fide purchaser of such real property, against whom applicable law permits such transfer to be perfected, could not acquire an interest that is superior to such interest of such good faith purchaser. A good faith purchaser without knowledge of the commencement of the case and for less than present fair equivalent value has a lien on the property transferred to the extent of any present value given, unless a copy or notice of the petition was so filed before such transfer was so perfected.

 * (d) An action or proceeding under this section may not be commenced after the earlier of—
 * (1) two years after the date of the transfer sought to be avoided; or
 * (2) the time the case is closed or dismissed.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hackman, Alfred


text:
United States Code/Title 11/Chapter 5/Section 550

§ 550. Liability of transferee of avoided transfer

 * (a) Except as otherwise provided in this section, to the extent that a transfer is avoided under section 544, 545, 547, 548, 549, 553 (b), or 724 (a) of this title, the trustee may recover, for the benefit of the estate, the property transferred, or, if the court so orders, the value of such property, from—
 * (1) the initial transferee of such transfer or the entity for whose benefit such transfer was made; or
 * (2) any immediate or mediate transferee of such initial transferee.

 * (b) The trustee may not recover under section (a)(2) of this section from—
 * (1) a transferee that takes for value, including satisfaction or securing of a present or antecedent debt, in good faith, and without knowledge of the voidability of the transfer avoided; or
 * (2) any immediate or mediate good faith transferee of such transferee.

 * (c) If a transfer made between 90 days and one year before the filing of the petition—
 * (1) is avoided under section 547 (b) of this title; and
 * (2) was made for the benefit of a creditor that at the time of such transfer was an insider;
 * the trustee may not recover under subsection (a) from a transferee that is not an insider.

 * (d) The trustee is entitled to only a single satisfaction under subsection (a) of this section.

 * (e)
 * (1) A good faith transferee from whom the trustee may recover under subsection (a) of this section has a lien on the property recovered to secure the lesser of—
 * (A) the cost, to such transferee, of any improvement made after the transfer, less the amount of any profit realized by or accruing to such transferee from such property; and
 * (B) any increase in the value of such property as a result of such improvement, of the property transferred.
 * (2) In this subsection, “improvement” includes—
 * (A) physical additions or changes to the property transferred;
 * (B) repairs to such property;
 * (C) payment of any tax on such property;
 * (D) payment of any debt secured by a lien on such property that is superior or equal to the rights of the trustee; and
 * (E) preservation of such property.

 * (f) An action or proceeding under this section may not be commenced after the earlier of—
 * (1) one year after the avoidance of the transfer on account of which recovery under this section is sought; or
 * (2) the time the case is closed or dismissed.


text:
Page:A book of the Cevennes (-1907-).djvu/44

22 Haute Loire, through which it makes its way till it leaves it for Forez. The Loire rises 4,500 feet above the sea, and when it quits the department it has fallen to 1,450 feet. When the volcanoes of Le Velay were in eruption and the tableland was overflowed with molten lava, the Loire must have been arrested and have mounted to heaven in a column of steam. In time the lava cooled, and the stream groped for beds of scoria and fallen dust through which it could nibble its way with ease. But when it encountered a barrier of basalt the case was altered. This blocked its course as with rows of iron piles rammed into the ground and running far back. But the crystallisation of the lava into basaltic prisms helped the river to break through.

The molten matter, of the consistency of treacle, flowing over the country followed its undulations, filling hollows here and rounding obstructions there. When it cooled it began to crystallise, and form hexagonal columns that are upright. But when the surface of the original soil would not allow of regular crystallisation, there the columns shaped themselves in all directions and in great confusion; the result being that in many places the basalt was fractured, fissured, and ruinous from the very first. The water speedily detected these weak points, worked at them, tumbled the columns down, overleaped them, bored further, and did not rest till it had cut its way completely through the barrier.

Hercules in his cradle strangled a couple of serpents, and the infant Loire, a ridiculously small stream for the work it effected, on entering the department laid hold of and split the bed of Plutonic deposit, and held on its way between basaltic escarpments. It is, however, below Le Puy, after the Sumène has entered it, under


text:
United States Code/Title 11/Chapter 5/Section 551

§ 551. Automatic preservation of avoided transfer

Any transfer avoided under section 522, 544, 545, 547, 548, 549, or 724 (a) of this title, or any lien void under section 506 (d) of this title, is preserved for the benefit of the estate but only with respect to property of the estate.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hackman, James


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hackston, David


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hacomblen, Robert


text:
Niles' Weekly Register

 * /Volume 1/ (September 1811–March 1812)
 * /Volume 2/ (March 1812–September 1812)
 * /Volume 3/ (September 1812–March 1813)
 * /Volume 4/ (March 1813–September 1813)
 * /Volume 5/ (September 1813–March 1814)
 * /Volume 6/ (March 1814–September 1814)
 * /Volume 7/ (September 1814–March 1815)
 * /Volume 8/ (March 1815–September 1815)
 * /Volume 9/ (September 1815–March 1816)
 * /Volume 10/ (March 1816–September 1816)
 * /Volume 11/ (September 1816–March 1817)
 * /Volume 12/ (March 1817–September 1817)
 * /Volume 13/ (September 1817–March 1818)
 * /Volume 14/ (March 1818–September 1818)
 * /Volume 15/ (September 1818–March 1819)
 * /Volume 16/ (March 1819–September 1819)
 * /Volume 17/ (September 1819–March 1820)
 * /Volume 18/ (March 1820–September 1820)
 * /Volume 19/ (September 1820–March 1821)
 * /Volume 20/ (March 1821–September 1821)
 * /Volume 21/ (September 1821–March 1822)
 * /Volume 22/ (March 1822–September 1822)
 * /Volume 23/ (September 1822–March 1823)
 * /Volume 24/ (March 1823–September 1823)
 * /Volume 25/ (September 1823–March 1824)
 * /Volume 26/ (March 1824–September 1824)
 * /Volume 27/ (September 1824–March 1825)
 * /Volume 28/ (March 1825–September 1825)
 * /Volume 29/ (September 1825–March 1826)
 * /Volume 30/ (March 1826–September 1826)
 * /Volume 31/ (September 1826–March 1827)
 * /Volume 32/ (March 1827–September 1827)
 * /Volume 33/ (September 1827–March 1828)
 * /Volume 34/ (March 1828–September 1828)
 * /Volume 35/ (September 1828–March 1829)
 * /Volume 36/ (March 1829–September 1829)
 * Volume 37 (September 1829–March 1830)

title: Niles' Weekly Register


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 06.djvu/172

 . In 1730, while still a boy, be was admitted a 'disciple' of the bardic chair of Glamorgan, in which chair he himself presided in 1750. Some of his poems, 'moral pieces of great merit,' according to Dr. Owen Pughe, were printed in a contemporary Welsh periodical entitled the 'Eurgrawn.'

 BRADFORD, JOHN (1750–1805), dissenting minister, was born at Hereford in 1750, the son of a clothier, educated at Hereford grammar school, and at Wadham College, Oxford, where he took the degree of B.A. On leaving college he accepted a curacy at Frelsham in Berkshire, where he married when twenty-eight years of age, and had a family of twelve children. About this time his religious opinions became decidedly Calvinistic, and he preached in several of Lady Huntingdon's chapels. On account of this irregularity the rector discharged him from his curacy. He then joined the Countess of Huntingdon's connection, and, after spending some time in South Wales, removed to Birmingham, and preached with great popularity in the old playhouse, which the countess had purchased and made into a chapel for him. Subsequently he left the connection of the countess for a new chapel in Bartholomew Street, supplementing his small income by making watch-chains. Not being successful, he removed to London in 1797, and preached till his death in the City Chapel, Grub Street. He died 16 July 1805, and was buried in Bunhill Fields. Some account of his life is given in an octavo volume, chiefly controversial, by his successor, William Wales Horne. Bradford published:
 * 1) 'The Law of Faith opposed to the Law of Works,' Birmingham, 1787 (being an answer to the baptist circular letter signed Joshua Thomas).
 * 2) 'An Address to the Inhabitants of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, on the Mission of two Ministers sent by the Countess of Huntingdon,' 1788.
 * 3) 'A Collection of Hymns' (some of them composed by himself), 1792.
 * 4) 'The Difference between True and False Holiness.'
 * 5) 'A Christian's Meetness for Glory.'
 * 6) ' Comfort for the Feeble-minded.'
 * 7) 'The Gospel spiritually discerned.'
 * 8) 'One Baptism.' A fine octavo edition of Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, with Notes by John Bradford,' was published in 1792. Mr. Offor says, 'These notes are very valuable.'

BRADFORD, SAMUEL, D.D. (1652–1731), bishop successively of Carlisle and Rochester, was the son of William Bradford, a citizen of London, who distinguished himself as a parish officer at the time of the plague, and was born in St. Anne's, Blackfriars, on 20 Dec. 1652. He was educated at St. Paul's School; and when the school was closed, owing to the plague and the fire of London, he attended the Charterhouse. He was admitted to Corpus Christi, Cambridge, in 1669, but left without a degree in consequence of religious scruples. He devoted himself for a time to the study of medicine; but, his former scruples being removed, he was admitted in 1680, through the favour of Archbishop Sancroft, to the degree of M.A. by royal mandate, and was incorporated at Oxford on 13 July 1697. He shrank from taking orders until after the Revolution, and acted as private tutor in the families of several country gentlemen. Bradford was ordained deacon and priest in 1690, and in the spring of the following year was elected by the governors of St. Thomas's Hospital the minister of their church in Southwark. He soon received the lectureship of St. Mary-le-Bow, and was tutor to the two grandsons of Archbishop Tillotson, with whom he resided at Carlisle House, Lambeth. In November 1693 Dr. Tillotson collated Bradford to the rectory of St. Mary-le-Bow; he then resigned his minor ecclesiastical preferments, but soon after accepted the lectureship of All Hallows, in Bread Street.

Bradford was a frequent preacher before the corporation of London, and was a staunch whig and protestant. On 30 Jan. 1698 he preached before William III, who was so much pleased that in March following he appointed Bradford one of the royal chaplains in ordinary. The appointment was continued by Queen Anne, by whose command he was created D.D. on the occasion of her visit to the university of Cambridge, 16 April 1705; and on 23 Feb. 1708 was made a prebendary of Westminster.

In 1699 Bradford delivered the Boyle lecture in St. Paul's Cathedral, and preached eight sermons on 'The Credibility of the Christian Revelation, from its Intrinsick Evidence.' These, with a ninth sermon preached in his own church in January 1700, were issued with other Boyle lectures delivered between 1691 and 1732, in 'A Defence of Natural and Revealed Religion,' &c. 3 vols. fol., London, 1739.

Bradford was elected master of Corpus Christi College on 17 May 1716; and on 21 April 1718 was nominated to the bishopric of Carlisle, to which he was consecrated on 1 June following. In 1723 he was


text:
United States Code/Title 11/Chapter 5/Section 555

§ 555. Contractual right to liquidate, terminate, or accelerate a securities contract

The exercise of a contractual right of a stockbroker, financial institution, financial participant, or securities clearing agency to cause the liquidation, termination, or acceleration of a securities contract, as defined in section 741 of this title, because of a condition of the kind specified in section 365 (e)(1) of this title shall not be stayed, avoided, or otherwise limited by operation of any provision of this title or by order of a court or administrative agency in any proceeding under this title unless such order is authorized under the provisions of the Securities Investor Protection Act of 1970 or any statute administered by the Securities and Exchange Commission. As used in this section, the term “contractual right” includes a right set forth in a rule or bylaw of a derivatives clearing organization (as defined in the Commodity Exchange Act), a multilateral clearing organization (as defined in the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation Improvement Act of 1991), a national securities exchange, a national securities association, a securities clearing agency, a contract market designated under the Commodity Exchange Act, a derivatives transaction execution facility registered under the Commodity Exchange Act, or a board of trade (as defined in the Commodity Exchange Act), or in a resolution of the governing board thereof, and a right, whether or not in writing, arising under common law, under law merchant, or by reason of normal business practice.


text: Page:Niles' Weekly Register, v37.djvu/3

title: Page:Niles' Weekly Register, v37.djvu/3


text:
1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Passport

PASSPORT, or safe-conduct in time of war, a document granted by a belligerent power to protect persons and property from the operation of hostilities. In the case of the ship of a neutral power, the passport is a requisition by the government of the neutral state to suffer the vessel to pass freely with the crew, cargo, passengers, &c., without molestation by the belligerents. The requisition, when issued by the civil authorities of the port from which the vessel is fitted out, is called a sea-letter. But the terms passport and sea-letter are often used indiscriminately. A form of sea-letter (literae salvi conductus) is appended to the Treaty of the Pyrenees, 1659. The passport is frequently mentioned in treaties, e.g. the Treaty of Copenhagen, 1670, between Great Britain and Denmark. The violation of a passport, or safe conduct, is a grave breach of international law. The offence in the United States is punishable by fine and imprisonment where the passport or safe conduct is granted under the authority of the United States (Act of Congress, April 30, 1790). In its more familiar sense a passport is a document authorizing a person to pass out of or into a country, or a licence or safe-conduct to the person specified therein and authenticating his right to aid and protection. Although most foreign countries may now be entered without passports, the English foreign office recommends travellers to furnish themselves with them, as affording a ready means of identification in case of need. They are usually granted by the foreign office of a state, or by its diplomatic agents abroad. The English Foreign Office charges two shillings for a passport, whatever number of persons may be named in it. Passports granted in England are subject to a stamp duty of sixpence. They may be granted to naturalized as well as natural-born British subjects.

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Passport


text:
Talk:1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Passport

Sources:
 * http://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=User:Tim_Starling/ScanSet_PNG_demo&vol=20&page=ED0A932


text:
United States Code/Title 11/Chapter 5/Section 556

§ 556. Contractual right to liquidate, terminate, or accelerate a commodities contract or forward contract

The contractual right of a commodity broker, financial participant, or forward contract merchant to cause the liquidation, termination, or acceleration of a commodity contract, as defined in section 761 of this title, or forward contract because of a condition of the kind specified in section 365 (e)(1) of this title, and the right to a variation or maintenance margin payment received from a trustee with respect to open commodity contracts or forward contracts, shall not be stayed, avoided, or otherwise limited by operation of any provision of this title or by the order of a court in any proceeding under this title. As used in this section, the term “contractual right” includes a right set forth in a rule or bylaw of a derivatives clearing organization (as defined in the Commodity Exchange Act), a multilateral clearing organization (as defined in the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation Improvement Act of 1991), a national securities exchange, a national securities association, a securities clearing agency, a contract market designated under the Commodity Exchange Act, a derivatives transaction execution facility registered under the Commodity Exchange Act, or a board of trade (as defined in the Commodity Exchange Act) or in a resolution of the governing board thereof and a right, whether or not evidenced in writing, arising under common law, under law merchant or by reason of normal business practice.


text: Index:Niles' Weekly Register, v37.djvu

title: Index:Niles' Weekly Register, v37.djvu


text:
Page:Essays on Early Ornithology and Kindred Subjects.djvu/21

 HERE exists exists an anonymous narrative of the first voyage of Vasco da Gama to India under the title Roteiro da Viagem de Vasco da Gama em MCCCCXCVII. Although it is called a roteiro, it is in fact a purely personal and popular account of the voyage, and does not contain either sailing directions or a systematic description of all the ports which were visited, as one might expect in a roteiro. There is no reason to believe that it was written by Vasco da Gama. An officer in such high authority would not be likely to write his narrative anonymously. The faulty and variable orthography of the roteiro also renders improbable the hypothesis that Vasco da Gama was the author.

The journal of the first voyage of Columbus contains many allusions to the birds which were seen in the course of it by the great discoverer. In this respect the roteiro of the first voyage of Vasco da Gama resembles it. The journal of Columbus is the earliest record of an important voyage of discovery which recognises natural history as an aid to navigators, the roteiro is the next.

The author of the roteiro notes that birds resembling large herons were seen in the month of August, 1497, at which time, I opine, the vessels of Da Gama were not far from the Gulf of Guinea, or were, perhaps, making their way across that gulf.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Bradford, John (1750-1805)


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Page:Essays on Early Ornithology and Kindred Subjects.djvu/22

 On the 27th of October, as the vessels approached the south-west coast of Africa, whales and seals were encountered, and also 'quoquas.'

'Quoquas' is the first example of the eccentric orthography of our author. 'Quoquas' is, no doubt, his manner of writing 'conchas,' that is to say 'shells'; the til over the o is absent; perhaps that is a typographical error; probably the author wrote or intended to write quõquas. These shells may have been those of nautili.

On the 8th of November the vessels under the command of Vasco da Gama cast anchor in a wide bay which extended from east to west, and which was sheltered from all winds excepting that which blew from the north-west. It was subsequently estimated that this anchorage was sixty leagues distant from the Angra de Sam Bràs; and as the Angra de Sam Bràs was estimated to be sixty leagues distant from the Cape of Good Hope, the sheltered anchorage must have been in proximity to the Cape.

The voyagers named it the Angra de Santa Elena, and it may have been the bay which is now known as St. Helen's Bay. But it is worthy of note that the G. de Sta. Ellena of the Cantino Chart is laid down in a position which corresponds rather with that of Table Bay than with that of St. Helen’s Bay.

The Portuguese came into contact with the inhabitants of the country adjacent to the anchorage. These people had tawny complexions, and carried wooden spears tipped with horn—assagais of a kind—and bows and arrows. They also used foxes' tails attached to short wooden handles. We are not informed for what purposes the foxes' tails were used. Were they used to brush flies away, or were they insignia of authority? The food of the natives was the flesh of whales, seals, and


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Page:Niles' Weekly Register, v37.djvu/431

Rh within the years aforesaid, respectively; the term of such employment, and the compensation to each. The names of all commissioners, superintendents, and agents, tor the improvement of rivers, bays, harbors, roads, and other public works, employed under the authority of the department ot war-, whose compensation is not fixed by law, the nature of the duties performed by each, and the amount allowed to each, as per diem, commissions, or otherwise, will; in the years aforesaid, designating where such persons are officers of the army, iinid the amount received by each of them, as such. Resolved, That the secretary of the treasury report to this house a list of all the officers employed in the civil department ef the government, who have been allowed any other compensation than the pav or salary fixed by law; the amount ol such salary and allowance, and for what service allowed, and the authority for the allowance, for the years one thousand eight hundred and twenty-eight, and one thousand eight hundred and tv^enty nine: the names of all persons employed during the years aforesaid whose salary is not regulated by law, but whose compensation depends upon executive regulation, or discretion; the nature of the service, the amount of compensation, and the authority upon which it has been made.

DEBATE IN THE SENATE.

January 19.

Debate on Mr. Foot's resolution, proposing an inquiry into the expediency of abolishing the office of surveyor general of public lands, and for suspending further surveys until those already in market shall have been disposed of.

Mr. Hayne said, that if the gentlemen who had discussed this proposition had confined themselves strictly to the resolution under consideration, he would have spared the senate the trouble of listening to the few remarks he now proposed to offer. It has been said, and correctly said, by more than one gentleman, that resolutions of inquiry were usually suffered to pass without opposition. The parliamentary practice in this respect was certainly founded in good sense, which regarded such resolutions as intended merely to elicit information, and therefore entitled to favor. But, said Mr. H. I cannot give my assent to the proposition so broadly laid down by some geltlemen, that, because nobody stands committed by a vote of inquiry, therefore every resolution concerning an inquiry—no matter on what subject—must pass almost as a matter of course, and that to discuss or oppose such resolutions is unparliamentary. The true distinction seems to be this—where information is desired as the basis of legislation, or where the policy is questionable, it was always proper to send the subject to a committee for investigation; but where all the material facts are already known, and there is a fixed and settled opinion in respect to the policy to be pursued, inquiry was unnecessary, and ought to be refused. No one, he thought, could doubt the correctness of the position assumed by the gentleman from Missouri, that no inquiry ought ever to be instituted as to the expediency of doing a "great and acknowledged wrong." I do not mean, however, to intimate an opinion that such is the character of this resolution. The application of these rules to the case before us will decide my vote; and every senator can apply them for himself to the decision of the question, whether the inquiry now called for should be granted or refused. With that decision, whatever it may be, I shall be content.

I have not risen, however, Mr. President, for the purpose of discussing the propriety of instituting the inquiry recommended by the resolution, but to offer a few remarks on another and much more important question, to which gentlemen have alluded in the course of this debate—I mean the policy which ought to be pursued in relation to the public lands. Every gentleman who has had a seat in congress for the last two years or three years, or even for the last two or three weeks, must be convinced of the great and growing importance of this question. More than half of our time has been taken up with the discussion of propositions connected with the public lands—more than half of our acts embrace provisions growing out of this fruitful source. Day after day the changes are rung on this topic, from the grave inquiry into the right of the new states to the absolute sovereignty and propriety in the soil, down to the grant of a pre-empion of a few quarter sections to actual settlers.

In the language of a great orator in relation to another "vexed question", we may truly say,—"that year after year we have been lashed round the miserable circle of occasional arguments and temporary expedients." No gentleman can fail to perceive that this is a question no longer to be evaded—it must be met—fairly and fearlessly met—a question that is pressed upon us in so many ways—that intrudes in such a variety of shapes; involving so deeply the feelings and interests of a large portion of the union—insinuating itself into almost every question of public policy, and tinging the whole course of our legislation, cannot be put aside, or laid asleep. We cannot long avoid it—we must meet and overcome it, or it will overcome us. Les us, then, Mr. President, be prepared to meet it in a spirit of wisdom and justice, and endeavor to prepare our own minds and the minds of the people for a just and enlightened decision. The object of the remarks I am about to offer, is merely to call public attention to the question, to throw out a few crude and undigested thoughts, as food for reflection, in order to prepare the public mind for the adoption, at no distant day, of some fixed and settled policy in relation to the public lands. I believe that out of the western country there is no subject in the whole range of our legislation less understood, and in relation to which there exist so many errors, and such unhappy prejudices and misconceptions.

There may be said to be two great parties in this country, who entertain very opposite opinions in relation to the character of the policy which the government has heretofore pursued in relation to public lands, as well as to that which outht, hereafter to be pursued. I propose very briefly to examine these opinions, and to throw out for consideration a few ideas in connexion with them. Adverting, first, to the past policy of the government, we find that one party, embracing a very large portion, perhaps at this time a majority, of the people of the United States, in all quarters of the union, entertain the opinion, that, in the settlement of the new states and the disposition of the public lands, congress has pursued not only a highly just and liberal course, but one of extraordinary kindness and indulgence. We are regarded as having acted towards the new states in the spirit of parental weakness—granted to froward children, not only every thing that was reasonable and proper, but actually robbing ourselves of our property to gratify their insatiable desires. While the other party embracing the entire west, insist that we have treated them from the beginning, not like heirs of the estate, but in the spirit of a hard taskmaster, resolved to promote our selfish interests from the fruit of their labor. Now, sir, it is not my present purpose to investigate all the grounds on which these two opinions rest; I shal content myself with noticing one or two particulars, in relation to which it has long appeared to me that the west has some cause for complaint. I notice them now, not for the purpose of aggravating the spirit of discontent in relation to this subject, which is known to exist in that quarter, for I do not know that my voice will ever reach them, but to assist in bringing others to what I believe to be a just sense of the past policy of the government in relation to this matter. In the creation and settlements of the new states, Mr. President, the plan has been invariably pursued, of selling out, from time to time, certain portions of the public land for the highest price that could possibly be obtained for them in the open market, and, until a few years past, on long credits. In this respect, a marked difference is observable between our policy and that of every other nation that has ever attempted to establish colonies or create new states. Without pausing to examine the course pursued in this respect at earlier periods in the history of the world, I will come directly to the measures adopted in the first settlement of the new world, and will confine my ovservations entirely to North America. The English, the French, and the Spaniards, have successively planted their colonies here, and have adopted the same policy, which, from the beginning of the world, had always been found necessary in the settlement of new


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United States Code/Title 11/Chapter 5/Section 557

§ 557. Expedited determination of interests in, and abandonment or other disposition of grain assets

 * (a) This section applies only in a case concerning a debtor that owns or operates a grain storage facility and only with respect to grain and the proceeds of grain. This section does not affect the application of any other section of this title to property other than grain and proceeds of grain.

 * (b) In this section—
 * (1) “grain” means wheat, corn, flaxseed, grain sorghum, barley, oats, rye, soybeans, other dry edible beans, or rice;
 * (2) “grain storage facility” means a site or physical structure regularly used to store grain for producers, or to store grain acquired from producers for resale; and
 * (3) “producer” means an entity which engages in the growing of grain.

 * (c)
 * (1) Notwithstanding sections 362, 363, 365, and 554 of this title, on the court’s own motion the court may, and on the request of the trustee or an entity that claims an interest in grain or the proceeds of grain the court shall, expedite the procedures for the determination of interests in and the disposition of grain and the proceeds of grain, by shortening to the greatest extent feasible such time periods as are otherwise applicable for such procedures and by establishing, by order, a timetable having a duration of not to exceed 120 days for the completion of the applicable procedure specified in subsection (d) of this section. Such time periods and such timetable may be modified by the court, for cause, in accordance with subsection (f) of this section.
 * (2) The court shall determine the extent to which such time periods shall be shortened, based upon—
 * (A) any need of an entity claiming an interest in such grain or the proceeds of grain for a prompt determination of such interest;
 * (B) any need of such entity for a prompt disposition of such grain;
 * (C) the market for such grain;
 * (D) the conditions under which such grain is stored;
 * (E) the costs of continued storage or disposition of such grain;
 * (F) the orderly administration of the estate;
 * (G) the appropriate opportunity for an entity to assert an interest in such grain; and
 * (H) such other considerations as are relevant to the need to expedite such procedures in the case.

 * (d) The procedures that may be expedited under subsection (c) of this section include—
 * (1) the filing of and response to—
 * (A) a claim of ownership;
 * (B) a proof of claim;
 * (C) a request for abandonment;
 * (D) a request for relief from the stay of action against property under section 362 (a) of this title;
 * (E) a request for determination of secured status;
 * (F) a request for determination of whether such grain or the proceeds of grain—
 * (i) is property of the estate;
 * (ii) must be turned over to the estate; or
 * (iii) may be used, sold, or leased; and
 * (G) any other request for determination of an interest in such grain or the proceeds of grain;
 * (2) the disposition of such grain or the proceeds of grain, before or after determination of interests in such grain or the proceeds of grain, by way of—
 * (A) sale of such grain;
 * (B) abandonment;
 * (C) distribution; or
 * (D) such other method as is equitable in the case;
 * (3) subject to sections 701, 702, 703, 1104, 1202, and 1302 of this title, the appointment of a trustee or examiner and the retention and compensation of any professional person required to assist with respect to matters relevant to the determination of interests in or disposition of such grain or the proceeds of grain; and
 * (4) the determination of any dispute concerning a matter specified in paragraph (1), (2), or (3) of this subsection.

 * (e)
 * (1) Any governmental unit that has regulatory jurisdiction over the operation or liquidation of the debtor or the debtor’s business shall be given notice of any request made or order entered under subsection (c) of this section.
 * (2) Any such governmental unit may raise, and may appear and be heard on, any issue relating to grain or the proceeds of grain in a case in which a request is made, or an order is entered, under subsection (c) of this section.
 * (3) The trustee shall consult with such governmental unit before taking any action relating to the disposition of grain in the possession, custody, or control of the debtor or the estate.

 * (f) The court may extend the period for final disposition of grain or the proceeds of grain under this section beyond 120 days if the court finds that—
 * (1) the interests of justice so require in light of the complexity of the case; and
 * (2) the interests of those claimants entitled to distribution of grain or the proceeds of grain will not be materially injured by such additional delay.

 * (g) Unless an order establishing an expedited procedure under subsection (c) of this section, or determining any interest in or approving any disposition of grain or the proceeds of grain, is stayed pending appeal—
 * (1) the reversal or modification of such order on appeal does not affect the validity of any procedure, determination, or disposition that occurs before such reversal or modification, whether or not any entity knew of the pendency of the appeal; and
 * (2) neither the court nor the trustee may delay, due to the appeal of such order, any proceeding in the case in which such order is issued.

 * (h)
 * (1) The trustee may recover from grain and the proceeds of grain the reasonable and necessary costs and expenses allowable under section 503 (b) of this title attributable to preserving or disposing of grain or the proceeds of grain, but may not recover from such grain or the proceeds of grain any other costs or expenses.
 * (2) Notwithstanding section 326 (a) of this title, the dollar amounts of money specified in such section include the value, as of the date of disposition, of any grain that the trustee distributes in kind.

 * (i) In all cases where the quantity of a specific type of grain held by a debtor operating a grain storage facility exceeds ten thousand bushels, such grain shall be sold by the trustee and the assets thereof distributed in accordance with the provisions of this section.


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Rh have been neglected by tourists to such an extent as it has; but it is explicable.

Those who seek sunshine during the winter in the Riviera leave the Cevennes far away as a bank of cloud silver-fringed on their right hand beyond the Rhone. On their way back to England in spring they are disinclined to loiter, and break their home journey for the sake of excursions into this region, so little explored. In like manner, those who go to Pau are carried by the railway far away to the west, and see nothing of the plateau, because it slants downwards from the lofty ridge to the east.

Those who travel from Toulouse to Montpellier by the railway have their eyes attracted south to the snows and glaciers of the Pyrenees, and do not turn their heads to look north at the range that is so unassertive, sheltering itself behind the desolate Garrigues.

In 1894 I published a book, The Deserts of Central France, in which I described the great tableland high uplifted that lies in the penumbra of the great crescent, and I shall say nothing in this of the plateaux of Lot, Tarn, and Lozère, dealt with in the former work, but confine myself to the marginal range. Since M. Martel first drew attention to the gorges of the Tarn, and possibly due in a measure to my work, these gorges are becoming annually frequented more and more by tourists. However fine they may be, there are others in the departments of Ardèche, Gard, and Hérault, that fall but little, if at all, short of them in savagery and strangeness.

There are no great towns in the Cevennes. Such as there are are sleepy and stationary; but from Béziers, Montpellier, Nîmes, Le Puy, where every comfort may be found, it is easy to run into the mountains, and


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416 countries, vis: a free grant of lands "without money and without price." We all know that the British colonists at their first settlement here, (whether deriving title directly from the crown or the lords proprietors), received grants for considerations merely nominal.

The payment of a "penny," or a "pepper corn," was the stipulated price which our fathers along the whole Atlantic coast, now composed of the old thirteen states, paid for their lands; and even when conditions, seemingly more substantial, were annexed to the grants—such for instance as "settlement and cultivation,"—these were considered as substatially compiled with by the cutting down of a few trees and erecting a log cabin—the work of only a few days. Even these conditions very soon came to be considered as merely nominal, and were never required to be pursued in order to vest in the grantee the fee simple of the soil. Such was the system under which this country was originally settled, and under which the thirteen colonies flourished and grew up to that early and vigorous manhood, whnich enabled them in a few years to achieve their independence; and I beg gentlemen to recollect, and note the fact, that while they paid substantially nothing to the mother country, the whole profits of their industry were suffered to remain in their own hands. Now what, let us inquire, was the reason which has induced all nations to adopt this system in the settlement of the new countries? Can it be any oather than this—that it affords the only certain means of building up in a wilderness great and prosperous comunities? Was not that policy founded on the universal belief that the conquest of a new country, the driving out of "the savage beasts and still more savage men," cutting down and subduing the forest, and encountering all the hardships and privations necessarily incident to the conversion of the wilderness into cultvated fields, was worth the fee simple of the soil? And was it not believed that the mother country found ample remuneration for the value of the land so granted in the additions of her power, and the new sources of commerce and of wealth, furnished by prosperous and populous states? Now, sir, I submit to the candid consideration of gentlemen, whether the policy so diametrically opposite to this, which has been invariably pursued by the United States towards the new states in the west, has been quite so just and liberal, as we have been accustomed to believe. Certain it is, that the British colonies to the north of us, and the Spanish and French to the south and west, have been fostered and reared up under a very different system. Lands, which had been for fifty or a hundred years open to every settler, without any charge beyond the expense of the survey, were, the moment they fell into the hands of the United States, held up for sale at the highest price that a public auction, at the most favorable seasons, and not unfrequently a spirit of the wildest competition, could produce, with a limitation that they should never be sold below a certain minimum price: thus making it, as it would seem, the cardinal point of our policy, not to settle the country, and facilitate the formation of new states, but to fill our coffers by coining our lands into gold.

Let us consider, for a moment, Mr. President, the effect of these two opposite systems on the condition of a new state. I will take the state of Missouri, by way of example. Here is a large and fertile territory coming into the possession of the U. States without any inhabitants but Indians and wild beasts—a territory which it to be converted into a sovereign and independant state.—You commence your operations by surveying and selling out a portion of the lands, on long credits, to actual settlers; and, as the population progresses, you go on, year after year, making additional sales on the same terms; and this operation is to be continued, as gentlemen tell us, for fifty or a hundred years at least, if not for all time to come. The inhabitants of this new state, under such a system, must have commenced their operations under a load of debt, the annual payment of which must necessarily drain their country of the whole profits of their labor just so long as this system shall last. This debt is due, not from some citizens of the state to others of the same state—(in which case the money would remain in the country)—but it is due from the whole population of the state to the United States, by whom it is regularly drawn out, to be expended abroad. Sir, the amount of this debt, has, in every one of the new states, actually constantly exceeded the ability of the people to pay, as is proved by the fact that you have been compelled, from time to time, in your great liberality, to extend the credits, and in some instance even to remit portions of the debt, in order to protect our land debtors from bankruptcy and total ruin. Now, Mr. President, I will submit the question to any candid man, whether under this system, the people of a new state, so situated, could, by any industry or exertion, ever become rich and prosperous. What has been the consequence, sir? Almost universal poverty—no money—hardly a sufficient circulating medium for the ordinary exchanges of society—paper banks, relief laws, and the innumerable other evils, social, political, and moral, on which it is unnecessary for me to dwell. Sir, under a system by which a drain like this is constantly operating upon the wealth of the whole community, the country may be truly said to be afflicted with a curse which it has been well observed is more grievous to be borne "than the barrenness of the soil, and the inclemency of the seasons.

"It is said, sir, that we learn from our own misfortunes how to feel for the sufferings of others; and perhaps the present condition of the southern states has served to impress more deeply on my mind the grievious oppression of a system by which the wealth of a country is drained off to be expended elsewhere. In that devoted region, sir, in which my lot has been cast, it is our misfortune to stand in that relation to the federal government, which subjects us to a taxation, which it requires the utmost efforts of our industry to meet.

Nearly the whole amount of our contributions is expended abroad—we stand towards the United States in the relation of Ireland to England. The fruits of our labors are drawn from us to enrich other and more favored sections of the union, while, with one of the finest climates and the richest products in the world, furnishing, with one-third of the population, two-thirds of the whole exports of the country, we exhibit the extraordinary, the wonderful and painful spectacle of a country, enriched by the bounty of God, but blasted by the cruel policy of man. The rank grass grows in our streets; our very fields are scathed by the hand of injustice and oppression. Such, sir, though probably in a less degree, must have been the effects of a kindred policy on the fortunes of the west. It is not in the nature of things that it should have been otherwise.

Let gentlemen now pause and consider for a moment what would have been the probable effects of an opposite policy. Suppose, sir, a certain portion of the state of Missouri had been originally laid off and sold to actual settlers for the quit rent of "a pepper-corn," or even for a small price to be paid down in cash. Then, sir, all the money that was made in the country, would have remained in the country, and passing from hand to hand, would, like rich and abundant streams, flowing through the land, have adorned and fertilized the whole. Suppose, sir, that all the sales that have been effected had been made by the state, and that the proceeds had gone into the state treasury, to be returned back to the people in some of the various shapes in which a beneficient local government exerts its powers for the improvement of the conditions of the citizens. Who can say how much of wealth and prosperity, how much of improvement in science and arts, how much of individual and social happiness, whould have been diffused throughout the land! I have done, Mr. President, with this topic.

In coming to the consideration of the next great question—what ought to be the future policy of the government in relation to the public lands? we find the most opposite and irreconcileable opinions between the two parties which I have before described. On the one side, it is contended that the public land ought to be received as a permanent fund for revenue and future distribution among the states, while, on the other, it is insisted that the whole of these lands of right relong to, and ought to be relinquished to the states in which they lie. I shall proceed to throw out some ideas in relation to the proposed policy, that the public lands ought to be reserved for these purposes. It may be a question, Mr. President, how far it is possible to convert the public lands into a great source of revenue. Certain it is, that all the efforts heretofore made for this puropse have most signally


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 or thirteen, and shortly afterwards began to attend the ministry of the Rev. Mr. Clifton, puritan rector of Babworth. Notwithstanding the strong opposition of his relations and the scoffs of his neighbours, he joined the company of puritan separatists, or Brownists, who first met at the house of [q.v.] at Scrooby, Nottinghamshire, in 1606, and were presided over by Clifton. The community within a short period obtained considerable accessions, but, being threatened with persecution, resolved to remove to Holland. Bradford, along with the principal members of the party, entered into negotiations with a Dutch captain who agreed to embark them at Boston, but betrayed their intention to the magistrates, who sent some of them to prison, and compelled others to return to their homes. Bradford after several months' imprisonment succeeded, in the spring of the following year, in reaching Zealand, and joining his friends in Amsterdam, he became apprenticed to a French protestant who was engaged in the manufacture of silk. On coming of age he converted his estate in England into money, and entered into business on his own account, in which he is said to have been somewhat unsuccessful. About 1609 he removed with the community to Leyden, and when, actuated by a desire to live as Englishmen under English rule, they resolved to emigrate to some English colony, he was among the most zealous and active in the promotion of the enterprise. Their choice lay between Guinea and New England, and was finally decided in favour of the latter. By the assistance of Sir Edwin Sandys, treasurer, and afterwards governor of Virginia, a patent was granted them for a tract of country within that colony, and on 5 Sept. 1620 Bradford, with the first company of 'Pilgrim Fathers,' numbering in all a hundred men, women, and children, embarked for their destination in the Mayflower at Southampton. By stress of weather they were prevented landing within the territory of the Virginia Company, and finding themselves in a region beyond the patent, they drew up and signed a compact of government before landing at the harbour of Plymouth—already so named in Smith's map of 1616. Under this compact Carver was chosen the first governor, and on his death on 21 April 1621 the choice fell upon Bradford, who was elected every year continuously, with the exception of two intervals respectively of three years and two years at his own special request. This fact sufficiently indicates his paramount influence in the colony, an influence due both to the unselfishness and gentleness of his nature, and to his great practical abilities as a governor. Indeed, it was chiefly owing to his energy and forethought that the colony at the most critical period of its history was not visited by overwhelming disaster. Among the earliest acts of his administration was to send an embassy to confirm a league with the Indian sachem of Masassoit, who was revered by all the natives from Narragansett Bay to that of Massachusetts. Notwithstanding his friendship it was found necessary in 1622, on account of the threats of the sachem of Narragansett, to fortify the town, but no attack was made. Another plot entered into among certain chiefs to exterminate the English was, through the sachem of Masassoit, disclosed to Bradford, and on the advice of the sachem the ringleaders were seized and put to death. The friendship of the Indians, necessary as it was in itself, was also of the highest advantage on account of the threatened extinction of the colony by famine. The constant arrival of new colonists frequently reduced them almost to the starving point. The scarcity was increased by the early attempts at communism, and it was not till after an agreement that each family should plant for themselves on such ground as should be assigned them by lot, that they were relieved from the necessity of increasing their supplies of provisions by traffic with the Indians.

In 1629 a patent was obtained from the council of New England, vesting the colony in trust in William Bradford, his heirs, associates, and assigns, confirming their title to a certain tract of land, and conferring the power to frame a constitution and laws. In framing their laws, the model adopted by the colonists was primarily and principally the 'ancient platform of God's law,' and secondly the laws of England. At first the whole body of freemen assembled for legislative, executive, and judicial business, but in 1634 the governor and his assistants were constituted a judicial court, and afterwards the supreme judiciary. The first assembly of representatives met in 1639, and in the following year Governor Bradford, at their request, surrendered the patent into the hands of the general court, reserving to himself only his proportion as settler by previous agreement. He died on 9 May 1657. His first wife, Dorothy May, whom he married at Leyden on 20 Nov. 1613, was drowned at Cape Cod harbour on 7 Dec. 1620, and on 14 Aug. 1623 he married Alice Carpenter, widow of Edward Southworth, a lady with whom he had been previously acquainted in England, and who, at his request, had arrived in the colony with the view of being married to him. By his first marriage he had one son, and by his second two sons and a


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 daughter. His son William, by the second marriage (born on 17 June 1624, died on 20 Feb. 1703-4), was deputy-governor of the colony, and attained high distinction during the wars with the Indians.

Though not enjoying special educational advantages in early life, Bradford possessed more literary culture than was common among those of similar occupation to himself. He had some knowledge of Latin and Greek, and knew sufficient Hebrew to enable him to 'see with his own eyes the ancient oracles of God in their native beauty.' He was also well read in history and philosophy, and an adept in the theological discussion peculiar to the time. He employed much of his leisure in literary composition, but the only work of his which appeared in his lifetime was 'A Diary of Occurrences' during the first year of the colony, from their landing at Cape Cod on 9 Nov. 1620 to 18 Dec. 1621. This book, written in conjunction with Edward Winslow, was printed at London in 1622, with a preface signed by G. Mourt. The manuscripts he left behind him are thus referred to in a clause of his will: 'I commend unto your wisdom and discretion some small books written by my own hand, to be improved as you shall see meet. In special I commend to you a little book with a black cover, wherein there is a word to Plymouth, a word to Boston, and a word to New England.' These books are all written in verse, and in the Cabinet of the Historical Society of Massachusetts there is a transcript copy of these verses which bears date 1657. It contains (1) 'Some observations of God's merciful dealings with us in this wilderness,' published first in a fragmentary form in 1794 in vol. iii. 1st series, pp. 77-84, of the 'Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society,' by Belknap, among whose papers the fragment of the original manuscript was found, and in 1858 presented to the society; published in complete form in the 'Proceedings' of the society, 1869-70, pp. 465-78; (2) 'A Word to Plymouth,' first published in 'Proceedings,' 1869-70, pp. 478-82; (3) and (4) 'Of Boston in New England,' and 'A Word to New England,' published in 1838 in vol. vii., 3rd series of the 'Collections;' (5) 'Epitaphium Meum,' published in Morton's 'Memorial,' pp. 264-5 of Davis's edition; and (6) a long piece in verse on the religious sects of New England, which has never been published. In 1841 Alexander Young published 'Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers of the Colony of Plymouth from 1602 to 1625,' containing, in addition to other tracts, the following writings belonging to Bradford: (1) A fragment of his 'History of the Plymouth Plantation,' including the history of the community before its removal to Holland down to 1620, when it set sail for America, printed from a manuscript in the records of the First Church, Plymouth, in the handwriting of Secretary Morton, with the inscription, 'This was originally penned by Mr. Wm. Bradford, governor of New Plymouth;' (2) the 'Diary of Occurrences' referred to above, first printed 1622, again in an abridged form by Purchas 1625, in the fourth volume of his 'Pilgrims,' thus reprinted 1802 in vol. viii. of the Massachusetts Historical Society 'Collections,' and the portions omitted in the abridgment reprinted with a number of errors in vol. xix. of the 'Collections,' from a manuscript copy of the original made at Philadelphia; (3) 'A. Dialogue or the Sum of a Conference between some young men born in New England and sundry ancient men that came out of Holland and Old England,' 1648, printed from a complete copy in the records of the First Church, Plymouth, into which it was copied by Secretary Morton, but existing also in a fragmentary form in the handwriting of Bradford in the Cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical Society; (4) a 'Memoir of Elder Brewster,' also copied by Morton from the original manuscript into the church records; (5) a fragment of Bradford's letter-book, containing letters to him, rescued from a grocer's shop in Halifax, the earlier and more valuable part having been destroyed. Bradford was the author of two other dialogues or conferences, of which the second has apparently perished, but the third, 'concerning the church and government thereof,' having the date 1652, was found in 1826 among some old papers taken from the remains of Mr. Prince's collection, belonging to the old South Church of Boston, and published in the 'Proceedings' of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 1869-70, pp. 406-64. Copies of several of his letters were published in the 'Collections' of the Massachusetts Historical Society, vol. iii. 1st series, pp. 27-77, and his letters to John Winthrop in vol.vi. 4th series, pp. 156-61. The manuscripts of Bradford were made use of by Morton, Prince, and Hutchinson for their historical works, and are the principal authorities for the early history of the colony. Besides the manuscripts already mentioned, they had access to a connected 'History of the Plymouth Plantation,' by Bradford, which at one time existed in Bradford's own handwriting in the New England Library, but was supposed to have been lost during the war with England. In Anderson's 'History of the Colonial Church,' published in 1848, the manuscript was referred to as 'now in the


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14 return from them to recruit. Hotels are vastly improved of late years owing to the insistence of the Touring Club on the sanitary arrangements being at least decent, which they were not ten years ago.

Enough has been said to show that the Cevennes abound in scenes of great beauty, and that they are of special interest to geologists. They are interesting in another way. The limestone hills are overgrown with aromatic herbs, mint, marjoram, thyme, sage, lavender, rosemary, so as to be veritable spice mountains over which the warm air wafts fragrance. The shrubs and trees present to our eyes, familiar with northern vegetation, an unfamiliar appearance. They are for the most part evergreens, where the chestnuts do not spread in forests, or the mulberry is not cultivated for silkworm culture.

For the geology of the volcanic district of Haute Loire and Ardèche, an excellent guide is Mr. Paulett Scrope's Geology and Extinct Volcanoes in Central France, London, second edition, 1858.

Lovers of the writings of Robert Louis Stevenson know his Travels with a Donkey in the Cevennes–a delightful book, but dealing very little with the Cevennes proper, mainly with the Upper Gévaudan, and with that portion of Lozère threaded by the Tarn, and with neither of these do I deal in this volume.


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Rh failed. The harshness, if not injustice of the proceeding, puts those upon whom it is to operate upon the alert to contrive methods of evading and counteracting our policy; and hundreds of schemes, in the shape of appropriations of lands for roads, canals, and schools, grants to actual settlers, &c. are resorted to for the purpose of controlling our operations. But sir, let us take it for granted that we shall be able, hereafter, to resist these applications, and to reserve the whole of our lands, for fifty or a hundred years, or for all time to come, to furnish a great fund for permanent revenue, it is desirable that we should do so? Will it promote the welfare of the United States to have at our disposal a permanent treasury, not drawn from the pockets of the people, but to be derived from a source independent of them? Would it be safe to confide such a treasure to the keeping of our national rulers? to expose them to the temptations inseperable from the direction and control of a fund which might be enlarged or diminished almost at pleasure, without imposing burthens upon the people? Sir, I may be singular, perhaps I stand alone here in the opinion, but it is one I have long entertained, that one of the greatest safeguards of liberty is a jealous watchfulness, on the part of the people, over the collection and expenditure of the public money—a watchfulness that can only be secured where the money is drawn by taxation directly from the pockets of the people. Every scheme or contrivance by which rulers are able to procure the command of money, by means unknown to, unseen, or unfelt by, the people, destroys this security. Even the revenue system of this country, by which the whole of our pecuniary resources are derived from indirect taxation—from duties upon imports—has done much to weaken the responsibility of our federal rulers to the people, and has made them, in some measure, careless of their rights, and regardless of the high trust committed to their care. Can any man believe sir, that if $23,000,000 per annum were now levied by direct taxation, or by an apportionment of the same among the states, instead of being raised by an indirect tax, of the severe effect of which few are aware, that the waste and extravagance, of the unauthorized imposition of duties, and appropriations of money for unconstitutional objects, would have been tolerated for a single year? My life upon it, sir, they would not. I distrust therefore sir, the policy of creating a great permanent national treasury, whether, to be derived from public lands or from any source. If I had, sir, the powers of a magician, and could, by a wave of my hand, convert this capitol into gold for such a purpose, I would not do it. If I could, by a mere act of my will, put at the disposal of the federal government any amount of treasure which I might think proper to name, I should limit the amount to the means necessary for the legitimate purposes of the government. Sir, an immense national treasury would be a fund for corruption. It would enable congress and the executive to exercise a control over states, as well as over great interests in the country—nay, even over corporations and individuals, utterly destructive of the purity, and fatal to the duration of our institutions. It would be equally fatal to the sovereignty and independence of the states.

Sir, I am one of those who believe that the very life of our system is the independence of the states; and that there is no evil more to be deprecated than the consideration of this government. It is only by a strict adherence to the limitations imposed by the constitution on the federal government, that this system works well, and can answer the great ends for which it was instituted. I am opposed, therefore, in any shape, to all unnecessary extension of the powers or the influence of the legislature or executive of the union of the states; and, most of all, I am opposed to those partial distributions of favors whether by legislation or appropriation, which has a direct and powerful tendency to spread corruption through the land—to create an abject spirit of dependence—to sow the seeds of dissolution—to produce jealousy among the different portions of the union, and, finally, to sap the very foundations of the government itself.

But, sir, there is another purpose, to which it has been supposed the public lands can be applied still more objectionable. I mean that suggested in a report from the treasury department, under the late administration, of so regulating the disposition of the public lands as to create and preserve in certain quarters of the union a population suitable for conducting great manufacturing establishments. It is supposed, sir, by the advocates of the American system, that the great obstacle to the progress of manufactures in this country is the want of that low and degraded population which infest the cities and towns of Europe, who having no other means of subsistence, will work for the lowest wages, and be satisfied with the smallest possible share of human enjoyment.—And this difficulty it is proposed to overcome, by so regulating and limiting the sales of the public lands as to prevent the drawing off this portion of the population from the manufacturing states. Sir, it is bad enough that the government should presume to regulate the industry of man—it is sufficiently monstrous that they should attempt, by arbitrary legislation, artificially to adjust and balance the various pursuits of society, and to "organize the whole labor and capital of the country."

But what shall we say of the resort to such means for these purposes! What! create a manufactury of paupers in order to enable the rich proprietors of woollen and cotton factories to amass wealth? From the bottom of my soul do I abhor and detest the idea that the powers of the federal government should ever be prostituted for such purpose. Sir, I hope we shall act on a more just and liberal system of policy. The people of America are, and ought to be, for a century to come, essentially an agricultural people; and I can conceive of no policy that can possibly be pursued in relation to the public lands, none that would be more "for the common benefit of all the states," than to use them as the means of furnishing a secure asylum to that class of our fellow citizens, who, in any portion of the country, may find themselves unable to procure a comfortable subsistence by the means immediately within their reach. I would by a just and liberal system, convert into great and flourishing communities that entire class of persons, who would otherwise be paupers in your streets, and outcasts in society, and by so doing, you will but fulfil the great trust which has been confideded to yhour care.

Sir, there is another scheme in relation to the public lands, which as it addresses itself to the interested and selfish feelings of our nature, will doubtless find many advocates. I mean the distribution of the public lands among the states, according to some ratio hereafter to be settled. Sir, this system of distribution is, in all its shapes, liable to many and powerful objections.—I will not go into them at this time, because the subject has recently undergone a thorough discussion in the other house, and because, from present in the other house, and because, from present indications, we shall shortly have up the subject here. "Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof."

I come now to the claims set up by the west to these lands. The first is, that they have a full and perfect legal and constitutional right to all the lands within their respective limits. This claim was set up for the first time only a few years ago, and has been advocated on this floor by the gentlemen from Alabama and Indiana with great zeal and ability. Without having paid much attention to this point, it has appeared to me that this claim is untenable.

I shall not stop to enter into the argument further than to say, that by the very terms of the grants under which the United States have acquired these lands, the absolute property in the soil is vested in them, and must, it would seem, continue so until the lands shall be sold or otherwise disposed of. I can easily conceive that it may be extremely inconvenient, nay highly injurious to a state, to have immense bodies of land within her chartered limits, locked up from sale and settlement, withdrawn from the power of taxation and contributing in no respect to her wealth and prosperity. But tho' this state of things may present strong claims on the federal government for the adoption of a liberal policy towards the new states, it cannot affect the question of legal or constitutional right. Believing that this claim, on the part of the west, will never be recognised by the federal government, I must regret that it has been urged, as I think it will have no other effect than to create a prejudice against the claims of the new states.

But, sir, there has been another much more fruitful source of prejudice. I mean the demands constantly made from the west for partial appropriations of the public lands for local objects. I am astonished that


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418  from the western country have not perceived the tendency of such a course to rivet on them for ever the system which they consider so fatal to their interests. We have been told, in the course of this debate, of the painful and degrading office which the gentlemen from that quarter are compelled to perform in coming here year after year, in the character of petitioners for these, petty favors. The gentleman from Missouri tells us, "if they were not goaded on by their necessities, they would never consent to be beggars at our doors." Sir, their course in this respect, let me say to those gentlemen, it greatly injurious to the west. While they shall continue to ask and gratefully to receive these petty and partial appropriations, they will be kept for ever in a state of dependence. Never will the federal government, or rather those who control its operations, consent to emancipate the west by adopting a wise and just policy, looking to any final disposition of the public lands, while the people of the west can be kept in subjection and dependence by occasional donations of these lands; and never will the western states themselves assume their just and equal station among their sisters of the union, while they are constantly looking to congress for favors and gratuities.

What, then, Mr. President, is our true policy on this important subject? I do not profess to have formed any fixed or settled opinions, in relation to it. The time has not yet arrived when that question must be decided; and I must reserve for further lights, and more mature reflection, the formation of a final judgment. The public debt must be first paid. For this, these lands have been solemnly pledged to the public creditors. This done, which, if there be no interference with the sinking fund, will be effected in three or four years, the question will then be fairly open, to be disposed of as congress and the country may think just and proper. Without attempting to indicate precisely what our policy ought then to be, I will, in the same spirit which has induced me to throw out the desultory thoughts which I have not presented to the senate, sugest for consideration, whether it will not be sound policy and true wisdom, to adopt a system of measures looking to the final relinquishment of these lands, on the part of the United States, to the states in which they lie, on such terms and conditions as may fully indemnify us for the cost of the original purchase, and all the trouble and expense to which we may have been put on their account. Giving up the plan of using these lands for ever as a fund either for revenue or distribution—ceasing to hug them as a great treasure—renouncing the idea of administering them with a view to regulate and control the industry and population of the states, or of keeping in subjection and dependence the states, or the people of any portion of the union, the task will be comparatively easy of striking out a plan for the final adjustment of the land question on just and equitable principles. Perhaps, sir, the lands ought not to be entirely relinquished to any state until she shall have made considerable advances in population and settlement. Ohio has probably already reached that condition? The relinquishment may be made by a sale to the state at a fixed price, which I will not say should be nominal; but certainly I should not be disposed to fix the amount so high as to keep the states for any length of time in the debt of the United States.

In short, Mr. President, our whole policy in relation to the public lands may perhaps be summed up in the declaration with which I set out, that they ought not to be kept and retained for ever as a great treasure, but that they should be administered chiefly with a view to the creation, within reasonable periods, of great and flourishing communities, to be formed into free and independent states—to be invested in due season with the control of all the lands within their respective limits.

TWENTY-FIRST CONGRESS 1ST SESSION, SENATE. February 4. L. Ii. Tuzeiv 11, from Va. appeared and took bis seat. A large number of'pi titions, memorial i, Sec. were presented anil referred, and many reports received from committees. The vice president laid before the senate a letter, Ir msmitting abstracts of the returns of the militia of the U. States, as required by the act of the 2d March, 1803, ec in addition to an act, entitled an act more effectually to provide for the national defence, by establishing a uniI'oii militia throughout the U. States. 1 ' The vice presiden' also laid before the senate a report hiei engineer, showing the result of an examination of the route for a road from Washington to Fredericktown. by way of Newmarket, and also of the route I', way of tiockville. Several private bills which originated in the senate were ordered to be engrossed for a third reading, as was the bill "To authorize the president of the United States to divide Indian agencies in certain cases." [it authorizes the president, at discretion, where the same person is agent to two different tribes, or hands, or pans of the same tribe, to divide the agency and appoint an agent to each; provided the sums allowed to each, shall not exceed the sum allowed to the original agent 1 The senate resumed the consideration of thfe motion of i'>lv- Foot, in relation to further surveys and sales ot the public lands. Mr. Rowan rose and addressed the senate about two hours, and then the senate adjourned. February 5. A number of petitions were presented, among then several on the subject of Sunday mails. Mr. Grundy moved to lake up his resolution, suspi tiding the subscription to Gales Js Seaton's proposed publication of do< uments, and that it be referred to the committee on the contingent fund. Mr. Chambers moved for a special committee. < i i i - fe rente to the committee on the contingent fund—, noes 21. So tee motion was rejected. Mr. Woodbury rained the library committee, and it was r ferred to that committee, with all the documents relating to the subject. Aj es 20, noes 1 8. The chair presented a letter relative to a new application of power to rail roads, which was laid on the table. The chair submitted a report from the secretary of the treasury, containing the annual statement ol the foreign commerce of the United Stales. Mr. Chambers presented the petition of Gales ic Seaton, which was referred to the committee on tire library. The resolution offered by Mr. Foot, was taken up, and on motion, postponed until Monday. The following among other bills, principally ofaprirati character, were passed to a third reading. To alter the time of holding the circuit court of the United States for the district of Maryland; To authorize surveyors, under the direction of Ihe secretary of the treasury, to enroll or license ships or vessels employed, in the fisheries or the coasting trade, in certain cases; Authorising the accounting officers of the treasury to pay to the state of Pennsylvania, a debt due to that state. Adjourned. February 8. Mr. Livingston offered the following resolution. Resolved, That the committee on military affairs be instructed to inquire into the expediency of revising the laws impo:ng penalties for military offences, and that they particularly inquire into the expediency of abolishing the punishments of deaths fur the crime of desertion in time of peace, and providing some other penalty for the offence, [Agreed to next day.] Mr. Ellis communicated the credentials of Robert 11. Adams, appoint d a senator by the legislature of the pi, t i supply the vacancy occasioned I In lb death of Thomas It. Reed, which were read, and Mr. Adams I eing qualified took his seat. The following written message was received from the president of the United States, by Mr. Donelson, his j private secretary. To the senate of the United States: herewith communicate to the senate a letter from li.e; secretary of war, with ihe papers which accompany it, in ansu er to the resolution of the senate of the 2d Feb. requesting "so much of a report received from ihe officer! of Ihe United States army who had command of ihe deI tachment for the protection of the caravan of traders to ] Santa Fc, of New Mexico, during the last summer, as I may be proper to be made public and material to be


text:
Author:Samuel Wilberforce

Works

 * History of the Protestant Episcopal Church of America
 * Life of William Wilberforce London, 1838
 * Correspondence of W. Wilberforce London, 1840.

title: Author:Samuel Wilberforce


text:
Author:Alexander Ross Clarke

Works

 * (in part)
 * (in part)
 * (Projections: in part)

title: Author:Alexander Ross Clarke


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Niles' Weekly Register/Volume 37

 * /Number 25/ (February 13, 1830)
 * Front Matter
 * Bank of the United States
 * State of Maine
 * Mr. Wickliffe's Resolutions
 * Debate in the Senate
 * Twenty-First Congress - 1st Session

 * /Number 26/ (February 20, 1830)
 * Front Matter
 * Twenty-First Congress - 1st Session
 * Appointment by the President
 * Commerce and navigation of the U.S.
 * Debate in the Senate

title: Niles' Weekly Register/Volume 37


text: Niles' Weekly Register/Volume 37/Number 25/Debate in the Senate


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Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 4, 1893.djvu/336

 SZÉKELY TALES.

HE south-eastern part of the Hungarian territory, better known as Transylvania, is inhabited by many a remnant of the old nationalities which played so important a rôle in the Middle Ages. The migration of the Turanian peoples from their homes in the East followed certain distinct routes by which one after the other invaded Europe. Two at least of these routes lead through the Carpathian mountains, one from the south and one from the north: the first through Wallachia (nowadays Roumania), the other through Moldavia.

As soon as one of those ancient tribes was dislodged from their seat by the tribes that attacked them, and they in their turn were also pushed westwards, they invariably took to one of those routes. These offered a double advantage: first they formed the easiest access to the rich countries behind, and, on the other hand, they formed "natural fortresses", easily to be defended against new invaders. Transylvania, a mountainous country, is also very rich in fastnesses, to which the dwellers of the plain could retreat when overwhelmed by the enemy. Such fastnesses exist in great numbers, and are almost impregnable. Hence the peculiar mixture of nationalities that are crowded into that small space of territory, and yet have been able to maintain their independence of character, language, and even religion.

One of the three recognised nationalities (at a Diet sitting in the sixteenth century) is the mysterious nationality of the Székelyek. The other two separate nations were the Hungarians, and the German Saxons, settled there as colonists in the thirteenth century. Of the unrecognised


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Rh thereof, as exhibited in the preceding annual statement for the year 1827, with notes in relation to the increase of the registered and enrolled tonnage, respectively, in the year 1828. By this statement it appears that the total amount of vessels built in the several districts of the United States, during the year 1828, was

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant, T. L. SMITH, register.

''Hon. Saml. D. Ingham, secretary of the treasury.''

[Gross amount of tonnage, after the correction of the lists in 1818 1,225,184 tons.

The amount has been increased every year, until it has reached the aggregate of 1,706,259 tons.

Shewing an increase of 481,055 tons in ten years, or of thirty three per cent.

In the tariff year of 1824 the amount was 1,589,163 tons. In 1825 1,706,239

Is commerce destroyed—or do the merchants and others build ships that they may rot without being used? Note added by the editors of the Register.]

DEBATE IN THE SENATE.

January 20.

Mr. Foot's resolution being under consideration,

Mr. Webster, of Massachusetts, said, on rising, that [nothing had been further from his intention, than to take any part in the discussion of this resolution. It proposed only an inquiry on a subject of much importance, and one in regard to which it might strike the mind of the mover, and of other gentlemen, that inquiry and investigation would be useful. Although (said Mr. W.)] I am one of those who do not perceive any particular utility in instituting the inquiry, I have nevertheless, not seen that harm would be likely to result from adopting the resolution. Indeed, it gives no new powers, and hardly imposes any new duty on the committee. All that the resolution proposes should be done, the committee is quite competent, without the resolution, to do by virtue of its ordinary powers. But, sir, though I have felt quite indifferent about the passing of the resolution, yet opinions were expressed yesterday on the general subject of the public lands, and on some other subjects, by the gentleman from South Carolina, so widely different from my own, that I am not willing to let the occasion pass without some reply. If I deemed the resolution as originally proposed hardly necessary, still less do I think it either necessary or expedient to adopt it, since a second branch has been added to it today. By this second branch, the committee is to be instructed to inquire whether it be expedient to adopt measures to hasten the sales, and extend more rapidly the surveys of the public lands.

Now it appears, that, in forty years, Mr. President, we have sold no more than about twenty millions of acres of public lands. The annual sales do not now exceed, and never have exceeded, one millions of acres. A million a year is, according to our experience, as much as the increase of population can bring into settlement. And, it appears, also, that we have, at this moment, sir, surveyed and in the market, ready for sale, two hundred and ten millions of acres, or thereabouts. All this vast mass, at this moment, lies on our hands, for mere want of purchasers. Can any man, looking to the real interests of the country and the people, seriously think of inquiring, whether we ought not still faster to hasten the public surveys, and to bring, still more and more rapidly, other vast quantities into the market? The truth is, that rapidly as population has increased, the surveys have, nevertheless, out-ran out wants. There are more lands than purchasers. They are now sold a low prices, and taken up as fast as the increase of people furnishes hands to take them up. It is obvious, that no artificial regulation, no forcing of sales, no giving away of the lands even, can produce any great and sudden augmentation of population. The ratio of increase, though great, has yet its bounds. Hands for labor are multiplied only at a certain rate. The lands cannot be settled but by settlers; nor faster than settlers can be found. A system, if now adopted, of forcing sales, at whatever prices, may have the effect of throwing large quantities into the hands of individuals, who would, in this way, in time, become themselves competitors with the government in the sale of land. My own opinion has uniformly been, that the public lands should be offered freely, and at low prices, so as to encourage settlement and cultivation as rapidly as the increasing population of the country is competent to extend settlement and cultivation.

Every actual settler should be able to buy good land, at a cheap rate; but, on the other hand, speculation by individuals, on a large scale, should not be encouraged; nor should the value of all lands, sold or unsold, be reduced to nothing, by throwing new and vast quantities into the market at prices merely nominal.

I now proceed, sir, to some of the opinions expressed by the gentleman from South Carolina. Two or three topics were touched by him, in regard to which he expressed sentiments in which I do not at all concur.

In the first place, sir, the honorable gentleman spoke of the whole course and policy of the government, towards those who have purchased and settled the public lands; and seemed to think this policy wrong. He held it to have been, from the first, hard and rigorous; he was of opinion that the United States had acted towards those who subdued the western wilderness, in the spirit of a step-mother; that the public domain, had been improperly regarded as a source of revenue; and that we had rigidly compelled payment for that which ought to have been given away. He said we ought to have followed the analogy of other governments, which had acted on a much more liberal system than ours, in planting colonies. He dwelt, particularly, upon the settlement of America by colonists from Europe; and reminded us, that their governments had not exacted from those colonists payment for the soil, and he lamented that we had not followed that example, and pursued the same liberal course towards our own emigrants to the west.

Now, sir, I deny, altogether, that there has been anything harsh or severe in the policy of the government towards the new states of the west. On the contrary, I maintain, that it has uniformly pursued, towards those states, a liberal and enlightened system, such as its own duty allowed and requries; and such as their interests and welfare demanded. The government has been no step-mother to the new states. She has not been careless of their interests, nor deaf to their requests, but from the first moment, when the territories which now form those states were ceded to the union, down to the time in which I am now speaking, it has been the invariable object of the government, to dispose of the soil, according to the true spirit of the obligation under which it received it; to hasten its settlement and cultivation, as far and as fast as practicable; and to rear the new communities into equal and independent states, at the earliest moment of their being able, by their numbers, to form a regular government.

I do not admit, sir, that the analogy to which the gentleman refers us, is just, or that the cases are at all similar. There is no resemblance between the cases upon which a statesman can found an argument. The original North American colonists either fled from Europe, like our New England ancestors, to avoid persecution, or came hither at their own charges, and often at the ruin of their fortunes, as private adventurers. Generally speaking, they derived neither succour nor protection from their governments at home. Wide, indeed, is the difference between those cases and ours. From the very origin of the government, these western lands, and the just protection of those who had settled or should settle


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 Rh nationalities, I mention the Wallachians, who were afterwards reduced to serfs.

The Székelyek were therefore recognised as totally differing from the Hungarians, forming a nationality apart. They must have had a language of their own, as they had a distinct separate administration and organization.

Various theories have been advanced in order to solve the problem of the origin of the Székelyek. According to one theory they are identical with the Hungarians, and belong to the Finno-Altaic group; according to another they belong to the Turko-Tartar tribes of families. It is this latter which seems to be the more probable. I am inclined to see in them the remnants, not of the Avars (Huns is too collective a name to designate a special family), but of the Cumans and of the Hazars, both undoubtedly Turko-Tartar tribes. The Cumans had occupied Wallachia of to-day for many centuries, until the wave of new-comers swept them across the Carpathians. Cuman districts were known to exist in Hungary for a very long time, and only in the last century died the last man who spoke Cumanian. The Hazars were the next to follow, and these, as can be shown by documentary evidence, held very high positions among the Hungarians, whom they preceded in the invasion of Pannonia. Other minor elements, driven thither by the fury of the succeeding invasions, may have been absorbed into that new community that arose in the fastness of Transylvania. Out of these grew the Székelyek, who held their own for centuries, often waging war with the Saxons, Wallachians, and Turks. Nowadays they also have succumbed to the influence of the dominant race, and have become almost entirely Hungarians, considering themselves, and being considered too by others, as the aristocratic and racially pure representatives of the ancient Hungarians. Their folk-lore is, therefore, of the highest interest to the student of ethnopsychology. If the boast of the Székelyek be true, one