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Rh either erected by Umayyad architects on Byzantine and Persian patterns or restored by them. Some no doubt were originally Roman fortresses. Many caliphal residences evidently had walled gardens in which wild game was kept for hunting.

For fully half a century after the conquest of Syria Moslems worshipped in converted churches and erected no special mosques. In Damascus they divided not the church itself, as tradition states, but the sacred enclosure. All Damascene worshippers entered through the same gate ; the Christians turned left and the Moslems right. The principal mosques of Hamah, Horns and Aleppo were originally Christian places of worship. First among the mosques built in Syria was the Dome of the Rock in Jeru- salem, erected in 691 by Abd-al-Malik. His purpose may have been to divefTthe current of Syrian pilgrimage from Mecca, then in an anti-caliph's hands, and to outshine the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and Christian cathedrals of Syria. To this end Abd-al-Malik employed native archi- tects and artisans trained in the Byzantine school. The bronze doors, decorated with incrustation in silver — a dis- tinguished achievement of Byzantine artists — are among the oldest dated ones of their kind. Tiles and mosaics were lavishly used in the original structure and later in its renova- tion. East of this edifice stands an elegant small cupola called the Dome of the Chain, which served as a treasure house for the Rock.

Next in chronology and importance was the Umayyad Mosque of Damascus. It was not until 705 that al-Walid I seized the Cathedral of St. John the Baptist and converted it into this mosque, one of the sublimest places of worship in the world. Persian, Indian, Greek and Syrian craftsmen laboured for seven years to create its multicoloured mosaics and its murals of gold and precious stones. Rare marbles adorn its upper walls and ceiling. On its north side stands the oldest purely Moslem minaret in existence, while the two Rh


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Rh on the south side stand on earlier church towers. The indigenous Syrian type of minaret, a plain square structure, is clearly descended from the watch or church tower. The slender, tapering, round style, reminiscent of classical Roman columns, was a later adoption by the Turks, who introduced it into Syria as exemplified at Horns.

Al-Walid I, greatest among Umayyad builders, was also responsible for rebuilding the mosque of Medina, enlarging and beautifying that of Mecca and erecting in Syria a number of schools, hospitals and places of worship. In his reign, peaceful and opulent, whenever people in Damascus got together — according to Arab historians — fine build- ings formed the chief topic of conversation.

In the palaces and mosques left by the Umayyads the harmonization of Arabian, Persian, Syrian and Greek elements is accomplished and the resultant synthesis called Moslem art makes its debut. The Arabian element is end- less repetition of small units to which one could add or from which he could subtract without materially affecting the whole. The columns of the Cordova mosque illustrate the point. The motif suggests the monotony of the desert, the seemingly endless rows of trunks of date palms in an oasis or the legs of a caravan of camels. The Persians contributed delicacy, elegance, multicolour. In Umayyad Syria the ancient Semitic and the intruding Greek elements and motifs were reconciled and pressed into the permanent service of Islam.

Hisham's four successors were incompetent even if not dissolute and degenerate. Corruption was widespread. The eunuch system, inherited from Byzantium and Persia, was now assuming large proportions and facilitating the harem institution. Increased wealth brought in its wake a super- abundance of slaves, and both resulted in general indulgence in luxurious living. Nor was the moral turpitude limited to high classes. The vices of civilization, including wine, women and song, had evidently seized upon the sons of the Rh

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Rh desert and were now beginning to sap their vitality.

Disturbances in the provinces, dissatisfaction among the South Arabians, who formed the bulk of the Arab popula- tion of Syria and who had steadfastly supported the Umay- yad dynasty, and family feuds led 10 the murder of al-Walid II, the death of his cousin Yazid III and the abdication of Yazid's brother Ibrahim — all within the year 744. A distant cousin, Marwan II, was installed as caliph, but anarchy was on the march throughout the whole domain. An Umayyad claimant arose in Syria, a Kharijite one rebelled in Iraq and leaders in Khurasan refused to acknow- ledge the caliph's authority. Marwan moved his seat of government to Harran, where he could rely upon North Arabian support and deal more effectively with his two worst enemies — the Alids and the Abbasids.

To the Shiites the Umayyads were but ungodly usurpers who had perpetrated an unforgivable, unforgettable wrong against Ali and his descendants. As the focus of popular sympathy, their camp gradually became the rallying point of the dissatisfied, politically, socially and economically. The Iraqis nurtured a grudge against the Syrians for depriving them of the seat of the caliphate. Sunnite pietists joined the band of critics who charged the house of Umayyah with worldliness, secularism and indifference to koranic law. The Abbasids likewise took advantage of the general chaotic condition to press their own claim to the throne, based on the nearness of their kinship to Muhammad as compared with the Umayyads'.

Another factor that entered into the situation was the discontent felt by non-Arabian Moslems in general and Persian Moslems in particular because of the treatment accorded them by Arabian Moslems. Far from being granted the equality promised by Islam, these neophytes were actually reduced to inferior status, and sometimes were not even granted exemption from the capitation tax. The resentment reached its height in Persia, whose more ancient Rh


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Rh and venerable culture was acknowledged even by the Arabians. The soil of Khurasan in the north-east proved especially fertile for the germination of Shiite doctrine, but decisive leadership was furnished by the Abbasid claimant, abu-al-Abbas Abdullah, a master of propaganda.

Actual revolt began in Khurasan in 747 under the Abbasid agent abu-Muslim, a freedman of obscure origin. At the head of an army of South Arabians he seized Merv and other Persian cities while Marwan was kept busy by a rebellion in Syria and a Kharijite revolt in Iraq. Kufah fell in 749, and abu-al-Abbas was proclaimed caliph. A final decisive battle in January 750 was won by the Abbasids, and Marwan fled to Egypt. Of the towns of Syria, only Damascus put up the semblance of a fight. A few days of siege were enough to reduce the proud capital. Marwan was captured and killed, as were almost all survivors of the Umayyad house except a grandson of Hisham named Abd-al-Rahman.

After an odyssey of some five years, fraught with danger, Abd-al-Rahman reached Spain and established himself in 756 as the undisputed master of the peninsula. For capital he chose Cordova, which blossomed into the seat of a new kingdom and a brilliant culture. Abd-al-Rahman endeavoured to fashion his state after that of Damascus. He inaugurated an enlightened, beneficent regime, which on the whole conducted itself in the best tradition of its Damascene predecessors. Fourteen years before his arrival a Syrian army of twenty-seven thousand sent by Hisham had established itself in military fiefs throughout the principal districts of south-eastern Spain. Climatic and other physical similarities helped to make the newcomers feel at home. As the Syrians conquered the land, Syrian songs, poetry and art conquered the people of the land. From Spain and Portugal several of these cultural elements were later introduced into the New World. Arab geographers began to refer to Spain as a Syrian province, but meanwhile Syria itself had been reduced to an Abbasid province. Rh


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bid and the peculiar, and of radicalism in politics, Lady Eastlake developed into a typical English grande dame, serene and easy in manner, intellectual and courageous, impervious to bores, highly esteemed and looked up to in the best society in London for wellnigh fifty years.

A portrait after Sir William Boxall, R.A., is prefixed to the 'Journals and Correspondence of Lady Eastlake,' edited by her nephew, Charles Eastlake Smith, 1895, 2 vols.

[Journals and Correspondence, 1895; Times, 3 Oct. 1893; Guardian, 7 Oct. 1893; Kugler's Handbook (ed. Layard), 1887, Introd.; Smiles's A Publisher and his Friends, 1891, ii. 441; Mrs. Gaskell's Life of Charlotte Brontë; Shorter's Charlotte Brontë and her Circle; Allibone's Dict. of Engl. Lit.; Lady Eastlake's Works.]  EBURY,. [See Grosvenor, Robert (1801-1893) (DNB01), 1801–1893.]  EDERSHEIM, ALFRED (1825–1889), biblical scholar, was born at Vienna of Jewish parents on 7 March 1825. His father, Marcus Edersheim, a banker and a man of culture and wealth, had come originally from Holland. His mother, Stéphanie Beifuss, was a member of a well-known Frankfort family. As a boy he was of precocious intellect, and his father's position gave him many educational advantages. His complete mastery of English, for example, was due largely to the fact that it was the language commonly used in his father's family.

As a youth he was educated partly in the gymnasium, partly in the Jewish school in connection with the synagogue, until, in 1841, he entered as a student in the university of Vienna. Before, however, he had completed his course here, ruin overtook his father, and he was thrown on his own resources. He journeyed to Pesth, supported himself by giving lessons in languages, and made the acquaintance of Dr. John Duncan (1796–1870) [q. v.] and other presbyterian ministers, who were acting at the time as chaplains to the Scottish workmen engaged in constructing the bridge over the Danube. Under their influence he embraced Christianity, accompanied Dr. Duncan on his return to Scotland, studied theology both in Edinburgh and also (under Hengstenberg, Neander, and others) in Berlin, and in 1846 entered the presbyterian ministry. Shortly afterwards he travelled abroad, and for a year preached as a missionary to Jews and Germans at Jassy in Roumania. Here he made the acquaintance of Mary Broomfield, who, after his return to Scotland, became in 1848 his wife. As preacher at a large church in Aberdeen Edersheim was peculiarly successful, and he was soon appointed minister of the free church, Old Aberdeen. Here he remained for twelve years, during which time he translated into English several German theological works, wrote his ‘History of the Jewish Nation from the Fall of Jerusalem to the Reign of Constantine the Great’ (1856), and contributed to the ‘Athenæum’ and other periodicals.

In the winter of 1860–1 his health took him to Torquay, where he lost his first wife, and where also he subsequently married Sophia, daughter of Admiral John Hancock, C.B. Through his influence the presbyterian church of St. Andrew was built at Torquay, and he became its first minister. In 1872, his health continuing poor, he decided to retire from active work and devote himself to literature; accordingly he resigned his charge at Torquay and removed to Bournemouth. In 1874 he published ‘The Temple: its Ministry and Services at the Time of Jesus Christ,’ a work which, by bringing him the friendship of Dr. George Williams (author of ‘The Holy City’), led in 1875 to his taking orders in the English church. From 1876 to 1882 he held the country living of Loders, near Bridport, in Dorsetshire. Here he wrote his opus magnum, ‘The Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah’ (1883), a work in two massive volumes, displaying indeed some lack of critical acumen, but a monument of learning, presented in eminently readable form, and a storehouse of information on every subject which comes within its range.

In 1880 Edersheim was appointed Warburtonian lecturer at Lincoln's Inn, an office which he held for the usual period of four years. In 1882 he removed from Loders to the more congenial surroundings of Oxford. His connection with the university had begun in 1881, when he was created M.A. honoris causa; he was also Ph.D. of Kiel and D.D. of Vienna, Berlin, Giessen, and New College, Edinburgh. He became now (1884–5) select preacher to the university, and (1886–8, 1888–90) Grinfield lecturer on the Septuagint. In 1885 appeared his Warburtonian lectures on ‘Prophecy and History in relation to the Messiah.’ Soon afterwards he wrote, with the co-operation of Mr. (now Professor) Margoliouth, a ‘Commentary on Ecclesiasticus’ for the ‘Speaker's Commentary on the Apocrypha’ (1888). He was contemplating a work on ‘The Life and Writings of St. Paul,’ and had in fact written some of the opening chapters when, on 16 March 1889, he was suddenly struck down by death at Mentone, where he had


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Rh chase them to the woods, fearing the wickedness of the boys, who would, no doubt, have with pleasure destroyed them." So it would seem boys then were much the same as now. Jackson and other places were visited, and finally New Orleans, whence Audubon started for Louisville with Victor, May 1. The whole of this summer (1823) was one of enjoyment in many ways to the naturalist. He felt his wife was in a delightful home (where she remained many years), beloved by those around her; Victor now was nearly fourteen, handsome, strong, and very companionable, old for his years, and as his father was always young for his, they were good comrades, and till both were attacked by yellow fever, the days passed smoothly on. Nursed through this malady by the ever devoted wife and mother, who had come to them at once on hearing they were ill, some time was spent at the Beechwoods to recuperate, and on October 1, 1823, Audubon with Victor departed for Kentucky by boat. The water being low, their progress was greatly delayed; he became impatient and at Trinity left the boat with his son and two gentlemen, and walked to Louisville. This walk, of which we have a full published account began on October 15, and on the 21st they reached Green River, when Victor becoming weary, the remaining distance was performed in a wagon. It was on this journey, which Audubon undertook fearing, so he says, that he should not have enough money to provide for himself and Victor in Louisville beyond a few weeks, that he relates this incident: "The squatter had a Black Wolf, perfectly gentle, and completely under the control of his master; I put my hand in my pocket and took out a hundred-dollar bill, which I offered for it, but it was refused. I respected the man for his attachment to the wolf, for I doubted if he had ever seen a hundred dollars before."

Louisville was speedily quitted for Shippingport, where

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Rh whiskers growing in the hollows. We struck up an acquaintance on the strength of the fact that an uncle of his had gone out to Australia in the early days and made money.

"And he came home, and paid all his debts, and went out again," said the coachbuilder, impressively.

I didn't seem impressed.

"He came a long way out of his track," I said.

"They respected him for it," said the coachbuilder severely.

I got a better opinion of creditors.

"And when he went back," said the coachbuilder triumphantly, " he took out nineteen relations with him!"

"How many?" I asked.

"Nineteen," said the coachbuilder.

I reckon I've got upwards of two hundred relatives in Australia, and if I make a pile in England I'll strongly advise them to stay where they are.

There's no getting away from the shopkeeping atmosphere in England. The village post and telegraph, savings' bank and money order office is in a toy and stationery shop, in a corner amongst the packages and shelves. Fancy this in Australia, where, in the smallest town, these offices, with the postmaster's residence attached, are in a substantial brick or stone building by themselves. But if the English public (especially those in London) will stand anything labelled "Company," there's no reason why they shouldn't stand anything marked "Government." By the way, I haven't noticed any politics here. I suppose this


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Temple, William (1628-1699)


text: State Documents on Federal Relations/16

title: State Documents on Federal Relations/16


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Temple, William Johnstone


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Templeman, Peter


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54 Audubon engaged a room for Victor and himself, and painted all winter (1823-24) at birds, landscapes, portraits, and even signs. Shippingport was then a small village with mills, and was largely owned by the Tarascons and Berthouds, the latter living in the mansion of the place, and possessed of a very beautiful garden. Steamers and boats for the river traffic were built here, and it was a stirring place for its size, situated on the Falls of the Ohio, about two miles from Louisville then, but now part of that city. With forests and river to solace his anxieties, another season was passed by the man whose whole energies were now bent on placing his work before the best judges in Europe. This winter too, he lost one of his best and dearest friends, Madame Berthoud; how he felt this parting his own words best tell: "January 20, 1824. I arose this morning by that transparent light which is the effect of the moon before dawn, and saw Dr. Middleton passing at full gallop towards the white house; I followed—alas! my old friend was dead! What a void in the world for me! I was silent; many tears fell from my eyes, accustomed to sorrow. It was impossible for me to work; my heart, restless, moved from point to point all round the compass of my life. Ah, Lucy! what have I felt to-day! how can I bear the loss of our truest friend? This has been a sad day, most truly; I have spent it thinking, thinking, learning, weighing my thoughts, and quite sick of life. I wished I had been as quiet as my venerable friend, as she lay for the last time in her room." As I turn over the pages of this volume from which only a few extracts have been taken, well do I understand the mental suffering of which it tells so constantly. Poverty for himself, Audubon did not mind, but for those he loved it was a great and bitter trial to him. His keenly sensitive nature was wounded on every hand; no one but

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146 village, like most of its kind, gets its politics, as well as its newspaper, fixed up for it in London.

Our postmaster has the soul of a shopkeeper, and shows you novelties when you call for letters. And strange to say (or is it strange?) while he and his wife are servile as shopkeepers, they are mighty independent in their official capacity. They change quickly and draw the line very plain. The wants of the village in the way of maids, situations, houses to let or sublet, or wanted, are pasted up in the post office window, in the advertiser's own writing, at the rate of sixpence a week. You can read the domestic and business troubles of the village between the lines of these advertisements. Villagers study that window with interest—it is their newspaper. But then, as most of the servants are related, some way or other, the private affairs of half the villa ladies are public property already.

We've got a maid (they call servants "maids" in England); she isn't trained. When she applied for the place she stated that her mother was a respectable woman. She is as light and graceful as a cow, and stubbornly honest. All English country working people are obstinately and aggressively honest. The man is "a honest working man," and the woman is "a respectable woman," or "a respectable married woman," which last fact is stated and repeated and reiterated in almost every neighbourly row or outside dispute, no matter what the disagreement is about.

Our servant starts first thing in the morning by scrubbing the middle of the kitchen floor hard. If


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Rh she overhears us say anything which she considers funny she chuckles out loud. When visitors are in we often hear a loud guffaw from the pantry or kitchen. She says "Hey!" or "What-say?" but I like her, and would rather have her than a girl who has been trained—that is, bullied and stinted, and suspected, and watched, until she is forced to become deceitful and sly in her own defence.

Our girl has been greatly troubled lately on her father's account; he is a gardener; he has not been taking his food, and is falling away in consequence, I understand.

"He's gettin' so narrer, Mrs. Lawson," says Amy; "he's nearly as narrer as Mr. Lawson."

You know I'm rather thin.

There are plenty of young people here amongst the working-classes who have never been in London in their lives.

We haven't been troubled much by callers. I believe that when strangers settle down here people leave their cards or call on them, to see what they're like and what sort of furniture they've got in the house, and whether the wife has a tea-gown, a maid, and a tea service, and what the service and the tea-gown are like; and to go out afterwards and tell their friends all they've found out or supposed. But I got an idea. I had some cheap curtains hung up to the front window, and that scared 'em. A few factory girls and eighteen-penny to half-crown a week slaveys go along our street sometimes on a Sunday afternoon, and when they catch sight of the curtains they squeak and giggle, and say—


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Rh his wife, from whom he was now absent, had any faith in him or his genius. He never became indifferent, as most of us do, to the coldness of those who had in earlier days sought him, not for what he was, but for what he had. Chivalrous, generous, and courteous to his heart's core, he could not believe others less so, till painful experiences taught him; then he was grieved, hurt, but never imbittered; and more marvellous yet, with his faith in his fellows as strong as ever, again and again he subjected himself to the same treatment. This was not stupidity, nor dulness of perception; it was that always, even to the end, Audubon kept the freshness of childhood; he was one of those who had "the secret of youth;" he was "old in years only, his heart was young. The earth was fair; plants still bloomed, and birds still sang for him." It has been hard for me to keep from copying much from this journal, but I have felt it too sacred. Some would see in it the very heart of the man who wrote it, but to others—and the greater number—it would be, as I have decided to leave it, a sealed book. Early in March, 1824, Audubon left Shippingport for Philadelphia, Victor remaining in the counting-house of Mr. Berthoud. He had some money, with which he decided to take lessons in painting either from Rembrandt Peale or Thomas Sully. He much preferred the latter both as artist and friend, and he remained in Philadelphia from April until August of the same year. This visit was marked by his introduction to Charles Lucien Bonaparte

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148 "O—oh! Look at the penny-a-yard curtings!"

It's very interesting—shows how the minds of the middle class are poisoning those of the working people. But the worship of appearance is spreading its poison over Australian cities.

I notice that it's the fashion for the ladies down here to grab their skirts up from the front when they walk out in wet weather; in London they grab themselves behind. Englishwomen strike me as being, in nature and appearance, hard, unsympathetic, selfish and ungraceful.

I haven't seen the parson yet. The old doctor is a very aristocratic old gentleman, who, if a member of your family happens to die, regards you in the light of a murderer because you sent for the young doctor and not for him.

The young doctor is a grand young fellow, a Scot, prematurely grey, whose wife was a nurse, and who is steadily working up a practice here by dint of hard graft.

The landladies of the two leading hotels are elderly ladies of severe aspect, and one of them has a moustache. It's a slow process getting drunk here, they are so deliberate about serving you.

The publican of one of the little inns in the hedges has a face that would do for the portrait of John Bull, if it had any expression at all. He is short and as broad as he is long, and looms outside his little inn on Sunday afternoon, looking at the weather. He walks slowly into the middle of the road, with a movement as if he had clockwork inside him, to get a view of the


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 PUBLISHED QUARTERLY

 * PROFESSOR MACKINNON

 * MISS E. C. CARMICHAEL

VOLUME V

JULY 1908 TO APRIL 1909

EDINBURGH: NORMAN MACLEOD, 25 GEORGE IV. BRIDGE

LONDON: DAVID NUTT, 57-59 LONG ACRE, W.C.

DUBLIN: HODGES, FIGGIS & CO., LTD., 104 GRAFTON ST.

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User talk:112.169.86.220

--Longfellow (talk) 17:19, 18 October 2010 (UTC)

title: User talk:112.169.86.220


text: State Documents on Federal Relations/17

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User talk:169.241.28.72

--Longfellow (talk) 17:22, 18 October 2010 (UTC)

title: User talk:169.241.28.72


text:
Author:Michael Rogers Oldfield Thomas

Works

 * Marsupalia in the British Museum

Contributions to Encyclopaedia Britannica

 * (with Richard Lydekker)
 * (in part)

title: Author:Michael Rogers Oldfield Thomas


text: The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (Oxford)/I


text: The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (Oxford)/II


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 {| width=500px
 * + CONTENTS
 * - valign=bottom
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 * The Origin of Druidism,
 * Julius Pokorny, Ph.D., Vienna,
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 * Unpublished Poems. Alexander Macdonald (Mac Mhaighstir Alastair),
 * Professor Mackinnon,
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 * Through Western Windows—Some Celtic Dreams,
 * Lachlan Maclean Watt,
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 * A Sketch of Welsh Literature—To be continued,
 * Arthur Hughes,
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 * Highland Mythology,
 * E. C. Watson,
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 * - valign=bottom
 * The Clan Cameron,
 * Rev. A. Maclean Sinclair
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 * Scottish Gaelic Dialects—contd.,
 * Rev. C. M. Robertson,
 * align=right |
 * - valign=bottom
 * Oran Luathadh,
 * align=right |
 * - valign=bottom
 * The late Mr. Donald MacKechnie,
 * Professor Donald Mackinnon,
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 * - valign=bottom
 * The Life of Adamnan,
 * M. Joynt,
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 * - valign=bottom
 * Calum-Cille Agus Dobhran a Bhrathair,
 * From the MSS. of the late Rev. Father Allan Macdonald,
 * align=right |
 * - valign=bottom
 * The First Celtic Eucharistic Hymn,
 * Rev. Father Atkinson,
 * align=right|
 * - valign=bottom
 * A Noble Trait in the Character of Marshal Macdonald, Duke of Tarentum,
 * K. N. Macdonald, M.D.,
 * align=right |
 * - valign=bottom
 * Cuchullin’s Death,
 * Don. A. Mackenzie,
 * align=right |
 * }
 * Don. A. Mackenzie,
 * align=right |
 * }

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 been spending the winter on account of his health.

Dr. Edersheim was gentle and amiable in disposition, bright and humorous in conversation, genial in manner, a ready and fluent writer, and effective preacher; possessed of a poetical imagination, which was apt to give a rhetorical redundance to his style; in literary and theological questions conservative, but tolerant.

Besides the works mentioned above, Edersheim published:
 * 1) ‘Bible History’ (of the Old Testament), 1876–87, 7 vols.
 * 2) ‘Jewish Social Life in the Time of Christ,’ 1876.

Two elaborate articles on ‘Josephus’ (1882) and ‘Philo’ (1887) in Smith and Wace's ‘Dictionary of Christian Biography;’ stories, hymns, and minor religious writings; numerous articles in the ‘Bible Educator,’ the ‘Edinburgh Review,’ and other periodicals.

EDINBURGH,. [See, 1844–1900.]

EDWARDS, AMELIA ANN BLANFORD (1831–1892), novelist, journalist, and egyptologist, was born in London on 7 June 1831. Her father was an officer who had served under Wellington through the peninsular war. Retiring from the army through ill-health, he ultimately accepted a post in the London and Westminster Bank, and lived in Pentonville. He was descended from an old stock of East-Anglian farmers, settled at Gosbeck in Suffolk (Miss Matilda Betham-Edwards—with whom Amelia was often confused—is the daughter of his brother). Her mother was the daughter of Robert Walpole, an Irish barrister, connected with the Norfolk family of that name. Both parents died within a week of each other in 1860.

Miss Edwards was educated at home, chiefly by her mother. As a child her strongest bent was towards art. From the time she could hold a pencil she was always drawing illustrations of books and passing events. In writing she was no less precocious. One of her earliest recollections was of composing a story in capital letters, before she had properly learnt to write. A poem, called 'The Knights of Old,' which she wrote at the age of seven, was sent by her mother to a penny weekly and duly printed. 'The Story of a Clock,' written at the age of twelve, was republished in the 'New England Magazine' for January 1893. Another early taste was for music, which for some years quite superseded books. When about fifteen she apprenticed herself for seven years to Mrs. Mounsey Bartholomew, from whom she learnt not only singing, the pianoforte, and the organ, but also harmony and counterpoint. Yet another passion was for amateur acting; and she always remained fond of the play, though she ceased to care for music.

Straitened means compelled her to look about for a means of livelihood, which— such was her versatility—she might have achieved by her pen, her pencil, or her voice. Accident decided her in favour of literature. She sent a story to 'Chambers's Journal' and received a cheque in return. Forthwith she forsook the drudgery of music, and the rest of her life was one prolonged round of literary toil. At this time she did a good deal of work for 'Household Words' and 'All the Year Round,' usually providing the ghost story for Dickens's Christmas numbers. She also served on the staff of the 'Saturday Review' and the 'Morning Post,' contributing occasional leading articles, as well as musical, dramatic, and art criticism. The total of her novels is only eight, each of which she used to say took her two years' work. The first, 'My Brother's Wife,' was published in 1855. Then followed 'The Ladder of Life' in 1857 and 'Hand and Glove' in 1859. Her earliest success was with 'Barbara's History' (1864), which passed through three editions, besides reproductions by Harper (in America) and Tauchnitz (in Germany), as well as translations into German, Italian, and French. Upon 'Debenham's Vow'(1870), which contains a description of blockade-running in Charleston harbour, she bestowed infinite pains to be accurate in local detail. So again with her last and most popular novel, 'Lord Brackenbury' (1880), she made a special journey to Cheshire to study from life the scene of the story. The ruined manor house and the new one in the Italian style are both the property of Mr. Balman; Langtry Grange is a glorious old place called 'Old Morton.' This tale originally came out in the 'Graphic,' with illustrations by Mr. Luke Fildes, some of which were based upon the author's sketches in water-colour. It passed through no less than fifteen editions; but by this time Miss Edwards had become so absorbed in egyptology that she never followed it up with another novel.

Among her miscellaneous writings may be mentioned: 'A Summary of English


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The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire

 * The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Oxford edition (1827)
 * The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, edited & annoted by John Bagnell Bury (1897)


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56 and Edward Harris, both of whom became life-long friends, especially Mr. Harris, with whom he corresponded frequently when they were separated, and with whom he made many journeys, the most prolonged and important being that to the Yellowstone in 1843. To copy again: "April 10, 1824. I was introduced to the son of Lucien Bonaparte, nephew of Napoleon, a great ornithologist, I was told. He remained two hours, went out, and returned with two Italian gentlemen, and their comments made me very contented." That evening he was taken to the Philosophical Academy where the drawings were greatly admired, and their author says: "I do not think much of them except when in the very act of drawing them." At this meeting Mr. George Ord met Audubon and objected strongly to the birds and plants being drawn together, "but spoke well of them otherwise." Mr. Ord was one of those (of the very few, I might say) who disliked the naturalist from first to last, who was perhaps, his bitterest enemy. In later years Dr. John Bachman resented his conduct, and wrote a very trenchant reply to one of Mr. Ord's published articles about Audubon; but there is no word of anger anywhere in the letters or journals, only of regret or pain. Almost the only other enemy Audubon appears to have ever had in public print was Charles Waterton, who vehemently assailed him in "Loudon's Magazine of Natural History," vi. 1833, pp. 215-218, and vii., 1834, pp. 66-74. Audubon was warmly defended by his son Victor in the same magazine, vi. 1833, p. 369, and at greater length by " R. B.," ibid., pp. 369-372. Dr. Coues characterizes Waterton's attack as "flippant and supercilious animadversion," in "Birds of the Colorado Valley," 1878, p. 622. The present is hardly the occasion to bring up the countless reviews and notices of Audubon's published life-work; but a few references I have at hand may be given. One of the earliest, if not the first, appeared in the "Edinburgh Journal of Science," vi. p. 184 (1827). In 1828, Audubon himself published "An Account of the Method of Drawing Birds," etc., in the same Journal, viii., pp. 48-54. The " Report of a Committee appointed by the Lyceum of Natural History of New York to examine the splendid work of Mr. Audubon," etc., appeared in "Silliman's Journal," xvi., 1829, pp. 353, 354. His friend William Swainson published some highly commendatory and justly appreciative articles on the same subject in "Loudon's Magazine," i., 1829, pp. 43-52, and in the "Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal," x., 1831, pp. 317-332, under the pseudonym "Ornithophilus." Another anonymous review, highly laudatory, appeared in the same Journal, xviii., 1834, pp. 131-144. Dr. John Bachman defended the truthfulness of Audubon's drawings in the "Journal of the Boston Society of Natural History," i. 1834, pp. 15-31. One of the most extended notices appeared anonymously in the "North American Review," July, 1835, pp. 194-231; and another signed "B," in "Loudon's Magazine," viii., 1835, pp. 184-190. In Germany, "Isis von Oken" contained others, xxx., 1837, pp. 922-928, xxxv., 1842, pp. 157, 158; and xxxvii., 1844, pp. 713-718. "Silliman's Journal" again reviewed the work in xlii., 1842, pp. 130-136.—E. C.

Of Mr. Harris we find this: "July 12, 1824. I drew for Mr. Fairman a small grouse to be put on a bank-note belonging to the State of New-Jersey; this procured me the acquaintance of a young man named Edward Harris of Moorestown, an ornithologist, who told me he had seen

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Rh some English Snipes within a few days, and that they bred in the marshes about him." And also: "July I9th. Young Harris, God bless him, looked at the drawings I had for sale, and said he would take them all, at my prices. I would have kissed him, but that it is not the custom in this icy city."

Other friends were made here, almost as valuable as Mr. Harris, though not as well loved, for these two were truly congenial souls, who never wearied of each other, and between whom there was never a shadow of difference. Thomas Sully, the artist, Dr. Richard Harlan, Reuben

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376 Haines, Le Sueur, Dr. Mease, and many another honored name might be given.

In August Philadelphia was quitted, and another period of travel in search of birds was begun. Of this next year, 1825, no record whatever can be found besides the episodes of "Niagara" and "Meadville," and two detached pages of journal. Audubon went to New York, up the Hudson, along the Great Lakes, then to Pittsburg, and finally to Bayou Sara, where, having decided to go to England, he made up his mind to resume at once his classes in drawing, music, and dancing, to make money for the European journey, for which he never ceased to accumulate pictures of his beloved birds. Reaching Bayou Sara in December, 1825, this work at once began by giving lessons in dancing to the young ladies under my grandmother's care; and Judge Randolph, a near neighbor, had his sons take lessons in fencing. In these branches Audubon was so successful that the residents of the village of Woodville, fifteen miles distant, engaged him for Friday and Saturday of each week, and here he had over sixty pupils. From the account of this class I take the following: "I marched to the hall with my violin under my arm, bowed to the company assembled, tuned my violin; played a cotillon, and began my lesson by placing the gentlemen in a line. Oh! patience support me! how I labored before I could promote the first appearance of elegance or ease of motion; in doing this I first broke my bow, and then my violin; I then took the ladies and made them take steps, as I sang in time to accompany their movements."

These lessons continued three months, and were in every sense a success, Audubon realizing about $2000

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Rh Arabian Moslems, 113, 138, 140, 148, 156 Arabian peninsula, 31

Arabian Pipe Line, 252

Arabians, 2, 32, 59, 108, 113, 115, 119, 131, 136, 138, 141, 149, 157

Arabic, 26, 31, 32, 62, 78, 123, 129, 133, 138, 141, 143, 144, 155 ff. 166, 189, 193, 199, 226, 231, 244

Arabicization, 127

Arabism, 250

Arabs, 62, 77, 78, 85, 121, 127, 128, 134, 142, 175, 193, 213, 236, 240

Aradus, 35, 53, 54, 67

Aragon, 131

Aral Sea, 135

Aram, 156

Aramaean, 55, 76

Aramaeans, 2, 33, 37, 43, 45, 46, 78, 86, 234

Aramaic, 31, 45, 46, 52, 61, 62, 64, 78, 86, 92, 98, 129, 141, 144

Arcadius, 97

Archimedes, 158

Arian Christianity, 132

Arianism, 99, 100

Aristotelianism, 166

Aristotle, 102, 157

Arms, 99, 102

Aries, 95

Armenia, 62, 128, 164, 196

Armenian, 226

Armenian Christians, 177

Armenians, 11, 40, 45, 63, 101, 203

Arsuf, 181, 187

Arwad, 189

Ascalon, 35, 61, 64, 88, 104, 174, 178

Ashraf, al-, 189, 195, 203

Ashur-nasir-pal, 40

Asia, 3, 21, 28, 45, 63, 68, 85, 201, 218

Asia Minor, 9, 52, 54? 55, 58 63, 85, 86, 116, 121, 128, 157, 174, 175, 211, 213

Assassins, 9, 187, 188

Assemani, 226, see al-Samani

Assyria, 35

Assyrians, 11, 39, 40, 43

Assyro-Babylonian, 31, 87

Atargatis, 45, 62, 87

Atasi, al-, 253

Athanasius, 219

Athens, 98, 101

Athir, ibn-al-, 210

Athlith, 189

Atlantic, 16, 36, 79, 127, 129

Atsiz, 174, 175

Augustus Caesar, 76, 79, 83

Aulus Gabinius, 72

Aurelian, 86

Australia, 234

Austria, 225

Avicenna, 228, see ibn-Sina

Avignon, 134

Awzai, al-, 159

Axis Powers, 247

Aybak, 201

Ayn Jalut, 202

Ayyubids, 182, 186, 187, 201, 206, 210

Aziz, al-, 168, 200

Baal, 38, 63, 94

Baalbek, 12, 13, 78, 87, 89, 92, 110, 159, 162, 167, 181 ff., 200, 220

Babylon, 33, 40, 51, 52, 55, 152

Babylonia, 43, 55, 87

Babylonians, 32, 40

Bactria, 54, 57, 59

Baghdad, 2, 151, 152, 156, 158, 162, 163, 173, 196, 198, 207, 208, 218, 231 Bahris, 202

Bakr, abu-, 109, 110, 113

Baldwin I, 177, 178, 181

Baldwin II, 181

Balfour, 240

Balkans, 213

Balkh, 120, 130

Baluchistan, 130

Bar Hebraeus, 158

Barada, 14, 136

Barmakids, 153

Barquq, 203

Bashan, 70

Bashir II, 224 ff.

Bashir III, 226

Basil, 167

Basrah, 127, 218

Batrun, 35, 178

Bay of Biscay, 135

Bayazid II, 211

Baybars, 3, 187, 188, 195, 198, 202 ff. Rh


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144 English. He told me that he understood that Australians were very unconventional in Australia; that was the only idea he seemed to have (if it was an idea). Whenever my friend put a picture on the easel the lady would clap her hands and exclaim—

"How jolly!" or "Isn't that jolly!" or "Oh, Edward! Isn't that jolly!" Sometimes they'd both say it together. My friend put up a picture called "Sad Autumn."

"Oh, isn't that jolly!"

He put up a picture labelled "The Death of Day." "How jolly!"

He put up a picture of "A Village Churchyard in the Gloaming." "Oh, isn't that jolly!" If he'd had a picture of a disembowelled corpse, they'd have said it was jolly.

But neither the artist nor his wife could see it. And I couldn't help wondering, "And are these of the people we fight for?"

There is a factory or two on the outskirts of the village—not staring and unsightly as in Australia, but back behind trees and hedges—and the work-people live in little rows and squares of cottages at the end of the village and "over the Common." The working people seem to me to be honest and healthy-minded, even humorous, and more intelligent than the well-to-do class. But I came across one who seemed to have less humour in him than the draper mentioned above. He is the village coachbuilder, a tall, thin man, with very hollow cheeks and thin red


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62 in drawings this season. Forty-two drawings in four months, eleven large, eleven middle size, and twenty-two small, comprising ninety-five birds, from Eagles downwards, with plants, nests, flowers, and sixty different kinds of eggs. I live alone, see scarcely any one, besides those belonging to the house where I lodge. I rise long before day and work till nightfall, when I take a walk, and to bed. "I returned yesterday from Mauch Chunk; after all, there is nothing perfect but primitiveness, and my efforts at copying nature, like all other things attempted by us poor mortals, fall far short of the originals. Few better than myself can appreciate this with more despondency than I do." Very shortly after this date Audubon left for Louisiana, crossed the Alleghanies to Pittsburg, down the Ohio by boat to Louisville, where he saw Victor and John. "Dear boys!" he says; "I had not seen Victor for nearly five years, and so much had he changed I hardly knew him, but he recognized me at once. Johnny too had much grown and improved." Remaining with his sons a few days, he again took the boat for Bayou Sara, where he landed in the middle of the night. The journal says: "It was dark, sultry, and I was quite alone. I was aware yellow fever was still raging at St. Francisville, but walked thither to procure a horse. Being only a mile distant, I soon reached it, and entered the open door of a house I knew to be an inn; all was dark and silent. I called and knocked in vain, it was the abode of Death alone! The air was putrid; I went to another house, another, and another; everywhere the same state of things existed; doors and windows were all open, but the living had fled. Finally I reached the home of Mr. Nübling, whom I knew. He welcomed me, and lent me his horse, and I went off at a gallop. It was so dark that I soon lost my way, but I cared not, I was about to rejoin my wife, I was in the woods, the woods of Louisiana, my heart was bursting with joy! The first glimpse of dawn set me on

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Rh my road, at six o'clock I was at Mr. Johnson's house; a servant took the horse, I went at once to my wife's apartment; her door was ajar, already she was dressed and sitting by her piano, on which a young lady was playing. I pronounced her name gently, she saw me, and the next moment I held her in my arms. Her emotion was so great I feared I had acted rashly, but tears relieved our hearts, once more we were together." Audubon remained in Louisiana with his wife till January, 1830, when together they went to Louisville, Washington, Philadelphia, and New York, whence they sailed for England in April. All his former friends welcomed them on their arrival, and the kindness the naturalist had received on his first visit was continued to his wife as well as himself. Finding many subscribers had not paid, and others had lapsed, he again painted numerous pictures for sale, and journeyed hither and yon for new subscribers as well as to make collections.

Mrs. Audubon, meanwhile, had taken lodgings in London, but that city being no more to her taste than to her husband's, she joined him, and they travelled together till October, when to Audubon's joy he found himself at his old lodgings at 26 George St., Edinburgh, where he felt truly at home with Mrs. Dickie; and here he began the "Ornithological Biography," with many misgivings, as the journal bears witness: "Oct. 16, 1830. I know that I am a poor writer, that I scarcely can manage to scribble a tolerable English letter, and not a much better one in French, though that is easier to me. I know I am not a scholar, but meantime I am aware that no man living knows better than I do the habits of our birds; no man living has studied them as much as I have done, and with the assistance of my old journals and memorandum-books which were written on the spot, I can at least put down plain truths, which may be useful and perhaps

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 104 THE LADIES OF CASTILE. ♦ When virtue arms, and liberty's the prize,, No cloud ihould fet on brave Don Francis' brew*. The love of g!ory, viftory and fame, A noble fenfe of dignity and wortlj^^ Is the beft birth right of Caftilia's fons :"— Inur'd to glory, and the feats of war, Our fathers held their freedom from the gods. A jealoufy for freedom kept alive Precludes the fofter pafllions of the mind. Don Francis. ' Nurs'd in the fierce and lioftile field of <tar^ I, from long anceftry, may boldly claim That innate force and vigour of the mind * Which mocks the fenfe of danger or ef death f But yet Louifa wakes my foul to love. De HarQ*s filter has ten thoufand charms j But ah I — the daughter of Velafco chills, ^ * And horror opes the gates of wild defpair, ^^h v? As if the fates forbad a difiant hope. Don JvAN &B Pawlla. Spurn thefe foft fetters — fly the fond difguife^ Ere it unnerves the vigotir of thine arm— ^ Let freedom be the milirefs of thy heart ;— «• She calls to arms, and bids us draw the Aord :-— Come, cloir thy brow,, and whet the pointed fteti^ To crufli the foes of liberty and, Spain. Don Francis. I would fufpend, but ne'er externein<att The nobleft paflion of the human foul j That foftens the ferocious bread of man» And checks the ruder billows of the mind* Don Juan de Padilla^ Not like the lover, but the herq talk — The fword muft refcue, or the nation fink,. Aad itized by Google


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64 interesting, so I shall set to at once. I cannot, however, give scientific descriptions, and here must have assistance." His choice of an assistant would have been his friend Mr. William Swainson, but this could not be arranged, and Mr. James Wilson recommended Mr. William MacGillivray. Of this gentleman Mr. D. G. Elliot says: "No better or more fortunate choice could have been made. Audubon worked incessantly, MacGillivray keeping abreast of him, and Mrs. Audubon re-wrote the entire manuscript to send to America, and secure the copyright there." The happy result of this association of two great men, so different in most respects as Audubon and MacGillivray, is characterized by Dr. Coues in the following terms ("Key to North American Birds," 2d ed., 1884, p. xxii): "Vivid and ardent was his genius, matchless he was both with pen and pencil in giving life and spirit to the beautiful objects he delineated with passionate love; but there was a strong and patient worker by his side, William MacGillivray, the countryman of Wilson, destined to lend the sturdy Scotch fibre to an Audubonian epoch. The brilliant French-American Naturalist was little of a 'scientist.' Of his work the magical beauties of form and color and movement are all his; his page is redolent of Nature's fragrance; but MacGillivray's are the bone and sinew, the hidden anatomical parts beneath the lovely face, the nomenclature, the classification,—in a word, the technicalities of the science."

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 Rh thou laughest?' He replied to his wife, 'I shall not tell thee what I hear, and why I laugh.' The woman said to her husband, 'I know why thou laughest; thou laughest at me because I am one-eyed.' The man then said to his wife, 'I saw that thou wast one-eyed before I loved thee, and before we married and sat down in our house.' When the woman heard her husband's word she was quiet.

"But once at night, as they were lying on their bed, and it was past midnight, it happened that a rat played with his wife on the top of the house, and that both fell to the ground. Then the wife of the rat said to her husband, 'Thy sport is bad; thou saidst to me that thou wouldst play, but when we came together we fell to the ground, so that I broke my back.

"When the servant of God heard the talk of the rat's wife, as he was lying on his bed, he laughed. Now, as soon as he laughed his wife arose, seized him, and said to him as she held him fast, 'Now this time I will not let thee go out of this house except thou tell me what thou nearest and why thou laughest.' The man begged the woman, saying, 'Let me go;' but the woman would not listen to her husband's entreaty."

The husband then tells his wife that he knows the language of beasts and birds, and she is content; but when he wakes in the morning he finds he has lost his wonderful gift; and the moral of the tale is added most ungallantly, "If a man shews and tells his thoughts to a woman, God will punish him for it." Though, perhaps, it is better, for the sake of the gentler sex, that the tale should be pointed with this unfair moral, than that the African story should proceed like all the other variations, and save the husband's gift at the cost of the wife's skin.


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 lxxviii Take another instance. Every one knows the story in the Arabian Nights, where the man who knows the speech of beasts laughs at something said by an ox to an ass. His wife wants to know why he laughs, and persists, though he tells her it will cost him his life if he tells her. As he doubts what to do, he hears the cock say to the house-dog, "Our master is not wise; I have fifty hens who obey me; if he followed my advice, he'd just take a good stick, shut up his wife in a room with him, and give her a good cudgelling." The same story is told in Straparola with so many variations as to shew it is no copy; it is also told in a Servian popular tale, with variations of its own; and now here we find it in Bornou, as told by Kölle.

"There was a servant of God who had one wife and one horse; but his wife was one-eyed, and they lived in their house. Now this servant of God understood the language of the beasts of the forest when they spoke, and of the birds of the air when they talked as they flew by. This servant of God also understood the cry of the hyæna when it arose at night in the forest, and came to the houses and cried near them; so, likewise, when his horse was hungry and neighed, he understood what it neighed, rose up, brought the horse grass, and then returned and sat down. It happened one day that birds had their talk as they were flying by above, and the servant of God understood what they talked. This caused him to laugh, whereupon his wife said to him, 'What dost thou hear that


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 Rh it is the weasel who is the wisest of beasts, and who, having got some meat in common with the hyæna, put it into a hole, and said,—

Here we have a fact in natural history accounted for, but accounted for in such a peculiar way as shews that the races among which they are current must have derived them from some common tradition. The mode by which the tail is lost is different indeed; but the manner in which the common ground-work is suited in one case to the cold of the North, and the way in which fish are commonly caught at holes in the ice as they rise to breathe; and in the other to Africa and her pit-falls for wild beasts, is only another proof of the oldness of the tradition, and that it is not merely a copy.


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Rh Though somewhat discouraged at finding that no less than three editions of Alexander Wilson's "American Ornithology" were about to be published, Audubon went bravely on. My grandmother wrote to her sons: "Nothing is heard, but the steady movement of the pen; your father is up and at work before dawn, and writes without ceasing all day. Mr. MacGillivray breakfasts at nine each morning, attends the Museum four days in the week, has several works on hand besides ours, and is moreover engaged as a lecturer in a new seminary on botany and natural history. His own work progresses slowly, but surely, for he writes until far into the night." The first volume of "Ornithological Biography" was finished, but no publisher could be found to take it, so Audubon published it himself in March, 1831. During this winter an agreement had been made with Mr. J. B. Kidd to copy some of the birds, put in backgrounds, sell them, and divide the proceeds. Eight were finished and sold immediately, and the agreement continued till May, 1, 1831, when Audubon was so annoyed by Mr. Kidd's lack of industry that the copying was discontinued. Personally, I have no doubt that many of the paintings which are said to be by Audubon are these copies. They are all on mill-board, a material, however, which grandfather

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 lxxvi those words which are found in all languages derived from the imitation of natural sounds, or, we may add, from the first lisping accents of infancy. But the case is very different when this or that object which strikes the senses is accounted for in a way so extraordinary and peculiar, as to stamp the tradition with a character of its own. Then arises a like impression on the mind, if we find the same tradition in two tribes at the opposite ends of the earth, as is produced by meeting twin brothers, one in Africa and the other in Asia; we say at once, "I know you are so-and-so's brother, you are so like him." Take an instance: In these Norse Tales, p. 172, we are told how it was the bear came to have a stumpy tail, and in an African tale we find how it was the hyæna became tailless and earless. Now, the tailless condition both of the bear and the hyæna could scarcely fail to attract attention in a race of hunters, and we might expect that popular tradition would attempt to account for both; but how are we to explain the fact, that both Norseman and African account for it in the same way—that both owe their loss to the superior cunning of another animal? In Europe the fox bears away the palm for wit from all other animals, so he it is that persuades the bear in the Norse Tales to sit with his tail in a hole in the ice till it is fast frozen in, and snaps short off when he tries to tug it out. In Bornou, in the heart of Africa,


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 Rh having accomplished her task in proving the affinity of language between Europe and the East, and so taken a mighty step towards fixing the first seat of the greatest—greatest in wit and wisdom, if not in actual numbers—portion of the human race, has pursued her inquiries into the languages of the Turanian, the Semitic, and the Chamitic or African races, with more or less successful results. In a few more years, when the African languages are better known, and the roots of Egyptian and Chinese words are more accurately detected, Science will be better able to speak as to the common affinity of all the tribes that throng the earth. In the meantime, let the testimony of tradition and popular tales be heard, which in this case have outstripped comparative philology, and lead instead of following her. It is beyond the scope of this essay, which aims at being popular and readable rather than learned and lengthy, to go over a prolonged scientific investigation step by step. We repeat it: the reader must have faith in the writer, and believe the words now written are the results of an inquiry, and not ask for the inquiry itself. In all mythologies and traditions, then, there are what may be called natural resemblances, parallelisms suggested to the senses of each race by natural objects and every-day events, and these might spring up spontaneously all over the earth as home growths, neither derived by imitation from other tribes, nor from seeds of common tradition shed from a common stock. Such resemblances have been well compared by William Grimm to


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Rh wrote: "Audubon has given to him what nobody else can buy" On this Maine journey, the friendship between the Lincolns at Dennysville, begun in the wanderer's earlier years, was renewed, and with this hospitable family Mrs. Audubon remained while her husband and sons made their woodland researches. In October of 1832, Victor sailed for England, to superintend the publishing of the work; his father remained in America drawing and re-drawing, much of the time in Boston, where, as everywhere, many friends were made, and where he had a short, but severe illness an unusual experience with him. In the spring of 1833, the long proposed trip to Labrador was planned and undertaken. The schooner "Ripley," Captain Emery commanding, was chartered. Audubon was accompanied by five young men, all under twenty-four years of age, namely: Joseph Coolidge, George C. Shattuck, William Ingalls, Thomas Lincoln and John Woodhouse, the naturalist's younger son. On June 6 they sailed for the rocky coasts and storm-beaten islands, which are so fully described in the Labrador Journal, now first published entire in the present work. Victor was still in England, and to him his father wrote, on May 16, 1833, a long letter filled with careful directions as to the completion of the work now so far accomplished, and which was so dear—as it is to-day—to all the family. The entire letter is too long and too personal to give beyond a few extracts: "Should the Author of all things deprive us of our lives, work for and comfort the dear being who gave you birth. Work for her, my son, as long as it may be the pleasure of God to grant her life; never neglect her a moment; in a word, prove to her that you are truly a son! Continue the publication of our work to the last; you have in my journals all necessary facts, and in yourself sufficient ability to finish the letter-press, with the assistance of our worthy friend John Bachman, as well as MacGillivray. If you should deem it wise

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68 to remove the publication of the work to this country, I advise you to settle in Boston; I have faith in the Bostonians. I entreat you to be careful, industrious, and persevering; pay every one most punctually, and never permit your means to be over-reached. May the blessings of those who love you be always with you, supported by those of Almighty God." During the Labrador voyage, which was both arduous and expensive, many bird-skins (seventy-three) were prepared and brought back, besides the drawings made, a large collection of plants, and other curiosities. Rough as the experience was, it was greatly enjoyed, especially by the young men. Only one of these is now living (1897), and he bears this testimony to the character of the naturalist, with whom he spent three months in the closest companionship. In a letter to me dated Oct. 9, 1896, he says: "You had only to meet him to love him; and when you had conversed with him for a moment, you looked upon him as an old friend, rather than a stranger. … To this day I can see him, a magnificent gray-haired man, childlike in his simplicity, kind-hearted, noble-souled, lover of nature and lover of youth, friend of humanity, and one whose religion was the golden rule." The Labrador expedition ended with summer, and Mr. and Mrs. Audubon went southward by land, John going by water to meet them at Charleston, S. C.,—Victor meanwhile remaining in London. In the ever hospitable home of the Bachmans part of the winter of 1833-34 was spent, and many a tale is told of hunting parties, of camping in the Southern forests, while the drawings steadily increased in number. Leaving Charleston, the travels were continued through North and South Carolina and

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 lxxiv Western Aryans, but which did not travel to Europe by translation; let us go on to say that it is by no means certain, even when some Western story or fable is found in these Sanscrit originals and their translations, that that was the only way by which they came to Europe. A single question will prove this. How did the fables and apologues which are found in Æsop, and which are also found in the Pantcha-Tantra and the Hitopadesa come West? That they came from the East is certain; but by what way?—certainly not by translation or copying, for they had travelled west long before translations were thought of. How was it that Themistius, a Greek orator of the fourth century, had heard of that fable of the lion, fox, and bull, which is in substance the same as that of the lion, the bull, and the two jackals in the Pantcha-Tantra and the Hitopadesa? How, but along the path of that primeval Aryan migration, and by that deep ground-tone of tradition by which man speaks to man, nation to nation, and age to age; along which comparative philology has, in these last days, travelled back thither, listened to the accents spoken, and so found in the East the cradle of a common language and common belief.

And now having, as we hope, finally established this Indian affinity, and disposed of mere Indian copying, let us lift our eyes and see if something more is not to be discerned on the wide horizon now open on our view. The most interesting problem for man to solve is the origin of his race. Of late years comparative philology,


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Rh northward to New York, when the three sailed for Liverpool April 16, and joined Victor in London, in May,1834. It has been erroneously stated that Audubon kept no journals during this second visit to England and Scotland, for the reasons that his family—for whom he wrote—was with him, and also that he worked so continuously for the "Ornithological Biography;" but this is a mistake. Many allusions to the diaries of these two years from April, 1834, until August, 1836, are found, and conclusive proof is that Victor writes: "On the 19th of July last, 1845, the copper-plates from which the "Birds of America" had been printed were ruined by fire, though not entirely destroyed, as were many of my father's journals,—most unfortunately those which he had written during his residence in London and Edinburgh while writing and publishing the letter-press."

It was at this time that Victor and John went to the Continent for five months, being with their parents the remainder of the time, both studying painting in their respective branches, Victor working at landscapes, John at portraits and birds. In July, 1836, Audubon and John returned to America, to find that nearly everything in the way of books, papers, the valuable and curious things collected both at home and abroad, had been destroyed in New York in the fire of 1835, Mr. Berthoud's warehouse being one of those blown up with gunpowder to stay the spread of the fire. Mrs. Audubon and Victor remained in London, in the house where they had lived some time, 4 Wimpole St., Cavendish Square. After a few weeks in New York, father and son went by land to Charleston, pausing at Washington and other cities; and being joined by Mr. Edward Harris in the spring of 1837, they left Dr. Bachman's where they had spent the winter, for the purpose

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 Rh wearer the strength of twelve men, and enabled him to go where he would unseen, and which was the great prize among the treasures of the dwarfs; who is there that does not see the broken fragments of that old Eastern story of the heirs struggling for their inheritance, and calling in the aid of some one of better wit or strength, who ends by making the very prize for which they fight his own?

And now to return for a moment to Calila and Dimna, and "The Seven Sages." Since we have seen that there are other stories, and many of them, for this is by no means the only resemblance to be found in Somadeva's book, which are common to the Eastern and


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 lxxii fight for their inheritance—a club which turns everything to stone, a hat which makes the wearer invisible, and a cloak by help of which one can wish one's-self whithersoever one pleases. Again, in a Mongolian tale, the Chan's son comes upon a group of children who fight for a hood which makes the wearer invisible; he is to be judge between them, makes them run a race for it, but meanwhile puts it on and vanishes from their sight. A little further on he meets another group, who are quarrelling for a pair of boots, the wearer of which can wish himself whithersoever he pleases, and gains possession of them in the same way.

Nor in one Norse tale alone, but in many, we find traces of these three wonderful things, or of things like them. They are very like the cloth, the ram, and the stick, which the lad got from the North Wind instead of his meal. Very like, too, the cloth, the scissors, and the tap, which will be found in p. 252, "The Best Wish." If we drop the number three, we find the Boots again in "Soria Moria Castle," p. 396. Leaving the Norse Tales, we see at once that they are the seven-league boots of Jack the Giant Killer. In the Nibelungen Lied, when Siegfried finds Schilbung and Niblung, the weird heirs of the famous "Hoard," striving for the possession of that heap of red gold and gleaming stones; when they beg him to share it for them, promising him, as his meed, Balrnimg, best of swords; when he shares it, when they are discontent, and when in the struggle which ensues he gets possession of the tarnhut, the "cloak of darkness," which gave its


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70 of exploring part of the coast of the Gulf of Mexico. This expedition they were assisted in making by Col. John Abert, who procured them the Revenue cutter "Campbell." Fire having afterward (in 1845) destroyed the journals of this period, only a few letters remain to tell us of the coasting voyage to Galveston Bay, Texas, though the ornithological results of this journey are all in the "Birds of America." It was during this visit to Charleston that the plans were begun which led to the "Quadrupeds of North America," under the joint authorship of Audubon and Bachman.

In the late summer of 1837, Audubon, with John and his wife,—for he had married Maria, Dr. Bachman's eldest daughter,—returned to England, his last voyage there, and remained abroad until the autumn of 1839, when the family, with the addition of the first grandchild, once more landed in America, and settled, if such wanderers can ever be said to settle, in New York, in the then uptown region of 86 White St.

The great ornithological work had been finished,

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Rh completed, in the face of incredible delays and difficulties, and representing an amount of work which in these days of easy travel it is hard to comprehend. The "Synopsis" also was published in this year, and the indefatigable worker began at once the octavo edition of the "Birds," and the drawings of the quadrupeds. For this edition of the "Birds" Victor attended almost wholly to the printing and publishing, and John reduced every drawing to the required size with the aid of the camera lucida, Audubon devoting his time to the coloring and obtaining of subscribers. Having fully decided to settle in New York City, and advised their friends to that effect, Audubon found he could not live in any city, except, as he writes, "perhaps fair Edinburgh;" so in the spring of 1842, the town house was sold, and the family moved to "Minniesland," now known as Audubon Park, in the present limits of New York City. The name came from the fact that my father and uncle always used the Scotch name "Minnie" for mother. The land when bought was deeded to her, and always spoken of as Minnie's land, and this became the name which the Audubons gave it, by which to day those of us who are left recall the lovely home where their happy childhood was spent; for here were born all but three of the fourteen grandchildren. No railroad then separated the lawn from the beach where Audubon so often hauled the seine; the dense

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Rh by Capt. Basil Hall, who was so polite as to present me with a copy of his work, two volumes, on South America, with a kind note, and an invitation to dine with him on Thursday next at eight o'clock. The weather is miserable. Saturday, December 9. I wrote closely all morning from six to twelve, only half dressed, and not stopping for breakfast beyond a cup of coffee, and while thus busily employed Mr. Hall came in and handed me a note from Lady Hunter, requesting the honor of my company on Saturday next to dine at six; he looked at me with surprise and doubtless thought me the strangest-looking man in the town. I had much running about with Professor Jameson to the printer, and with my manuscript to Mr. Lizars, who took it to Professor Brewster. We visited the Museum together, called on a Mr. Wilson, where I saw a most beautiful dead Pheasant that I longed to have to paint. Then to Dr. Lizars' lecture on anatomy, and with him to the dissecting-rooms, but one glance was enough for me, and I hastily, and I hope forever, made my escape. The day was extremely wet, and I was glad to be in my room. I hear Mr. Selby is expected next Monday night. December 10, Sunday. My situation in Edinburgh borders almost on the miraculous. With scarce one of those qualities necessary to render a man able to pass through the throng of the learned people here, I am positively looked on by all the professors and many of the principal persons here as a very extraordinary man. I cannot comprehend this in the least. Indeed I have received here so much kindness and attention that I look forward with regret to my removal to Glasgow, fifty miles hence, where I expect to go the last of this month. Sir William Jardine has been spending a few days here purposely to see me, and I am to meet Mr. Selby, and with these two gentlemen discuss the question of a joint publication, which may possibly be arranged. It is now a month since my work was begun by Mr. Lizars; the paper

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 Napoleon had on the field seventy-two thousand men, of which fifteen thousand were cavalry, with 240 guns; Wellington had sixty-eight thousand, of which twelve thousand were cavalry, with 156 guns. Of British infantry (not including the king's German legion) there were fewer than fifteen thousand. The position taken up was two miles south of Waterloo, and extended a mile to the right and a mile to the left of the Charleroi road. A ridge, along which ran the cross road to Wavre, formed its front, and gave shelter to the reserves. The right was thrown back at a right angle to a ravine near Merbe Braine. The chateau of Hougoumont. the farm of La Haye Sainte, and the farms of Papelotte and La Haye were held as advanced posts, in front of the right centre, left centre, and left respectively. In front of the right there was a division at Braine l'Alleud. The guns were on the ridge. The cavalry was mainly on the reverse slope, behind the centre, and was entirely in the hands of Lord Uxbridge [see, first ].

After half an hour's cannonade the battle began at noon by an attack on Hougoumont by Reille's corps. The wood was taken, but the buildings were held throughout the day. At 1.30 D'Erlon's corps advanced against the left, but, repulsed by Picton, and charged by Ponsonby's heavy cavalry, it was driven back in disorder, with a loss of five thousand men. From 4 to 6. the French cavalry, to the number of twelve thousand, wore themselves out in repeated but fruitless charges on the squares of the centre. At the end of six hours' fighting the French had gained no serious advantage, and their reserves had been largely drawn upon. Napoleon had become aware at 1.30 of the approach of the Prussians. He thought for a moment of changing his plan, and turning Wellington's right by the Nivelle road; but he was unwilling to increase his distance from Grouchy, and he sent Lobau with ten thousand men to the right to keep the Prussians in check. Their leading corps (Bülow's) had been told to halt at St. Lambert 'till the enemy's intentions were quite clear' (, p. 192), and it was not till 4.30 that it began to press heavily on Lobau. Before six the latter had to be reinforced by seven thousand men of the guard.

About that time La Haye Sainte was taken, the garrison having exhausted its ammunition, which was of special pattern (, Memoirs, p. 309;, p. 379; , p. 122). This gave the French a footing close to the main line, and the fire of their guns and skirmishers was so destructive that some of the squares broke, and there was a gap in the left centre. Captain Shaw (afterwards Sir James Shaw Kennedy), who brought this startling news to Wellington, was struck by the coolness with which he received it and the precision of his reply. Wellington himself led forward the Brunswick troops to fill the gap, and ordered up the Nassau troops. The latter fired on him, when he tried to rally them shortly afterwards; 'in fact,' he said, 'there was so much misbehaviour that it was only through God's mercy that we won the battle' (, i. 382;, p. 128).

But it was not against this weakened part of the line that Napoleon directed the imperial guard when he made his last bid for victory, about 7.30; but against Maitland's brigade of guards, which was more to the right. The accounts differ widely, but there seems to have been a first attack by two battalions (grenadiers), which was repulsed by Maitland s brigade, and a second attack by four others (chasseurs), of which the two leading battalions were taken in flank by Adam's brigade and driven across the Charleroi road, while the rear battalions retired in good order. These attacks were part of a general effort against the whole position, which came to an end with their failure (, p. 141; Waterloo Letters, pp. 273, 309; 52nd Regiment, i. 42;, p. 295; Houssaye, p. 389).

Wellington was behind Maitland's brigade during this crisis, though there is no good authority for 'Up guards and at them.' He now ordered the whole line to advance, sent forward the light cavalry, and joining the 52nd, the leading battalion of Adam's brigade, pressed it on against such troops as tried to make a stand. By this time Bülow's and Pirch's corps were forcing the French out of Planchenoit; Blücher with Ziethen's corps had joined Wellington's left and recovered Papelotte and La Haye. The French army dissolved, and before nine Napoleon left the field. Blücher met Wellington on the Charleroi road, and it was arranged that the Prussians should undertake the pursuit. Their meeting place was not La Belle Alliance, according to Wellington (Suppl. Desp. x. 508;, p. 212), and he did not accept the Prussian suggestion that the battle 'should bear that name (, p. 251). He was not inclined to magnify the Prussian share in the victory, though he did justice to it. Their loss, nearly seven thousand men, shows how substantial that share was. The loss of Wellington's army was fifteen thousand; that of the French has been reckoned at over thirty thousand, with two hundred


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180 is of unusual size, called "double elephant," and the plates are to be finished in such superb style as to eclipse all of the same kind in existence. The price of each number, which will contain five prints, is two guineas, and all individuals have the privilege of subscribing for the whole, or any portion of it. The two plates now finished are truly beautiful. This number consists of the Turkeycock, the Cuckoos on the pawpaws, and three small drawings, which in the centre of the large sheet have a fine effect, and an air of richness, that I think must ensure success, though I do not yet feel assured that all will go well. Yet on the other hand, all things bear a better aspect than I expected to see for many months, if ever. I think that if my work takes in Edinburgh, it will anywhere. I have strong friends here who interest themselves in me, but I must wait patiently till the first number is finished. Mr. Jameson, the first professor of this place, and the conductor of the "Philosophical Journal," gives a beautiful announcement of my work in the present number, with an account, by me, of the Turkey Buzzard. Dr. Brewster also announces it, with the introductory letter to my work, and Professor Wilson also, in "Blackwood's Magazine." These three journals print upwards of thirty thousand copies, so that my name will spread quickly enough. I am to deliver lectures on Natural History at the Wernerian Society at each of the meetings while I am here, and Professor Jameson told me I should soon be made a member of all the other societies here, and that would give my work a good standing throughout Europe. Much as I find here to enjoy, the great round of company I am thrown in has become fatiguing to me in the extreme, nor does it agree with my early habits. I go out to dine at six, seven, or even eight o'clock in the evening, and it is often one or two when the party breaks up; then painting all day, with my immense correspondence which increases daily, makes my head feel like an immense hornet's-nest, and my

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 Wellesley guns (, p. 315). Wellington himself was untouched, but most of his staff were hit. He wrote next day: 'The losses I have sustained have quite broken me down, and I have no feeling for the advantages we have acquired.' The tears ran down his cheeks as he listened to the surgeon's report (, p. 117).

The two allied armies crossed the French frontier on the 21st, and marched on Paris. They left detachments to deal with the fortresses on the frontier, except Cambrai and Péronne, which were taken by assault. Napoleon had tried to gather together a fresh army at Laon, but Wellington's opinion was 'that he can make no head against us, qu'il n'a qu'à se pendre' (Desp. 23 June). In fact, having returned to Paris on the 21st, he found himself driven to abdicate next day in favour of his son, and on the 25th he retired to Malmaison. After a vain offer to lead the French once more against the rather scattered forces of the allies, he set out on the 29th for Rochefort. The executive commission appointed by the chambers sent envoys to ask for an armistice, but Wellington and Blücher refused to suspend their advance. The Prussians pushed on more quickly than the British, but by the end of the month both armies were before Paris, the Prussians on the south-west, the British on the north. Blücher wished to storm the citv, but Wellington dissuaded him, for there were seventy thousand French troops in it under Davout, and there would have been much needless bloodshed. On 3 July a convention was concluded by which the French army retired behind the Loire. The Prussians occupied Paris, and twenty thousand British troops encamped in the Bois de Boulogne. The restoration of the Bourbons, about which the allies were far from unanimous, seemed to Wellington to offer the only hope of a permanent settlement, and he acted with Fouché, who brought it about (Desp. 8 July and 26 Sept.) Louis XVIII, who by his advice had followed the British army, reentered Paris on the 8th. The allied sovereigns arrived two days afterwards, and negotiations were begun, in which Great Britain was represented by Castlereagh and Wellington.

Several differences of opinion had occurred between Wellington and his impetuous colleague Blücher, and were handled by the former with a happy mixture of strength and suavity. Blücher wanted to get Napoleon into his hands, and meant to shoot him on the spot where the Duc d'Enghien had been shot. Wellington insisted that Napoleon must be disposed of by common accord, and added, with what Gneisenau termed 'theatrical magnanimity,' that both Blücher and himself had played too distinguished parts in these transactions to become executioners (Desp. 28 June;, p. 275). He also interfered to prevent the levying of a heavy contribution on the city of Paris and the destruction of the Pont de Jéna; in the latter case he posted English sentries on the bridge (, i. 41).

When Ney was brought to trial in November, he claimed Wellington's intervention under the twelfth article of the convention of 3 July, which provided that no one should be interfered with on account of his past position, conduct, or opinions. Wellington showed in his reply that this article was not, and could not be, intended to prevent a French government acting as it might think fit, but only to prevent measures of severity under the military authority of those who signed the convention. Accordingly he did not take, and the British ambassador was forbidden to take, any official steps to save Ney; but Wellington did all he could for him privately (, p. 123).

In the discussion of the terms to be imposed on France, Wellington argued forcibly against any considerable cession of French territory, such as the Prussians aimed at, and in favour of an occupation for a term of years (Desp. 11 and 31 Aug.) The Emperor Alexander shared his views, and they prevailed. The second treaty of Paris, signed on 20 Nov., made only minor alterations of frontier, but provided that an army not exceeding a hundred and fifty thousand men should occupy the north-east departments at the cost of France for a term of three, or if necessary five, years. It imposed an indemnity of seven hundred million francs, of which one-fourth was to be spent on the frontier fortresses of the neighbouring states. This was to be in addition to the payment of individual claims against the French government, provided for in the treaty of 1814. In the case of the Netherlands fortresses the works were carried out under Wellington's direction. He was appointed on 22 Oct. to command the army of occupation, which consisted of five equal contingents furnished by England, Russia, Austria, Prussia, and the minor states of Germany.

Five days after the battle of Waterloo parliament had passed a vote of thanks to Wellington, and made him an additional grant of 200,000l. At his suggestion a Waterloo medal was given, not only to the iigher officers, but to all ranks alike, a thing unprecedented (Desp. 28 June and 17 Sept.;


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 Wellesley London Gazette, 23 April 1816). More than thirty years afterwards a medal was similarly granted to all who had taken part in earlier battles and sieges from Egypt to Toulouse (''Lond. Gaz''. 1 June 1847 and 12 Feb. 1850). The king of the Netherlands created Wellington Prince of Waterloo, with an estate which made him one of the largest landowners in Belgium (, p. 284). Louis XVIII offered him the estate of Grosbois, but substituted the order of the Saint-Esprit set in diamonds (, i. .'333;, p. 256). Many other foreign orders were conferred on him (, Official Baronage).

The troops of the army of occupation took up their cantonments in January 1816, and Wellington fixed his headquarters at Cambrai. He entertained largely, and kept a pack of hounds which he hunted regularly, as he had done in Spain. He maintained strict discipline, but insisted on reparation if the French were aggressors. He went to England in the summer of 1816, and again in 1817, being present at the opening of Waterloo Bridge on 18 June. In October 1817, at the request of the Emperor Alexander, he consented to act as referee for the settlement of the claims against the French government, and succeeded in reducing them by three-fourths (Suppl. Desp. 30 Oct. and 30 April 1818). His share in the restoration of works of art to the countries from which they had been taken had given great offence in Paris, and he incurred the animosity of democrats and reactionaries alike. On 25 June 1816 an attempt was made to 'set fire to his house in the Rue Champs-Elysées, where he was giving a ball; and on 10 Feb. 1818 a shot was fired at him as he drove into the courtyard at night. Cantillon, a sous-officier of the empire, was brought to trial for this attempt, but was acquitted. A legacy of ten thousand francs was left to Cantillon by Napoleon I, and paid to his heirs by Napoleon III (Suppl. Desp. 12 Feb. and 19 March;, i. 339; , iii. 40, 61).

A reduction of the army of occupation was proposed by Louis XVIII in 1816, and was supported by Russia, which posed as the special friend of France. Wellington resisted it, but in April 1817 he agreed to the withdrawal of thirty thousand men; and in November 1818, when the term of three years came to an end, he thought the remainder might be withdrawn. He took part in the conferences at Aix-la-Chapelle, where the evacuation was decided on, the quadruple alliance was renewed, and other questions were settled. He was made field-marshal in the Austrian, Russian, and Prussian armies on 15 Nov. On the 2lst his command of the army of occupation came to an end, and he returned to England.

The parliamentary commissioners had bought for him the estate of Strathfieldsaye in Hampshire, on 9 Nov. 1817, for 263,000l.: a bad investment, which he used to say would have ruined any man but himself. He enlarged and improved it, spending on it for many years all the income he derived from it. Cobbett owned, 'according to all account, he is no miser at any rate' (Rural Rides, p. 122). Apsley House, at Hyde Park Corner, was also bought for him from Lord Wellesley; and in 1828, when he had an official residence in Downing Street, he faced it with stone, and added a west wing in which the Waterloo banquet was held annually (Quarterly Review, March 1853, p. 458;, London, i. 57).

In order that Wellington might lend his weight to the government, the master-generalship of the ordnance, with a seat in the cabinet, was given to him on 26 Dec., being resigned by Lord Mulgrave. The ministry was substantially the same as that of which he had been a member ten years before. Various shades of toryism were represented in it. His own was of the deepest, though he was well aware that 'this country was never governed in practice according to the extreme principles of any party whatever.' What has been said of Pitt may be more justly said of Wellington, that he was 'the child and champion of aristocracy' (, i. 2). In the army he favoured 'sprigs of nobility,' held that family and fortune should have their influence on promotion, and distrusted officers (as a class) who had to live on their pay (Desp. 4 Aug. 1810, 11 April 1821). In Spain he had tried to graft on the new constitution 'an assembly of the great landed proprietors such as our House of Lords,' to guard the rights of property; and he had inquired 'whether, if I should find a fair opportunity of striking at the democracy, the government would approve of my doing it' (ib. 25 Jan. and 5 Sept. 1813;, Corresp. p. 348). He despised alike the cheers and the clamour of the mob, and had the worst opinion of those who aimed at a 'low, vulgar popularity.' 'Trust nothing to the enthusiasm of the people. Give them a strong, and a just, and if possible, a good government; but, above all, a strong one,' was his advice to Lord William Bentinck for Italy (Desp. 6 Sept. 1810, 12 June and 24 Dec. 1811). He complained much of


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Rh body wearied beyond all calculation; yet it has to be done; those who have my interests at heart tell me I must not refuse a single invitation. December 11, Monday. Though I awoke feeling much depressed, my dull feelings were soon dissipated by letters from my sweet wife and sons. What joy to know them well and happy on the 14th and 27th of September. My day was a busy one, and at seven I went to Mr. Lizars', having engaged to go with him to the Antiquarian Society, where I met many of my friends, saw a gun-barrel and other things that had belonged to the Spanish Armada, and heard a curious and interesting account of that vast fleet read by Dr. Hibbert, and saw the Scottish antiquities belonging to the society. Tuesday, December 12. This morning at ten I went to the house of Dr. Brewster, whom I found writing in a large room with several fine pictures on the walls. He received me very kindly, and in a few minutes I began reading my paper on the habits of the Carrion Crow, Vultur atratus. About midway my nervousness affected my respiration; I paused a moment, and he was good enough to say it was highly interesting. I resumed, and went on to the end, much to my relief. He who has been brought up an auctioneer, or on the boards of some theatre, with all the knowledge of the proper usage of the voice, and all the aplomb such a life would give, knows nothing of the feelings of bashfulness which agitated me, a man who never looked into an English grammar and who has forgotten most of what he learned in French and Spanish ones — a man who has always felt awkward and shy in the presence of a stranger — a man habituated to ramble alone, with his thoughts usually bent on the beauties of Nature herself —this man, me, to be seated opposite Dr. Brewster in Edinburgh, reading one of my puny efforts at describing habits of birds that none but an Almighty Creator can ever know, was ridiculously

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