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Rh could not however restrain his tears, and was obliged to repress his sob by a strong effort; "it is still pleasant enough, that I have not slept since the last three days, still less have I been able to enjoy anything; that my cursed imagination represents my unhappy son upon the scaffold, suffering the most ingenious martyrdom, and looking upon me with the same dark eyes that sparkled in his childhood when he ardently desired a fruit, or a toy. I believe too that I look rather pale and sorrowful, and whatever you may ordain, I shall bear my head heavily on my weary shoulders for the future."

"You know then that your son as well as the young Edmond has gone over to the rebels?" said the Intendant sharply with his icy coldness: "and who will assure us that this did not happen by your counsel and suggestions?"

"No man will be security for me," answered, the father with quiet composure, "and of myself, of my many years of


text:
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Rh probity and an assurance, by my honour, I will not even speak, for that appears to myself absurd. No, my highly honoured lords, my counsel would never have been able to produce so strange a metamorphosis in a vagabond, who has hitherto only interested himself in plants and antiquities, or to make of a catholic enthusiast a fanatic and a rebel; but if I may be permitted to speak for a moment as a father, it rather appears to me, that you, my most worthy judges, are the authors of it, without its being exactly your intention it is true, and may be the cause why so many other fanatics will run to the mountains."

"Well, this impudence," exclaimed the Marshal.

"Suffer the unhappy man to speak," interrupted the Intendant, "he is doting in his sorrow, and it is not unreasonable to hear all that he may bring forward for his defence." "I only say," continued Vila, "that, with the very best intentions to put down this rebellion, you add strength

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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Rh to it, for it is precisely the peculiarity and perversity of the human mind, (and in this I only say what has been of very old standing) that prohibitions and obstructions irritate and place the punishable case in a seductive, enchanting light. That, which at first appeared indifferent and often unimportant, now presents itself with a kind of glory, danger entices; if only a few victims deriding it, have fallen, passions master the heart, and the same, who a short time previously preserved his faith in silent doubt, feels now in each emotion of caprice, and of anger, the immediate voice of his persecuted God. He now refutes his adversary with murder and massacre, as if he would correct the erroneous reading of his mind in his mangled body. The true believer cannot naturally bear such a turning over the leaf, he waits with stump and stalk to root out of the breast the perverted and corrupted text. On both sides the commentators excite one another, each becomes fiercer and more violent,


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Rh is no longer to be thought of, instruction profits not, and whoever wishes to step in coolly and moderately between them is a horror to both parties. You see indeed all the pills, that you, my honoured Lord Marshal cause to be turned and moulded and which the thousand surgeons press upon the perverted, have not purged them of the evil, nor even ameliorated it. What does it profit then that the busy men so diligently assist with their bayonets, nor do these lances, nor the incisions of the gentlemen dragoons improve the blood. Also your imprisonments and executions in the public places have no success. What can your reasoning, your cold, calm persuasions effect, that the whole country, frankly speaking, stands like a great, disbanded madhouse, where the lunatics with their dogmas rage against one another, and like dogs, set on to fight, gnash with their teeth. I think the air is infectuous, and renders insane, and thus it has happened to young Edmond and my poor


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Gymnastics and Gymnasium


text:
Author:Nathan Roscoe Pound

Works

 * "The Administration of Justice in the Modern City" in Harvard Law Review, Vol. 26, No. 4 (Feb., 1913): 302-328.
 * "The Administrative Application of Legal Standards" in Reports of the American Bar Association, Vol. 44 (1919): 445-465.
 * "The Call for a Realist Jurisprudence" in Harvard Law Review, Vol. 44, No. 5 (Mar., 1931): pp. 697-711.
 * "The Causes of Popular Dissatisfaction with the Administration of Justice" in Reports of the American Bar Association, Vol. 29 (1906): 395–417.
 * "Common Law and Legislation" in Harvard Law Review, Vol. 21, No. 6 (Apr., 1908): 383-407.
 * "A Comparison of Ideals of Law" in Harvard Law Review, Vol. 47, No. 1 (Nov., 1933): 1-17.
 * The Problem of Criminal Justice
 * The Difficulties of Criminal Justice
 * Our Inheritance from England
 * Criminal Justice in Nineteenth-Century America
 * Criminal Justice Today
 * "The Decadence of Equity" in Columbia Law Review Vol. 5, No. 1 (Jan., 1905): 20-35.
 * "The Economic Interpretation and the Law of Torts" in Harvard Law Review Vol. 53, No. 3 (Jan., 1940): 365-385.
 * "The End of Law as Developed in Juristic Thought" in Harvard Law Review Vol. 27, No. 7 (May, 1914): 605-628.
 * "The End of Law as Developed in Legal Rules and Doctrines" in Harvard Law Review Vol. 27, No. 3 (Jan., 1914): 195-234.
 * "Equitable Relief Against Defamation and Injuries to Personality" in Harvard Law Review Vol. 29, No. 6 (Apr., 1916): 640-682.
 * "Fifty Years of Jurisprudence" in Harvard Law Review Vol. 50, No. 4 (Feb., 1937): 557-582.
 * The Formative Era of American Law (1938)
 * "The Future of Law" in Yale Law Journal Vol. 47, No. 1 (Nov., 1937): 1-13.
 * "Grotius in the Science of Law" in American Journal of International Law Vol. 19, No. 4 (Oct., 1925): 685-688.
 * "Hierarchy of Sources and Forms in Different Systems of Law" in Tulane Law Review Vol. 7 (1933): 475-487.
 * "How Far Are We Attaining a New Measure of Values in Twentieth-Century Juristic Thought" in West Virginia Law Quarterly Vol. 42 (1936): 81-95.
 * "The Ideal Element in American Judicial Decision" in Harvard Law Review Vol. 45, No. 1 (Nov., 1931): 136-148.
 * The Ideal Element in Law (1958)
 * "Interests of Personality" in Harvard Law Review (1915)
 * Part 1: Vol. 28, No. 4 (Feb., 1915): 343-365.
 * Part 2: Vol. 28, No. 5 (Mar., 1915): 445-456.
 * Interpretations of Legal History (1923)
 * An Introduction to the Philosophy of Law (1922)
 * Introduction to the Study of Law (1912)
 * Jurisprudence (1959) 5 vols.
 * "Juristic Science and Law" in Harvard Law Review Vol. 31, No. 8 (Jun., 1918): 1047-1063.
 * "Justice According to Law" in Columbia Law Review (1913-1914)
 * Part 1: Vol. 13, No. 8 (Dec., 1913): 696-713.
 * Part 2: Vol. 14, No. 1 (Jan., 1914): 1-26.
 * Part 3: Vol. 14, No. 2 (Feb., 1914): 103-121.
 * "Justice According to Law" in The Mid-West Quarterly (April 1914): 223–235.
 * "Law and Liberty" in The Harvard Classics, Vol. 51 (1914)
 * Law and Morals (1924, rev. ed. 1926)
 * Law and the Administration of Justice (1947)
 * Lectures on the Philosophy of Freemasonry (1915)
 * "Legal Rights" in International Journal of Ethics Vol. 26 (Oct., 1915): 92-116.
 * "Legal Interrogation of Persons Accused or Suspected of Crime" in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Vol. 24, No. 6 (Mar.-Apr., 1934): 1014-1018.
 * "Legislation as a Social Function" in The American Journal of Sociology Vol. 18, No. 6 (May, 1913): 755-768.
 * "Liberty of Contract" in Yale Law Journal Vol. 18 No. 7 (May, 1909): 454-487.
 * "The Limits of Effective Legal Action" in American Bar Association Journal Vol. 3 No. 1 (Jan., 1917):55-70.
 * Also International Journal of Ethics Vol. 27 No. 2 (Jan., 1917): 150-167.
 * "Legal Interrogation of Persons Accused or Suspected of Crime" in Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology Vol. 24, No. 6 (Mar.-Apr., 1934): 1014-1018.
 * "Legislation as a Social Function" in The American Journal of Sociology Vol. 18, No. 6 (May, 1913): 755-768.
 * "Liberty of Contract" in Yale Law Journal Vol. 18 No. 7 (May, 1909): 454-487.
 * "The Limits of Effective Legal Action" in American Bar Association Journal Vol. 3 No. 1 (Jan., 1917):55-70.
 * Also International Journal of Ethics Vol. 27 No. 2 (Jan., 1917): 150-167.

 * "Mechanical Jurisprudence" in Columbia Law Review Vol. 8 No. 8 (Dec., 1908): 605-623.
 * "Natural Natural Law and Positive Natural Law" in Law Quarterly Review Vol. 68 (1952): 330-336.
 * "The Need of a Sociological Jurisprudence" in The Green Bag Vol. 19 No. 10 (Oct., 1907): 607-615.
 * "The New Feudalism" in American Bar Association Journal Vol. 16 (1930): 553-.
 * Also as "The New Feudal System" in Kentucky Law Journal (1930).

 * New Paths of the Law (1950)
 * Outlines of Lectures on Jurisprudence (1903; 1914)
 * "Philosophical Theory and International Law" in Bibliotheca Visseriana (1923): 71-89.
 * "The Philosophy of Law in America" in Archiv für Rechts und Wirtschaftsphilosophie Vol. 7 (1913): 213-223; 385-400.
 * "The Place of Judge Story in the Making of American Law" in American Law Review Vol. 48 (1914).
 * Also Massachusetts Law Quarterly Vol. 1 No. 3 (May, 1916): 121-140.
 * "The Place of Judge Story in the Making of American Law" in American Law Review Vol. 48 (1914).
 * Also Massachusetts Law Quarterly Vol. 1 No. 3 (May, 1916): 121-140.

 * "The Place of the Judiciary in a Democratic Polity" in American Bar Association Journal Vol. 27 (March 1941): 133.
 * "Public Law and Private Law" in Cornell Law Quarterly Vol. 24 No. 4 (June, 1939): 469-482.
 * "Recent Developments in the Law of Equity" in Lectures before the Institute of the Cleveland Bar Association (1933): 3-51.
 * The Relation of Statistical Quality Standards to Law and Legislation (1940)
 * "The Revival of Personal Government" in Report of the 37th Annual Session of the Georgia Bar Association (1920)
 * "The Scope and Purpose of Sociological Jurisprudence" in Harvard Law Review (1911-1912)
 * Part 1: Vol. 24, No. 8 (Jun., 1911): 591-619
 * Part 2: Vol. 25, No. 2 (Dec., 1911): 140-168
 * Part 3: Vol. 25, No. 6 (Apr., 1912): 489-516
 * Social Justice and Legal Justice (1912)
 * The Spirit of the Common Law (1921)
 * "Spurious Interpretation" in Columbia Law Review Vol. 7 No. 6 (June, 1907): 379-386.
 * "A Survey of Social Interests" in Harvard Law Review Vol. 57, No. 1 (Oct., 1943): 1-39.
 * The Task of the Law (1944)
 * "The Theory of Judicial Decision" in Harvard Law Review (1923)
 * Part 1: Vol. 36, No. 6 (Apr., 1923): 641-662.
 * Part 2: Vol. 36, No. 7 (May, 1923): 802-825.
 * Part 3: Vol. 36, No. 8 (Jun., 1923): 940-959.
 * "Twentieth-Century Ideas as to the End of Law" in Harvard Legal Essays (1934).
 * "What Is Law?" in West Virginia Law Quarterly Vol. 47 (1940): 1-12.
 * "What Is Law?" in West Virginia Law Quarterly Vol. 47 (1940): 1-12.

Works about Pound

 * "Criminal Justice in Cleveland" in The New Republic Vol. 28 No. 359 (October 19, 1921): 204-206.
 * "Roscoe Pound, Dean of the Harvard Law School" in The American Review of Reviews Vol. 53 (1916).

title: Author:Nathan Roscoe Pound


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/South Africa


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Rh son. Whom the devil rides, cannot certainly affirm that he possesses au abundance of free will to go and come; but what could have bribed me to lay the stirrup on the shoulders of my only son, in order that the black raven father of all lies might be able to mount him more comfortably? only reflect on that yourselves, generous men."

"I but half understand you," said the Marshal.

"I pardon much in consideration of your grief," replied the Intendant.

"But why has not the Lord of Beauvais appeared at our trial?" recommenced the general; "wherefore is he fled? Does not that action bespeak him criminal? and do you know anything of him and of his retreat? can you impart to us some information of his proceedings? do you keep him concealed? confess the whole truth."

"Your excellency," said the doctor, "the old sinner has assuredly escaped because he is indeed suspected, even by me, and


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Rh could not appear here with safety and decency."

"Proceed," said the Lord of Basville, "you are approaching nearer the point to my satisfaction."

"You know it as well as I do," replied Vila, "the scandal is notorious throughout the whole country. He would have been forced to come here baldheaded to speak and answer. I will even consent that one may dispense with ruffles, lay down his sword, embroidery on the garments, or the cravat may also without herisy be esteemed as superfluous; but if you consider, that for more than ten years, he lived there yonder in his desert without a wig like a Theban hermit, you cannot then possibly have any confidence in the orthodoxy of his sentiments. How should his head remain sound, when he gives himself up, thus naked to all weathers, all society, all sorts of phrases, wit, and nonsense. It is indeed like a fortress, where they have broken down the walls and redoubt. There,


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Rh in war, all the rabble ride in without obstruction." "You are childish," said the Lord of Basville, "but where does the Lady of Castelnau remain, you must know that she has disappeared. In all these circumstances we see, say what you will, a concerted plot."

"Ah poor Christine!" sighed Vila plaintively; I now know for the first time, how much I have loved the noble girl. She is no longer indeed in her house, but the Lord Marshal will best be able to give intelligence of her retreat."

"I?" demanded the latter.

"All the world says, at least," continued the doctor, "that you have caused her to be incarcerated, and that is not entirely without probability, as the imprudent girl, some time ago, wholly lost sight of the esteem she owes you."

"It were derogatory to my dignity," said the Marshal, "to revenge inpertinences by means of my office.

"Where one cannot inspire love," said


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Rh the doctor, "which one may reasonably expect, then terror and the due punishment of the object must suffice." "I give you my word of honour, I know nothing of the little fool!" said the Marshal blushing.

"It is very possib1e," answered Vila, "that you do not know exactly in which dungeon she languishes, since within the last few years we have considerably increased these establishments."

"Sir!" exclaimed the Marshal,—"I think, my Lord Intendant, we may dismiss this dotard, for it is in vain to hope to hear a word of sense from him. You may thank the Lord Marquis amd his zealous intercession, or rather his caprice, not to suffer himself to be cured by any one else, that your insolence, which affects madness, is permitted to go from hence unchastised. But beware that you hold no correspondence with the rebels and suspected persons, or we shall speak again together and then in a higher tone."

"As it may please you to order it," said


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Rh the doctor, and retired with a low bow. His carriage stood at the door, he went however first into the stables of the court to seek an old servant, whom he intended to take to St. Hypolite with him, the latter advanced groaning, limping and with head and arm bound up. "Coachman," cried Vila to his driver, "make room on the box for this old servant of mine."

In the mean while Colonel Julien came down the streets; "What sort of merchandise are you carrying off with you there?" asked he, scrutinising the wounded man.

"My superannuated Conrad," replied the doctor; "the stupid knave found himself in a village yesterday and took it into his head to engage in the conversion of a Camisard, who in the true rebel fashion began to deal out blows, my decrepid enthusiast would let neither his king, nor his Lord God be outraged and on that account is so bedecked, that our Phylax at home will scarcely recognise him again."

"Look," said the Colonel, "the poor


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Rh cripple trembles so, that he cannot attain the high coach—box. He does not appear accustomed to such a place. Help him a little, reverend priest."

The sturdy vicar of St. Sulpice, who had pressed forward, helped up the old man with arms and shoulders. "Accustomed, or not accustomed!" cried Vila, vexedly, "he may thank heaven, that I take him with me at all. A knave, who at his years still addicts himself to pugilism, is good for nothing in my peaceable house. Times, indeed, seem, strange enough, so that the rabble will soon, perhaps, assert their pretensions to ride with me in my carriage."

"You would have room enough," said the Colonel, taking leave of the doctor, who had already seated himself at his ease.—

"Now, drive on!" said Vila, "and not too fast, particularly over the stones, for all my sides, and my head into the bargain, are as if they were crushed, and take care


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Rh that that old spectre does not perchance tumble from the box;—Adieu, reverend priest!"—The coach drove down the street and out through the gate.

The high road was filled with soldiers and militia, the coach was forced to stop in many places to let the troops go by. At length, when they had taken another road towards the mountains, the journey could be continued without interruption. The doctor was very uneasy, and looked round on all sides, muttered to himself, and was alternately moved and vexed. At last, when the country became rather solitary, he ordered the carriage to stop, descended and assisted. the wounded Conrad, as he had called him in the town, himself, from the coach box. "My poor, old friend!" exclaimed he embracing him with the greatest emotion: "How fares it with you? do you feel fatigued" come now inside here with me, and pardon all that I have been forced to do for your safety."

"I am tolerably well, my kind, faithful


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Rh friend," answered the Lord of Beauvais: "but render me one more loving service, that we may once more visit the ruins of my dwelling."

Vila gave directions to the coachman, and they both ascended into the carriage.

"But why will you make your heart still heavier?" commenced the doctor. "Come rather directly with me, that I may conduct you to the little rural asylum, in order to conceal you there until better times. For it is not to be thought of, that they will now be able to carry you over the frontiers in safety."

"Oh my poor country!" sighed the Counsellor of Parliament: men of probity must now seek hiding-places like criminals. I will only go once more to the great hall: an iron closet has perhaps been spared by the robbers and the flames, in it lies the portrait of my wife, which in the hurry, I forgot to pack up. It would be very painful to me to lose this dear remembrance." The sun had already set, and they were


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Gymkhana

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Gymkhana


text:
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Rh now approaching their native, well-known place. From the blackened walls, dense, smoky clouds were still rising, although the fire appeared extinguished. The carriage stopped, the travellers descended from it; a lantern was lighted, and the Counsellor could not avoid wondering at the difficulty he experienced in finding his way through the formerly so well-known mansion. Fallen beams reduced to cinders lay extinguished, and obstructed the entrance to the hall, ashes and rubbish filled the vast space, it was impossible to recognise any thing, the walls alone still indicated the former seat of happiness and peace. The lantern threw a pale wavering glimmer over the sad destruction, and while the father tremblingly felt about by its light for the closet, he though he heard a voice in another apartment.

As he listened more attentively, all was still; yet after a short interval, a deep, painful sigh was heard again, and then as if from a heavily oppressed bosom


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Rh these words: "Yes, my sinful fire has laid this dwelling in ashes, my wicked impetuosity has murdered the happiness of this beloved house."

"Oh my unhappy son!" exclaimed the old man as he endeavoured to reach that apartment; but Edmond advanced immediately, sank down before him and embraced his knees. "Can you forgive? can you still love me?" cried he in violent emotion; "I, I, wretch that I am, have flung the brand into this house, I have rendered you and my sister miserable, I am indeed the cause of your death. Oh most gracious, mildest of men, with what a torn heart do I lie here at your feet, unworthy to embrace them, unworthy of the dust.—"

The old man raised, pressed him to his heart and said: "Not so, my son, we are not to criticise and blame the ways of destiny in so short-sighted a manner. It was you, as I well know, who delivered me from the hands of the incendiaries. Your heart has remained to me; those walls, this


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Gyllenstjerna, Johan, Count


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Rh possession belonged not to my happiness and existence, you are nearer to me, you are, God be praised! not lost to me. Let me enjoy the satisfaction of having found you again among the ruins, and I will thank Heaven with heartfelt tears for my calamity. Follow me now and abandon your unfortunate covenant. The time and favourable moment will be found, when we may fly over the frontiers of our native land, and under another sky be permitted to rear the blessing of our love again."

"Only require not this of me, generous man," cried Edmond, as if in unconscious anger: at least I must punish, avenge, retaliate in some degree on our and God's foes. Oh Catinat! how unjust I have been in censuring thee. No, I will not degrade mercy so far by wasting it on these wretches, who might take the tiger in apprenticeship in order to augment his malice and cruelty."

Vila came up with the lantern and turned the light upon the youth's pale, agitated


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Rh countenance, saying with the greatest good nature: "ah! Ned! my boy! be advised: now for once only follow your aged parent there, who has ever merely required from you what is quite reasonable."

"Leave vengeance to Him," said the father in a powerful voice, "to Him, who rules, permits and superintends all, and in whose almighty arm our wrath and weakness, are no longer vengeance! I do not understand the word. Our hearts were not created for this feeling."

"Still and ever the same folly!" cried a deep voice fnom behind and the gaunt figure of the grey-headed Lacoste was groping his way towards them in the dark, over heaps of rubbish. "Vengeance! hatred!" exclaimed he; "who knows not those sentiments, knows love but in part. Knowest thou me still, thy rival, the Lacoste, whom thou renderedst many years ago so unhappy? Who meant thee evil were it not for thy gallant Edmond."

"How comest thou here?" cried the


text:
Page:A lover's tale (Tennyson, 1879).djvu/26

22


text:
Page:Folklore1919.djvu/308

296 at the entrance of the village, and the cattle are driven over it until it is trampled to death, while rice stained with the blood of a sacrificed lamb is scattered over the herd. The Goālas, herdsmen in northern India, turn a pig loose amidst a herd of buffalos, which are encouraged to gore it to death.

It has been assumed by some scholars, as has already been stated, that the cults of the Mother goddesses, benevolent or malignant, have all been derived from that of Mother Earth, in these differing, but complementary manifestations. This theory has been disputed by orthodox Brāhman writers, like Pandit Harikishan Kaul. He, by a method characteristic of Hindus discussing their own religion, traces all these goddess cults back to the Vedas, maintaining that there is but one original Mother Goddess, that the later forms are developments of her worship, and denying that these have any connexion with Mother Earth. “The personification of the powers of the Creator, the Preserver, and the Destroyer being once established, the identification of anyone of them with important, uncommon, or uncontrollable phenomena is an easy matter.” But we have already seen that in the Vedas the goddesses hold a subordinate position, and this theory ignores the distinctively local character of the worship. It is not from any original Vedic goddess that the modern worshipper of great personalities, like Tuljā Bhavānī in the Nizam’s Dominion, Ambā Bhavānī of Mount Abu in Rajputana, Hinglāj Mātā in Balochistan, or the mighty Kālī of Calcutta, traces his devotion. The process by which these great personalities acquired their present reputation was clearly because, for some reason, the local cult from which they were derived gained the credit of wonder-working beyond the small

title: Page:Folklore1919.djvu/308


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Gyllembourg-Ehrensvärd, Thomasine Christine, Baroness


text:
Page:The Rebellion in the Cevennes (Volume 2).djvu/67

Rh father astounded. "What art thou doing here?"

"I am become thy son's dog," replied the former, "I do him what service I can, at least I run after him, out of gratitude, because he has saved my life."

"I have scarcely time and feeling," said the Lord of Beauvais, "to wonder at this extraordinary rencontre."

"The hour presses indeed," cried Vila, "we have yet a long way before us and we must take advantage of the night."

"Here is the concealed closet still unconsumed," cried the Counsellor of Parliament, "just as I had supposed." He took a key, opened and held a light into it, among various articles, which were kept there, he found the picture in a little casket. He gazed upon it with tears, and was going to attach it to his person, when Lacoste seized his hand and said: "Only one moment, for the sake of former acquaintance and friendship: suffer this face after so many years to blossom once again in my desolate heart."


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28


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Rh The father gave it to him trembling; Lacoste held it close to the light and gazed fixedly on it with his widely opened grey eyes; a tear unconsciously escaped him, he imprinted a kiss on the portrait and returned it to the Counsellor. "See, see," said he to himself, "every man remains still a fool, let him behave as he will. If they can feel and imagine as much over their relics, as I at this moment feel, then the unfortunate ones are not so entirely in error."

"Roland is stationed in the neighbourhood with his troops; a few of us may conduct your dear father, as far as you wish, so that at least our party does not harm you."

"Prudently spoken," said Lacoste, "for we are, with permission, very outrageous people."

The Counsellor of Parliament re-ascended the carriage with his friend, saying: "We are now indeed so far on our road, that the usual precaution becomes superfluous. Let us only be careful, that our


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Rh friend Vila meets with no misfortune on our account." "Were my son only reasonable," said the latter, "they might do what they liked with me, old, half dead and worn out sinner; to die is almost a diversion to be sought for, to that have the ruling lords pushed affairs."

They drove off, and Edmond and Lacoste followed on horseback, in order to accompany them to Roland’s troop.


text:
Page:Folklore1919.djvu/309

 circle of their original worshippers. In other words, the conception of a single great goddess,—Devī, Durgā, Kālī,—is later in order of time than the local cult out of which it originated.

The facts already stated lead to the inevitable conclusion that many of the Mother goddesses have been developed from the Grāmadevatā, or village goddesses, many of whom owe their origin to the cult of Mother Earth. The benignant and chthonic, or malignant, manifestations of this Earth goddess account for the two distinct types which we find among the Mothers as a class. The localisation of function in the case of the village goddesses opens the way for the specialisation of the Mothers, many of whom ultimately come to be regarded as responsible for distinct spheres of activity ; various classes of disease, for instance, being made over to distinct deities. But this is a later development, the Mothers, as well as the other deities of Hinduism, being in their most primitive types deities “of all work.” This does not affect the theological so much as the practical aspect—the cultus. “The really important question,” as Robertson Smith puts it, “is not what a god has power to do, but whether I can get him to do it for me, and this depends upon the relation in which he stands to me.”

At the same time, in dealing with a complex polytheism like that of Hinduism, it is rash to assume a single origin for a group of deities, with infinitely varied legends of origin and cult ritual. And there are types which cannot readily be derived from the Earth Mother.

In the first place, we have the group of the Forest Mothers. While the village Mothers, as representing the agricultural stage, may be propitiated with animal sacrifice, there is no evidence that the dweller in the jungle offers the produce of the chase, a boar or a stag, to his Mother goddess. The common method of propitiating them is for each passer-by

title: Page:Folklore1919.djvu/309


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Hurricane

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Hurricane


text: The Rebellion in the Cevennes/Volume 2/Chapter IV


text:
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 Book IV. While with war's thunders conqu'ring  awes

Euphrates' flood, to willing worlds gives laws,

Aspiring to Heav'n's heights, in humble strains

I sung of cattle, trees, and cultur'd plains.

'Twas then I  my sequester'd seat

Fixt at Parthenope's belov'd retreat,

Deep in the studies of inglorious ease;

I, who with rural verse essay'd to please,

And with youth's boldness sung thee, Tityrus! laid,

Where a broad Beech spread wide her arching shade.


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Gylippus

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Gylippus


text: Talk:The Rebellion in the Cevennes

title: Talk:The Rebellion in the Cevennes


text: The Georgics (Nevile)/Book 4

title: The Georgics (Nevile)/Book 4


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298 to add a stick or a stone to the rude heap which marks the abiding-place of the deity. In the Vedas large trees, called Vanaspati, are addressed as deities, and the forest, as a whole, appears as a goddess under the name of Aranyānī, called “Mother of beasts,” abounding in food without tillage, in whose dark solitudes various uncanny sounds are weirdly described. Aranyānī has now passed out of popular knowledge, but Vanaspati, in the form of Bansāptī Mā, “Mistress of the wood,” is, in Northern India, propitiated by flinging a stone or branch on her cairn, either as a mode of keeping the spirit under control, or as a tribute to, or recognition of, the dreaded deity who abides in the dark places of the jungle. But she is developing into a goddess of the agricultural type, because village herdsmen who graze their herds in the jungle offer to her a cock, a goat, or a young pig, with a prayer that she will protect the cattle from tigers. In the Central Provinces the cult of Banjārī Deo, possibly a deified member of the Banjārā carrier tribe who used to drive their cattle along the jungle paths, is so imperfectly organised that the deity who dwells in a cairn to which every one adds a stone, may be male or female. The Paniyans, a forest tribe in Madras, worship a female, Kad Bhāgavatī, or a sexless deity called Kulī, who dwells in a stone or cairn. Major Tremearne suggests, in the case of Hausa deities, that this uncertainty about sex may depend upon a change from polyandry to polygamy, or upon the relations of the goddess with her consort; but this does not seem to apply to Indian deities of this class, who are so vaguely conceived that the question of sex becomes immaterial. Goddesses

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 of this type do not appear to be connected with the cult of Mother Earth because their worshippers are in the pre-agricultural stage.

Secondly, there is a type of Mothers who are generally acknowledged to be of human origin. Many of the southern Mothers fall into this category, such as Gangammā, sometime regarded as a form of the divine river Ganges, who is also said to have been the daughter of a Brāhman, and Pangammā, one of three sisters who made a famous tank. This type of Mother is particularly common in Gujarāt in the shape of the deified spirits of women of the Chāran tribe, people who, in the old days of anarchy, used to take charge of convoys of treasure, and were ready to give their lives in its defence. The murderer of such guardians was believed to be haunted by the angry spirits of his victims, and even now, though their traditional occupation has ceased, Chāran women are supposed to possess supernatural powers, and are addressed as “Mother,” or “Goddess Mother.” Many of the most famous Mother Goddesses in Gujarāt belong to this class.

Thirdly, we must not dismiss the possibility that some Mothers may be simply animistic or pre-animistic spirits, impersonation of the awe and terror with which people of the lower culture regard anything quaint or abnormal. Possibly some of the Jungle Mothers may be included in this class.

But the general class of Mothers is so vague, “figures as melting and shifting as the clouds of sunset”—so Andrew Lang described the Vedic gods —that the study of their origin and relations is difficult. In their earliest forms they are purely local, regarded as having no relation to the

title: Page:Folklore1919.djvu/311


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Hydrocele

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Hydrocele


text: Page:Virgil - The Georgics, Thomas Nevile, 1767.djvu/132


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 world as a whole. But when they are adopted by Hinduism they become great deities whose sphere of action is unlimited. These two conceptions, as well as their kindly and malevolent manifestations everywhere intermingle, and cannot readily be distinguished. As Bishop Whitehead remarks, to the peasant of South India they are neither exclusively evil spirits nor unmixed benefactors: they are of uncertain temper and very human in their liability to take offence. It might have been expected that much help would be derived from their cult titles, a study of which has been so fruitful in explaining the Hellenic pantheon. But the most common epithets are vague—Mātā or Mā, “Mother,” Devī, “The Divine One,” or, vaguer still they are known as Grāmadevatā, “Village Godlings,” or even in north India as Dih, “The Village.” The same goddess may be, on her kindly side, Lakshmī or Srī, goddess of good fortune, now consort of Vishnu: Lokamātā, “World Mother”; Āsāpurnā, “Fulfiller of Desires”; Annapūrnā, καρποφόρος, “She that fills men with grain,” or Sākambharī, “Nourisher of Herbs,” the counterpart of Demeter Chloe, goddess of young corn and other vegetation. On the other side she may be Durgā in her varied forms, or Kālī, “The Black One,” Demeter the Black, whom Mr. R. V. Russell calls a deified tigress. Some titles are purely euphemistical, based on the theory that by the use of a flattering divine name, the worshipper, if he has really learnt it, may coerce the deity to grant his desires.

Many names are pure inventions of the Brāhman officiants, many, and perhaps the most popular mark the local character of the cult.

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Rh Wc have seen that in the Vedas, as well as in Babylonia, the cult of goddesses is subordinate to that of gods. The Vedic Hindus were in the agricultural stage, but they had only recently emerged from the pastoral. And much of the work of tilling the soil was probably done by the aboriginal races whom the Aryans found in occupation. This contempt for agriculture has descended to some modern Rājputs and Brāhmans. We have, therefore, to look for the origins of Mother worship to these indigenous people which we may call Dravidian, or Mon-khmer.

It seems dangerous to press too far in theory that the worship of the Mothers depends upon the leading part played by women in agriculture in many primitive societies, and among some of the present Indian tribes and castes. Nor does it seem to be connected with Mother Right. In India, as is the case elsewhere, agricultural ceremonies and the culture of the local gods are often entrusted to women because they are more emotional, believed to be in closer touch with the spirit world, endowed with a stronger fertility Mana than that possessed by men. But the appointment of women as regular priestesses seems to be uncommon, Bishop Whitehead mentioning an exceptional case in the worship of the Mother goddess Nakulammā. There does not appear to be any sound evidence that the cults of the Mothers in India were, to any special extent, dependent upon the cooperation of women in agriculture, a cooperation which, as we have seen in the case of a primitive tribe like the Orāons, is carefully restricted. It may be

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302 suggested that it was as agents of fertility in general that the Mothers were deified. These cults, in their more ecstatic or hysterical form, prevail chiefly among the Dravidians of the south, where they are connected with practices like devil-dancing, spirit possession and the like, which are less common among the more sober and less excitable races of northern India. In that part of the country it is only in places outside Āryāvarta, the original Holy Land in the south-western Panjab, that the more brutal forms of animal sacrifice and ecstatic rites are found, as at the shrine of Kālī in Calcutta, Kāmākhyā in Assam, Devī Pātan in northern Oudh, and in Nepāl.

The explanation, again, of Bishop Whitehead, that the cult was based on Totemism, does not seem to be convincing. So far as we are acquainted with the principles of Totemism in India it seems to have affected social institutions much more than religious beliefs or ritual.

When Mother worship is taken over by Brahmanism it exhibits those naive attempts at organisation and the otiose symbolism and ritual which are characteristic of that form of belief. The Mothers are usually classed in well-defined groups, sometimes of seven, eight, nine or sixteen. Their powers and activities in special fields are more carefully discriminated. In the standard form of ritual current in the lower Himālaya they are worshipped in connexion with Ganesa, lord of luck and controller of enterprises, as a preface to the other rites. The celebrant takes a plank, cleanses it with rice flour, and on its surface draws seven figures representing the Mothers, with Ganesa on the right, and on the left a representation of the Moon. He then makes a brush out of five or six stalks of the sacred dūb (cynodon dactylon) grass, and dipping it in cowdung,

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 which run in lines parallel to the coast, approach close to the sea, as at Table Bay. In the south-east, in the Drakensberg, they attain heights of 10,000 to 11,000 ft., elsewhere the highest points are between 8000 and 9000 ft. They form terrace-like steps leading to a vast tableland (covering about 900,000 sq. m.) with a mean elevation of 4000 ft., the highest part of the plateau—the High Veld of the Transvaal—being fully 6000 ft. above the sea. In its southern part the plateau has a general tilt to the West, in the north it tilts eastward. This tilt determines the hydrographical system. In the south the drainage is to the Atlantic, chiefly through the Orange River, in the north to the Indian Ocean through the Zambezi, Limpopo and other streams. A large number of smaller rivers rise on the outer slopes of the mountain ramparts and flow direct to the sea. In consequence of their great slope and the intermittent supply of water the rivers—except the Zambezi—are unnavigable save for a few miles from their mouths. The central part of the interior plateau, covering some 120,000 sq. m., is arid and is known as the Kalahari Desert. The western region, both plateau and coast lands, specially that part north of the Orange, is largely semi or wholly desert, while in the Cape province the terrace lands below the interior plateau are likewise arid, as is signified by their Hottentot name karusa (Karroo). The southern and eastern coast lands, owing to different climatic conditions (see infra) are very fertile.

The geological structure is remarkably uniform, the plateau consisting mainly of sedimentary deposits resting on crystalline rocks. The Karroo system (sandstones and marls) covers immense areas (see, § Geology). Intrusive dikes—locally known as ironstone—by preventing erosion are often the cause of the flat-topped hills which are a common feature of the landscape. The Witwatersrand series of the Transvaal includes auriferous conglomerates which have been worked since 1886 and constitute the richest gold-mines in the world. The diamondiferous areas at Kimberley and in the Pretoria district are likewise the richest known. Coal beds are widely distributed in the eastern districts while there are large copper deposits in the west, both at the Cape and in German territory.

Inhabitants.—The aborigines of South Africa are represented by the Bushmen and Hottentots, now found in any racial purity only in the Kalahari and in the southern part of German South-West Africa. All the other natives, popularly called Kaffirs, are members of the Bantu-negroid family, of whom they here form three distinct branches: (1) the Zulu-Xosas, originally confined to the south-east seaboard between Delagoa Bay and the Great Fish River, but later (19th century) spread by conquest over Gazaland, parts of the Transvaal, and Rhodesia (Matabeleland), (2) the Bechuanas, with the kindred Basutos, on the continental plateau from the Orange to the Zambezi, and ranging westwards over the Kalahari desert and the Lake Ngami region; (3) the Ova-Herero and Ova-Mpo, confined to German South-West Africa between Walfish Bay and the Kunene River.

All these mixed Bantu peoples are immigrants at various periods from beyond the Zambezi. The Bechuanas, who occupy by far the largest domain, and preserve the totemic tribal system, were probably the first arrivals from the north or the north-sea coast lands. As early, probably, as the 8th century Arabs had formed a settlement on the coast at Sofala, 130 m. south of the mouth of the Zambezi, but they got no further south nor do they appear to have penetrated inland, though they traded for gold and other articles with the inhabitants of the northern part of the plateau—the builders of the zimbabwes and other ruins in what is now (q.v.) The Asiatic inhabitants of South Africa of the present day are mainly Indian

title: Page:EB1911 - Volume 25.djvu/480


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AMES WYATT was born at Woodbury on the Exe in the year 1707. His father was a shoemaker, but James lost both him and his mother when he was very young. He had a brother and two sisters, and he was the youngest of the four. After the death of his parents his eldest sister took care of him, sent him to school, and when old enough to work got him employment on a farm, where he remained till he was fourteen years of age; but, not liking farm work, his sister apprenticed him to a woolcomber and dyer at Wembury. His master was a very honest, good-natured man, and taught him his business well, and this, as we shall see in the sequel, was of the highest advantage to him. As soon as his time of apprenticeship was up he entered as gunner's server on board the York man-of-war. In 1726 he went with Sir John Jennings to Lisbon and Gibraltar. Next he served on board the Experiment under Captain Radish; but his taste for the sea failed for a while, and he was lured by the superior attractions of a puppet-show to engage with the proprietor, named Churchill, and to play the trumpet at his performances. During four years he travelled with the show, then tiring of dancing dolls, reverted to woolcombing and dyeing at Trowbridge. But a travelling menagerie was too much for him, and he followed that as trumpeter for four years. In 1741,


text:
Author:Niketas Choniates

Works

 * Immanuel Bekker (ed.) Nicetae Choniatae Historia (1835) with Wolf's translation at the bottom of the page.

title: Author:Niketas Choniates


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108 he left the wild beasts and entered as trumpeter on board the Revenge privateer, Captain Wemble, commander, who was going on a cruise against the Spaniards. The privateer fell in with a Spanish vessel from Malaga, and gave chase. She made all the sail she could, but in four or five hours the Revenge came up with her. "We fir'd five times at her. She had made everything ready to fight us, but seeing the number of our hands (which were one hundred in all, though three parts of them were boys) she at length brought to. We brought the captain and mate on board our ship, and put twelve men on board theirs, one of which was the master, and our captain gave him orders to carry her into Plymouth." Of the prize-money Wyatt got forty shillings. The capture did not prove to be as richly laden as had been anticipated. We need not follow his adventures in the privateer, though they are interesting enough, and give a lively picture of the audacity of these venturers, till we come to his capture. The Revenge was cruising about among the Canary Islands, when a Spanish vessel ran for Teneriffe from Palma, and was at once pursued. She sped for Gomera, but unable to weather the point came to anchor within half a cable's length of the shore. She was a bark of sixty tons burthen, and as the Revenge drew more water and the captain feared sunken rocks, he ordered the yawl to be hoisted out and to be manned with eleven hands. "We were three hours after we left the ship before we got within musket-shot of the bark. Our master ask'd us if we were all willing to board her. We answered, one and all, we were. We saw twelve men ashore, and made directly towards them. Our master said, 'My boys, the bark's our own, for these men belong'd to her, but have left her; let us give them one


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Rh volley, and then board the bark.' We had two brass blunderbusses, mounted on swivels, in the bow of the boat. Our master stepp'd forward to one of them himself, and order'd me to the other. We had no sooner discharged the blunderbusses, but two or three hundred men came from behind the rocks. We had been so long getting to the bark that the men belonging to her, unknown to us, had got out of her, gone up country, and brought these people to their assistance. Our blunderbusses being discharged, the men from behind the rocks kept up a constant fire at us; and, at the very first fire, our master received a ball just above his right eye, and another went almost through my right shoulder. We rowed directly to the bark. The lieutenant, myself, and four more leapt into her, and those that were in the boat handed in our arms. As soon as we were in the bark, the lieutenant order'd one of our men to take a pole-axe and cut the cable, saying she would drive off. I told him if the cable was cut she would certainly drive ashore, for she was then almost upon the breakers. He seem'd a little angry at what I said, though had my advice been followed, it had been better for us all; for, as soon as the cable was cut, she turn'd broadside to the sea, and in a few minutes after struck ashore against the rocks.

"By the bark's swinging round, our boat was exposed to the fire of the enemy; upon which Mr. Perry, our master-at-arms (he had been organist at Ross parish church) order'd the three men in the boat to row off. In less than a minute I saw Mr. Perry drop to the bottom of the boat, shot through the heart. "While the Spaniards were firing at our boat, we that were in the bark kept firing at them. We fired as fast as possible, and threw all our hand-granades


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110 ashore, which did some execution. Our lieutenant being shot, and our powder almost exhausted, we laid down our arms. As soon as the Spaniards saw this, they came on board us. The first man they saw was our lieutenant, who, although he was dead, they began to cut in a very cruel manner. The next man they came to was William Knock, whom they butcher'd in a most barbarous manner, several of them cutting him with their long hooks at once, though he cry'd out for mercy all the time. In the same manner they serv'd all in the bark but myself. "Being in the bow of the bark, seeing their cruelty to our men, and expecting the same fate every moment, I took the blunderbuss which I had in one hand, and laid it on a pease cask, being unable to hold it high enough to fire, as the ball remain'd still in my right shoulder. When I saw them coming towards me, I rais'd it up with all my might, as though I was going to fire it at them, upon which they all ran to the other side of the bark, and from thence leapt ashore. "At that very instant a great sea came in, and turned the bark on one side, with her keel towards the shore. This gave me an opportunity of pulling off my clothes and jumping into the water, in order to swim to my ship. As soon as they saw me they began to fire at me from every side. Five small shot lodg'd between my shoulders, three in the poll of my neck, and one ball graz'd my left shoulder; besides the ball which I had before receiv'd in my right shoulder. "I kept on swimming till I was out of the reach of their balls; and I should have been able to have swam to our own ship, had not the Spaniards launch'd their boat and come after me. As soon as they came up to me, one of the men who stood in the bow of the boat, and had a half-pike in his hand, pointed towards me and


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Rh said in the Spanish language, ’Down, down, you English dog.' Then they pulled me into the boat. As I stood upright in the boat, one of the Spaniards struck me a blow on the breast with such violence, that it beat me backwards, and I fell to the bottom of the boat; after which they row'd ashore. When they came ashore, they haul'd me out of the boat as though I had been a dog; which I regarded not at the time, being very weak and faint with swimming and the loss of blood. On their bringing me ashore, the enraged multitude crowded round me, and carried me a little way from the place where they had landed; they placed me against a rock to shoot me, and threatened to run me through with a half-pike if I offered to stir. "While I was plac'd against the rock, and expecting death every moment, I saw a gentleman expostulating with the mob, and endeavouring to prevail with them to spare my life. After a small time he came directly to me and said in English, 'Countryman, don't be afraid; they want to kill you, but they shall not.' He then turn'd his back to me, stood close before me, opened his breast, and said if they shot me they should shoot him likewise."

His preserver was an Irishman, named William Ryan, who spoke Spanish fluently, and had been in the bark on his way to Santa Cruz in Teneriffe. He was apparently a man who had lived some time in the Canaries, and had been a trader. He was very kind to James Wyatt, gave him some clothes, and washed his wounds with brandy. After that he was taken to Gomera, where the deputy-governor lived, and by means of an interpreter Wyatt was able to explain to him that he was in great pain and had a ball in his shoulder. The deputy-governor sent for a barber, who with a razor


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Everglades

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Everglades


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112 cut across the wound this way and that till he saw the ball, which he hooked out with a bent nail. The ball had gone eight inches through the fleshy part of the shoulder and was lodged against the bone. From Gomera Wyatt was sent by boat to Teneriffe to the head governor, who received and examined him. The governor's mother took compassion on him, saw that he was well fed, and sent a proper surgeon to dress his wounds, and made him a present of three shirts and two handkerchiefs to make into a sling for his arm. Next day the kind old lady sent him a pair of silk stockings, a hat, a black silk waistcoat, and a dollar in money. Wyatt was now transferred to the castle at Laguna, above Santa Cruz, where he found five-and-twenty English prisoners, among whom was a physician, Dr. Ross. It was some time before he was healed of his wounds, but eventually did recover. One day a man came to the castle with a drum on his back, and Wyatt at once asked him to be allowed to beat it. To this he consented, and Wyatt beat a march. Though not a skilled drummer, his performance greatly delighted the owner of the drum, and he rushed off to an acquaintance, a gentleman, to announce that among the English prisoners was the first drummer in the world. The gentleman was much excited and sent for him, and was delighted. After that at every dinner party, entertainment, gathering, Wyatt was in requisition to rattle the drum, on which occasions he received little sums of money, which he employed in relieving the needs of his fellow prisoners.

After he had been twenty-eight days in the castle he was sent for to Santa Cruz to the general, who had heard that he drummed, and was eager to hear the


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Rh performance. This pleased him so well that he asked Wyatt if he would teach the black boy of a friend of his how to handle the drum-sticks. Wyatt consented, and thus obtained much liberty, for the owner of the black boy, whom he called Don Mathias Caster, took him into his own house. As instructing the boy did not occupy the whole of Wyatt's time, he resolved on turning his knowledge of dyeing to advantage. The Spanish love black; and as the gentleman told him, black cloaks and dresses in the sun and with the dust soon turned rusty. He gave him an old kettle and lent him an outhouse, and Wyatt converted the latter into a dye-house and re-dyed the cloth garments of most of the gentlemen of Santa Cruz, and received from each a remuneration. Dr. Ross had been released from prison on condition that he set up as a physician in Santa Cruz, where the Spanish doctors were ignorant and unsuccessful. But Ross had no house to go into. He consulted Wyatt. "I will build you one of wood," said this Jack-of-all-trades. "I know something of carpentering." Accordingly he set to work, built a shanty, painted it gaily, enclosed a garden, surrounded it with a palisade, and dug the ground up for flowers and vegetables and herbs. A Spanish gentleman was so delighted with the house of Dr. Ross that he asked Wyatt to build him one. Wyatt agreed, but in the midst of the work was arrested by soldiers from Grand Canary and conveyed thither to be examined by the Inquisition, which supposed him to be a Freemason. He had happily provided himself with letters of recommendation from a number of leading men in the isle of Teneriffe to whom he had done services, and in return for blackening their suits they did their best to whiten his


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114 character. After several hearings he was discharged, but one unfortunate Englishman languished for two years in their dungeons, labouring under the suspicion of being a Freemason. On his return to Santa Cruz, Wyatt completed the house on which he had begun, and then looked about for more work. Don Mathias Caster said to him one day, "Our hats cost us a deal of money and soon get shabby." "I know how to dye, and I know something about the hatting trade," said Wyatt promptly, "for when I was an apprentice, there was a hatter next door, and I kept my eyes open and watched his proceedings." Accordingly Don Mathias gave him one of his old hats to dress. Wyatt immediately had a hat-block made, dyed the hat, cleaned the lace, and carried it to the Don the same day. "When I show'd it to him, he was surpriz'd to see how well I had made it look. He told me, if I would do other gentlemen's hats as well as I had done his, I might get an estate in a few years, and that he would help me to business enough." That same evening in came two hats, next morning five and then they rained on him, and he charged half a dollar for renovating each. He had soon realized £20. One night he was roused by the cry of fire, and running out saw a crowd standing gaping at the house of the Portuguese consul that was on fire in the top story. No one did anything—there was no one to take the lead, and the family was fast asleep within. Wyatt got a crowbar and an axe, broke down the door, and rescued the consul and his wife and all the family save one child that was burnt. The fire rapidly spread, as the houses were of wood, to the next house belonging to the French consul. He and his were rescued. The


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Rh next, but not adjoining, house was that of the general. But what intervened made its destruction probable, for this was a cellar full of brandy and rum casks. The general's house had a flat roof. Wyatt organized a chain of water carriers, and standing on the roof poured water incessantly over the side of the house licked by the flames, and this he continued to do till the fire burnt itself out. Next day the general sent for him, thanked him for having saved his house, and presented him with a passport authorizing him to carry on his trade and travel freely between the seven islands. In the beginning of June, 1742, an English vessel was brought into harbour, the Young Neptune, Captain Winter, that had been captured by a Spanish privateer. Wyatt soon became intimate with the captain and his mate, and after a while they confided to him a plan they had discussed of escaping to Madeira, whence they could easily obtain a passage to England or Holland. The scheme was that he, Winter, the captain, Burroughs, the mate, and four other Englishmen should steal a boat from a galleon laid up in the bay and make their escape in the night. Wyatt eagerly agreed to be one of the party; and the plan was carried into effect on the 29th of June. There were seven in the boat, the captain and mate aforenamed, Smith, Swanwick, Larder, Newell, and Wyatt. The boat had five oars and a sprit-sail. The captain had a compass, but no quadrant. At first the wind blew fair, but speedily turned to the contrary direction desired, so that all hopes of making Madeira had to be abandoned. The wind rose to a gale and the men were worn out with bailing. They had to clear the boat of water with two pails and their hats. On 2 July they sighted a point of land which they took to be Cape Bojadore,


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116 and they steered south in hopes of reaching Gambia. On 7 July they saw a low sandy island, and a sloop ashore, and made at once for land. On disembarking they were surrounded by a swarm of Moors and negroes, the former of whom could speak a little Portuguese, and two of them spoke broken English. Wyatt and the rest were conducted inland to where there was a village of squalid huts. Here they were given some fish and a little water. They speedily discovered that the Moors had no intention of letting them go to Gambia, but purposed making off with their boat and leaving them to perish on the island where there was no water, all that was used having to be brought in skins from the mainland. Presently a number of the Moors departed in the boat of the Europeans, leaving behind only one large boat that was rotten, and a small one; and some of the Moors remained to see that the English carpenter repaired the decayed vessel, intending when that was done to leave the Europeans behind. These consulted and resolved on getting possession of the little boat and escaping in it. As a precaution they contrived to get hold of the fishing spears of the Moors, so that these might have as few weapons as possible, should it come to a fight. The carpenter then, with the tools that had been given to him for the purpose of repairing the large boat, set to work to knock holes in her bottom, so that she might not be used in pursuit. Then the little party, having got together, made for the small boat. "I had got the hammer and the adze, the carpenter had the hatchet, and the rest of our people had fishing spears. The Moors, perceiving us make towards the boat, ran between that and us, in order to prevent our getting into her. This began the fight, for the carpenter beat Marta into the water, which was


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Rh about three feet deep, with the hatchet, and Duckamar presently after him. I struck Mahomet with the adze, and took off a piece of flesh and part of his ear. In an instant every one was out of their huts, and pulling them down in order to get sticks to fight us. Seeing this, we ran to the assistance of our countrymen as fast as we could, leaving the two Moors that fell into the water for dead.

"The Moors came very near us with the sticks they pulled out of their huts, and threw them at us, one of which hit Robert Larder and broke his thumb. One of our men, looking round, saw the two Moors who we thought were dead standing up against the side of the boat. Upon his saying they were there, I ran towards them, having still the hammer in one hand and the adze in the other. When they saw me coming, they ran round the boat, got to their companions, and fought as well as though they had not been hurt. "We were obliged to keep our ground, for fear some of the Moors should get into the little boat, in which we intended to make our escape, and which was not an hundred yards behind us. At length one of the Moors came running behind Mr. Burroughs, and gave him a terrible blow on the head with a stick. Mr. Burroughs immediately turned round and struck at him, but missed him. The man ran directly up the island; and Mr. Burroughs, in the hurry not thinking of the consequence, ran after him. We kept calling to him to come back to us, when, on a sudden, the Moors took to their heels and ran after him. Some of them presently came up with him, knocked him down with their sticks, and cut his throat from ear to ear. Some of them then turned back and made towards their little boat, thinking to have got her off in order to prevent our escape. As soon as we saw that, we all ran as fast as possible to


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118 secure the boat. As I was the nearest to the boat I got soonest to her; but there was one of the Moors had got to the boat before me, and was getting up her side. I gave him a blow on his back with the hammer; upon which he let go his hold and fell into the water. As he was falling I hit him another blow on the head; upon which he fell under the boat, and rose on the other side. "While we were in the fight, three of our men got into the boat, and kept calling to the rest to come in likewise; which at length we did, retreating all the way with our faces towards the Moors. When we came to the boat, the other three, with the fishing spears, kept off the Moors till we got in, cut the grappling loose, and drove away with the tide." It was not possible to get far in this little boat, and the party made for the mainland, where they were at once set upon by other Moors, who stripped them of their shirts, and held them prisoners till those from the island arrived, and these latter fell on them and beat and trampled on them unmercifully, and would have cut their throats had not the mainland Moors restrained them by saying that the King or Sultan of the Gum Coast must be informed that there were European prisoners there, and that he would decide what was to be done with them. They were then tied in pairs back to back and carried back to the island, where they were cast on the floor of a tent, and left thus without food or water for four days. After that they were sparingly fed, untied, and made to work as slaves. After some weeks an officer called Abede arrived with nineteen men, reviewed them, and left. As soon as he was gone Swanwick, the carpenter, was taken away by the island Moors, and no tidings of what became of him ever reached the rest. Sixteen days after the officer had left


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Rh he returned with orders from the King or Sultan that all who remained of the prisoners were to be transferred to the mainland and conducted across the desert to the French factory at Senegal, where he hoped to receive pay from the French for surrendering them. The party had been taken prisoners by the Moors on 7 July, 1742, and they were not released and committed to the charge of Abede till 13 November, so that they had remained in durance and in miserable condition for four months and six days. At one time, when deprived of their shirts and exposed to the sun, their faces and bodies were so blistered that they were unable to recognize each other, save by their voices. They had now a long and painful journey over the desert, under the charge of Abede, that lasted till the 23rd December, when they were near Senegal, and Abede dispatched a messenger to the French factors to announce that the European prisoners were at hand, and to bargain for a sum to be paid for their release. They had been tramping over burning sands, insufficiently fed, for forty days. Whilst waiting for news from the factory the Moors killed an ox, and gave the head and guts to the English prisoners. They boiled the meat on the sand and devoured it greedily—it was the first flesh they had tasted for upwards of six months. "Sometime after we got some caravances. Having eaten no pulse for several months, we hardly knew when we had enough. But we suffered severely for it, for we were presently afterwards taken extremely ill. The Moors seeing we were very bad, gave us the urine of goats to drink. This purged us prodigiously, and we remained ill for several hours; but, when it had worked off, we grew speedily well." Five days more elapsed before an answer arrived from the factory. On 28 December the messenger


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120 returned in a sloop sent from the factory to bring the prisoners to Senegal. The captain brought clothes for them, and gave them "an elegant entertainment, consisting of fowls, fresh meat, etc." On 29 December they were conveyed to the factory at Senegal, and were most kindly received by the French, and they remained there for a month all but a day; and then were sent in a French sloop to Gambia, on 28 January, 1743, which they reached on 31 January. Gambia was an English settlement, a fort, and a factory; and there also the poor fellows were kindly and hospitably entertained, provided with money and all they required. The time of their sufferings was now over. "The 1st February I went on board the Robert, Captain Dent, commander, lying in Gambia River. He was hir'd by the African Company and was laden with gum arabick, elephants' teeth, bees-wax, &c. I told him our case, and that I wanted to come to England; upon which he kindly promised me, or all of us, if we were so disposed, our passage to England gratis, provided we would work our way home. Captain Winter, however, had business to transact in Jamaica, and preferred to wait till a vessel would take him thither; two of the men remained at Gambia, and the rest, saying that they had no homes or friends in England, preferred to go to the West Indies and earn some money before they returned to the right and tight little island. "It was an unfortunate decision of Captain Winter. He and Larder sailed in a schooner bound for Jamaica, but never reached his destination, as the vessel was lost, and every one of the crew and passengers was drowned. "We set sail from Gambia the 3rd of February, 1743, and arrived in the river Thames on the 16th of April


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Rh following; so that we were just two months and thirteen days in our passage to England." On the 29th May, 1741, James Wyatt had entered as trumpeter on board the Revenge, privateer, and was away on her almost two years, during which time he had undergone as many hardships as ever man did enough to break down the health of one who did not possess a constitution of iron. Wyatt now visited his friends, and was warmly welcomed, and all would have given him money to start him in some business. One gentleman offered to advance him a thousand pounds; but he declined these generous offers. The French at Senegal and the English at Gambia had been so liberal that he had enough for his purpose. He now bought an electrical machine, and turned showman in London, giving people shocks at a shilling a head. This answered for a while, and then public interest in the machine slackened there, so he toured in the country. "At some towns I scarce took money enough to bear my expenses, the people not knowing the meaning of the word Electricity; nor would they give the price I usually got in London; for, talking of a shilling each person, frightened them out of their wits. In some towns in Kent I had very good business, and saved a pretty deal of money; but, even then, I was forced to lower my price. In these towns the people knew what it meant, and that the thing was very curious and surprising. They came, when the price was not so high, in great numbers, and sometimes many miles, to be electrified." He remained in Kent two months and made twelve pounds. Then it occurred to him that he would go with his battery to Jamaica, where the novelty of the machine was certain to create a stir.


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122 Whilst preparing for the voyage, he undertook to manufacture an optical contrivance for a gentleman, and was well paid for it. Then he bought a pair of gloves and abundance of clothes, as clothes he learned were very dear in the West Indies. "At length the time of the ship's sailing being near at hand, I settled my affairs, took my leave of my friends, and went on board the ship on the 25th April, 1747. "After having experienced various vicissitudes of fortune, I am once more going into a strange land: for, though there is nothing new under the sun, yet the eye is never satisfied with seeing." Wyatt had committed his adventures to paper before starting, and had disposed of the MS. to a publisher. The book sold well, and the sixth edition was called for in 1755, but in it no further particulars are given of Wyatt, so that it must be assumed either that he was then dead or that he was still abroad. What strikes one in reading his Memoirs is the indefatigable energy and the resourcefulness of the man. He could turn his hand to anything. He kept his eyes open, and was ever eager to acquire information. His Life and Surprising Adventures has his portrait in copper plate prefixed to it. He wears a wig, and a laced and embroidered waistcoat, open at the breast to display his fine frilled shirt.


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 coolies brought to Natal since 1860. The white races represented are mainly Dutch and British; colonization by European races dating from the 17th century. There are a few thousand Germans and Portuguese, chiefly in the territories belonging to their respective countries. The table on p. 464 shows the inhabitants, white and coloured, in the different territories into which South Africa is divided, and also the area of these territories.

It will be seen that the population is sparse, less than 6 persons per square mile. (Excluding the Bechuanaland Protectorate and German South-West Africa, which contain very large desert areas, the population is slightly over 7 per square mile.) In British South Africa the coloured races are nearly five times as numerous as the whites. The great majority of the coloured inhabitants are Bantus of pure blood, but the total coloured population includes in the Cape province 298,334 persons of mixed blood (chiefly white and Hottentot) and in Natal 100,918 Asiatics. Save in the German colony the official returns do not discriminate between the nationality of the white inhabitants. Those of British and Dutch origin are probably about equal in numbers, but a very large proportion of the British inhabitants live in the towns, the country population being in most districts predominantly Dutch. The chie cities are Cape Town (pop. 1904, 77,668), Port Elizabeth (32,959), East London (25,220) and Kimberley (34,331) in the Cape province; Durban (67,847) in Natal; Johannesburg (155,642) and Pretoria (36,839) in the Transvaal; and Bloemfontein (33,883) in the Orange Free State. Salisbury and Buluwayo are the chief towns in Southern Rhodesia. The only town of any size outside the British possession is Lourenço Marques (Pop. 1907, 9849) in Delagoa Bay.

Economic Condition.—Originally regarded by Europeans merely as a convenient dépôt for ships on their way to India, the wealth of South Africa for long consisted in its agricultural and pastoral resources. Mealies and wheat were the principal crops. Wool, mohair and ostrich feathers were the chief exports, the only mineral exported being copper (from the Namaqualand mines). The opening up of the diamond mines at Kimberley (1870) followed (1886) by the discovery of the Witwatersrand goldfields completely revolutionized the economic situation and profoundly modified the history of the country. They led, among other things, to the improvement of ports and the building of railways, so that by the close of the first decade of the 20th century the reproach of inaccessibility from which South Africa had suffered was no longer true. From the seaports of Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, East London, Durban, Lourenço Marques and Beira railway lines run to Kimberley, Bloemfontein, Johannesburg and Pretoria, while a trunk line extends north from Kimberley through Rhodesia (in which gold mining began on an extensive scale in 1898) and across the Zambezi below the Victoria Falls into the Congo basin, where it serves the Katanga mineral area. The distance from Cape Town to Katanga is over 2100 miles. The German territory is also provided with railways, intended eventually to link with the British systems. The standard gauge is 3 ft. 6 in. and in 1910 some 12,000 m. of railway were open. In nearly every instance the railways are state owned. While gold and diamond mining continue the greatest of South African industries other sources of wealth have been added. In the Cape, Natal and the Transvaal coal mining is largely developed; in the Transvaal and the Cape tobacco is grown extensively; sugar, tea and other tropical and sub-tropical produce are largely cultivated in Natal and the Portuguese territory, and, since 1905, mealies have become an important article of export. There are few manufactures; among the chief are the making of wine and brandy in the Cape province, and flour-milling. Cattle and mealies constitute the most valuable possessions of the natives. The imports are of a general nature, textiles and food-stuffs being the most important.

Irrigation.—The scanty rainfall in many parts of South Africa and its unequal distribution necessitates a system of artificial irrigation unless much of the land be allowed to remain uncultivated. But in many regions the soil is deficient in phosphates and nitrates, and large irrigation works can be profitable only in districts where the soil is exceptionally fertile. Before 1877 little was done to make use of the water resources of the country. In that year the Cape legislature provided for the constitution of irrigation boards. Later boring operations were undertaken by the government, and the advice of engineers acquainted with Egyptian and Indian irrigation works sought. A report was drawn up by Sir (then Mr) Wm. Willcocks in 1901 in which he estimated that there were in the Cape, Orange Free State and the Transvaal, 3,000,000 acres which could be brought under irrigation at a cost of about £30,000,000. The value of the land, in its arid condition almost nil, when irrigated he placed at some £100,000,000. None of the South African governments was, however, then in a position to undertake large works. At the Cape the census of 1904 gave 415,688 acres as the area under irrigation, an increase of 105,827 acres since 1891. In the Robertson district a canal (completed in 1904) 21 m. long took off from the Breede River and fertilized a large area, with the result that Robertson ranks as the second richest district in the province. Over the Karroo and other arid regions some 10,000 boreholes had been sunk to depths varying from 50 to 500 ft., their yield being 60,000,000 gallons a year. The value of land under artesian well irrigation (e.g. in the Graaff Reinet district) has increased from 20s. to £200 per morgen. More important, however, are the supplies to be derived from the control of flood water, millions of cubic feet of the best soil being annually washed into the sea. The Boer governments had done little to promote irrigation, but during 1905–1907 a strong intercolonial commission investigated the subject as it affected the Transvaal and Orange Free State, and their final report, issued at Pretoria in 1908, contains full particulars as to the irrigation possibilities in those provinces. At least 350,000 acres in the Transvaal could be remuneratively irrigated, and a proportionally large area in the Orange province. In Natal an act of 1904 gave power to the government to forward irrigation schemes. Under that act the Winterton Irrigation Settlement (18,000 acres) was formed on the upper Tugela. In 1909 an irrigation congress representative of all the governments of British South Africa was held at Robertson, in the Cape province.

Commerce.—All the British states and territories are members of postal, telegraphic and customs unions. The customs are of a protective character, while there is a rebate on goods from Great Britain and British possessions (see below, History). There is internal free trade throughout the Union of South Africa. The customs tariff in the Portuguese possessions is of a highly protective nature; goods coming from Portugal pay one-tenth of the dues levied on foreign goods. In German South-West Africa no discrimination is made as to the country of origin of imports.

A South African Customs Statistical Bureau, which deals with the external trade of British South Africa was established in July 1905. The statistics issued by the bureau showed a total volume of trade in 1905 of £72,910,000 made up as follows: Imports £29,859,000 (including £4,208,000 received through Portuguese ports); exports £43,050,000. Of this amount £25,644,000 was put as the value of raw gold exported, and £9,257,000 as the value of the diamonds shipped. Only £414,000 worth of goods was exported via Portuguese ports. For 1907 the figures were: Value of total trade £74,153,000; imports £25,920,000, exports £48,233,000. Goods valued at £4,036,377 received through Portuguese ports are included in the imports, and goods valued at £507,000 shipped at Portuguese ports in the exports. The value of raw gold exported in 1907 was £29,510,000, of diamonds £8,973,000. In 1908 the figures were: Total trade £70,093,000; imports £24,438,000 (including £4,641,000 via Portuguese ports); exports £45,655,000 (including £513,000 from Portuguese ports). The raw gold exported was worth £32,047,000 but the export of diamonds fell to £4,796,000. In 1909 the value of the imports into British South Africa was returned at £29,842,000; the value of the exports at £51,151,000. Of the imports over £16,850,000 came from the United Kingdom, over £2,240,000 from Australia, £2,450,000 from Germany, and £2,195,000 from the United States. Of the exports raw gold was valued at £33,303,000, diamonds at £6,370,000, wool at £3,728,000 and ostrich feathers at £2,091,000. The value of the imports through Delagoa Bay and other Portuguese ports was £6,795,000, the exports from Portuguese ports were valued at slightly over £500,000. In the four years the imports from the United Kingdom were about 58%, from other parts of the empire 13%. Of the exports the United Kingdom took some 95%; a considerable quantity of South African produce, especially wool, shipped to England ultimately however finds its way to other countries. Next to Great Britain the countries doing most trade with South Africa are Australia and New Zealand, Germany, the United States, Canada, Brazil, India, Belgium, Holland and France.

Religion.-The great majority of the white inhabitants are Protestants. Most of those of Dutch descent are members of the Dutch Reformed Church (Nederduitsch Hervormde Kerk), the state church of the early Cape colonists, or of churches formed by dissentient members of the original church such as the Gereformeerde Kerk (the “Dopper” Church), a branch (introduced in 1858) of the Separatist Reformed Church of Holland. These churches are Calvinistic in doctrine and Presbyterian in organization. Until 1843 the Cape synod was controlled by government commissioners; it was then given power to regulate its own internal affairs. There are separate synods with independent authority for the congregations of the Dutch Reformed Churches in the Cape, Orange Free State and Transvaal provinces. The Doppers (“roundheads”) and other dissentient bodies have also separate synods. Besides these churches there are a number of Lutheran congregations among the Dutch speaking population.

The South Africans of British descent are divided, mainly, into Anglicans, Wesleyans and Presbyterians. The Baptists and Congregationalists are smaller bodies. All form independent churches in communion with the mother churches in Great Britain. The oldest established is that of the Presbyterians. The Anglican

title: Page:EB1911 - Volume 25.djvu/481


text: Devonshire Characters and Strange Events/James Wyatt


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hartwell, Abraham (fl.1565)


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Klöden, Karl Friedrich von

KLÖDEN, klẽ'den, (1786-1856). A German educator, historian, and geographer. He was born at Berlin and got his education with difficulty while he was working with a goldsmith, learning engraving and giving lessons. In 1817 he was made director of the normal school at Potsdam, and seven years afterwards of a commercial school in Berlin. His most important work was geographical; besides his maps of Europe, mention should be made of Grundlinien zu einer neuen Theorie der Erdgestaltung (1824) and Landeskunde von Palästina (1816). His historical works include: Ueber die Entstehung, das Alter and die früheste Geschichte der Städte Berlin und Kölln (1839); Lebens- und Regierungsgeschichte Friedrich Wilhelms III. (1840); and Die Quitzows und ihre Zeit (3d ed. 1889). Consult his Jugenderinnerungen Karl Friedrichs von Klöden (Leipzig, 1874).


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hartstonge, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Hartshorne, Charles Henry


text:
User talk:Mbhurani

Cheers, stephen (talk) 22:34, 20 September 2010 (UTC)

title: User talk:Mbhurani


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Klondike

KLON'DIKE. A region in the Canadian Territory of Yukon, comprising an area about equal to that of Rhode Island, and lying chietly to the east of the Yukon River, where it receives the Klondike Creek, near the middle of the Alaskan boundary line (Map: Northwest Territory, B 2). It was in this district, on Bonanza Creek, a tributary of the Klondike, that a prospecting miner, G. W. Cormack, discovered indications of rich gold deposits, August 16, 1896. The following year saw an almost unprecedented rush of gold-miners from Europe and America, and the Klondike was converted from a barren waste to a populous and lively mining district, in the midst of which the city of ../Dawson/ (q.v.) sprang up. The region will depend for its future prosperity entirely on the continuance of its mineral resources, having no agricultural value. The climate is exceedingly severe — very hot and humid in the short summer, and extremely cold during the long winter. Facilities for communication with the coast were at first very poor, but in 1898-99 a railroad line was projected from Skagway to White Horse Rapids on the headwaters of the Yukon, and is now in operation. See ;.


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Klonówicz, Sebastian

KLONÓWICZ, klṓ-nō'vĭch, (1545-1602). A Polish satirist, also called by the Latin name Acernus. He was born at Sulmierzyce, and studied at the University of Cracow. He lived at Lublin, where he was an official in the Jewish community. His wife was a drunken wanton, who brought his fortunes so low that he was forced to live his last years on the charity of the Jesuits, whom he had previously bitterly assailed. He wrote in Latin the attacks on the Jesuits already alluded to, a poem called Victoria Deorum, and the famous Roxolania, a satire on Russia, which might be ranked as a great national poem were it in the vernacular. His Latin poems were filled with Latinized Polish words, and on the other hand his Polish poems are often made unintelligible by the use of Latinisms and Hellenisms literally translated. The Polish poems include Worek Judaszów, in which he portrays the venality and avarice of the time; and Flis, a sketch of a fortnight's travel, with mythology and digressions rivaling Ausonius. Consult

Mierzynski, De Vita, Moribus, Scriptisque, Latinis S. F. Acerni (Berlin, 1857).


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Imbrex

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Imbrex


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Impluvium

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Impluvium


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Klopp, Onno

KLOPP, klŏp, (1822-1903). A German historian, born in Leer, East Friesland. He studied at Bonn, Berlin, and Göttingen (1841-45), taught in the Osnabrück Gymnasium (1845-58), and became the confidential friend of King George V. of Hanover, whose exile in 1866 he shared. His dislike of the Prussians was intensified after he turned Roman Catholic (1873), and the Catholic spirit pervades his Geschichte Ostfrieslands (1854-58); ''König Friedrich II. von'' Preussen und die deutsche Nation (1860, 2d ed. 1867); ''Der König Friedrich II. von Preussen und'' seine Politik, and Tilly im Dreissigjährigen Kriege (1861); Der Fall des Hauses Stuart (14 vols., 1875-83); Das Jahr 1683 (1882); König Georg V. (1878); and Der Dreissigjährige Krieg bis zum Tode Gustav Adolfs, 1632 (1891-96). Klopp also edited the correspondence of Emperor Leopold I. with Father Marco d'Aviano (1888).


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Klopstock, Friedrich Gottlieb

KLOPSTOCK, klŏp'stōk, (1724-1803). A German poet of great fame in the latter half of the eighteenth century, now hardly read or readable. He was born in Quedlinburg, July 2, 1724, and died in Hamburg, March 14, 1803. Educated at Quedlinburg and the famous school at Schulpforta, Klopstock went in 1745 to Jena to study theology, but left in 1746 for Leipzig, where he made the acquaintance of Gellert. Going then as private tutor to Langensalza, in 1748 he published the first three cantos of Der Messias, intended to be a Miltonic poem, and so won the attention of Bodmer, the translator of Milton, who invited him in 1750 to Zurich, whence he went in 1751 to Copenhagen by invitation of the Danish King. There he completed the Messias; but political changes brought him back to Germany in 1771, and he remained there, chiefly in Hamburg, till his death. Klopstock wrote also pietistic odes, an artificial Art of Poetry (Die Gelehrtenrepublik, 1744); Bardiete, antiquated in patriotism and obsolete in mythology, interspersed with unactable dramas of clumsy savagery (Hermannschlacht, 1769; Hermann und die Fürsten, 1784; and Hermanns Tod, 1787), all sentimental and overwrought. Though Klopstock's contributions to German thought and poetry were small, his enrichment of the poetic vocabulary and his attention to prosody were of great service to the poets that immediately followed him. Klopstock's Works were first collected in twelve volumes (Leipzig, 1798-1817). There is an English translation of the Messias that does fair justice to the nebulous earnestness of the original. Consult: Muncker, Friedrich Gottlieb Klopstock, Geschichte seines Lebens und seiner Schriften (2d ed.. Berlin, 1900); Lyon, Ueber Klopstocks Verhältnis zu Goethe (Leipzig, 1879); and Lappenberg, Briefe von und an Klopstock (Brunswick, 1867).


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Page:Weird Tales volume 36 number 01.djvu/2

t's annoying when folks just drop in…but

What makes the infectious type of dandruff so annoying, so distressing, are those troublesome flakes on collar or dress...and the scalp irrtation and itching. . . that so often accompany the condition.

If you're troubled, in this way, look out—you may have this common form of dandruff so, act now before it gets worse

Start right in with Listerine Antiseptic and massage. This is the medical treatment that has shown such amazing results in a substantial majority of clinical test cases...the treatment that has also helped thousands of other people.

You too may find it helpful as it is delightful. Listerine is so easy, so simple to use, and so stimulating! You simply douse it on the scalp morning and night and follow with vigorous and persistent massage.

Thousands of users have marvelled at how flakes and scales begin to disappear, how much cleaner their scalps appear. And remember:

Listerine kills millions of germs on scalp and hair, including Pityrosporum Ovale, the strange "Bottle Bacillus" recognized by outstanding dandruff specialists as a causative agent of infectious dandruff.

This germ-killing action, we believe, helps to explain why, in a clinical test, 70% of dandruff sufferers showed either complete disappearance of or marked improvement in the symptoms of dandruff within a month. Lambert Pharmacal Co. St. Louis Missouri

 * Douse full strength Listerine Antiseptic on the scalp morning and night. : Part the hair at various places, and apply Listerine Antiseptic right along the part with a medicine dropper, to avoid wetting the hair excessively.

Always follow with vigorous and persistent massage with fingers or a good hairbrush. Continue the treatment as long as dandruff is in evidence. And even though you're free from dandruff, enjoy a Listerine Antiseptic massage once a week to guard against infection. Listerine is the same antiseptic that has been famous for more than 50 years as a mouth wash and gargle.


text:
Page:Weird Tales volume 36 number 01.djvu/3

a strange, ethereal, mental cord that binds the consciousness of those departed from this world with those that remain? Are souls denied liberation after transition until they have communicated important messages to their loved ones? Are the fantastic experiments of the seance room trickery or fraud, or are they the result of earthbound entities seeking freedom from the confining interests of this world? Is the human consciousness suspended for an indefinite period between the spiritual and earthly realms? Is psychic communication, with minds gone on, a farce or a fact?

You have had them—everyone has. That unexplainable feeling of an invisible presence, that someone unseen was near or standing behind you. You have become suddenly conscious of your name being called—and yet no sound was outwardly audible. These and innumerable other strange experiences cannot be brushed aside as imagination or fancy. These occurrences are just as much established phenomena—manifestations of nature and Cosmic law—as the coming of day and night. In past times, men and women were willing to condemn to oblivion the mysteries of self—the psychic functionings of their being—all because a skeptical and bigoted material science scoffed at them.

Today is a day of frankness and so the Rosicrucians boldly proclmm what they have known for centuries. The Rosicrucians (not a religious organization), a fraternity of liberal-minded men and women, have dared to tear aside the veil that hid these facts about man's inner life. They have seriously investigated those realms upon which religion cast no light—and which the superstitious called magic. Their results have been astounding. They have discovered what caused some men and women to be successes, how personality originates and evolves; they have shown how intuition and hunches are not just phrases, but are DEMONSTRABLE processes of the human mind.

It is time that you, too, learn what truly makes for happiness and achievement in life. Investigate the greatest of all mysteries—yourself. Write today for the free sealed book, "The Secret Heritage". Use the coupon below. It will tell you how you may receive for study, in the privacy of your own home, these age-old truths of nature, which have been preserved by the Rosicrucians. This invitation is for the sincere, and not for the idly curious


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Kloss, Georg Burkhard Franz

KLOSS, klṓs, (1787-1854). A German historian of Freemasonry. He was born in Frankfort, and studied and practiced medicine there. His works, which are fundamental to the history of the Order, include: Bibliographie der Freimaurerei (1844); Freimaurerei in ihrer wahren Bedeutung (2d ed., 1855); Geschichte der Freimaurerei in England, Irland und Schottland (1848); and Geschichte der Freimaurerei in Frankreich (1852-53).


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Page:Lyrics of Life, Coates, 1909.djvu/73

thy voice!—

Ah, love, I hear thy voice!

Faint as the sound of distant waters falling,

I hear thy voice above me calling, calling,—

And my imprisoned heart,

Long held from thee apart,

Responsive thrills, half-tempted to rejoice.

In Hades though I be,

Where the unnumbered dead abide

In uneventful, sunless eventide,

I yet live on,—for thou rememberest me!

And like to far-off waters falling,

I hear thee, from the distance, calling,—

Eurydice! Beloved Eurydice!

In thy bright world, I know,

The firstlings of the Spring begin to blow;

Moss-violet and saffron daffodil

Their perfumes new distil,

And through the veiled elysian hours,—

Sweeter for wafted scent of citron-flowers,—

Voices of nightingales soft come and go.