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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Monteverde, Claudio

MONTEVERDE, mȯṅ'tā-vãr'dā, or MONTEVERDI, Claudio, Italian composer: b. Cremona, May 1567; d. Venice 29 Nov. 1643. He was a pupil of Ingegneri at Mantua, became (1590) violinist and singer at the Mantuan court and was appointed (1602) bandmaster. In 1613 he was appointed bandmaster of Saint Mark's, Venice, in which position he served till his death. His is one of the most interesting personalities in the history of modern music. He was a pioneer in opera and became noted as composer of madrigals before entering (1583) the operatic field. Among his operas are

‘Orfeo’ (1607); ‘Arianna’ (1608); ‘Proserpina rapita’ (1630); ‘Adone’ (1639); ‘Enca e Lavinia’ (1641); ‘Ulisse’ (1641); ‘L'incoronatione di Pappea’ (1642). He also composed a ballet, ‘Tirsi e Clori’ (1615) and the dramatic scene ‘Il combattimento di Tancredi e Clorinda’ (1624), besides numerous religious works as masses, psalms, motets, etc. Consult Vogel, Emil, ‘Claudio Montéverdé’ (in Vierteljahrsschrift für Musikwissenschaft 1889); Goldsmith, ‘Studien der geschichte der Italienischen Opera in 17 Jahrhundert’ (Leipzig 1904); Mitjana, Rafael, ‘Claudio Monteverde’ (Malaga 1911).


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User talk:Président

— billinghurst  sDrewth  23:27, 21 January 2011 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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 more enlightened, they restricted the offences for which this penalty could be imposed. The movement away from the death penalty gained momentum during the second half of the present century with the growth of the abolitionist movement. In some countries it is now prohibited in all circumstances, in some it is prohibited save in times of war, and in most countries that have retained it as a penalty for crime, its use has been restricted to extreme cases. According to Amnesty International, 1,831 executions were carried out throughout the world in 1993 as a result of sentences of death, of which 1,419 were in China, which means that only 412 executions were carried out in the rest of the world in that year. Today, capital punishment has been abolished as a penalty for murder either specifically or in practice by almost half the countries of the world including the democracies of Europe and our neighbouring countries, Namibia, Mozambique and Angola. In most of those countries where it is retained, as the Amnesty International statistics show, it is seldom used.

In the course of the arguments addressed to us, we were referred to books and articles on the death sentence, and to judgments dealing with challenges made to capital punishment in the courts of other countries and in international tribunals. The international and foreign authorities are of value because they analyse arguments for and against the death sentence and show how courts of other jurisdictions have dealt with this vexed issue. For that reason alone they require our attention. They may also have to be considered because of their relevance to section 35(1) of the Constitution, which states:

"In interpreting the provisions of this Chapter a court of law shall promote the values which underlie an open and democratic society based on freedom and equality and shall, where applicable, have regard to public international law applicable to the protection of the rights entrenched in this Chapter, and may have regard to comparable foreign case law."

Customary international law and the ratification and accession to international agreements is dealt with in section 231 of the Constitution which sets the requirements for such law to be binding within South Africa. In the context of section 35(1), public international law would include non-binding as well as binding law. They may both be used under

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20 THE

Actus primus, Scena prima.

Sp. I


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User talk:Benchmark~enwikisource

— billinghurst  sDrewth  23:33, 21 January 2011 (UTC)

The Tyranny of Bad Journalism
Hi. I am not sure what you were looking to achieve with the edits at The Tyranny of Bad Journalism. The work that you were editing is a reproduction of the original work by the author, so for the moment until what you are trying to do is better understood, then I have reverted that work to its original state. — billinghurst  sDrewth  23:33, 21 January 2011 (UTC)

Your account will be renamed
Hello,

The developer team at Wikimedia is making some changes to how accounts work, as part of our on-going efforts to provide new and better tools for our users like cross-wiki notifications. These changes will mean you have the same account name everywhere. This will let us give you new features that will help you edit and discuss better, and allow more flexible user permissions for tools. One of the side-effects of this is that user accounts will now have to be unique across all 900 Wikimedia wikis. See the announcement for more information.

Unfortunately, your account clashes with another account also called Benchmark. To make sure that both of you can use all Wikimedia projects in future, we have reserved the name Benchmark~enwikisource that only you will have. If you like it, you don't have to do anything. If you do not like it, you can pick out a different name.

Your account will still work as before, and you will be credited for all your edits made so far, but you will have to use the new account name when you log in.

Sorry for the inconvenience.

Yours, Keegan Peterzell Community Liaison, Wikimedia Foundation 23:25, 17 March 2015 (UTC)

Renamed
 This account has been renamed as part of single-user login finalisation. If you own this account you can |log in using your previous username and password for more information. If you do not like this account's new name, you can choose your own using this form after logging in: . -- Keegan (WMF) (talk) 06:42, 21 April 2015 (UTC)

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 will not move me now by your promises.” Archias lost his temper, and began to threaten. “Now,” rejoined Demosthenes, “you speak like a real Macedonian oracle; before you were acting. Wait a moment, then, till I write to my friends.” With these words, Demosthenes withdrew into the inner part of the temple,—still visible, however, from the entrance. He took out a roll of paper, as if he were going to write, put the pen to his mouth, and bit it, as was his habit in composing. Then he threw his head back, and drew his cloak over it. The Thracian spearmen, who were watching him from the door, began to gibe at his cowardice. Archias went in to him, encouraged him to rise, repeated his old arguments, talked to him of reconciliation with Antipater. By this time Demosthenes felt that the poison which he had sucked from the pen was beginning to work. He drew the cloak from his face, and looked steadily at Archias. “Now you can play the part of Creon in the tragedy as soon as you like,” he said, “and cast forth my body unburied. But I, O gracious Poseidon, quit thy temple while I yet live; Antipater and his Macedonians have done what they could to pollute it.” He moved towards the door, calling to them to support his tottering steps. He had just passed the altar of the god, when he fell, and with a groan gave up the ghost (October 322 ).

As a statesman, Demosthenes needs no epitaph but his own words in the speech “On the Crown,”—I say that, if the event had been manifest to the whole world beforehand, not even then ought Athens to have forsaken this course, if Athens had any regard for her glory, or for her past, or for the ages to come. The Persian soldier in Herodotus, following Xerxes to foreseen ruin, confides to his fellow-guest at the banquet that the bitterest pain which man can know is  ,—complete, but helpless, prescience. In the grasp of a more inexorable necessity, the champion of Greek freedom was borne onward to a more tremendous catastrophe than that which strewed the waters of Salamis with Persian wrecks and the field of Plataea with Persian dead; but to him, at least, it was given to proclaim aloud the clear and sure foreboding that filled his soul, to do all that true heart and free hand could do for his cause, and, though not to save, yet to encourage, to console and to ennoble. As the inspiration of his life was larger and higher than the mere courage of resistance, so his merit must be regarded as standing altogether outside and above the struggle with Macedon. The great purpose which he set before him was to revive the public spirit, to restore the political vigour, and to re-establish the Panhellenic influence of Athens,—never for her own advantage merely, but always in the interest of Greece. His glory is, that while he lived he helped Athens to live a higher life. Wherever the noblest expressions of her mind are honoured, wherever the large conceptions of Pericles command the admiration of statesmen, wherever the architect and the sculptor love to dwell on the masterpieces of Ictinus and Pheidias, wherever the spell of ideal beauty or of lofty contemplation is exercised by the creations of Sophocles or of Plato, there it will be remembered that the spirit which wrought in all these would have passed sooner from among men, if it had not been recalled from a trance, which others were content to mistake for the last sleep, by the passionate breath of Demosthenes.

The orator in whom artistic genius was united, more perfectly than in any other man, with moral enthusiasm and with intellectual grasp, has held in the modern world the same rank which was accorded to him in the old; but he cannot enjoy the same appreciation. Macaulay’s ridicule has rescued from oblivion the criticism which pronounced the eloquence of Chatham to be more ornate than that of Demosthenes, and less diffuse than that of Cicero. Did the critic, asks Macaulay, ever hear any speaking that was less ornamented than that of Demosthenes, or more diffuse than that of Cicero? Yet the critic’s remark was not so pointless as Macaulay thought it. Sincerity and intensity are, indeed, to the modern reader, the most obvious characteristics of Demosthenes. His style is, on the whole, singularly free from what we are accustomed to regard as rhetorical embellishment. Where the modern orator would employ a wealth of imagery, or elaborate a picture in exquisite detail, Demosthenes is content with a phrase or a word. Burke uses, in reference to Hyder Ali, the same image which Demosthenes uses in reference to Philip. “Compounding all the materials of fury, havoc, desolation, into one black cloud, he hung for a while on the declivity of the mountains. Whilst the authors of all these evils were idly and stupidly gazing on this menacing meteor, which darkened all their horizon, it suddenly burst, and poured down the whole of its contents upon the plains of the Carnatic.” Demosthenes forbears to amplify. “The people gave their voice, and the danger which hung upon our borders went by like a cloud.” To our modern feeling, the eloquence of Demosthenes exhibits everywhere a general stamp of earnest and simple strength. But it is well to remember the charge made against the style of Demosthenes by a contemporary Greek orator, and the defence offered by the best Greek critic of oratory. Aeschines reproached the diction of Demosthenes with excess of elaboration and adornment ( ). Dionysius, in reply, admits that Demosthenes does at times depart from simplicity,—that his style is sometimes elaborately ornate and remote from the ordinary usage. But, he adds, Demosthenes adopts this manner where it is justified by the elevation of his theme. The remark may serve to remind us of our modern disadvantage for a full appreciation of Demosthenes. The old world felt, as we do, his moral and mental greatness, his fire, his self-devotion, his insight. But it felt also, as we can never feel, the versatile perfection of his skill. This it was that made Demosthenes unique to the ancients. The ardent patriot, the far-seeing statesman, were united in his person with the consummate and unapproachable artist. Dionysius devoted two special treatises to Demosthenes,—one on his language and style ( ), the other on his treatment of subject-matter ( ). The latter is lost. The former is one of the best essays in literary criticism which antiquity has bequeathed to us. The idea which it works out is that Demosthenes has perfected Greek prose by fusing in a glorious harmony the elements which had hitherto belonged to separate types. The austere dignity of Antiphon, the plain elegance of Lysias, the smooth and balanced finish of that middle or normal character which is represented by Isocrates, have come together in Demosthenes. Nor is this all. In each species he excels the specialists. He surpasses the school of Antiphon in perspicuity, the school of Lysias in verve, the school of Isocrates in variety, in felicity, in symmetry, in pathos, in power. Demosthenes has at command all the discursive brilliancy which fascinates a festal audience. He has that power of concise and lucid narration, of terse reasoning, of persuasive appeal, which is required by the forensic speaker. His political eloquence can worthily image the majesty of the state, and enforce weighty counsels with lofty and impassioned fervour. A true artist, he grudged no labour which could make the least part of his work more perfect. Isocrates spent ten years on the Panegyricus. After Plato’s death, a manuscript was found among his papers with the first eight words of the Republic arranged in several different orders. What wonder, then, asks the Greek critic, if the diligence of Demosthenes was no less incessant and minute? “To me,” he says, “it seems far more natural that a man engaged in composing political discourses, imperishable memorials of his power, should neglect not even the smallest details, than that the veneration of painters and sculptors, who are darkly showing forth their manual tact and toil in a corruptible material, should exhaust the refinements of their art on the veins, on the feathers, on the down of the lip, and the like niceties.”

More than half of the sixty-one speeches extant under the name of Demosthenes are certainly or probably spurious. The results to which the preponderance of opinion leans are given in the following table. Those marked a were already rejected or doubted in antiquity; those marked m, first in modern times:

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 Rh Paxson's narrative does not account for Canning's so suddenly dropping his communications on South American matters with Rush, or for his final diplomatic advance to Polignac. Commerce or the pressure of merchants' petitions would have permitted recognition at any time after the entrance of the French armies into Spain. It was for another cause that Canning took the step that was to lead to recognition. Through Rush he had assured himself that the United States had no intention or interest in acquiring territory lately under the dominion of Spain, By Polignac he learned that France had no land-thirst to be assuaged in America. Having ascertained the position of the two powers most directly concerned, he could then prepare the instructions for his agents sent to South America, and deny that Great Britain had any idea of bringing any part of the late Spanish possessions under her dominion, or would tolerate their being brought under the dominion of any other power.

The proof-reading might have been better. . A Political History of Slavery. Being an Account of the Slavery Controversy from the Earliest Agitations in the Eighteenth Century to the close of the Reconstruction Period. By, with an introduction by. (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons. 1903. Pp. xvi, 350; iv, 456.)

author of this work was one of the prominent editors and political leaders of Ohio during the period preceding and following our Civil War. He was an active party agent and a leader of party opinion in the course of the events which he narrates. A follower and youthful admirer of Clay and Corwin in Whig days, an ardent Republican and faithful follower arid co-worker of Lincoln, Chase, Brough, Morton, and Sherman on the issues of slavery and Civil War, a constant editorial contributor to the party controversies of his day, himself heading his party ticket for the office of secretary of state in Ohio in 1864, Mr. Smith witnessed and helped to make a considerable part of the history of which he writes. His volumes reflect the issues and controversies, the men and measures, as they appeared to him in the midst of the struggle. It cannot be claimed, therefore, that he constructs his political history like an impartial and judicial historian. The party attitude is apparent. The author is fully convinced in his own mind, to begin with, that the cause of civilization and progress is with his side, and this leads him, naturally, to judgments and condemnations, to awarding praise and blame, to the language of censure and denunciation for the opponents of his cause. While the writer is large-minded and at times philosophical, the measure of argument for the other view, the reasons and circumstances influencing the adversary—such as may be necessary to the full presentation of the case in the court of history, are not fully meted out. The pleas of the contestants are not allowed as fully as should be to speak for themselves. But while this is true, as it is true of other


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 386 to the history of this struggle by personal participants, the careful reader of Mr. Smith's volumes will be fully convinced that they are a valuable contribution to the literature of our political history.

The extent of his subject which the author's subtitle lays out for him would lead us to expect necessarily brief, if not inadequate, treatment of many topics. The fact is, very important aspects of his subject prior to the close of the Mexican War in 1848 are either omitted entirely or receive but scant attention. The status of slavery in the colonies, the causes and processes of emancipation in the northern states, the debates touching slave interests in the Federal Convention of 1787, the influence of the purchase of Louisiana, the causes for the subsidence of the abolition spirit of the period of the Revolution, the cotton-gin and the economic influences leading slavery to become intrenched in the south, the Southern defense and view of slavery—these topics, if mentioned at all, are but slightly and incidently touched upon. The Missouri struggle of 1820, one of the most important chapters in the slavery controversy, involving constitutional and political arguments of the first rank, is referred to in a few lines, and the compromise resulting from that exciting struggle is mentioned only in connection with and subsequent to its repeal in 1854. Less than three pages are devoted to the annexation of Texas. Lundy's work is but briefly recognized. Dr. Channing's essay on slavery in 1835 is regarded, perhaps quite properly, as the "most influential contribution to the discussion of the subject throughout the whole controversy." But Garrison and the Abolitionists, in whose cause Channing's pen was soon enlisted, are brought into view by our author chiefly for their condemnation. Their shortcomings and excesses; the violence of their language; the censure visited upon them by the moderate opinion of their time are recited: but their merits; their services to the cause of the slave at a time when theirs were the only voices raised in his behalf; the effects of their agitation on public opinion and parties north and south; their literature; the courage they manifested and the character and labors of the men and women promoting their cause; the humanitarian spirit and political theory underlying this cause; the great moral impulse given to the antislavery movement by Abolition agitators and organizers like May, Green, Jay, Phillips, the Tappans, Whittier, Lowell, and Emerson—most of whom are unmentioned; the political effect of their movement in promoting sectionalism and secession—these worthy subjects do not receive that share of attention and appreciation one has a right to expect of a history of American slavery. Theodore Parker, Henry Ward Beecher, and Harriet Beecher Stowe are not mentioned in the account of this struggle. Almost equal neglect is visited upon the Free-soilers and the political movement against slavery extension which they organized. Leaders like Birney, Hale, Andrew, Hoar, Sumner, Wilson, Julian, Palfrey, and Giddings are either left to one side or are but slightly noticed—Chase among all the pronounced antislavery men of his day being accorded suitable rank and influence. It is the safe Whig party-leaders— the politicians rather than the positive agitators and reformers—and the


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 the section as tools of interpretation. International agreements and customary international law accordingly provide a framework within which Chapter Three can be evaluated and understood, and for that purpose, decisions of tribunals dealing with comparable instruments, such as the United Nations Committee on Human Rights, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, the Inter-American Court of Human Rights, the European Commission on Human Rights, and the European Court of Human Rights, and in appropriate cases, reports of specialised agencies such as the International Labour Organisation may provide guidance as to the correct interpretation of particular provisions of Chapter Three.

Capital punishment is not prohibited by public international law, and this is a factor that has to be taken into account in deciding whether it is cruel, inhuman or degrading punishment within the meaning of section 11(2). International human rights agreements differ, however, from our Constitution in that where the right to life is expressed in unqualified terms they either deal specifically with the death sentence, or authorise exceptions to be made to the right to life by law. This has influenced the way international tribunals have dealt with issues

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 relating to capital punishment, and is relevant to a proper understanding of such decisions.

Comparative "bill of rights" jurisprudence will no doubt be of importance, particularly in the early stages of the transition when there is no developed indigenous jurisprudence in this branch of the law on which to draw. Although we are told by section 35(1) that we "may" have regard to foreign case law, it is important to appreciate that this will not necessarily offer a safe guide to the interpretation of Chapter Three of our Constitution. This has already been pointed out in a number of decisions of the Provincial and Local Divisions of the Supreme Court, and is implicit in the injunction given to the Courts in section 35(1), which in permissive terms allows the Courts to "have regard to" such law. There is no injunction to do more than this.

When challenges to the death sentence in international or foreign courts and tribunals have failed, the constitution or the international instrument concerned has either directly sanctioned capital punishment or has specifically provided that the right to life is subject to exceptions sanctioned by law. The only case to which we were referred in which there were not such express provisions in the Constitution, was the decision of the Hungarian Constitutional Court. There the challenge succeeded and the death penalty was declared to be unconstitutional.

Our Constitution expresses the right to life in an unqualified form, and prescribes the criteria that have to be met for the limitation of entrenched rights, including the prohibition of legislation that negates the essential content of an entrenched right. In dealing with comparative law, we must bear in mind that we are required to construe the South African Constitution, and not an international instrument or the constitution of some foreign country, and that this has to be done with due regard to our legal system, our history and circumstances, and the structure and language of our own Constitution. We can derive assistance from public international law and foreign case law, but we are in no way bound to follow it.

Capital Punishment in the United States of America

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Or. 60 ( ) and Or. 61 ( ) are works of rhetoricians. The six epistles are also forgeries; they were used by the composer of the twelve epistles which bear the name of Aeschines. The 56 , exordia or sketches for political speeches, are by various hands and of various dates. They are valuable as being compiled from Demosthenes himself, or from other classical models.

The ancient fame of Demosthenes as an orator can be compared only with the fame of Homer as a poet. Cicero, with generous appreciation, recognizes Demosthenes as the standard of perfection. Dionysius, the closest and most penetrating of his ancient critics, exhausts the language of admiration in showing how Demosthenes united and elevated whatever had been best in earlier masters of the Greek idiom. Hermogenes, in his works on rhetoric, refers to Demosthenes as , the orator. The writer of the treatise On Sublimity knows no heights loftier than those to which Demosthenes has risen. From his own younger contemporaries, Aristotle and Theophrastus, who founded their theory of rhetoric in large part on his practice, down to the latest Byzantines, the consent of theorists, orators, antiquarians, anthologists, lexicographers, offered the same unvarying homage to Demosthenes. His work busied commentators such as Xenon, Minucian, Basilicus, Aelius, Theon, Zosimus of Gaza. Arguments to his speeches were drawn up by rhetoricians so distinguished as Numenius and Libanius. Accomplished men of letters, such as Julius Vestinus and Aelius Dionysius, selected from his writings choice passages for declamation or perusal, of which fragments are incorporated in the miscellany of Photius and the lexicons of Harpocration, Pollux and Suidas. It might have been anticipated that the purity of a text so widely read and so renowned would, from the earliest times, have been guarded with jealous care. The works of the three great dramatists had been thus protected, about 340, by a standard Attic recension. But no such good fortune befell the works of Demosthenes. Alexandrian criticism was chiefly occupied with poetry. The titular works of Demosthenes were, indeed, registered, with those of the other orators, in the catalogues of Alexandria and Pergamum. But no thorough attempt was made to separate the authentic works from those spurious works which had even then become mingled with them. Philosophical schools which, like the Stoic, felt the ethical interest of Demosthenes, cared little for his language. The rhetoricians who imitated or analysed his style cared little for the criticism of his text. Their treatment of it had, indeed, a direct tendency to falsify it. It was customary to indicate by marks those passages which were especially useful for study or imitation. It then became a rhetorical exercise to recast, adapt or interweave such passages. Sopater, the commentator on Hermogenes, wrote on, “adaptations or transcripts of passages in Demosthenes.” Such manipulation could not but lead to interpolations or confusions in the original text. Great, too, as was the attention bestowed on the thought, sentiment and style of Demosthenes, comparatively little care was bestowed on his subject-matter. He was studied more on the moral and the formal side than on the real side. An incorrect substitution of one name for another, a reading which gave an impossible date, insertions of spurious laws or decrees, were points which few readers would stop to notice. Hence it resulted that, while Plato, Thucydides and Demosthenes were the most universally popular of the classical prose-writers, the text of Demosthenes, the most widely used perhaps of all, was also the least pure. His more careful students at length made an effort to arrest the process of corruption. Editions of Demosthenes based on a critical recension, and called, came to be distinguished from the vulgates, or.

Among the extant manuscripts of Demosthenes—upwards of 170 in number—one is far superior, as a whole, to the rest. This is Parisinus 2934, of the 10th century. A comparison of this MS. with the extracts of Aelius, Aristeides and Harpocration from the Third Philippic favours the view that it is derived from an , whereas the  , used by Hermogenes and by the rhetoricians generally, have been the chief sources of our other manuscripts. The collation of this manuscript by Immanuel Bekker first placed the textual criticism of Demosthenes on a sound footing. Not only is this manuscript nearly free from interpolations, but it is the sole voucher for many excellent readings. Among the other MSS., some of the most important are—Marcianus 416 F, of the 10th (or 11th) century, the basis of the Aldine edition; Augustanus I. (N 85), derived from the last, and containing scholia to the speeches on the Crown and the Embassy, by Ulpian, with some by a younger writer, who was

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 The earliest litigation on the validity of the death sentence seems to have been pursued in the courts of the United States of America. It has been said there that the "Constitution itself poses the first obstacle to [the] argument that capital punishment is per se unconstitutional". From the beginning, the United States Constitution recognised capital punishment as lawful. The Fifth Amendment (adopted in 1791) refers in specific terms to capital punishment and impliedly recognises its validity. The Fourteenth Amendment (adopted in 1868) obliges the states, not to "deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law" and it too impliedly recognises the right of the states to make laws for such purposes. The argument that capital punishment is unconstitutional was based on the Eighth Amendment, which prohibits cruel and unusual punishment. Although the Eighth Amendment "has not been regarded as a static concept" and as drawing its meaning "from the evolving standards of decency that mark the progress of a maturing society", the fact that the Constitution recognises the lawfulness of capital punishment has proved to be an obstacle in the way of the acceptance of this argument, and this is stressed in some of the judgments of the United States Supreme Court.

Although challenges under state constitutions to the validity of the death sentence have been successful, the federal constitutionality of the death sentence as a legitimate form of punishment for murder was affirmed by the United States Supreme Court in Gregg v. Georgia. Both before and after

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 perhaps Moschopulus; Parisinus ; Antverpiensis —the last two comparatively free from additions. The fullest authority on the MSS. is J. T. Vömel, Notitia codicum Demosth., and Prolegomena Critica to his edition published at Halle (1856–1857), pp. 175-178.

The extant scholia on Demosthenes are for the most part poor. Their staple consists of Byzantine erudition; and their value depends chiefly on what they have preserved of older criticism. They are better than usual for the  ; best for the . The Greek commentaries ascribed to Ulpian are especially defective on the historical side, and give little essential aid. Editions:—C. W. Müller, in ''Orat. Att.'' ii. (1847–1858); ''Scholia Graeca in Demosth. ex cod. aucta et emendata'' (Oxon., 1851; in W. Dindorf’s ed.).

 DEMOTIC (Gr. , of or belonging to the people), a term, meaning popular, specially applied to that cursive script of the ancient Egyptian language used for business and literary purposes,—for the people. It is opposed to “hieratic” (Gr. , of or belonging to the priests), the script, an abridged form of the hieroglyphic, used in transcribing the religious texts. (See, and , Ancient, D. Language and Writing.)

 DEMOTICA, or, a town of European Turkey, in the vilayet of Adrianople; on the Maritza valley branch of the Constantinople-Salonica railway, about 35 m. S. of Adrianople. Pop. (1905) about 10,000. Demotica is built at the foot of a conical hill on the left bank of the river Kizildeli, near its junction with the Maritza. It was formerly the seat of a Greek archbishop, and besides the ancient citadel and palace on the summit of the hill contains several Greek churches, mosques and public baths. In the middle ages, when it was named Didymotichos, it was one of the principal marts of Thrace; in modern times it has regained something of its commercial importance, and exports pottery, linen, silk and grain. These goods are sent to Dédéagatch for shipment. Demotica was the birthplace of the Turkish sultan Bayezid I. (1347); after the battle of Poltava, Charles XII. of Sweden resided here from February 1713 to October 1714.

 DEMPSTER, THOMAS (1579–1625), Scottish scholar and historian, was born at Cliftbog, Aberdeenshire, the son of Thomas Dempster of Muresk, Auchterless and Killesmont, sheriff of Banff and Buchan. According to his own account, he was the twenty-fourth of twenty-nine children, and was early remarkable for precocious talent. He obtained his early education in Aberdeenshire, and at ten entered Pembroke Hall, Cambridge; after a short while he went to Paris, and, driven thence by the plague, to Louvain, whence by order of the pope he was transferred with several other Scottish students to the papal seminary at Rome. Being soon forced by ill health to leave, he went to the English college at Douai, where he remained three years and took his M.A. degree. While at Douai he wrote a scurrilous attack on Queen Elizabeth, which caused a riot among the English students. But, if his truculent character was thus early displayed, his abilities were no less conspicuous; and, though still in his teens, he became lecturer on the Humanities at Tournai, whence, after but a short stay, he returned to Paris, to take his degree of doctor of canon law, and become regent of the college of Navarre. He soon left Paris for Toulouse, which in turn he was forced to leave owing to the hostility of the city authorities, aroused by his violent assertion of university rights. He was now elected professor of eloquence at the university or academy of Nîmes, but not without a murderous attack upon him by one of the defeated candidates and his supporters, followed by a suit for libel, which, though he ultimately won his case, forced him to leave the town. A short engagement in Spain, as tutor to the son of Marshal de Saint Luc, was terminated by another quarrel; and Dempster now returned to Scotland with the intention of asserting a claim to his father’s estates. Finding his relatives unsympathetic, and falling into heated controversy with the Presbyterian clergy, he made no long stay, but returned to Paris, where he remained for seven years, becoming professor in several colleges successively. At last, however, his temporary connexion with the collège de Beauvais was ended by a feat of arms which proved him as stout a fighter with his sword as with his pen; and, since his victory was won over officers of the king’s guard, it again became expedient for him to change his place of residence. The dedication of his edition of Rosinus’ Antiquitatum Romanorum corpus absolutissimum to King James I. had won him an invitation to the English court; and in 1615 he went to London. His reception by the king was flattering enough; but his hopes of preferment were dashed by the opposition of the Anglican clergy to the promotion of a papist. He left for Rome, where, after a short imprisonment on suspicion of being a spy, he gained the favour of Pope Paul V., through whose influence with Cosimo II., grand duke of Tuscany, he was appointed to the professorship of the Pandects at Pisa. He had married while in London, but ere long had reason to suspect his wife’s relations with a certain Englishman. Violent accusations followed, indignantly repudiated; a diplomatic correspondence ensued, and a demand was made, and supported by the grand duke, for an apology, which the professor refused to make, preferring rather to lose his chair. He now set out once more for Scotland, but was intercepted by the Florentine cardinal Luigi Capponi, who induced him to remain at Bologna as professor of Humanity. This was the most distinguished post in the most famous of continental universities, and Dempster was now at the height of his fame. Though his Roman Antiquities and Scotia illustrior had been placed on the Index pending correction, Pope Urban VIII. made him a knight and gave him a pension. He was not, however, to enjoy his honours long. His wife eloped with a student, and Dempster, pursuing the fugitives in the heat of summer, caught a fever, and died at Bologna on the 6th of September 1625.

Dempster owed his great position in the history of scholarship to his extraordinary memory, and to the versatility which made him equally at home in philology, criticism, law, biography and history. His style is, however, often barbarous; and the obvious

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 defects of his works are due to his restlessness and impetuosity, and to a patriotic and personal vanity which led him in Scottish questions into absurd exaggerations, and in matters affecting his own life into an incurable habit of romancing. The best known of his works is the Historia ecclesiastica gentis Scotorum (Bologna, 1627). In this book he tries to prove that Bernard (Sapiens), Alcuin, Boniface and Joannes Scotus Erigena were all Scots, and even Boadicea becomes a Scottish author. This criticism is not applicable to his works on antiquarian subjects, and his edition of Benedetto Accolti’s De bello a Christianis contra barbaros (1623) has great merits.

 DEMURRAGE (from “demur,” Fr. demeurer, to delay, derived from Lat. mora), in the law of merchant shipping, the sum payable by the freighter to the shipowner for detention of the vessel in port beyond the number of days allowed for the purpose of loading or unloading (see : under Charter-parties). The word is also used in railway law for the charge on detention of trucks; and in banking for the charge per ounce made by the Bank of England in exchanging coin or notes for bullion.

 DEMURRER (from Fr. demeurer, to delay, Lat. morari), in English law, an objection taken to the sufficiency, in point of law, of the pleading or written statement of the other side. In equity pleading a demurrer lay only against the bill, and not against the answer; at common law any part of the pleading could be demurred to. On the passing of the Judicature Act of 1875 the procedure with respect to demurrers in civil cases was amended, and, subsequently, by the Rules of the Supreme Court, Order XXV. demurrers were abolished and a more summary process for getting rid of pleadings which showed no reasonable cause of action or defence was adopted, called proceedings in lieu of demurrer. Demurrer in criminal cases still exists, but is now seldom resorted to. Demurrers are still in constant use in the United States. See ;.

 DENAIN, a town of northern France in the department of Nord, 8 m. S.W. of Valenciennes by steam tramway. A mere village in the beginning of the 19th century, it rapidly increased from 1850 onwards, and, according to the census of 1906, possessed 22,845 inhabitants, mainly engaged in the coal mines and iron-smelting works, to which it owes its development. There are also breweries, manufactories of machinery, sugar and glass. A school of commerce and industry is among the institutions. Denain has a port on the left bank of the Scheldt canal. Its vicinity was the scene of the decisive victory gained in 1712 by Marshal Villars over the allies commanded by Prince Eugène; and the battlefield is marked by a monolithic monument inscribed with the verses of Voltaire:—

 DENBIGH, WILLIAM FEILDING, (d. 1643), son of Basil Feilding of Newnham Paddox in Warwickshire, and of Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Walter Aston, was educated at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and knighted in 1603. He married Susan, daughter of Sir George Villiers, sister of the future duke of Buckingham, and on the rise of the favourite received various offices and dignities. He was appointed custos rotulorum of Warwickshire, and master of the great wardrobe in 1622, and created baron and viscount Feilding in 1620, and earl of Denbigh on the 14th of September 1622. He attended Prince Charles on the Spanish adventure, served as admiral in the unsuccessful expedition to Cadiz in 1625, and commanded the disastrous attempt upon Rochelle in 1628, becoming the same year a member of the council of war, and in 1633 a member of the council of Wales. In 1631 Lord Denbigh visited the East. On the outbreak of the Civil War he served under Prince Rupert and was present at Edgehill. On the 3rd of April 1643 during Rupert’s attack on Birmingham he was wounded and died from the effects on the 8th, being buried at Monks Kirby in Warwickshire. His courage, unselfishness and devotion to duty are much praised by Clarendon.

His eldest son,, 2nd earl of Denbigh (c. 1608–1675), was educated at Emmanuel College, Cambridge. He was summoned to the House of Lords as Baron Feilding in March 1629. After seeing military service in the Netherlands he was sent in 1634 by Charles I. as ambassador to Venice, where he remained for five years. When the Civil War broke out Feilding, unlike the other members of his family, ranged himself among the Parliamentarians, led a regiment of horse at Edgehill, and, having become earl of Denbigh in April 1643, was made commander-in-chief of the Parliamentary army in Warwickshire and the neighbouring counties, and lord-lieutenant of Warwickshire. During the year 1644 he was fairly active in the field, but in some quarters he was distrusted and he resigned his command after the passing of the self-denying ordinance in April 1645. At Uxbridge in 1645 Denbigh was one of the commissioners appointed to treat with the king, and he undertook a similar duty at Carisbrooke in 1647. Clarendon relates how at Uxbridge Denbigh declared privately that he regretted the position in which he found himself, and expressed his willingness to serve Charles I. He supported the army in its dispute with the parliament, but he would take no part in the trial of Charles I. Under the government of the commonwealth Denbigh was a member of the council of state, but his loyalty to his former associates grew lukewarm, and gradually he came to be regarded as a royalist. In 1664 the earl was created Baron St Liz. Although four times married he left no issue when he died on the 28th of November 1675.

His titles devolved on his nephew (1640–1685), son and heir of his brother George (created Baron Feilding of Lecaghe, Viscount Callan and earl of Desmond), and the earldom of Desmond has been held by his descendants to the present day in conjunction with the earldom of Denbigh.

 DENBIGH (Dinbych), a municipal and (with Holt, Ruthin and Wrexham) contributory parliamentary borough, market town and county town of Denbighshire, N. Wales, on branches of the London & North Western and the Great Western railways. Pop. (1901) 6438. Denbigh Castle, surrounding the hill with a double wall, was built, in Edward I.’s reign, by Henry de Lacy, earl of Lincoln, from whom the town received its first charter. The outer wall is nearly a mile round; over its main gateway is a niche with a figure representing, possibly, Edward I., but more probably, de Lacy. Here, in 1645, after the defeat of Rowton Moor, Charles I. found shelter, the castle long resisting the Parliamentarians, and being reduced to ruins by his successor. The chief buildings are the Carmelite Priory (ruins dating perhaps from the 13th century); a Bluecoat school (1514); a free grammar school (1527); an orphan girl school (funds left by Thomas Howel to the Drapers’ Co., in Henry VII.’s reign); the town hall (built in 1572 by Robert Dudley, earl of Leicester, enlarged and restored in 1780); an unfinished church (begun by Leicester); a market hall (with arcades or “rows,” such as those of Chester or Yarmouth); and the old parish church of St Marcella. The streams near Denbigh are the Clwyd and Elwy. The inhabitants of Denbigh are chiefly occupied in the timber trade, butter-making, poultry-farming, bootmaking, tanning and quarrying (lime, slate and paving-stones). The borough of Denbigh has a separate commission of the peace, but no separate court of quarter sessions. The town has long been known as a Welsh publishing centre, the vernacular newspaper, Baner, being edited and printed here. Near Denbigh, at Bodelwyddan, &c., coal is worked.

The old British tower and castle were called Castell caled fryn yn Rhôs, the “castle of the hard hill in Rhôs.” Din in

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 Rh Western men rather than the New Englanders—that receive our author's interest and attention.

Eighty pages of this work are given to the subject down to the presidential election of 1848. The omissions that we have cited on this period are, however, not without compensations. On the controversy touching the genesis of Abolitionism Mr. Smith goes back beyond Garrison or Lundy or Charles Osborne, and brings into view the work of John Woolman, a New Jersey Quaker who, it is stated (by an anachronistic misprint), was born in 1720 and who, "in 1732, at the age of twenty-six," published his essay on Considerations on the Keeping of Negroes. The cases involving the maritime law and national security for slavery on the seas; the influence of the Quaker migration from Virginia and the Carolinas to the Northwest, and its subsequent influence on the antislavery cause; the legal struggles for the slave, especially in Ohio; and valuable references to Ohio politics and leaders—the treatment of these topics gives decided value to this part of the work.

The more valuable parts of Mr. Smith's work begin with the discussions on the Wilmot Proviso (whose origin he attributes to Judge Jacob R. Brinkerhoff, of Ohio), the compromises of 1850, and the exciting political history which follows. These are events within his recollection and experience. He approves the Whig conservatism of Clay, Webster, and Corwin as necessary to the saving of the Union, and he claims that much was gained for freedom by the compromises of 1850. Corwin is given large prominence, and considerable attention is given to his speeches, especially the one against the Mexican War in 1847 and that on the political issues of 1859. Corwin's policy of committing the Whig party in 1847 t0 opposition to territorial acquisition as a means of avoiding the necessity of taking a party stand on the Wilmot Proviso is brought out in interesting correspondence. The antislavery men of Massachusetts, it is stated, "hoped to follow Corwin, but they wanted him to be as radical as themselves"; and Giddings is reproved for demands on Corwin that would lead to the organization of a new party, and for demanding of Winthrop "security for the future" before voting for him for speaker in 1849.

A full, complete, and satisfactory presentation of the large subjects coming up in the decade before the war is not attempted. But the principal topics are brought into review, and much valuable and important material is suggested, though but few phases of the struggle are fully considered. The volume is strong on the organization of the Republican party, in showing that it was by no means a party of abolition; that in its fundamental principles it was opposed both to the extension of slavery and to interference with that institution in the states; that resistance to slavery extension was the single paramount issue by which it was sought to unite under one banner Free Democrats, radical and conservative antislavery Whigs, German-Americans, and the antislavery Know-nothings. When Douglas interpreted the Republican issues in 1856, calling for "no evasion and no cheating, no skulking or lowering of colors"—instead of


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Author:Osbert Salvin

Works

 * Biologia Centrali-Americana, (52 vols., 1879–1915, with Frederick DuCane Godman)
 * Catalogue of the Strickland Collection
 * Contributed to the Catalogue of Birds in the British Museum
 * Coloured Figures of British Birds (1897)
 * Edited The Ibis

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 388 "the rugged issues to which Douglas claimed the Republicans had committed themselves and which had been pressed to the front by the pronounced antislavery men"—"the more prudent counsel of Blair" was followed, who would call all to unite who objected to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and the extension of slavery. "This embraced thousands who were opposed to the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, to meddling with the interstate slave-trade or with slavery in the District of Columbia." After a review of Buchanan's administration from the standpoint of the opposition, and of the progress of the secession movement (which is attributed to conspiracy) and of the attempt at conciliation (in which the author approves the positive stand of Wade and Clark—that the provisions of the Constitution, if enforced, were sufficient to preserve the Union), the first volume closes with the opening of the war.

The second volume deals with the Civil War, Emancipation, and Reconstruction. The Peace Democrats and the Knights of the Golden Circle, especially the course of Vallandigham in Ohio, receive the attention of a chapter. The suspension of habeas corpus and the war powers of the President, national finances and the conduct of Congress, the politics of the war, especially the campaign of Governor Brought in Ohio, and the election of 1864, are set forth from the standpoint of loyalty to the administration. On Reconstruction and Impeachment the author is pronounced in opposition to President Johnson and in favor of the Congressional party. In these days when it is the custom of historical essayists to disparage the Congressional work of Reconstruction, it is well that we have an author restating as Mr. Smith does the causes leading to the drastic measures of Reconstruction, the arguments for manhood suffrage, the political theory underlying the War Amendments, and the faith in the equal rights of all men, white or black, that prompted the able and sincere Congressional leaders in Reconstruction times. For these and for many other aspects of these volumes the historical student, as well as the casual reader, will feel grateful to the author. Historical students are, also, pleased to learn that what may be considered a practical continuation of this work is being carried forward by the son-in-law of Mr. Smith, Mr. Charles R. Williams, editor of the Indianapolis News, in a Life of Rutherford B. Hayes. With President Hayes in politics and public life Mr. Smith was long and intimately associated. The original material which Mr. Smith has used and referred to, in the shape of correspondence, newspaper files, and pamphlets, and that which he transmits to his successor, will make these volumes of great value and interest to all readers and students of American political history.

The closing chapter of the work under review is contributed by Professor John J. Halsey, Professor of Political Science in Lake Forest University, under the caption, "The Failure of Reconstruction." This brings into review, in a scholarly and judicial summary, the chief events and forces from 1869 to 1877 leading to the abandonment of the historical plan of Reconstruction by the withdrawal of the national military power from the south and the elimination of the negro from Southern


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 Rh politics—"because," as Professor Halsey says, "the best thought of the North at last realized that it is impossible to solve the social and moral problems of a people from without." So far as the application of this vital principle in American government has wrought its logical and natural changes since Reconstruction times, the results and the failures of Reconstruction will be accepted without serious resistance. For there are few, if any, who now wish to quarrel with the old American idea that each state should solve its own social and political problems, subject only to the national law and interest, and with only such help as the state herself invites. But Professor Halsey's brief view of Reconstruction, though it is the one now generally put forward by fashionable university scholarship, will certainly not pass among all thoughtful and candid men without exciting some antagonisms and a list of exceptions. The author of the work for which he writes would certainly not have written such a chapter. Passing by the quiet assumption that Reconstruction statesmanship produced no successes worth mentioning, we note a few implications that may well be brought to the light of further inspection.

Professor Halsey speaks of the negro's "bidding a long farewell to the political arena," implying that that condition is desirable and final. All carpet-baggers are made to look alike,—alike execrable and odious, and he recognizes no redeeming or ameliorating virtue in the carpet-bag regime. He speaks of the Fifteenth amendment as giving the negro the ballot, "which has proved a curse rather than a blessing"—which implies a condemnation of that amendment. Under the conditions then existing in the south it may readily be recognized as unwise to have required manhood suffrage through the Reconstruction state constitutions imposed by Congressional power. The erection of acceptable state governments, soon to be left to local control, with the power to regulate the suffrage by suitable and rational qualifications, would perhaps have been wiser statesmanship. But as the Fifteenth Amendment confers the suffrage on no one, nor assumes power in the national government to do so, it would seem to be better for teachers of political science, instead of inveighing against the amendment, clearly to recognize the soundness of its doctrine that limitations on suffrage and political rights should never be based on the accidents of race or color. The writing of that principle in the fundamental law of the land may still be reasonably claimed as a success that was well worth achieving. Professor Halsey will probably very readily agree that, while the principle of manhood equality before the law, regardless of race or color, may be temporarily violated, it is safe to say that it will not be surrendered nor permanently reversed, not even by the consent of the best thought of the South itself.


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 108 A serious question of sociological method concerns the relation of facts which have already engaged the attention of accredited sciences, to facts which seem to be less susceptible of classification and generalization. A form of the question is involved in the differences of policy between investigators who tend to confine their view to historical data, i. e., to facts belonging in the past, and the other class of investigators who tend to equally exclusive interest in contemporary social phenomena.

It cannot be too forcibly urged that past and present societary facts must serve as reciprocal interpreters; with this provision it seems to be timely to advocate at present the devotion of a larger proportion of sociologists' attention to scientific treatment of facts taking place before our eyes. Whatever be the ultimate success of scholars in reconstructing history, there is no single past period or past societary status of which relatively so complete knowledge is available as of our own civilization. There is more room for skepticism about conclusions drawn from assumed knowledge of past societary conditions than there would be in the case of conclusions derived by equally critical processes from interpretation of contemporary facts.

The portion of time which we easily and without important error think of as the present is sufficiently extended to exhibit the same relations of sequence as well as of order which we try to trace in the past. More complete evidence about this present is available than in case of past periods. The scientific value of contemporary phenomena, as the material for social philosophy, is not placed as high as it deserves to be by the most competent sociologists. Perhaps they instinctively avoid dealing with these facts, from dread of being confused with the unscientific people who make the name social science contemptible. At all events the men who have done the most to develop sociological methodology have given relatively excessive attention to sources of evidence which can never be as productive as contemporary sources.

The experience of men in the present generation, or better in some instances the present century, is a safer basis for the beginning of induction, dynamic as well as static, than the more imposing but less coherent evidence available about remote societary systems. Conclusive social philosophy will not be constructed chiefly out of the fragmentary data which remote centuries have reserved, but chiefly rather out of observation of present realities. The men who are at


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26

There is a mystery I know full well, Which to all, good and bad, I can not tell; My words are dark, but I can not unfold The secrets of the station where I dwell.

No base or light-weight coins pass current here, Of such a broom has swept our dwelling clear; Forth from the tavern comes a sage and cries, "Drink! for ye all must sleep through ages drear."

With outward seeming we can cheat mankind, But to God's will we can but be resigned; The deepest wiles my cunning e'er devised, To balk resistless fate no way could find.


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28

Is a friend faithless? spurn him as a foe; Upon trustworthy foes respect bestow; Hold healing poison for an antidote, And baneful sweets for deadly eisel know.

No heart is there but bleeds when torn from Thee, No sight so clear but craves Thy face to see; And though perchance Thou carest not for them, No soul is there but pines with care for Thee.

Sobriety doth dry up all delight, And drunkenness doth drown my sense outright; There is a middle state, it is my life, Not altogether drunk, nor sober quite.


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 30 The result of the "importunity" soon appeared. Two bulls were issued by Clement VII. on November 14, 1528. In the first it is stated that the king had presented a petition showing that in England there were many monasteries "in which the proper number (i.e. twelve monks or nuns) were not to be found and which had no proper income for their support. Hence regular discipline was not kept up and the divine office not properly performed. By laxity of restraint the rule of good life was not kept by the monks and nuns therein." The petition further suggested, that if these were united to other religious houses, where the day and night office was properly performed and in which good discipline was maintained, it would be better for religion. Acting on this information and in accordance with this petition, the pope by bull granted Wolsey faculties for the suggested union.

The second bull had reference to the question of the proposed cathedrals. Henry represented to Clement that monasteries had previously been suppressed in England for the purpose of establishing cathedrals. He suggested that the revenues of several more should now be granted for this purpose, and that each cathedral, so erected, should have an income of 10,000 ducats from the monastic lands. The pope, having consulted with his cardinals, desired further information, which he directed Wolsey to furnish. First, he wished to know whether any and what monasteries had previously been suppressed for such a purpose; secondly, whether there was any need of increasing the number of cathedrals; thirdly, how many monasteries would be required for the purpose, and whether the monks were to remain in the cathedrals as canons, bound by their monastic vows, but taking the dress of seculars. Lastly, he asked what would be the position of the bishop, whether he would be a suffragan of the archbishop, or immediately dependent on the Holy See. Wolsey was directed by the brief to examine witnesses as to these matters, and to send their evidence attested by oath to the pope.

Even yet, the cardinal of York was not satisfied. He again asked to be allowed to suppress a few more monasteries to obtain money for his colleges. These had apparently


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30

Behold these cups! Can He who deigned to make them, In wanton freak let ruin overtake them, So many shapely feet and hands and heads,— What love drives Him to make, what wrath to break them?

Death's terrors spring from baseless fantasy, Death yields the tree of immortality; Since 'Isa breathed new life into my soul, Eternal death has washed its hands of me!

Like tulips in the Spring your cups lift up, And, with a tulip-cheeked companion, sup With joy your wine, or e'er this azure wheel With some unlooked-for blast upset your cup.


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 Rh already been dissolved on his own authority. "The cardinal further demands," writes Jacobo Salviati to Campeggio, "the union to his college of three monasteries, which are not mentioned in the other bulls. This, too, shall be granted, although his Holiness could have wished that it had not been requested of him. But as it is his most reverend lordship who makes the demand, and for such a purpose, he cannot refuse him, as the elect (bishop) of Bellun is to write to him at greater length, the elect being here and soliciting this 'expedition' with much importunity."

In the beginning of the following year, 1529, Pope Clement VII. fell ill. It was reported, and for the time believed, that he was dead. Upon this the king determined once more to further, as far as he possibly could, the election of Wolsey to the popedom. In this design he directed his agent to bribe the cardinals, and in his efforts he was seconded by Wolsey himself. The latter writes to Gardiner, his old secretary, on February 7th: "When all things be well considered—absit verbum jactantiœ—there shall be none found that can and will set remedy in the aforesaid things, but only the Cardinal Ebor." He adds, that he wishes his agent to spare no expense in this matter, but to use all his power, promises, and labour to bring it to pass. It is certain also from the king's instructions that it was seriously contemplated, in the event of the electors refusing the cardinal of York, to set up an anti-pope and create a schism. The emperor foresaw this, and when expressing his regret at the illness of Clement, added: "His death might create a schism in Christendom."

The pope recovered. Henry and Wolsey were thus again disappointed in their plans. The bulls which had been obtained in the autumn of the previous year, through the persistent importunity of the English agents, had not been altogether according to Wolsey's liking. He desired the removal of the clause "de consensu quorum interest" in the permission for the union of various monasteries. The agent had deliberately, and on his own authority, changed "less than twelve monasteries" into "less or more


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Ochs, Adolph S.

OCHS, ŏks, Adolph S., American publisher: b. Cincinnati, Ohio, 12 March 1858. His early life was that of a country lad, and he obtained a common school education at Knoxville, Tenn., where for a year he served as carrier and newsboy. In 1871 he was grocer's clerk at Providence, R. I., attending a night school meanwhile. He then returned to Knoxville, where he was a druggist's apprentice for a year. Later he learned the printing trade, and in 1876 he became assistant to the foreman in the composing room of the Knoxville Tribune. In 1877 he joined the staff of the Chattanooga Dispatch and became its editor-in-chief. In 1878 he acquired a half interest in the Chattanooga Times, which he developed into a leading newspaper of that State. Incidentally, he established The Tradesman, which is familiar to Southern business men, in which periodical he still owns a large interest. He also established the Southern Associated Press and became its president. In 1896 Mr. Ochs became publisher and controlling owner in the New York Times. In 1901 he purchased the Philadelphia Times, which was managed by his brother, George Washington Ochs. The next year he paid more than $2,500,000 for the Philadelphia Public Ledger, and the two papers were consolidated. Just, considerate, resourceful, enlightened of view, undaunted by difficulties and unspoiled by success, preferring always the straight and open way to the path of indirection, as mindful of public responsibility as private duty, loyal to principle even at the cost of present advantage, one of the best and highest examples of the commercial publisher, Mr. Ochs is a recognized force of international importance.


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Ochs, George Washington

OCHS, George Washington, American journalist, brother of Adolph S. Ochs (q.v.): b. Cincinnati, 27 Oct. 1861. He was graduated at the University of Tennessee in 1879. He was mayor of Chattanooga, Tenn., in 1894-95 and in 1896-97. He published the Paris edition of the New York Times at the Paris Exposition in 1900; and in 1901-02 he was general manager of the Philadelphia Times. He was editor of the Philadelphia Ledger in 1902-15, since when he has edited the Current History Magazine and the New York Times' Mid-Week Pictorial. He is a Chevalier of the French Legion of Honor.


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title: User talk:Steve Lawson~enwikisource


text:
Author:George Windsor Earl

Works

 * The native races of the Indian Archipelago: Papuans

title: Author:George Windsor Earl


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cleves, Anne of


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cleyn, Francis


text:
Author:August Franz von Haxthausen

Works

 * Transcaucasia. Sketches of the nations and races between the Black sea and the Caspian, translated by John Edward Taylor, 1854
 * The tribes of the Caucasus: with an account of Schamyl and the Murids, translated by John Edward Taylor, 1855
 * The Russian empire, its people, institutions and resources, translated by Robert Farie, 1856

title: Author:August Franz von Haxthausen


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Cleypole


text:
Page:Poems, Volume 1, Coates, 1916.djvu/70

48 The rose, the crocus, the narcissus sweet,

She lays to rest, undoubting, at her feet

Who from the meadows bright

Was snatched away to rule in the sad light

Of Hades, and to learn

Its lessons stern.

For Nature's faith is deep

That, waking from the dark and dreamless sleep,

Her flowers toward the sun shall wistful yearn,

And in the fragrant breast of Proserpine return.

Ah, lover true of men,

Forgive, forgive us, then,

If choked by tears we falter in our praise,

Remembering that we no more again

Shall hold glad converse with your spirit brave,

Nor from your lips hear words that lift and save,

Through all the lengthening number of our days!

By the great Silence you are set apart

From all the restless travail of the heart

That beats in us

So passionate and strong—

Are passed beyond the evening angelus

And Memnon's morning song.


text:
Page:Poems, Volume 1, Coates, 1916.djvu/71

Rh Man's life on earth—how brief!

Yet we with Nature hold the high belief,

E'en when our hearts are breaking,

That death is but the vital way,

Darkness the shadow of the day,

And sleep the door to waking!

And shall we still with tears

Pay tribute sad to one whose soul endears

Even the dark, dark river it hath crossed?

Shall we in grief forget

The sweetness and the glory of our debt,

And that no good, once given, can be lost?

Distant your dwelling seems,

Poet and patriot!—but, ah, your dreams

Are living as the flame of sacrifice!

Therefore love's roses now

We lay amidst the laurel for thy brow,

Grateful that souls like yours our earth emparadise.


text: Poems (Coates 1916)/Volume I/Deathless Death


text:
Page:Poems, Volume 1, Coates, 1916.djvu/76

54 Is 't not enough to feel it thine?

Like Semele, wouldst gaze on the Divine?

Secret the soul of Rapture dwells;

Love gives, yet jealous tests repels,

Nor will of force be known,

And bashful Beauty viewed too near—is gone."


text: Poems (Coates 1916)/Volume I/Psyche

title: Poems (Coates 1916)/Volume I/Psyche


text:
Page:Poems, Volume 1, Coates, 1916.djvu/79

Rh Thou shalt no longer fly

Earth's captive—nay, but boldly dare

The azure vault, and upward bear

Thy transports to the sky!"

Soon passed the Saviour; but the lark,

Close hovering near Him in the dark,

Could not his grief abate;

And nigh the watchers at the tomb,

Still mourned through days of grief and gloom,

With note disconsolate.

But when to those sad mourners came,

In rose and amethyst and flame,

The Dawn Miraculous,

Song in which sorrow had no part

Burst from the lark's triumphant heart—

Sweet and tumultuous!

An instant, as with rapture blind,

He faltered; then, his Lord to find,

Straight to the ether flew,—

Rising where falls no human tear,

Singing where still his song we hear

Piercing the upper blue!


text: Poems (Coates 1916)/Volume I/The Lark

title: Poems (Coates 1916)/Volume I/The Lark


text: Category:Easter poetry

title: Category:Easter poetry


text: Category:Greek myth in poetry

title: Category:Greek myth in poetry


text: More Celtic Fairy Tales/Jack the Cunning Thief


text: More Celtic Fairy Tales

title: More Celtic Fairy Tales


text: Celtic Fairy Tales

title: Celtic Fairy Tales


text: More Celtic Fairy Tales/Powel, Prince of Dyfed


text: Index:MortonCharge.djvu

title: Index:MortonCharge.djvu


text:
Page:MortonCharge.djvu/1

180 1. subject has been brought into prominence recently by the use which Mr. Larmor has made of moving electrons in his dynamical theory of the aether. The matter was investigated in 1881 by Prof. J. J. Thomson, who showed that a point charge moving so slowly that the electric displacement it carries is not sensibly disturbed generates magnetic force like a current element according to Ampere's rule; and by Mr. Heaviside, who investigated the matter more generally in 1889, and showed that in steady rectilinear motion at any speed less than that of light, the lines of displacement continue to be radial but are concentrated

title: Page:MortonCharge.djvu/1


text:
Page:MortonCharge.djvu/2

Rh towards the plane perpendicular to the direction of motion. The displacement at distance r, in a direction making an angle Θ with the line of motion is proportional to

$$\frac{1}{r^{2}\left(1-\frac{u^{2}}{V^{2}}\sin^{2}\theta\right)^{\frac{3}{2}}}$$,

where u is the velocity of the moving charge and V the velocity of light. The lines of magnetic force are circles round the line of motion.

2. This solution of course represents the state of affairs at a great distance from a small charged conductor of any shape. It would also give us the distribution of charge on a moving sphere if it were correct to assume that the lines of displacement meet the charged surface at right angles. This assumption was made by Prof. Thomson and, at first, by Mr. Heaviside, but the latter, quoting a suggestion of Mr. G. F. C. Searle, subsequently pointed out that when there is motion the electric force is no longer derived from a potential function, and as a consequence does not meet the equilibrium surface at right angles. Substituting, the correct surface condition, he showed that the charged conductor, whose motion would give at all points the radial distribution found for a point charge, was not a sphere but a spheroid of certain ellipticity.

3. It seemed of some interest to inquire what the distribution of charge on a moving sphere would be. The surface-density at a point of the surface is now the normal component of the displacement at that point. By carrying the investigation a step further I have found that, if the conductor be a sphere or any ellipsoid, the ordinary static arrangement of charge is unaltered by the motion; t. e. the number of tubes of displacement leaving each element of the surface is unchanged, but the tubes no longer leave the surface at right angles. We may imagine that the motion has the effect of deforming the tubes, keeping their ends on the conductor fixed. The proof of this, involving a consideration of the general case, is here given and is followed by a note on the energy of a moving charge in a magnetic field.

4. Suppose we have any distribution of charge moving

title: Page:MortonCharge.djvu/2


text:
Page:MortonCharge.djvu/3

182 with uniform velocity u parallel to the axis of z, and that the field has assumed its steady configuration. We shall denote $$1-\frac{u^{2}}{V^{2}}$$ by k², V being the velocity of light. Then since we have a steady state,

$$\frac{d}{dt}=-u\frac{d}{dz}$$.

Also, since each element of charge produces a magnetic field with no z-component, we have $$\gamma=0$$ in the general case also. Using these two data, the equations connecting the displacement (f, g, h) and the magnetic force (α, β, γ) become

These equations together with

$$\frac{df}{dx}+\frac{dg}{dy}+\frac{dh}{dz}=0$$

are satisfied by

where φ is any function satisfying

$$\frac{d^{2}\phi}{dx^{2}}+\frac{d^{2}\phi}{dy^{2}}+k^{2}\frac{d^{2}\phi}{dz^{2}}=0$$.

title: Page:MortonCharge.djvu/3


text:
Page:MortonCharge.djvu/4

Rh These results have been obtained by Prof. Thomson and Mr. Heaviside. The particular case of a point charge, e, is got by putting

$$\phi=\frac{e}{4\pi\sqrt{k^{2}(x^{2}+y^{2})+z^{2}}}$$.

Evidently in the general case φ must vanish at infinity.

5. Mr. Heaviside points out that φ=constant is the condition holding at a surface of equilibrium. The matter may be stated thus : — If we suppose the field to terminate at the surface of a conductor, inside which the vectors vanish, we must see that the "curl" relations of the field are not violated for circuits which lie partly inside the empty space enclosed by the conductor. In particular, if there is a vector whose line integral round every circuit in the field vanishes, the lines of this vector must meet the surface at right angles. Otherwise we should have a finite value for the integral round a circuit drawn close to the surface outside and completed inside. In other words, if a vector is derived from a potential function, this function must be constant over the surface. In the ordinary static case it is the electric force (X, Y, Z) which is so derived; but in the case of a steadily moving field it is the vector (X, Y, $$\frac{Z}{k^{2}}$$) which meets the surface at right angles.

6. Let F(x y z)=C be the equation of the charged surface. Then φ(x y z) has to be constant over this surface and satisfy

$$\frac{d^{2}\phi}{dx^{2}}+\frac{d^{2}\phi}{dy^{2}}+k^{2}\frac{d^{2}\phi}{dz^{2}}=0$$.

Put z=kζ, then φ is a function of x, y, ζ, which is constant when F(x, y, kζ)=C, and which satisfies

$$\frac{d^{2}\phi}{dx^{2}}+\frac{d^{2}\phi}{dy^{2}}+k^{2}\frac{d^{2}\phi}{d\zeta^{2}}=0$$.

Therefore if we regard (x y ζ) as Cartesian coordinates of a point, φ is the potential at external points of an electrostatic free distribution on the surface F(x, y, kζ)=C. The components of electric force due to this distribution, at a point

title: Page:MortonCharge.djvu/4


text:
Page:MortonCharge.djvu/5

184 (x y ζ) on the surface, are

$$-\frac{d\phi}{dx},\ -\frac{d\phi}{dy},\ -\frac{d\phi}{d\zeta}$$.

This force acts in the normal to the surface, and is proportional to the surface-density at (x y ζ), which we shall call σ'. Therefore

$$\left(\frac{d\phi}{dx},\ \frac{d\phi}{dy},\ \frac{d\phi}{d\zeta}\right)=-A\sigma'\left(\frac{dF}{dx},\ \frac{dF}{dy},\ \frac{dF}{d\zeta}\right)/\sqrt{\left(\frac{dF}{dx}\right)^{2}+\left(\frac{dF}{dy}\right)^{2}+\left(\frac{dF}{d\zeta}\right)^{2}}$$

But

$$\frac{d}{d\zeta}=k\frac{d}{dz}$$;

therefore, denoting differentiation with respect to x y z by subscripts 1 2 3,

$$(\phi_{1},\ \phi_{2},\ \phi_{3})=-A\sigma'(F_{1},\ F_{2},\ F_{3})/\sqrt{F_{1}^{2}+F_{2}^{2}+F_{3}^{2}}$$.

Now let σ be the surface-density at (x y z) on the moving conductor F(x y z)=C, then equating σ to the normal component of (f g h),

$$\sigma=\frac{fF_{1}+gF_{2}+hF_{3}}{\sqrt{F_{1}^{2}+F_{2}^{2}+F_{3}^{2}}}$$,

or putting in the values we have found for (f g h) in terms of φ

Now the perpendicular from the origin on the tangent plane to F(x y z)=C at the point (x y z) is

$$p=\frac{xF_{1}+yF_{2}+zF_{3}}{\sqrt{F_{1}^{2}+F_{2}^{2}+F_{3}^{2}}}$$,

and the perpendicular from the origin on the tangent plane to F(x, y, kζ)=C at (x y ζ) is

$$p'=\frac{x\frac{dF}{dx}+y\frac{dF}{dy}+\zeta\frac{dF}{d\zeta}}{\sqrt{\left(\frac{dF}{dx}\right)^{2}+\left(\frac{dF}{dy}\right)^{2}+\left(\frac{dF}{d\zeta}\right)^{2}}}$$

title: Page:MortonCharge.djvu/5


text:
Page:MortonCharge.djvu/6

Rh

If now F(x y z) = C is an ellipsoid, then we know that $$\sigma\propto p$$, therefore also $$\sigma'\propto p'$$, that is the arrangement of charge on the moving ellipsoid is the same as if it were at rest.

7. Applying the above to the ellipsoid (a b c), we find that φ as a function of (x y ζ) is the potential of a free distribution on the ellipsoid

where μ is given by

$$\frac{x^{2}}{a^{2}+\mu}+\frac{y^{2}}{b^{2}+\mu}+\frac{\zeta^{2}}{\frac{c^{2}}{k^{2}}+\mu}=1$$,

or

$$\frac{x^{2}}{a^{2}+\mu}+\frac{y^{2}}{b^{2}+\mu}+\frac{z^{2}}{c^{2}+k^{2}\mu}=1$$.

Deteimining the value of the constant C so that the density at a point shall be $$\frac{ep}{4\pi abc}$$, we get

$$\phi=\frac{e}{8\pi}\int_{\mu}^{\infty}\frac{d\lambda}{\sqrt{(a^{2}+\lambda)(b^{2}+\lambda)\left(c^{2}+k^{2}\lambda\right)}}$$.

Putting b=a, c=ka, we get

$$\phi=\frac{e}{4\pi\sqrt{k^{2}(x^{2}+y^{2})+z^{2}}}$$.

title: Page:MortonCharge.djvu/6


text:
Page:MortonCharge.djvu/7

186 Showing that, as Mr. Heaviside pointed out, the field of a point charge is given when the conductor is an oblate spheroid whose axes have the ratio 1:k.

For a sphere the integral becomes

$$\phi=\frac{e}{8\pi k'a}\log\frac{\theta+k'a}{\theta-k'a}$$

where

$$k'=\sqrt{1-k^{2}}=\frac{u}{V}$$,

and θ is given by

$$\frac{k^{2}(x^{2}+y^{2})}{\theta^{2}-k'^{2}a^{2}}+\frac{z^{2}}{\theta^{2}}=1$$.

To test the value of φ let us make k' approach zero, i. e. the motion becomes infinitely slow. θ is then =r.

Then

8. The mutual energy of a moving charge and external magnetic field has been given by Mr. Heaviside for the case of motion which is very slow compared with the velocity of radiation. It is eu A · cos (uA), where A is the circuital vector potential of the external field. Mr. Larmor, in the second part of his "Dynamical Theory" (Phil. Trans. 1895, p. 717), concludes that the same expression holds good for motion at any speed. He seems, however, to overlook the fact that in the general case the displacement-currents in the medium — being no longer derivable from a potential function — will make their appearance in the result as well as the convection-current eu.

If (F G H) is the vector potential, the part of the energy corresponding to the displacement currents will be

$$\int(F\dot{f}+G\dot{g}+H\dot{h})d\tau$$,

which in the case we have been considering becomes

title: Page:MortonCharge.djvu/7


text:
Page:MortonCharge.djvu/8

Rh But by a well-known transformation, when we take the integral through all space, we have

 * $$\therefore$$ the expression for this part of the energy reduces to

Therefore if the velocity u ceases to be negligible in comparison with V, we have a correction of the second order in the ratio $$\frac{u}{V}$$ in addition to the expression involving the convection-current simply. It also appears from the above that the force on the moving charge cannot, unless this term be neglected, be expressed in terms of the magnetic intensity at the charge, but will depend on the entire field.

title: Page:MortonCharge.djvu/8


text: File:SearleEllipsoid.djvu

title: File:SearleEllipsoid.djvu


text: Index:SearleEllipsoid.djvu

title: Index:SearleEllipsoid.djvu


text:
Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/1

 AT the Meeting of the Royal Society on 19th March, 1896, I read a paper on "Problems in Electric Convection." The first part of the paper is printed in the 'Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society', and contains the principles which are required in the solution of any problems about moving charges. The second part of the paper, which deals with the motion of a charged ellipsoid, was not published by the Royal Society. A few of the results are, however, stated in an abstract published in the 'Proceedings'. By the permission of the Royal Society I now publish my results for a moving ellipsoid. As frequent reference to my paper in the 'Philosophical Transactions' will be necessary, I shall use the notation {§5} and {(9)} to indicate the paragraph or equation referred to in that paper.

title: Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/1


text:
Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/2

 When any system of electric charges moves with uniform velocity through the aether, the electromagnetic field, when referred to axes moving forwards with the charges, can be completely defined by means of a quantity $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$, as was first shown by Prof. J. J. Thomson. The electric force $$\mathbf{E}$$ and the magnetic force $$\mathbf{H}$$ are simple functions of $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$. But besides $$\mathbf{E}$$ and $$\mathbf{H}$$ there is another vector of great importance, viz. the mechanical force $$\mathbf{F}$$ experienced by a unit charge moving with the rest of the system. The value of $$\mathbf{F}$$ I have shown {§ 10} to be given by the vector equation

The equations of the field are {§ 4}

If $$v=\tfrac{1}{\sqrt{\mathrm{K}\mu}}$$ is the velocity of light, and if $$\alpha$$ stand for $$1-\tfrac{u^{2}}{v^{2}}$$, then when the motion takes place parallel to the axis of $$x$$, we have {§ 4}

From these equations, since $$\mathbf{E}$$ has no divergence,

Here, and throughout the paper, the axes are supposed to move forward with the same velocity as the electrical charges.

Prof. W. B. Morton has considered the motion of an ellipsoid in a paper read before the Physical Society on 27th March, 1896. He obtains the two following results, viz. : (1) that the distribution of electricity is the same as if the ellipsoid is at rest, and (2) the value of $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$ when the ellipsoid moves along one of its axes.

Prof. Morton obtains his result by the assumption first

title: Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/2


text:
Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/3

 made by Mr. Oliver Heaviside, F.H.S., that a distribution of electricity on the surface of a charged body such as to give zero disturbance at all points inside the surface is an equilibrium distribution. Since $$\mathbf{F}$$ satisfies curl $$\mathbf{F} =0$$ and $$\mathbf{F}$$ vanishes inside the surface, it follows that on the outside of the surface $$\mathbf{F}$$ is perpendicular to the surface. This implies that $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$ is constant over the surface. But as neither the electric force $$\mathbf{E}$$ nor the mechanical force experienced by each part of the charged surface (calculated from the Maxwell stress) is normal to the surface, I felt unable to accept the validity of Mr. Heaviside's assumption until I discovered {§ 15} that $$\mathbf{F}$$ is the mechanical force on an isolated moving unit charge, and that the term $$-V\mathbf{GD}$$, which appears in the expression for the force experienced by the surface, has no influence in causing convection of electricity from one part of the surface to another. Here $$\mathbf{D}$$ is the electric displacement, and $$\mathbf{G}$$ the "magnetic current" $$\mu\tfrac{d\mathbf{H}}{dt}$$.

Since $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$ is a true potential for the mechanical force $$\mathbf{F}$$, I have called $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$ the "electric convection potential."

When there has been established the boundary condition that $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$ is constant over the surface, with its consequence that there is zero disturbance within the surface, it is very easy to show that the distribution on an ellipsoid is the same for motion as for rest. Suppose the ellipsoid to have the same distribution as when it is at rest, so that $$\sigma =qp/4\pi abc$$, where $$q$$ is the charge, $$a, b, c$$ the axes of the ellipsoid, and $$p$$ the perpendicular from the centre upon the tangent-plane at the point. Through any internal point M as vertex draw a slender double cone intercepting two areas N, N' on the surface. Now the electric force due to a moving point-charge is still radial and still varies inversely as the square of the distance, although it alters with change of direction of the radius vector. Thus it follows just as in electrostatics, since $$\sigma \propto p$$, that the effects at M of N and N' are exactly equal and opposite. The whole surface can be treated in the same manner, and thus it follows that $$\mathbf{E} = 0$$ at all internal points. Hence $$\mathbf{H} = 0$$ also. Thus the assumed distribution is in equilibrium and is therefore the actual distribution. Thus the motion has no influence upon the distribution, and this result is true whatever the direction of motion with respect to the axes of the ellipsoid.

In order to find the state of the field near a charged ellipsoid moving with velocity $$u$$ parallel to the aria of $$x$$, it is necessary to find a value of $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$ which shall be constant over

title: Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/3


text:
Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/4

 the surface of the ellipsoid, shall vanish at infinity, and shall satisfy (7). We see at once that if $$f(x, y, z)$$ satisfies $$\nabla^{2}f=0$$, then $$f(x/\sqrt{\alpha},y,z)$$ satisfies (7). Now from electrostatics we know that

$\Phi=\int_{\lambda}^{\infty}\frac{d\lambda}{\sqrt{\left(a^{'2}+\lambda\right)\left(b^{2}+\lambda\right)\left(c^{2}+\lambda\right)}}$,|undefined

where $$\lambda$$ is connected with $$x, y, z$$ by the relation

$\frac{x^{2}}{a^{'2}+\lambda}+\frac{y^{2}}{b^{2}+\lambda}+\frac{z^{2}}{c^{2}+\lambda}=1$,|undefined

satisfies $$\nabla^{2}\Phi=0$$.

Hence

where $$\lambda$$ is connected with $$x, y, z$$ by the relation

satisfies (7).

Writing $$a^2$$ for $$\alpha a'^2$$, (8) and (9) become

This value of $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$ is constant over the surface of the ellipsoid $$a, b, c$$, for $$\lambda=0$$ at all points of this surface; it also vanishes at infinity, and it satisfies (7). It is therefore the value of $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$ required. To find the constant A we make $$\sigma $$ have its proper value $$q/4\pi bc$$ at the end of axis $$a$$.

Now

$ \sigma=\frac{\mathrm{K}}{4\pi}\mathbf{E}_{n} =\frac{\mathrm{K}}{4\pi}\mathbf{E}_{1} $|undefined

at the end of the axis.

But by (5)

$\mathbf{E}_{1}=-\frac{d\mathbf{\Psi}}{dx}$.|undefined

Again, at $$x=a, y=z=0$$ we have $$d\lambda/dx=2a/\alpha$$ and consequently

$\frac{d\mathbf{\Psi}}{dx}=\frac{d\mathbf{\Psi}}{d\lambda}\frac{d\lambda}{dx}=-\frac{A}{abc}\cdot\frac{2a}{\alpha}$.|undefined

Hence

$A=\frac{q\alpha}{2\mathrm{K}}$.|undefined

title: Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/4


text:
Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/5

 Thus, as Prof. Morton has also shown by the same method,

Now I have shown {§21} that if there is a surface A carrying a charge $$q$$, and any surface B is found for which $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$ is constant, then a charge $$q$$ placed upon B and allowed to acquire an equilibrium distribution will produce at all points not inside B the same effect as the charged surface A.

Hence the ellipsoid (11) when carrying a charge $$q$$ produces at all points not inside itself exactly the same disturbance as the ellipsoid $$a, b, c$$ with the same charge.

If we make $$a=b=c=0$$, the surfaces of equal "convection potential" are the ellipsoids given by

$\frac{x^{2}}{\alpha}+y^{2}+z^{2}=\lambda$.|undefined

They are therefore all similar to each other. Thus the ellipsoid of this form produces exactly the same effect as a point-charge at its centre, and thus an ellipsoid of this form takes the place of the sphere in electrostatics. An ellipsoid with its axes in the ratios $$\sqrt{\alpha}:1:1$$ I have called a Heaviside Ellipsoid, since Mr. Heaviside was the first to draw attention to its importance in the theory of moving charges. Whatever be the ratios $$a:b:c$$, the equipotential surfaces

title: Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/5


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Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/6

 approximate to Heaviside ellipsoids as $$\lambda$$ is made very great. The value of $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$ at the surface $$\lambda$$ is $$\tfrac{q\sqrt{\alpha}}{\sqrt{\lambda}}$$.

Putting $$c= b$$ so that we have an ellipsoid of revolution, the axis of revolution being the axis of $$x$$, we see by taking $$\lambda=-b^2$$ that a uniformly-charged line of length $$2\sqrt{a^{2}-b^{2}\alpha}$$ lying along the axis of $$x$$ produces exactly the same effect as the ellipsoid $$a, b, b$$. It may therefore be called its "image." When $$b=a$$ this length becomes $$2au/v$$. Thus, when a charged sphere is at rest it produces the same effect as a point-charge at its centre. When the sphere is in motion it produces the same effect as a uniformly-charged line whose length bears to the diameter of the sphere the same ratio as the velocity of the sphere bears to the velocity of light. When $$u=v$$, so that the sphere moves with the velocity of light, the line becomes the diameter of the sphere; and the same is true for an ellipsoid. Since when $$u=v$$ each element of the charged line produces a disturbance which is confined to the plane through the element perpendicular to the direction of motion {(46)}, it follows that the disturbance is entirely confined between the planes $$x=\pm a$$. Between them the electric force is radial to the axis of $$x$$ and has exactly the same value, viz. $$q/aK\rho$$, as if the line had been of infinite length and had had the same line-density $$q/2a$$. Here $$\rho$$ stands for $$\left\{ y^{2}+z^{2}\right\} ^{\frac{1}{2}}$$. The magnetic force is by (3) $$qu/a\rho$$. Hence the field between the planes $$x=\pm a$$ is independent of $$x$$. There are therefore no displacement-currents except in the two bounding-planes. There is an outward radial current in the front plane and an inward current in the back plane, the total amount of current in each case being $$qu$$, equal in amount to the convection-current carried by the ellipsoid.

It appears, however, that at the velocity of light any distribution on any surface is in equilibrium. For the value of $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$ at any point near a moving point-charge is {(43)}

$\mathbf{\Psi}=\frac{q\sqrt{\alpha}}{\mathrm{K}\sqrt{x^{2}/\alpha+y^{2}+z^{2}}}$,|undefined

and this vanishes when $$u=v$$ (so that $$\alpha =0$$), even when $$x=0$$. Thus the value of $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$ for a point-charge vanishes, and the value of $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$ for any distribution being derivable from that for a point-charge by integration, it follows that $$\mathbf{\Psi}$$ has the constant value zero everywhere. Hence the charge is in equilibrium however it may be distributed. The same result follows from the expression {§ 19} for the force between two

title: Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/6


text:
Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/7

 moving charges. When they move parallel to each other with the speed of light the force between them vanishes.

If the ellipsoid is more oblate than Heaviside's the limiting internal surface of ellipsoidal form, whose action is the same as that of the ellipsoid, is a disk of radius $$\sqrt{b^{2}-a^{2}/\alpha}$$, the axis of the disk coinciding with the axis of $$x$$.

The form of the lines of the electric force $$\mathbf{E}$$ due to an ellipsoid of revolution is easily found. Putting $$\rho^{2}$$ for $$y^{2}+z^{2}$$, the equilibrium surfaces are given by

Now the mechanical force $$\mathbf{F}$$ is normal to this surface, and therefore

$\frac{\mathbf{F}_{\rho}}{\mathbf{F}_{1}}=\frac{\rho(a^{2}+\alpha\lambda)}{x(b^{2}+\lambda)}$,|undefined

where

$\mathbf{F}_{\rho}^{2}=\mathbf{F}_{2}^{2}+\mathbf{F}_{3}^{2}$

But by (5),

$\mathbf{E}_{1}=\mathbf{F}_{1}$ and $\mathbf{E}_{\rho}=\mathbf{F}_{\rho}/\alpha$ ;

so that

Now consider the conic

The tangent of the angle which the geometrical tangent makes with the axis of $$x$$ is

But if the point $$x, \rho$$ lies on both (13) and (15), it follows that

$-\frac{x(b^{2}+v)}{\rho(a^{2}+\alpha v)}=\frac{1}{\alpha}\frac{\rho(a^{2}+\alpha\lambda)}{x(b^{2}+\lambda)}$.

Hence by (14) and (16) the electric force is always tangential to the conic (15). But this conic has exactly the same equation as the equilibrium surfaces. Thus the single equation (13) represents both the equilibrium surfaces and the lines of electric force.

If any point $$x, \rho$$ be taken, there are two values of $$\lambda$$ which will satisfy (13) considered as a quadratic in $$\lambda$$. One value

title: Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/7


text:
Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/8

 corresponds to an ellipsoidal equilibrium surface; the other to a hyperbolic surface whose lines of intersection with planes passing through the axis of $$x$$ are the lines of electric force. The lines of electric force for a charged sphere in motion are not radial but form a series of hyperbolas.

Figs. 2 and 3 show the forms of the equilibrium surfaces and of the lines of electric force, for a line and a disk respectively, when $$\alpha=\tfrac{1}{4}$$ so that $$u / v = .866$$.

In fig. 2 the curve marked $$\lambda=\tfrac{4}{3}$$ is a circle, a section of the sphere of which the

title: Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/8


text:
Page:SearleEllipsoid.djvu/9

 line marked $$\lambda=0$$ is the "image". The semi-length of the line and the radius of the disk are each taken as unity.

I have attempted to find the lines ot the mechanical force F, these being everywhere perpendicular to the equilibrium surfaces. But the process involved an impracticable integration, and thus led to no result.

I will now write down the values of $$\mathbf{E}$$ and $$\mathbf{H}$$ at any point near the ellipsoid of revolution with axes $$a, b, b$$. Instead of $$\lambda$$ it will be convenient to take as the parameter of any one of the equilibrium surfaces its $$x$$ axis and to denote this by $$h$$. Thus

$h^{2}=a^{2}+\alpha\lambda$ ;

and consequently if we put $$l^2$$ for $$a^2-\alpha b^2$$, so that $$l$$ is the semi-length of the line which is the "image" of the ellipsoid, we have

$b^{2}+\lambda=\frac{h^{2}-l^{2}}{\alpha}$.|undefined

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text:
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title: User talk:65.60.235.121