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In short, we may admit with D’Alembert, quoted in the Dissertations, “That the truth in metaphysics, like the truth in matters of taste, is a truth of which all minds have the germ within themselves; to which, indeed, the greater number pay no attention, but which they recognise the moment it is pointed out to them. . . But if, in this sort, all are able to understand, all are not able to instruct. The merit of conveying easily to others true and simple notions is much greater than is commonly supposed; for experience proves how rarely this is to be met with. Sound metaphysical ideas are the common truths which every one apprehends, but which few have the talent to develop.” “The first problem of philosophy,” adds the Scottish philosopher, “and it is one of no easy accomplishment, being thus to seek out, purify, and establish, by intellectual analysis and criticism, the elementary feelings and beliefs, in which are given the elementary truths of which all are in possession; and the argument from common sense being the allegation of those feelings and beliefs, as explicated and ascertained, in proof of the relative truths and their necessary consequences, this argument is manifestly dependent on philosophy as an art, as an acquired dexterity, and cannot, notwithstanding the errors which they have frequently committed, be taken out of the hands of philosophers. Common sense is like common law. Each may be laid down as the general rule of decision; but in one case it must be left to the jurist, in the other to the philosopher, to ascertain what are the contents of the rule; and though in both cases the common


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 man may be cited as a witness for the custom of the fact, in neither can he be allowed to officiate as advocate or as judge. . . We may, in short, say of the philosopher what Erasmus, in an Epistle to Hiitten, said of Sir Thomas More: ‘Nemo minus ducitur vulgi judicio; sed rursus nemo minus abest a sensu communi.’“

We have referred to the efforts of the Scottish school to extract, by means of analytic criticism, those principles of common sense which relate to our knowledge of the qualities of matter, seeing that, as already stated, it is chiefly in this province that the contest with philosophical scepticism has been maintained in Britain, and especially because the theory of external perception is the central point of Sir William Hamilton’s re-statement and vindication of the conservative philosophy of common sense. But if our metaphysical science in this country has hitherto been chiefly suggested in that region of research, we must not forget that the struggle with scepticism has, in the most profoundly thoughtful nation of Europe, been transferred for us from the arena of our beliefs about matter to the arena of our beliefs about religion. These last have in Germany been put through an ordeal as severe as that which this volume contains evidence that the former have passed through at home, and scepticism is much less able practically to distort the mind of man with regard to what concerns the present life than with regard to what concerns the life to come. A critical application of some of our higher minds to those principles of common sense that relate to our

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 of what is divine, and which thus descends with the elementary controversy about religion, from the actual objective evidence to be sought for on its behalf, to—what is clearly a lower stratum—a criticism of our subjective faculties for the apprehension of natural, and especially of supernatural and positive revelation, and of the possibility of finite phenomena of any kind yielding evidence regarding what is infinite. An adjustment of these questions, capable of explaining the manner in which the human understanding is enabled to rise, on the ladder of available evidence, from the relative and finite phenomena of the mental and material worlds, to the region of religion or the supernatural, and which should also be in analogy with the Scottish philosophical account of our notions and original judgments respecting the qualities of mind and matter, would supplement what is still a defect in our national metaphysics.

A mental experience of the divinity of the gospel system, which is gained by acting it out in the details of a holy life, is certainly a practical escape from those questions of science. Without this, even the speculative task of the theologian cannot be accomplished, and it is chiefly in order to foster and render intelligent that habit of life that the task is worth his toil. But his work is not then done. Those to whom the written word is the centre of all truth, regarding the “things unseen and eternal,” and the moral mystery of human life, cannot count valueless, thoughtful answers to such questions as refer to the manner in which the positive evidence of religion


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 is reached by man, so that his thought, even while confined, by the necessity of its original structure, to the level of the relative and the conditioned, may be exercised on the objects of a religious faith, that precisely meets the wants of the human intelligence as well as of the human conscience.

The comment on Reid’s essay on “The Liberty of Moral Agents,” is the part of the notes and dissertations that is most nearly related to the theory of religion and morality. Some account of it, and estimate of its value, as a contribution to the ceaseless controversy of metaphysicians and theologians on the mysterious topic of responsible agency, may interest those of our readers who are inclined to pay attention to the quæstiones vexatce of the nature, possibility, and explanation of free-will. We must, however, restrict our reference to this subject within very narrow limits, having already more than exhausted our space.

Sir William Hamilton, in common with his predecessors of the old Scottish school—Reid and Stewart—is a firm defender of the possibility of free-will. He maintains that the reality of a power or liberty, to will what we will, is testified to us indirectly, if not directly, by the experience of our own consciousness, and that the possession of it is essential to all activity of which the modes are properly objects of praise or blame. Such freedom is the root of man’s personality, and constitutes his power of self-control over the desires and affections that have been inserted in his mind and committed to his government.


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 what is lost must once have existed. But on the system of universal necessity, free-will must be denied to man, whether fallen or unfallen, and even to God himself; and the fall cannot consist in the loss of what is in itself radically inconsistent with the tie which connects all the phenomena of the universe.

Yet the doctrine of free-will has, during the last and the present century, been exposed to the attacks of men of an aim and spirit very different from those of the infidel necessarians to whom we have referred. A system of universal necessity, substantially the same with that of Hobbes and Collins, was employed for the defence of some of the more peculiar doctrines of the Calvinistic interpretation of Christianity, by one of the most vigorous of the thinkers who in modern times have consecrated intellect to the service of revealed religion. President Edwards of New England, in his well-known “Inquiry into the modern prevailing notions of that Freedom of the Will, &c.,” adopted the necessarian hypothesis, as a foundation on which certain portions of the interpretation of Scripture, contained in the Reformed Confessions, might be unanswerably vindicated from the attacks of the philosophers.

The substance of the argument thus adopted by Edwards is likely to be familiar to most of those who are interested in this discussion. The essential part of his reasoning may be condensed within a few sentences, although, owing to the expansion needed for the application of it to meet the various forms of objection, philosophical and theological, by which it had been or might


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 be assailed, it has been diffused through a treatise of considerable size. The fundamental assumption of the whole book is the unlimited application of the law of causation, and the consequent existence of an infinite succession of derived causes or antecedents. The phenomenon to be thereby explained is the origin of our rational and responsible volitions. On the hypothesis assailed by Edwards, these acts of will are accounted for in each case by means of the assumption of a previous determination of the will itself, which was asserted to be possessed of the power of self-determination. The inconsistency of this explanation is clearly demonstrated in the first section of the second part of the “Inquiry,” which may be regarded as a summary of the argument which the modern antagonists of liberty are accustomed to present as an unassailable defence of a scheme of universal necessity, in which all acts of will, Divine as well as human, are included.

The series of syllogisms contained in the passage to which we have referred is irrefragable as against the conceptions of free-will at which it is pointed, if indeed an hypothesis of liberty such as is there assailed was ever distinctly maintained by any philosophical theologian of repute. But in truth, although the defenders of freedom have united against fatalism, they are far from being lucid or unanimous in the statement of their own doctrine. Even Reid’s writings on free-will can hardly be made to yield a consistent theory.

The most important advance, as it seems to us, that has been made by Sir William Hamilton, in the discus


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 sion of this problem of philosophy, consists in the account which he has furnished of the very nature of the debated question, and of the real assumptions which every argument regarding it must imply. To gain a clear understanding of a disputed question, and of the conditions which must be conformed to before a true answer to it can be obtained, while it is usually a more painful and less manifest stage in the progress of a science or a doctrine, is often a more important one than the subsequent solution of its difficulties. It helps to fill the intellect with suggestive hypotheses of a kind appropriate to the peculiarities of the phenomena which are exposed for scientific explanation. The solution itself is frequently obvious when a new general principle has been obtained; and it is easier to attempt to account for fresh phenomena by means of old hypotheses than to find others which are at once new and true. Disputants have long been obliged to struggle with the haze that has invested the question regarding the meaning of moral agency, and that philosopher has rendered an important service who has in any measure dispelled the mist.

Dr. Reid maintains that liberty is conceivable. Sir William Hamilton asserts the fact of moral freedom as a possible but inexplicable mystery.

Unless the freedom which is maintained is only necessity under another name, there can, we think, be no question that it is a mystery, and as such inconceivable. But even when liberty is resolved into unlimited necessity, the mystery is only made to recede. It is more out


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 of sight, but it still remains. The argument of the modern Necessarians, contained in the treatise of Edwards, takes for granted the inconceivable hypothesis of an infinite series of derived causes; for the Divine volitions, in common with all acts of created will, are conceived as links in an endless chain of antecedents and consequents. The defenders of this necessity easily prove the self-contradiction of that counter-hypothesis, which explains freedom by means of what is virtually either an infinite series of self-determinations, or else a series which ultimately merges in a necessity that is outside of the will. But on the latter, which is the selected alternative, they virtually assert the existence of an infinite series of derived causes in the universe, in order to account for the acts of will which constitute a part of the phenomena of the universe. Now this hypothesis is in itself as inconceivable as that of the self-origination of volitions, and has besides been proved contradictory and absurd in various of the arguments in behalf of the first principles of natural theology.

The modern Necessarians, represented by Edwards, have thus failed, even by means of the accumulation of ingenious and conclusive argument which they have produced, to raise this problem, regarding responsible actions, out of the region of the insoluble. The application of the theory of causation which they have made, is sufficient for a relative explanation of the phenomena


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 of the physical sciences, because these sciences deal only with limited sections of the phenomena of the universe, regarded in those immediate, invariable, unconditional relations to one another, which have been fixed for them, and to which their objects are adapted, by the free First Cause and Governor of all, and which are commonly spoken of as the “laws of nature.” But the hypothesis of a chain of mutually dependent sequences, which is sufficient for the explanation that the sciences of external nature ask for, regarding the particular orders of phenomena which are their objects, implies the absurdity of a chain without a beginning, when brought, as it is before it is capable of yielding the Necessarian inference, to give a conclusive explanation of all the phenomena which may be made the objects of investigation by man. It cannot, therefore, act as an insurmountable bar against the possibility either of an uncreated or a created free-will.

In a word, on the side of liberty, man is lost in the mystery of absolute commencement. On the side of universal necessity, he is lost in the mystery, or rather the contradiction, of infinite dependent succession. And thus it seems a conclusive inference, that this long-debated problem is indeed insoluble by man, or by any other being whose power of thought is limited like his. It is, however, practically solved, as similar problems in regard to other objects of our speculative nature are, in the existence of those feelings, by which we are compelled to assume, as a first principle,


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 our own responsibility for our acts of rational will. Possessing these, even without the possibility of any ultimate theory of moral agency for the gratification of the logical faculty, or finite understanding, men may consistently “follow after holiness,” and also receive, as possible, though inexplicable, the supernatural account which has been conveyed to them of the historical origin of that tendency to sin of which they experience the power, as well as of that free restoration from the “fallen state,” which, revealed in the Gospel, is mysteriously bestowed on the regenerate. This agrees, too, with the analogy of Scripture, for the Bible is full of both ideas—absolute commencement and derived volition—but it essays not to explain nor to reconcile them.

If the finite power of reasoning may be proved incapable to grasp the theory that is sufficient to account for responsible actions, consistently on the one hand with our belief regarding causation, and on the other, with the limitation of the series of causes which is assumed in those principles of the theistical argument that are at variance with the hypothesis of an infinite chain of derived causes, common sense includes among its other beliefs the conviction that we are created by God moral agents, responsible for those actions which we perform in relation to Him and to one another. This belief is sufficient to sustain our moral activity, even although the limits of the human intellect lay an arrest on further speculation, and therefore render it impossible for us to


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 retain in the vocabulary of our purely intellectual conception such words as Free-will and Responsibility, except, indeed, for the purpose of having finger-posts, as it were, for guiding us to points of view where we may have some of the most impressive aspects of that realm of mystery, by which human thought is encompassed on all sides, and on which we may “break the spirit” in metaphysical contemplation. The problem which these words suggest, as far as it is exclusively speculative, is truly one which, when we attempt to develop it, stirs the mind to its profoundest depths, as it offers to us the alternatives of self-origination, or an infinite course of dependent acts of will.

With this negative rather than positive account of the theory of liberty, which, after all, only amounts to a statement of the reason why no conclusive solution can be given to the problem raised by the fact of moral agency, we leave the adjustment of the other questions connected with it to those who are ready to bestow additional thought on the ideas of causation and responsibility which are those that are most peculiarly involved in the subject. And with this brief reference to a single department of the argument regarding the theory of moral agency, we abruptly and reluctantly close our account of the struggle of the Philosophy of Common Sense with Scepticism, Idealism, and Necessarianism. We regret, for the sake of the science in which we have been expatiating, the necessary concentration of thought and expression, which is manifest in this Essay,


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 as we fear that the preceding disquisitions may thus appear, except to persons previously familiar with such thoughts, to be addressed only to those “small hooks of the mind” which catch at and apprehend mere illusive abstractions, and to have little or no connexion with that knowledge which penetrates nature, and finds real inductive axioms in her phenomena.

We have reason to offer our cordial thanks to the distinguished author of these Notes and Dissertations, for providing among them so many paths and recesses in which the inquisitive student may reflect on phases of our knowledge, there presented to him, that will very greatly add to the number of his queries, on such topics as those which have occupied our attention in the greater part of this Essay, and where he may also gather no slight contribution to his stock of answers to such queries. The pages of this volume supply ample evidence that the graspings of the mind of man, after the first principles of physical, theological, and self-knowledge, are not confined to one generation of the history of the world. These are founded on tendencies which are permanent as the race of man. They are the seeds of a nature fallen from its high original and destiny, but which was not adapted only or chiefly for this earthly life between two eternities. From Thales, Xenophanes, and Pythagoras in the Greek philosophy, and the still older inspired complaints of the patriarch of Idumea, down to our own century, the apparent discord of the


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 theory of knowledge, arising from the real limitation of its sphere; the great objects of knowledge—God, self, and the world;—together with the riddles of creation, and of independent moral action, which these involve, have attracted, with a scientific interest, a succession of minds of different schools. Of this fact, the fragments of thought that are expressed in the accumulation of philosophical paragraphs, sentences, and references which enrich the learning of this volume, as well as its original matter, form a remarkable confirmation and illustration. Though ever and anon the calls of the circumstances through which men are passing may divert the attention of generations to the arrangement of affairs that are more pressing, if they are less sublime and imposing, the like aspirations will continue to ascend, and not the less passionately as the world approaches its catastrophe. They are worthy of reverence as the emanations of the human spirit in the direction of the permanent, the infinite, and the eternal, the nourishment at once of nobleness and humility of mind, even although often the baflled efforts of a desire to break the barrier by which its own structure confines the thought of man, who finds instincts instead of explanations when he endeavours to form such science. This perpetual, yet broken struggle, after what must in the end elude his grasp, when become habitual and too exclusive in any individual, tends to weaken his judgment in common affairs, by abstracting it from clear and distinct sciences, and palpable individual realities, and


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Rh tempts his mind to sink into itself in the vain effort to find there that explanation which shall leave nothing to be explained. The check of nature thus imposed upon the unrestrained indulgence of speculation, affords an emphatical illustration of the sentiment which pervades the "Pensées" of Pascal, regarding the mingled greatness and littleness of man.


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Author:Oliver Elton

Works

 * The Augustan ages (1899)
 * Tennyson; an inaugural lecture given in the Arts theatre of University college, Liverpool, November 1, 1901 (1901)
 * Michael Drayton; a critical study, with a bibliography (1905)
 * Frederick York Powell: A Life and a Selection from his Letters and Occasional Writings (1906)
 * Modern studies (1907)
 * Milton and party (1909)
 * A survey of English literature, 1780-1830 (1912)
 * Poetic romancers after 1850 [1915]
 * A sheaf of papers (1922)
 * The Brownings (1924)
 * Wordsworth (1924)
 * Tennyson and Matthew Arnold (1924)

Contributions to EB1911

 * (III., IV.)

As translator

 * The Nine Books of the Danish History of Saxo Grammaticus by Saxo Grammaticus, edited by Frederick York Powell and James William Buel (1905)

As editor

 * The first part of Henry the Fourth (1889), by William Shakespeare
 * The tragedy of King John (1890), by William Shakespeare
 * L'allegro (1893), by John Milton
 * Il penseroso [1897?], by John Milton
 * Milton: minor poems, by John Milton
 * A miscellany presented to John Macdonald Mackay, LL. D., July, 1914 (1914)

title: Author:Oliver Elton


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public notice. He was created a baronet in January 1872, and physician extraordinary to the queen, and in 1887 physician in ordinary. In the autumn of 1887 he was attacked with paralysis, which compelled him to retire from practice; a third attack caused his death on 29 Jan. 1890. He married in 1848 a daughter of Colonel Lacey, who survives him, together with a son, William Cameron—his successor in the baronetcy—and a daughter. He left personalty worth over 344,000l., besides landed estates.

Gull was pre-eminent as a clinical physician. His penetration was remarkable, and he exercised a sort of fascination over his patients. His great powers of endurance enabled him to see a succession of patients for long hours together, and he prided himself on the deliberate care with which he examined each case. In consultation his individuality was at times too self-assertive, and he was less popular among the leaders of his profession than with his patients. He consequently never attained the presidency of the College of Physicians. He was a great clinical teacher, an impressive lecturer, and a first-rate public speaker. Although he wrote no treatise, his numerous original papers in Guy's 'Hospital Reports' are all of value. Among these the most striking are those on paraplegia and diseases of the spinal cord, on abscess of the brain and on rheumatic fever (with Dr. W. G. Sutton), and on vitiligoidea (with Dr. W. Addison). In 1854 he drew up for the College of Physicians a report with Dr. W. Baly on epidemic cholera, and he wrote the articles 'Hypochondriasis and Abscess of the Brain' in Reynolds's 'System of Medicine.' His papers on 'Arterio-capillary Fibrosis' (with Dr. Sutton), read before the Medico-Chirurgical Society in 1872, and 'On a Cretinoid State in Adults,' now known as myxœdema (1873), read before the Clinical Society, marked important stages in the study of those diseases. He delivered the Gulstonian Lectures before the College of Physicians in 1849, the Hunterian Oration before the Hunterian Society in 1861, the Address on Medicine before the British Medical Association in 1868, and the Harveian Oration before the College of Physicians in 1870. His paper on 'Vivisection' in the 'Nineteenth Century' (1882), and his evidence before the Lords' Committee on Intemperance in 1877 are both instructive, as illustrating different aspects of his mind.

Personally somewhat dark-complexioned, and with a strong resemblance in face to Napoleon I, Gull was of robust and powerful frame. He was very liberal and generous, though at times strongly sarcastic in speech. He was a close friend of James Hinton [q. v.], (to whose 'Life and Letters' he contributed an introduction), and prone, like him, to tilt against current dogmas in religion, politics, and medicine. His sense of the mystery of the universe was deep, and he devised a motto for his seal which emphasised his somewhat mystical views, 'Conceptio Dei Negatio mei Ratio rei.'

[Brit. Med. Journal, 1 Feb. 1890; Lancet, 8 Feb. 1890; Bettany and Wilks's Biog. Hist. of Guy's Hospital.]  GULLIVER, GEORGE (1804–1882), anatomist and physiologist, was born at Banbury, Oxfordshire, on 4 June 1804, and after an apprenticeship with local surgeons entered at St. Bartholomew's Hospital, London, where he became prosector to Abernethy and dresser to Lawrence (afterwards Sir William). Becoming M.R.C.S. in June 1826 he was gazetted hospital assistant to the forces in May 1827, and afterwards became surgeon to the royal horse guards (Blues). He was elected fellow of the Royal Society in 1838, of the College of Surgeons in 1843, and in 1852 member of the council of the latter body. In 1861 he was Hunterian professor of comparative anatomy and physiology, and in 1863 delivered the Hunterian oration, in which he strongly put forward the neglected claims of William Hewson [q. v.] and John Quekett as discoverers. For some years before his death he had retired from the army, and devoted himself to research and writing, but became gradually enfeebled by gout. Many of his later papers were written when he was confined to his bed. He died at Canterbury on 17 Nov. 1882, leaving one son, George, assistant physician to St. Thomas's Hospital.

Gulliver wrote no systematic work, although he edited an English translation of Gerber's 'General and Minute Anatomy of Man and the Mammalia' in 1842, adding, besides numerous notes, an appendix giving an account of his own researches on the blood, chyle, lymph, &c. In 1846 he edited for the Sydenham Society 'The Works of William Hewson, F.R.S.,' with copious notes and a biography of Hewson. He also supplied notes to Rudolph Wagner's 'Physiology,' translated by Dr. Willis (1844). His Hunterian lectures on the 'Blood, Lymph, and Chyle of Vertebrates' were published in the 'Medical Times and Gazette' from 2 Aug. 1862 to 13 June 1863. Most of his work is scattered through various periodicals; a list of them is given in the Royal Society's 'Catalogue of Scientific Papers.' He was the first to give extensive tables of measurements and full observations on the shape and structure of


text: Modern Views on Matter/Front matter

title: Modern Views on Matter/Front matter


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Portal talk:United Nations General Assembly Resolutions/5

This page is a construct, rather than a public, hence it should be moved to the Portal namespace and be part of the United Nations pages (that also should be moved their from Wikisource namespace). If you require assistance with an organisational structure, then I would encourage you to chat with who is taking the lead in sorting out that space and offering advice. — billinghurst  sDrewth  12:10, 8 November 2010 (UTC)


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Author:James Cossar Ewart

Works

 * "Cattle" in Standard Cyclopædia of Agriculture
 * "Appendix" for The Worst Journey in the World by Apsley Cherry-Garrard (1922)
 * "Cattle" in Standard Cyclopædia of Agriculture
 * "Appendix" for The Worst Journey in the World by Apsley Cherry-Garrard (1922)

title: Author:James Cossar Ewart


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 of Mary Stewart, 146; detention and death of Mary Stewart, 151-3; Armada, 153; proposes terms to Philip, 154; and Charles IX., 160; claim to English throne, 197

Elizabeth of Russia, 300

Elizabeth Stuart, Princess Palatine, 184, 265

Elliot, success at Gibraltar, 314

Emanuel, Philibert, 49

Emmanuel of Portugal, 53, 54, 65,81, 137

England— Tudor, 37; relations with Rome during divorce question, 137-43; break with Rome, 141; suppression of the Orders, 142; external policy after Elizabeth, 195; civil war of Charles I., 203; attempt at absolute monarchy, 205; Triple Alliance, 210, 238; policy under Charles II., 241; Partition Treaty, 254; policy in Succession War, 260; commercial interest in Succession War, 262, 263; South American trade, 274; Seven Years' War, 292 et seq.; alliance with Frederick the Great, 295 et seq.; expansion under Pitt, 299; European combination against, 313

England, New. See New England

Epirus, 35

Erasmus— At Rome, 80; New Testament and the Fathers, 83; the letters to Ortwin Gratius, 86; character, 86-7; translations of, 87-8; later years, 88-9; and Luther, 97, 100; "Bible only," 98; summons to Rome, 103; and freewill, 105; and Paul III., 109; and Henry VIII., 138

Estaing, D', 313

Esthonia, retention by Peter the Great, 281

Estrées, D', beats D. of Cumberland, 295

Eugene, Prince, 186, 287— Attempt on Milan, 258; joins Marlborough, 259; successes of, 260; at the Hague, 261; deserted by Ormonde, 262

Eugenius IV., Pope, 77, 90

Europe, improved state following Seven Years' War, 302-4

Excise Bill, the, 272-3

Exclusion Bill, the, 26; the second, 214

Fabricius, Bohemian Secretary, 183

Fairfax, Lord, 207

Faraday, M., 21

Farnese, Cardinal. (See also Paul III., Pope), 118

Farnese, Duke of Parma, in the Netherlands, 49, 145, 153, 154, 166; death, 168

Faure, Jesuit, cited, 116-7

Fawkes, Guy, 198

Fénelon, 5-6, 269

Ferdinand of Aragon— Marriage with Isabella, 37; Treaty of Barcelona, 39-40; partition of Naples, 41-2; death, 47

Ferdinand of Brunswick, 295, 296

Ferdinand II.— Succession, 183; policy, 128, 192; appeal to Germany, 184; the League and, 186; commissions Wallenstein, 186; issues Edict of Restitution, 187; rupture with Wallenstein, 187-8; subsequent relations with Wallenstein, 189-93

Ferrara, Duchess of, 42

Feuillade, Marshal La, 262

Ficino, cited, 80

Filelfo, 75; writings of, 80

Finland, 281

Firmian, 303

Firth, Lives, 203

Fisher, Bishop, 105; and the Royal Supremacy, 141

Flaminio, "Benefit of the Death of Christ," 110, 119

Flanders, French designs on, 158-9; Turenne overruns, 237-8

Fleury, policy, 290

Florence— Conquest by Charles VIII., 38-9; Cæsar Borgia and, 43; Council of, 75, 77

Fonseca, D.— Envoy of Ferdinand, 40; protects Magellan, 65; Cortez and, 68

Fontenoy, 267

Forbes, report of Calicut, 56

Formosus, 82

Fornovo, battle of, 40

Fort Duquesne, 293

Fortescue, 195

Foscari, Doge, 45

France— Policy of expansion, 37-8; League of Cambray, 45-6; Calvinism in, 155 et seq.; settlement of religious frontiers, 155; religious wars in, 157-8; designs on Flanders, 158-9; massacre of St. Bartholomew, 159-63; Treaty of Vervins, 170; siege of Rochelle, 177; results of Richelieu's rule, 179; Peace of the Pyrenees,


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Author:John Ritchie Findlay

Works

 * Personal Recollections of Thomas De Quincey, Edinburgh: Adam & Chas. Black, 1886.
 * A History of Hatton House, Edinburgh, 1875.

title: Author:John Ritchie Findlay


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 Rh "Yes," he said at last; "Lord Peter has everything far finer than I have, there's no gainsaying that," and so he wanted to be off home again.

But Peter begged him to stay to supper, and the King stayed, but he was sour and surly the whole time.

So as they sat at supper, back came the Troll who owned the castle, and gave such a great knock at the door.

"?" roared out the Troll.

As soon as the Cat heard that, she ran down to the gate.

"Stop a bit," she said, "and I'll tell you how the farmer sets to work to get in his winter rye."

And so she told him such a long story about the winter rye.

"First of all, you see, he ploughs his field, and then he dungs it, and then he ploughs it again, and then he harrows it;" and so she went on till the sun rose.

"Oh, do look behind you, and there you'll see such a lovely lady," said the Cat to the Troll.

So the Troll turned round, and, of course, as soon as he saw the sun he burst.

"Now all this is yours," said the Cat to Lord Peter. "Now, you must cut off my head; that's all I ask for what I have done for you."

"Nay, nay," said Lord Peter, "I'll never do any such thing, that's flat."

"If you don't," said the Cat, "see if I don't claw your eyes out."

Well, so Lord Peter had to do it, though it was sore against his will. He cut off the Cat's head, but there and


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 302 then she became the loveliest Princess you ever set eyes on, and Lord Peter fell in love with her at once.

"Yes, all this greatness was mine first," said the Princess, "but a Troll bewitched me to be a Cat in your father's and mother's cottage. Now you may do as you please, whether you take me as your queen or not, for you are now king over all this realm."

Well, well, there was little doubt Lord Peter would be willing enough to have her as his queen, and so there was a wedding that lasted eight whole days, and a feast besides, and after it was over I stayed no longer with Lord Peter and his lovely queen, and so I can't say anything more about them.

THE SEVEN FOALS.

on a time there was a poor couple who lived in a wretched hut, far far away in the wood. How they lived I can't tell, but I'm sure it was from hand to mouth, and hard work even then; but they had three sons, and the youngest of them was Boots, of course for he did little else than lie there and poke about in the ashes.

So one day the eldest lad said he would go out to earn his bread, and he soon got leave, and wandered out into the world. There he walked and walked the whole day, and when evening drew in, he came to a king's palace, and there stood the King out on the steps, and asked whither he was bound.


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 Rh "Oh, I'm going about, looking after a place," said the lad.

"Will you serve me?" asked the King, "and watch my seven foals. If you can watch them one whole day, and tell me at night what they eat and what they drink, you shall have the Princess to wife, and half my kingdom; but if you can't, I'll cut three red stripes out of your back. Do you hear?"

Yes, that was an easy task, the lad thought; he'd do that fast enough, never fear.

So next morning as soon as the first peep of dawn came, the King's coachman let out the seven foals. Away they went, and the lad after them. You may fancy how they tore over hill and dale, through bush and bog. When the lad had run so a long time, he began to get weary, and when he had held on a while longer, he had more than enough of his watching, and just there, he came to a cleft in a rock where an old hag sat and spun with a distaff. As soon as she saw the lad, who was running after the foals till the sweat ran down his brow, this old hag bawled out,—

"Come hither, come hither, my pretty son, and let me comb your hair."

Yes, the lad was willing enough; so he sat down in the cleft of the rock with the old hag, and laid his head on her lap, and she combed his hair all day whilst he lay there, and stretched his lazy bones.

So, when evening drew on, the lad wanted to go away.

"I may just as well toddle straight home now," said he, "for it's no use my going back to the palace."

"Stop a bit till it's dark," said the old hag, "and then the king's foals will pass by here again, and then you can


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 304 run home with them, and then no one will know that you have lain here all day long, instead of watching the foals."

So, when they came, she gave the lad a flask of water and a clod of turf. Those he was to show to the King, and say that was what his seven foals ate and drank.

"Have you watched true and well the whole day, now?" asked the King, when the lad came before him in the evening.

"Yes, I should think so," said the lad.

"Then you can tell me what my seven foals eat and drink," said the King.

"Yes!" and so the lad pulled out the flask of water and the clod of turf, which the old hag had given him.

"Here you see their meat, and here you see their drink," said the lad.

But then the King saw plain enough how he had watched, and he got so wroth, he ordered his men to chase him away home on the spot; but first they were to cut three red stripes out of his back, and rub salt into them. So when the lad got home again, you may fancy what a temper he was in. He'd gone out once to get a place, he said, but he'd never do so again.

Next day the second son said he would go out into the world to try his luck. His father and mother said "No," and bade him look at his brother's back; but the lad wouldn't give in; he held to his own, and at last he got leave to go, and set off. So when he had walked the whole day, he, too, came to the King's palace. There stood the King out on the steps, and asked whither he was bound; and when the lad said he was looking about for a place, the King said he might have a place there, and


text:
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 Rh watch his seven foals. But the King laid down the same punishment, and the same reward, as he had settled for his brother. Well, the lad was willing enough; he took the place at once with the King, for he thought he'd soon watch the foals, and tell the King what they ate and drank.

So, in the gray of the morning, the coachman let out the seven foals, and off they went again over hill and dale, and the lad after them. But the same thing happened to him as had befallen his brother. When he had run after the foals a long long time, till he was both warm and weary, he passed by the cleft in a rock, where an old hag sat and spun with a distaff, and she bawled out to the lad,—

"Come hither, come hither, my pretty son, and let me comb your hair."

That the lad thought a good offer, so he let the foals run on their way, and sat down in the cleft with the old hag. There he sat, and there he lay, taking his ease, and stretching his lazy bones the whole day.

When the foals came back at nightfall, he too got a flask of water and clod of turf from the old hag to show to the King. But when the King asked the lad,—

"Can you tell me now what my seven foals eat and drink?" and the lad pulled out the flask and the clod, and said,—

"Here you see their meat, and here you see their drink,"—

Then the King got wroth again, and ordered them to cut three red stripes out of the lad's back, and rub salt in, and chase him home that very minute. And so when the


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 306 lad got home, he also told how he had fared, and said he had gone out once to get a place, but he'd never do so any more.

The third day Boots wanted to set out; he had a great mind to try and watch the seven foals, he said. The others laughed at him, and made game of him, saying,—

"When we fared so ill, you'll do it better—a fine joke; you look like it—you, who have never done anything but lie there and poke about in the ashes."

"Yes," said Boots; "I don't see why I shouldn't go, for I've got it into my head, and can't get it out again."

And so, in spite of all the jeers of the others and the prayers of the old people, there was no help for it, and Boots set out.

So after he had walked the whole day, he too came at dusk to the King's palace. There stood the King out on the steps, and asked whither he was bound.

"Oh," said Boots, "I'm going about seeing if I can hear of a place."

"Whence do you come then?" said the King, for he wanted to know a little more about them before he took any one into his service.

So Boots said whence he came, and how he was brother to those two who had watched the King's seven foals, and ended by asking if he might try to watch them next day.

"Oh, stuff!" said the King, for he got quite cross if he even thought of them; "if you're brother to those two you're not worth much, I'll be bound. I've had enough of such scamps."

"Well," said Boots; "but since I've come so far, I may just as well get leave to try, I too."


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 Rh "Oh, very well; with all my heart," said the King, "if you will have your back flayed, you're quite welcome."

"I'd much rather have the Princess," said Boots.

So next morning, at gray of dawn, the coachman let out the seven foals again, and away they went over hill and dale, through bush and bog, and Boots behind them. And so, when he too had run a long while, he came to the cleft in the rock where the old hag sat spinning at her distaff. So she bawled out to Boots,—

"Come hither, come hither, my pretty son, and let me comb your hair."

"Don't you wish you may catch me?" said Boots. "Don't you wish you may catch me?" as he ran along leaping, and jumping, and holding on by one of the foals' tails. And when he had got well past the cleft in the rock, the youngest foal said,—

"Jump up on my back, my lad. for we've a long way before us still."

So Boots jumped up on his back.

So they went on, and on, a long, long way.

"Do you see anything now?" said the foal.

"No," said Boots.

So they went on a good bit farther.

"Do you see anything now?" asked the foal.

"Oh no," said the lad.

So when they had gone a great, great way farther—I'm sure I can't tell how far—the foal asked again,—

"Do you see anything now?"

"Yes," said Boots; "now I see something that looks white—just like a tall, big birch trunk."

"Yes," said the foal; "we're going into that trunk."


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 308 So when they got to the trunk, the eldest foal took and pushed it on one side, and then they saw a door where it had stood, and inside the door was a little room, and in the room there was scarce anything but a little fireplace and one or two benches; but behind the door hung a great rusty sword and a little pitcher.

"Can you brandish the sword?" said the foals; "try."

So Boots tried, but he couldn't; then they made him take a pull at the pitcher; first once, then twice, and then thrice, and then he could wield it like anything.

"Yes," said the foals, "now you may take the sword with you, and with it you must cut off all our seven heads on your wedding-day, and then we'll be princes again as we were before. For we are brothers of that Princess whom you are to have when you can tell the King what we eat and drink; but an ugly Troll has thrown this shape over us. Now mind, when you have hewn off our heads, to take care to lay each head at the tail of the trunk which it belonged to before, and then the spell will have no more power over us."

Yes, Boots promised all that, and then on they went.

And when they had travelled a long long way, the foal asked,—

"Do you see anything?"

"No," said Boots.

So they travelled a good bit still.

"And now?" asked the foal.

"No, I see nothing," said Boots.

So they travelled many many miles again, over hill and dale.

"Now then," said the foal, "do you see anything now?"


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 Rh "Yes," said Boots, "now I see something like a blue stripe, far far away."

"Yes," said the foal, "that's a river we've got to cross."

Over the river was a long, grand bridge; and when they had got over to the other side, they travelled on a long, long way. At last the foal asked again

"If Boots didn't see anything?"

"Yes, this time he saw something that looked black far far away, just as though it were a church steeple."

"Yes," said the foal, "that's where we're going to turn in."

So when the foals got into the churchyard, they became men again, and looked like Princes, with such fine clothes that it glistened from them; and so they went into the church, and took the bread and wine from the priest who stood at the altar. And Boots he went in too; but when the priest had laid his hands on the Princes, and given them the blessing, they went out of the church again, and Boots went out too; but he took with him a flask of wine and a wafer. And as soon as ever the seven Princes came out into the churchyard, they were turned into foals again, and so Boots got up on the back of the youngest, and so they all went back the same way that they had come; only they went much, much faster. First they crossed the bridge, next they passed the trunk, and then they passed the old hag, who sat at the cleft and span, and they went by her so fast, that Boots couldn't hear what the old hag screeched after him; but he heard so much as to know she was in an awful rage.

It was almost dark when they got back to the palace,


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 310 and the King himself stood out on the steps and waited for them.

"Have you watched well and true the whole day?" said he to Boots.

"I've done my best," answered Boots.

"Then you can tell me what my seven foals eat and drink," said the King.

Then Boots pulled out the flask of wine and the wafer, and showed them to the King.

"Here you see their meat, and here you see their drink," said he.

"Yes," said the King, "you have watched true and well, and you shall have the Princess and half the kingdom."

So they made ready the wedding-feast, and the King said it should be such a grand one, it should be the talk far and near.

But when they sat down to the bridal feast, the bridegroom got up and went down to the stable, for he said he had forgotten something, and must go to fetch it. And when he got down there, he did as the foals had said, and hewed their heads off, all seven, the eldest first, and the others after him; and at the same time he took care to lay each head at the tail of the foal to which it belonged; and as he did this, lo! they all became Princes again.

So when he went into the bridal hall with the seven princes, the King was so glad he both kissed Boots and patted him on the back, and his bride was still more glad of him than she had been before.

"Half the kingdom you have got already," said the King, "and the other half you shall have after my death;


text:
English as we speak it in Ireland

Chapter

 * Preface
 * I.
 * II.
 * III.
 * IV.
 * V.
 * VI.
 * VII.
 * VIII.
 * IX.
 * X.
 * XI.
 * XII.
 * XIII.
 * Alphabetical List of Persons who sent Collections of Dialectical Words and Phrases

title: English as we speak it in Ireland


text: English as we speak it in Ireland/Preface


text: English as we speak it in Ireland/I

title: English as we speak it in Ireland/I


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Rh of matter, into whatever forms it may be organized. Drops and sprays of air are specialized, and made to plash and churn in the bosom of a lark, as infinitesimal portions of air plash and sing about the angles and hollows of sand-grains, as perfectly composed and predestined as the rejoicing anthems of worlds; but our senses are not fine enough to catch the tones. Fancy the waving, pulsing melody of the vast flower-congregations of the Hollow flowing from myriad voices of tuned petal and pistil, and heaps of sculptured pollen. Scarce one note is for us; nevertheless, God be thanked for this blessed instrument hid beneath the feathers of a lark.

The eagle does not dwell in the Hollow; he only floats there to hunt the long-eared hare. One day I saw a fine specimen alight upon a hillside. I was at first puzzled to know what power could fetch the sky-king down into the grass with the larks. Watching him attentively, I soon discovered the cause of his earthiness. He was hungry and stood watching a


text: English as we speak it in Ireland/II

title: English as we speak it in Ireland/II


text: English as we speak it in Ireland/III

title: English as we speak it in Ireland/III


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Rh hare, which stood erect at the door of his burrow, staring his winged fellow mortal full in the face. They were about ten feet apart. Should the eagle attempt to snatch the hare, he would instantly disappear in the ground. Should long-ears, tired of inaction, venture to skim the hill to some neighboring burrow, the eagle would swoop above him and strike him dead with a blow of his pinions, bear him to some favorite rock table, satisfy his hunger, wipe off all marks of grossness, and go again to the sky.

Since antelopes have been driven away, the hare is the swiftest animal of the Hollow. When chased by a dog he will not seek a burrow, as when the eagle wings in sight, but skims wavily from hill to hill across connecting curves, swift and effortless as a bird-shadow. One that I measured was twelve inches in height at the shoulders. His body was eighteen inches, from nose-tip to tail. His great ears measured six and a half inches in length and two in width. His ears—which,


text: English as we speak it in Ireland/IV

title: English as we speak it in Ireland/IV


text: English as we speak it in Ireland/V

title: English as we speak it in Ireland/V


text: English as we speak it in Ireland/VI

title: English as we speak it in Ireland/VI


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Rh their great size, he wears gracefully and becomingly—have procured for him the homely nickname, by which he is commonly known, of "Jackass rabbit." Hares are very abundant over all the plain and up in the sunny, lightly wooded foothills, but their range does not extend into the close pine forests.

Coyotes, or California wolves, are occasionally seen gliding about the Hollow, but they are not numerous, vast numbers having been slain by the traps and poisons of sheep-raisers. The coyote is about the size of a small shepherd-dog, beautiful and graceful in motion, with erect ears, and a bushy tail, like a fox. Inasmuch as he is fond of mutton, he is cordially detested by "sheep-men" and nearly all cultured people.

The ground-squirrel is the most common animal of the Hollow. In several hills there is a soft stratum in which they have tunneled their homes. It is interesting to observe these rodent towns in time of alarm. Their one circular street resounds with sharp, lancing outcries of


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 Rh for my sons can easily get themselves lands and wealth, now they are princes again."

And so, like enough, there was mirth and fun at that wedding. I was there too; but there was no one to care for poor me; and so I got nothing but a bit of bread and butter, and I laid it down on the stove, and the bread was burnt and the butter ran, and so I didn't get even the smallest crumb. Wasn't that a great shame?

THE WIDOW'S SON.

on a time there was a poor, poor widow, who had an only son. She dragged on with the boy till he had been confirmed, and then she said she couldn't feed him any longer, he must just go out and earn his own bread. So the lad wandered out into the world, and when he had walked a day or so, a strange man met him.

"Whither away?" asked the man.

"Oh, I'm going out into the world to try and get a place," said the lad.

"Will you come and serve me?" said the man.

"Oh yes; just as soon you as any one else," said the lad.

"Well, you'll have a good place with me," said the man; "for you'll only have to keep me company, and do nothing at all else beside."

So the lad stopped with him and lived on the fat of the land, both in meat and drink, and had little or nothing to do; but he never saw a living soul in that man's house.


text: English as we speak it in Ireland/VII

title: English as we speak it in Ireland/VII


text:
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Rh "Seekit, seek, seek, seekit!" Near neighbors, peeping cautiously half out of doors, engage in low, purring chat. Others, bolt upright on the doorsill or on the rock above, shout excitedly as if calling attention to the motions and aspects of the enemy. Like the wolf, this little animal is accursed, because of his relish for grain. What a pity that Nature should have made so many small mouths palated like our own!

All the seasons of the Hollow are warm and bright, and flowers bloom through the whole year. But the grand commencement of the annual genesis of plant and insect life is governed by the setting-in of the rains, in December or January. The air, hot and opaque, is then washed and cooled. Plant seeds, which for six months have lain on the ground dry as if garnered in a farmer's bin, at once unfold their treasured life. Flies hum their delicate tunes. Butterflies come from their coffins, like cotyledons from their husks. The network of dry water-courses, spread over valleys and hollows,


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 312 So one day the man said,—

"Now, I'm going off for eight days, and that time you'll have to spend here all alone; but you must not go into any one of these four rooms here. If you do, I'll take your life when I come back."

"No," said the lad,—he'd be sure not to do that. But when the man had been gone three or four days, the lad couldn't bear it any longer, but went into the first room, and when he got inside he looked round, but he saw nothing but a shelf over the door where a bramble-bush rod lay.

"Well, indeed!" thought the lad; "a pretty thing to forbid my seeing this."

So when the eight days were out, the man came home, and the first thing he said was,—

"You haven't been into any of these rooms, of course?"

"No, no; that I haven't," said the lad.

"I'll soon see that," said the man, and went at once into the room where the lad had been.

"Nay, but you have been in here," said he; "and now you shall lose your life."

Then the lad begged and prayed so hard that he got off with his life, but the man gave him a good thrashing. And when it was over they were as good friends as ever.

Some time after the man set off again, and said he should be away fourteen days; but before he went he forbade the lad to go into any of the rooms he had not been in before; as for that he had been in, he might go into that, and welcome. Well, it was the same story over again, except that the lad stood out eight days before he went in. In this room, too, he saw nothing but a shelf over the door, and a big stone, and a pitcher of water on it. "Well, after


text: English as we speak it in Ireland/VIII

title: English as we speak it in Ireland/VIII


text:
Page:Popular tales from the Norse (1912).djvu/499

 Rh all, there's not much to be afraid of my seeing here," thought the lad.

But when the man came back, he asked if he had been into any of the rooms. No, the lad hadn't done anything of the kind.

"Well, well, I'll soon see that," said the man; and when he saw that the lad had been in them after all, he said,—

"Ah! now I'll spare you no longer; now you must lose your life."

But the lad begged and prayed for himself again, and so this time too he got off with stripes; though he got as many as his skin could carry. But when he got sound and well again, he led just as easy a life as ever, and he and the man were just as good friends.

So a while after the man was to take another journey, and now he said he should be away three weeks, and he forbade the lad anew to go into the third room, for if he went in there he might just make up his mind at once to lose his life. Then after fourteen days the lad couldn't bear it, but crept into the room, but he saw nothing at all in there but a trap door on the floor; and when he lifted it up and looked down, there stood a great copper cauldron which bubbled and boiled away down there; but he saw no fire under it.

"Well, I should just like to know if it's hot," thought the lad, and stuck his finger down into the broth, and when he pulled it out again, lo! it was gilded all over. So the lad scraped and scrubbed it, but the gilding wouldn't go off, so he bound a piece of rag round it; and when the man came back and asked what was the matter with his finger,


text: English as we speak it in Ireland/IX

title: English as we speak it in Ireland/IX


text:
Page:Popular tales from the Norse (1912).djvu/500

 314 the lad said he'd given it such a bad cut. But the man tore off the rag, and then he soon saw what was the matter with the finger. First he wanted to kill the lad outright, but when he wept and begged, he only gave him such a thrashing that he had to keep his bed three days. After that the man took down a pot from the wall, and rubbed him over with some stuff out of it, and so the lad was sound and fresh as ever.

So after a while the man started off again, and this time he was to be away a month. But before he went, he said to the lad, if he went into the fourth room he might give up all hope of saving his life.

Well, the lad stood out for two or three weeks, but then he couldn't hold out any longer; he must and would go into that room, and so in he stole. There stood a great black horse tied up in a stall by himself, with a manger of red-hot coals at his head, and a truss of hay at his tail. Then the lad thought this all wrong, so he changed them about, and put the hay at his head. Then said the horse,—

"Since you are so good at heart as to let me have some food, I'll set you free, that I will. For if the Troll comes back and finds you here, he'll kill you outright. But now you must go up to the room which lies just over this, and take a coat of mail out of those that hang there; and mind, whatever you do, don't take any of the bright ones, but the most rusty of all you see, that's the one to take; and sword and saddle you must choose for yourself just in the same way."

So the lad did all that; but it was a heavy load for him to carry them all down at once.

"When he came back, the Horse told him to pull off his


text: English as we speak it in Ireland/X

title: English as we speak it in Ireland/X


text:
Page:A Thousand-Mile Walk To The Gulf.djvu/268

Rh suddenly gushes with bright waters, sparkling and pouring from pool to pool, like dusty mummies risen from the dead and set living and laughing with color and blood. The weather grows in beauty, like a flower. Its roots in the ground develop day-clusters a week or two in size, divided by and shaded in foliage of clouds; or round hours of ripe sunshine wave and spray in sky-shadows, like racemes of berries half hidden in leaves.

These months of so-called rainy season are not filled with rain. Nowhere else in North America, perhaps in the world, are Januarys so balmed and glowed with vital sunlight. Referring to my notes of 1868 and 1869, I find that the first heavy general rain of the season fell on the 18th of December. January yielded to the Hollow, during the day, only twenty hours of rain, which was divided among six rainy days. February had only three days on which rain fell, amounting to eighteen and one-half hours in all. March had five rainy days. April had three, yielding seven hours of rain.


text: English as we speak it in Ireland/XI

title: English as we speak it in Ireland/XI


text:
Page:A Thousand-Mile Walk To The Gulf.djvu/269

Rh May also had three wet days, yielding nine hours of rain, and completed the so-called "rainy season" for that year, which is probably about an average one. It must be remembered that this rain record has nothing to do with what fell in the night.

The ordinary rainstorm of this region has little of that outward pomp and sublimity of structure so characteristic of the storms of the Mississippi Valley. Nevertheless, we have experienced rainstorms out on these treeless plains, in nights of solid darkness, as impressively sublime as the noblest storms of the mountains. The wind, which in settled weather blows from the northwest, veers to the southeast; the sky curdles gradually and evenly to a grainless, seamless, homogeneous cloud; and then comes the rain, pouring steadily and often driven aslant by strong winds. In 1869, more than three fourths of the winter rains came from the southeast. One magnificent storm from the northwest occurred on the 21st of March; an immense, round-browed cloud came


text: English as we speak it in Ireland/XII

title: English as we speak it in Ireland/XII


text:
Page:Popular tales from the Norse (1912).djvu/501

 Rh clothes and get into the cauldron which stood and boiled in the other room, and bathe himself there. "If I do," thought the lad, "I shall look an awful fright;" but for all that, he did as he was told. So when he had taken his bath, he became so handsome and sleek, and as red and white as milk and blood, and much stronger than he had been before.

"Do you feel any change?" asked the Horse.

"Yes," said the lad.

"Try to lift me, then," said the Horse.

Oh yes! he could do that, and as for the sword, he brandished it like a feather.

"Now saddle me," said the Horse, "and put on the coat of mail, and then take the bramble-bush rod, and the stone, and the pitcher of water, and the pot of ointment, and then we'll be off as fast as we can."

So when the lad had got on the horse, off they went at such a rate, he couldn't at all tell how they went. But when he had ridden awhile, the Horse said,

"I think I hear a noise; look round! can you see anything?"

"Yes; there are ever so many coming after us, at least a score," said the lad.

"Ay, ay, that's the Troll coming," said the Horse; "now he's after us with his pack."

So they rode on a while, until those who followed were close behind them.

"Now throw your bramble-bush rod behind you, over your shoulder," said the Horse; "but mind you throw it a good way off my back."

So the lad did that, and all at once a close, thick


text: Author:Lewis Richard Farnell

title: Author:Lewis Richard Farnell


text: English as we speak it in Ireland/XIII

title: English as we speak it in Ireland/XIII


text: English as we speak it in Ireland/List

title: English as we speak it in Ireland/List


text:
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Rh over the flowery hills in most imposing majesty, bestowing water as from a sea. The passionate rain-gush lasted only about one minute, but was nevertheless the most magnificent cataract of the sky mountains that I ever beheld. A portion of calm sky toward the Sierras was brushed with thin, white cloud-tissue, upon which the rain-torrent showed to a great height—a cloud waterfall, which, like those of Yosemite, was neither spray, rain, nor solid water. In the same year the cloudiness of January, omitting rainy days, averaged 0.32; February, 0.13; March, 0.20; April, 0.10; May, 0.08. The greater portion of this cloudiness was gathered into a few days, leaving the others blocks of solid, universal sunshine in every chink and pore. At the end of January, four plants were in flower: a small white cress, growing in large patches; a low-set, umbeled plant, with yellow flowers; an eriogonum, with flowers in leafless spangles; and a small boragewort. Five or six mosses had adjusted their hoods, and were in


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Rh the prime of life. In February, squirrels, hares, and flowers were in springtime joy. Bright plant-constellations shone everywhere about the Hollow. Ants were getting ready for work, rubbing and sunning their limbs upon the husk-piles around their doors; fat, pollen-dusted, "burly, dozing humble-bees" were rumbling among the flowers; and spiders were busy mending up old webs, or weaving new ones. Flowers were born every day, and came gushing from the ground like gayly dressed children from a church. The bright air became daily more songful with fly-wings, and sweeter with breath of plants.

In March, plant-life is more than doubled. The little pioneer cress, by this time, goes to seed, wearing daintily embroidered silicles. Several claytonias appear; also, a large white leptosiphon[?], and two nemophilas. A small plantago becomes tall enough to wave and show silky ripples of shade. Toward the end of this month or the beginning of April, plant-life is at its greatest height. Few have any just


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Rh of its amazing richness. Count the flowers of any portion of these twenty hills, or of the bottom of the Hollow, among the streams: you will find that there are from one to ten thousand upon every square yard, counting the heads of Compositæ as single flowers. Yellow Compositæ form by far the greater portion of this goldy-way. Well may the sun feed them with his richest light, for these shining sunlets are his very children—rays of his ray, beams of his beam! One would fancy that these California days receive more gold from the ground than they give to it. The earth has indeed become a sky; and the two cloudless skies, raying toward each other flower-beams and sunbeams, are fused and congolded into one glowing heaven. By the end of April most of the Hollow plants have ripened their seeds and died; but, undecayed, still assist the landscape with color from persistent involucres and corolla-like heads of chaffy scales.

In May, only a few deep-set lilies and eriogonums are left alive. June, July, August, and


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 presumptuous error,' for his opinion, though true, was not ' a necessary truth.' Brabourne's book was one of the reasons which moved Charles I to reissue on 18 Oct. 1633 the declaration commonly known as the Book of Sports ; it was by the king's command that Bishop White wrote his 'Treatise of the Sabbath Day,' 1635, 4to, in the dedication of which (to Laud) is a short account of Brabourne. Returning to Norwich in 1635, Brabourne probably resumed his ministry; but he got some property on the death of a brother, and thenceforth gave up preaching. In 1654 he writes in his reply to John Collings, formerly of St. Saviour's, ten of St. Stephen's, Norwich, 'I have left the pulpit to you for many years past, and I think I may promise you never to come in it again.' Collings was a bitter antagonist of his non-presbyterian neighbours. Brabourne had written in 1653 'The Change of Church-Discipline,' a tract against sectaries of all sorts. This stirred Collings to attack him in 'Indoctus Doctor Edoctus,' &c. 1654, 4to. A second part of Brabourne's tract provoked 'A New Lesson for the Indoctus Doctor,' &c., 1654, 4to, to which Brabourne wrote a 'Second Vindication' in reply. This pamphlet war is marked by personalities, in which Collings excels. Collings tells us that Brabourne, after leaving the ministry, had tried several employments. He had been bolt-poake, weaver, hosier, maltster (in St. Augustine's parish), and was now 'a nonsensical scribbler,' who was forced to publish his books at his own expense. While this dispute with Collings was going on, Brabourne brought out an 'Answer' to the 'Sabbatum Redivivum,' &c., of Daniel Cawdrey, rector of Great Billing, Northamptonshire. Cawdrey was dissatisfied with White's treatment of the question in answer to Brabourne, and of course Brabourne unconvinced by Cawdrey. Five years later was he wrote on his favourite theme against Ives and Warren. Nothing further is heard of Brabourne till after the Restoration, when he put out pamphlets rejoicing in liberty of conscience, and defending the royal supremacy in ecclesiastical matters. In these pamphlets he spells his name Brabourn. The last of them was issued 18 March 1661. Nothing is known of Brabourne later.

He published:
 * 1) 'A Discourse upon the Sabbath Day … Printed the 23th (sic) of Decemb. anno dom. 1628,' 16mo (Brabourne maintains that the duration of the sabbath is 'that space of time and light from day-peep or day-break in the morning, until day be quite off the sky at night).
 * 2) 'A Defence of that most ancient and sacred Ordinance of God's, the Sabbath Day. … Undertaken against all Anti-Sabbatharians, both of Protestants, Papists, Antinomians, and Anabaptists; and by name and especially against these X Ministers, M. Greenwood, M. Hutchinson, M. Furnace, M. Benton, M. Gallard, M. Yates, M. Chappel, M. Stinnet, M. Johnson, and M. Wade. The second edition, corrected and amended; with a supply of many things formerly omitted. …' 1632, 4to (according to Watt, the first edition was in 1631, 4to, and there was another edition in 1660, 8vo. 'M. Stinnet' is Edward Stennet of Abingdon, the first English seventh-day baptist minister, who published 'The Royal Law contended for,' &c., 1658).
 * 3) 'The Change of Church-Discipline,' 1653, 16mo (not seen).
 * 4) 'The Second Part of the Change of Church-Disciple … Also a Reply to Mr. Collins his answer made to Mr. Brabourne's first part of the Change of Church-Discipline …' 1654, 4to (the reply has a separate title-page and pagination, 'A Reply to the "Indoctus Doctor Edoctus,"' 1654, 4to).
 * 5) 'The Second Vindication of my first Book of the Change of Discipline; being a Reply to Mr. Collings his second Answer to it. Also a Dispute between Mr. Collings and T. Brabourne touching the Sabbath Day,' 1654, 4to (not seen).
 * 6) 'An Answer to M. Cawdry's two books of the Sabbath lately come forth,' &c, 1654, 12mo. 6. 'Answers to two books on the Sabbath: the one by Mr. Ives, entitled Saturday no Sabbath Day; the other by Mr. Warren, the Jews' Sabbath antiquated,' 1659, 8vo (not seen; Jeremy Ives's book was published 1659, 4to ; Edmund Warren's (of Colchester) was also published 1659, 4to).
 * 7) 'God save the King, and prosper him and his Parliament' … 1660, 4to (published 9 Aug.)
 * 8) 'The Humble Petition of Theophilus Brabourn unto the hon. Parliament, that, as all magistrates in the Kingdome doe in their office, so Bishops may be required in their office to own the King's supremacy,' &c. 1661, 4to (published 5 March; there is; A Postscript, (sic) 'Of many evils' (sic) which follow upon the King's grant to Bishops of a coercive power in their courts for ceremonies').
 * 9) 'Of the Lawfulness (sic) of the Oath of allegiance to the King, and of the other oath to his supremacy. Written for the benefit of Quakers and others, who out of scruple of conscience, refuse the oath of allegiance and supremacy,' 1661, 4to (published 18 March, not included in Smith's 'Bibliotheca Anti-Quakeriana,' 1872).

[Wood's Athenæ Oxon. i. (1691), 333; Brook's Lives of the Puritans, 1813, ii. 362 ; Barham's Collier's Eccl. Hist. 1841, viii. 76; Hunt's Rel.


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 contain, besides the paraphrase and annotations, many discourses on various subjects connected with the Holy Scriptures. A detailed description of these discourses is given in Dr. Henry Cotton's list of editions of the Bible.

[Atterbury's Correspondence, i. 121; Bodleian Cat.; Brüggemann's English Editions of Greek and Latin Authors, p. 253; Foster's Alumni Oxon. 1500–1714; Hearne's Remarks and Collections (Doble), i. 230; Lipscomb's Buckinghamshire, iv. 21; Lowndes's Bibl. Man. ed. Bohn; Nichols's Leicestershire, iv. 150; Nichols's Lit. Anecd. vii. 458; Watt's Bibl. Brit.; Welch's Alumni Westmon. ed. Phillimore, pp. 115, 185, 205; Wood's Athenæ Oxon. ed. Bliss, iv. 668; Fasti, ii. 409, and Life of Wood, p. 119.]  WELLS, HENRY LAKE (1850–1898), lieutenant-colonel of royal engineers, son of Thomas Bury Wells, rector of Portlemouth, Devonshire, was born on 8 March 1850. He received a commission as lieutenant in the royal engineers on 2 Aug. 1871, and attained the rank of lieutenant-colonel on 6 Nov. 1896. He was specially employed in the war office in 1873 and 1874, and went to India in 1875.

He served in the Afghan campaign of 1878–9, raised a corps of Ghilzai labourers and constructed a road across the Khojak, and was for some time in sole charge of the public works department at Quetta, where he built the native cantonments. He commanded detachments of Punjab cavalry and Sind horse in an engagement near the Khojak, where he was wounded. He accompanied General Biddulph's force down the Thal Chotiali route, took part in the action at Baghao, served with the Khaibar line force, was present at the action of Majina, and had charge of the positions at the crossing of the Kabul river. He was five times mentioned in despatches, Sir Donald Stewart recommending him to notice ‘for conspicuous gallantry and bravery displayed on the occasion of the attack on a robber encampment under Laskar Khan by a party from the Chamun post.’

He surveyed routes in 1879–80 in Kashmir and Gilgit for a line of telegraph, and in the latter year was appointed to the government Indo-European telegraph in Persia as assistant director. During many years spent in Persia he surveyed routes between Dizful and Shiraz, and contributed papers to the Royal Geographical Society, the Society of Arts and other learned societies, and to the professional papers of his own corps. He was repeatedly thanked for his services, especially for those rendered in the delimitation of the Afghan frontier in 1886, the army remount operations for India in 1887, in the cholera epidemic, and during the revolution in Shiraz in 1893.

Wells became director of the Persian telegraph in 1891. He was presented by the shah, Nasr-ud-Din, with a sword of honour, and by the present shah, Muraffer, with a diamond ring, and on 1 Jan. 1897 he was made a companion of the order of the Indian Empire. He died suddenly at Karachi on 31 Aug. 1898. Wells married, on 15 Jan. 1885, in London, Alice Bertha, daughter of the Rev. Hugh Bacon.

[Royal Engineers Records; Despatches; Proceedings and Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 1898; Royal Engineers' Journal, October and December 1898; Times (London) September 1898.]  WELLS, HUGH (d. 1235), bishop of Lincoln. [See .]

WELLS, JOCELYN (d. 1242), bishop of Bath and Wells. [See .]

WELLS, JOHN (d. 1388), opponent of Wycliffe, was a Benedictine monk of Ramsey, who studied at Gloucester College, Oxford, the Benedictine establishment to which most of the great houses of that order in the southern province sent their more studious members to receive a learned education. There he proceeded doctor of divinity, apparently in 1377. He was for thirteen years ‘prior studentum’—that is, head of Gloucester College. Wells became conspicuous as a bitter opponent of Wycliffe, when the reformer published in the university his attacks on the monastic ideal of life and his denunciation of all ‘religiones privatæ.’ Several passages in Wycliffe's Latin works seem to be drawn up in answer to Wells's defence of the monastic life. The chief of these are ‘Sermonum tertia pars, Sermo xxx’ (Sermones, ed. Loserth, iii. 246–248, 251–7, Wyclif Soc.) and Sermo xxix (ib. iii. 230–9). The latter argument is verbally repeated in Wycliffe's so-called second treatise ‘De Religione Privata’ (, Polemical Works, ii. 524–34, ed. Buddensieg, Wyclif Soc.) Analogous arguments are also used in the first treatise ‘De Religione Privata’ (ib. ii. 496–518), which, however, Dr. Buddensieg does not regard as being certainly the work of Wycliffe. In all these passages Wells is not mentioned by name, but simply as ‘quidam dompnus,’ ‘dompnus niger,’ ‘quidam reverendus monachus,’ and, less politely, as ‘quidam canis niger de ordine Benedicti.’ The identification is pretty clear, however, on the strength of the passages


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title: Talk:English as we speak it in Ireland


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Talk:Compleat Surgeon

Text taken from a Distributed Proofreading project post-processed by me, Laverock. Project Gutenberg reference 34157.

title: Talk:Compleat Surgeon


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Thought in England, 1870, i. 135 seq.; Hook's Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury, xi. 1875 (Laud), 237 seq.; Cox's Literature of the Sabbath Question, 1875, i. 443, &c.; Browne's Hist. of Congregationalism in Norfolk and Suffolk, 1877, 494 n; works cited above.]

BRACEGIRDLE, ANNE (1663?–1748), one of the most popular and brilliant of English actresses, was born about 1663, presumably in one of the midland counties. Curll (History of the English Stage) calls her the daughter of Justinian Bracegirdle, of Northamptonshire (?Northampton), esq., says 'she had the good fortune to be well placed when an infant under the care of Mr. Betterton and his wife,' and adds that 'she performed the page in "The Orphan," at the Duke's Theatre in Dorset Garden, before she was six years old.' 'The Orphan' was first played, at Dorset Garden, in 1680. With the addition of a decade to Mrs. Bracegirdle's age, which this date renders imperative, this story, though without authority and not undisputed, is reconcilable with facts. Downes (Roscius Anglicanus) first mentions Mrs. Bracegirdle in connection with the Theatre Royal in 1688, in which year she played Lucia in Shadwell's 'Squire of Alsatia.' Maria in Mountfort's 'Edward III,' Emmeline in Dryden's 'King Arthur,' Tamira in D'Urfey's alteration of Chapman's 'Bussy d'Ambois,' and other similar parts followed. In 1693 Mrs. Bracegirdle made, as Araminta in the 'Old Bachelor,' her first appearance in a comedy of Congreve, the man in whose works her chief triumphs were obtained, and whose name has subsequently, for good or ill, been most closely associated with her own. In the memorable opening, by Betterton, of the little theatre in Lincoln's Inn Fields, in 1695, with 'Love for Love,' Mrs. Bracegirdle played Angelica. Two years later she enacted Belinda in the 'Provoked Wife' of Vanbrugh, and Almeria in Congreve's 'Mourning Bride.' To these, which may rank as her principal 'creations,' may be added the heroines of some of Rowe's tragedies, Selina in 'Tamerlane,' Lavinia in the 'Fair Penitent,' and in such alterations of Shakespeare as were then customary; Isabella ('Measure for Measure'), Portia ('Merchant of Venice'), Desdemona, Ophelia, Cordelia, and Mrs. Ford, with other characters from plays of the epoch, showing that her range included both comedy and tragedy. In the season of 1706-7 Mrs. Bracegirdle at the Haymarket came first into competition with Mrs. Oldfield, before whose star, then rising, her own went down. According to an anonymous life of Mrs. Oldfield, published in 1730, the year of her death, and quoted by Genest (vol. ii. p. 375), the question whether Mrs. Oldfield or Mrs. Bracegirdle was the better actress in comedy was left to the town to settle. 'Mrs. Bracegirdle accordingly acted Mrs. Brittle' (in Betterton's 'Amorous Widow') 'on one night, and Mrs. Oldfield acted the same part on the next night; the preference was adjudged to Mrs. Oldfield, at which Mrs. Bracegirdle was very much disgusted, and Mrs. Oldfield's benefit, being allowed by Swiney to be in the season before Mrs. Bracegirdle's, added so much to the affront that she quitted the stage immediately.' That from this time (1707) she refused all offers to rejoin the stage is certain. Once again she appeared upon the scene of her past triumphs. This was on the occasion of the memorable benefit to Betterton, 7 and 13 April 1709, when, with her companion Mrs. Barry, she came from her retirement, and played in 'Love for Love' her favourite role of Angelica [see ]. After this date no more is publicly heard of her until 18 Sept. 1748, when her body was removed from her house in Howard Street, Strand, and interred in the east cloisters of Westminster Abbey. Of her long life less than a third was directly connected with the stage. An amount of publicity unusual even in the case of women of her profession was thrust upon her during her early life. To this the murder of Mountfort by Captain Hill and Lord Mohun, due to the passion of the former for Mrs. Bracegirdle and his jealousy of his victim, contributed. An assumption of virtue, anything but common in those of her position in the days in which she lived, was, however, a principal cause. Into the inquiry how far the merit of 'not being unguarded in her private character,' which, without a hint of a sneer, is conceded her by Colley Cibber, is her due, it is useless now to inquire. Evidence will be judged differently by different minds. Macaulay, with characteristic confidence, declares 'She seems to have been a cold, vain, and interested coquette, who perfectly understood how much the influence of her charms was increased by the fame of a severity which cost her nothing, and who could venture to flirt with a succession of admirers in the just confidence that no flame which she might kindle in them would thaw her own ice' (History of England, iii. 380, ed. 1864). For this statement, to say the least rash, the authorities Macaulay quotes, unfriendly as they are, furnish no justification. Tom Brown, of infamous memory, utters sneers concerning her Abigail being 'brought to bed,' but imputes nothing directly to her; and Gildon, in that rare and curious though atrocious publication, 'A Comparison


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Rh Crane,. Creator and creation, erroneous views of, –42. Crows,. Cuba, a sojourn in, –68; weather of,, ; wild plants, , ; flowery vines, ,. Cubans, personal appearance, ; cruel to animals,.

Cumberland Mountains,, –46,. Cumberland River,. Cypress,, , ;. Cystopteris. See Fern, bladder.

Death, our warped ideas of,. Deer hunt,,.

Deer’s tongue, n. Dipping snuff,. Dirt, peculiar to civilization,,. Dolphin, in pursuit of flying fish,,. Doves, mourning,.

Eagle, bald,,. Eagle, golden, and n.,,. Electricity,. Elizabethtown, Ky.,. Emory River,.

Erosion, by water,,.

Farmers, in Kentucky, ; a credulous one,,.

Fern, bladder,, ,. Fern, Christmas,. Fern, cinnamon,, ,. Fern, Dicksonia,,. Fern, flowering,,. Fern, gold-dusted rock,. Fernandina, Florida,. Ferns, at mouth of cave,. Feud, in Tennessee,. Fever, Muir’s illness in Florida, –29. Fever and ague,.

Fish, flying,, ; pursued by dolphin, ,.

Florida, swamps, -122; arrival in, ; coast of,, ; forests, , , , ; streams, , ; a low country, ; a strange land, ; Straits of, ,.

Flowering trees,,. Forests, Kentucky, -16; pine, ; vine clad, ; Florida,, , ,.

Gainesville, Georgia,, ,. Gardenia florida. See Jasmine, cape.

Gardens, artificial,,. Geese, wild,. Georgia, river country of, -65; oaks in,, , ; people and homes of, , ; a strange land, ,. Gerardias,. Ginseng,.


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 quoted from Wycliffe's sermons in ‘Fasciculi Zizaniorum,’ pp. 239–41 (Rolls Ser.), where he is specifically said to be attempting to refute the arguments of ‘quidam vir venerabilis dictus Wellys, tunc monachus de Rameseye.’ In the title of the manuscript he is called ‘dom. Willelmus,’ but this was corrected by Bale.

Wells was one of the doctors of divinity who subscribed the ‘Sententia’ of William of Berton [q. v.], chancellor of Oxford, which condemned the Wycliffite doctrine of the eucharist (Fasciculi Zizaniorum, p. 113). This decree was probably issued early in 1382 (, Wycliffe and the Movement for Reform p. 105). During Lent 1382, when Nicholas of Hereford [q. v.] was preachin Latin at St. Mary's, and urging that no person ‘de privata religione’ should be allowed to take a degree, Wells joined with the Carmelite doctor Peter Stokes [q. v.] in complaining of this doctrine to the new chancellor, Robert Rygge [q. v.], who took no notice of their charge (Fasciculi Zizaniorum, p. 305). In May 1382 Wells was present at the Earthquake council, held at the Blackfriars, London, being the only non-mendicant D.D. present, save perhaps among the bishops (ib. p. 499, cf. p. 287;, Concilia, iii. 158). He was the first of the doctors to ‘determine’ in the council, and a contemporary Wycliffite poet gives a spiteful account of his windy and feeble arguments against Wycliffe and Hereford. His face, yellow as gall, showed what sort of man he was, and Hereford easily put him to silence (, Political Poems, i. 260, Rolls Ser.) Among the many articles condemnatory of Wycliffe's teaching drawn up at the council, five condemned the reformer's views as to religious orders, and three (articles 20, 21, and 22) specifically upheld the positions that Wells had maintained against Wycliffe (Fasciculi Zizaniorum, pp. 281–2). It was doubtless on information given by Wells and Stokes that Rygge shared in the condemnation of the council.

On 9 July 1387 Wells was sent by the presidents of the general chapter of the English Benedictines on a mission to Urban VI. His own abbot of Ramsey was one of those who appointed him. His business was to intercede with the pope for the deprived and imprisoned cardinal of Norwich, Adam Easton [q. v.] But he was also appointed general proctor of the English Benedictines to explain their needs to the pope and transact other business (cf., Letters from Northern Registers, pp. 423–4, Rolls Ser.) The pope was then residing at Lucca, whence in September he moved to Perugia (, Hist. of the Papacy, i. 88–9). It was at one of these towns that Wells pleaded in vain for Easton, who was only released after Urban's death. In any case, he attended or followed the pope to Perugia, where he died in 1388, and where he was buried in the church of Santa Sabina (, Bibl. Brit.-Hib. p. 757). His zeal against Wycliffe had given him the name of ‘Malleus hereticorum.’

Bale enumerates the following works of Wells: 1. ‘De socii sui ingratitudine, lib. i.’ 2. ‘Epistolæ ad diversos, lib. i.’ 3. ‘Pro religione privata, lib. i.’ 4. ‘Super cleri prerogativa, lib. i.’ 5. ‘Super Eucharistiæ negotio, lib. i.’ (Script. Brit. Cat. cent. vi. No. 82). To these Tanner (p. 757) adds ‘Contra Wycliff de religione privata’ (from Wood's ‘Hist. et Antiq. Oxon.’ i. 189), but this is probably the same as 3.

John Wells of Ramsey may be easily confused with a contemporary John Welle or Wells, also a doctor of divinity, but a Franciscan. The particulars of the Minorite doctor's career are collected by Mr. A. G. Little (Grey Friars in Oxford, pp. 78, 175, 311, Oxford, Hist. Soc.), who identifies him with the ‘John Wells, a friar,’ who took part in the disputed election to the chancellorship at Oxford in 1349, and (more doubtfully) with the Franciscan lector ‘John Valeys’ in that university, and the ‘Johannes Vallensis Anglus qui diu Londonii Theologiam docuit,’ who in 1368 was promoted to the ‘magisterium’ at Toulouse by order of Urban V (, Annales fratrum Minorum, viii. 209). He is more clearly the ‘John Welle, Minorite, S.T.P.,’ who was addressed as papal chaplain in 1372 (ib. viii. 533). In 1378 a large amount of property belonging to him was stolen from his house in London, but was partly recovered when the thief, his servant, Thomas Bele, was arrested at Cambridge (, pp. 311–12; Cal. Patent Rolls, 1377–81, p. 133). From the amount of his possessions, Mr. Little conjectures that he may have been warden of the London convent.

[Authorities cited in the text.]  WELLS, JOHN (1623–1676), puritan divine, son of Hugh Wells, plebeius, of London, was born on 29 Jan. 1622–3, and was admitted into Merchant Taylors' school on 11 Sept. 1634. Thence he proceeded to St. John's College, Oxford, where he matriculated on 3 July 1640. He was elected a fellow of his college in 1643, took the degree of B.A. on 7 May 1644, and was created M.A. on 14 April 1648. He was one of the London ministers who in 1648 declared, in a petition to General Fairfax, their abhorrence of all


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 Glasgow Junction, Ky.,,. God, a conceited view of,,. Gold mines, in Tennessee,.

Goldenrod,, , ,. Grapes,, , , ,.

Grass, rough hair,,.

Grasses,, , ,. Grist mills,,. Guerrillas,, ,. Gymnogramma triangularis,.

Hare, long-eared, –202. Havana, harbor, ; Sunday in, ; evening in, ; carriages of the nobility, ; public squares,, ; streets, ; houses, , ; botanical garden, , ; negroes in, ,. Hawk, sparrow,.

Heath wort,. Hemlock,. Hermizonia virgata,,. Herons,, ,. Hiwassee River,, ,.

Hodgson, Mr., sawmill owner, ; Muir works for, ; cares for Muir through illness,. Hollow Creek,,.

Holly,.

Homo sapiens, unwisdom of,,. Horse, ferry,.

Horse Cave,, IO.

Hospitality, in the South,, , , , , , , , ,. Hunting, selfishness of,. Hypnum,, ,.

Ilex,. Indianapolis, Ind.,. Island Belle, schooner, –47.

Jamestown, Tenn.,.

Jasmine, cape,.

Jeffersonville, Ind.,.

Kentucky, ; oaks,, , , ; streams and wells salty, , ; farmers, ; caves, , , , ; forests, , , , ; a leafy state,. Kentucky Knobs,.

Killdeer,.

Kingston, Tenn.,.

Lark. See Meadowlark. Laurels,,. Liatris,. Lime Key,. Linnæus,. Live-oak. See Oak, live. Loggers, Florida,.

Louisville, Ky.,. Lycopodium,.

Madisonville, Tenn.,. Madotheca,.

Magnolia,, ,.


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Index Magnolia grandiflora, ; in Florida,, ,. Mammoth Cave,,. Man-catchers, plant,. Maps,,. Meadowlark, ; songs of,,.

Memory, imperishable,, ,. Merced River, ; valley,. Mexico, Gulf of,.

Milkworts,.

Mistletoe,. Mockingbird,,.

Montgomery, Tenn.,.

Morro Castle, Havana,, ,. Morro Hill,, , , ,.

Moss, Spanish or long,, , ,.

Mosses,, , ,.

Mount Yonah,.

Mountaineers, Southern,,.

Munford, Mr., pioneer,,.

Munfordville, Ky.,,. Murphy, North Carolina,,. Music, one of the attributes of matter,,.

Nebraska, ship in which Muir sailed for California,, ,. Negroes, ; woman at ford,, ; queer little boy, ; ox driver, ; teamster, ; easy-going, ; polite, ; superstitious, ; of Georgia, ; a dangerous one, , ; a primitive family, -07; in Havana, ,.

New York,, ,.

Oak, black,,. Oak, dwarf,.

Oak, live, –69,,. Oak, water,,.

Oaks, in Kentucky,, , , ; in Tennessee,. Opuntia,. Osmunda cinnamomea. See Fern, cinnamon. Osmunda Claytoniana,,. Osmunda regalis. See Fern, flowering.

Owl, burrowing,.

Owls,.

Palmetto, cabbage, –93; a fine grove of, -18.

Palmetto, saw,. Palms,,. Parsons, Captain, of the Island Belle,, , , , ,. Passion flower,. Pelicans,.

Perkins, Dr.,. Philadelphia, Tenn.,,.

Phosphorescence at sea,.

Pine barrens,, ,.


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Index Pine, long-leafed,, , ,.

Pines,,. Pinus Cubensis,,.

Pinus palustris,,. Plant, striking power of adaptation of,,. Plant-gold,.

Plants and minerals, assumed to be made for man,, ; sensation in,. Polygalas,.

Polypodium hexagonopterum,.

Pomegranate,,. Prater, Mr., friend of Muir’s, ,49. Pteris aquilina. See Brake, common.

Quail (bob-white),.

Rabbit, jackass, -202. Rainy season, –206. Rattlesnakes,,. River, adventure in crossing,.

Rivers: Chagres, ; Chattahoochee,, ; Clinch, ; Cumberland, ; Emory, ; Hiwassee, , ; Merced, ; Salt, ; Savannah,. Robins,.

Rolling Fork,.

Salt River,. San Francisco,. San Joaquin valley,. Sand dunes,. Sandy Hook,. Savannah, Georgia,. Savannah River,.

Scale-mosses (Madotheca),. Schrankia, sensitive brier,,.

Scott, Gen. Winfield,.

Scuppernong grape,.

Sea, beautiful in storm,, , ; our ignorance of,. Sea-islands,.

Sheep, predestined purpose of,.

Sherman, Gen. W. T.,.

Ship, enjoyable life on, -180,.

Sierra Nevada,, -94,.

Simmons, Captain, –14. Solidagoes,, , ,.

Spanish bayonet,,. Spinning, in mountain cabins, ; among Georgia farmers,. Spleenwort, ebony,. Squirrel, ground,,.

Steerage,.

Storm at sea, -47,, ,. Sunflowers,. Sunset, gorgeous,,.

Swamps, Florida, –122; vine-tangled,, , , , ; night in, -95,.


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 Sylvan Shore, steamship,,.

Table, a peculiar,. Tarweed,.

Taxodium. See Cypress.

Tennessee,, , ; ferns and vines in, , , , ; an old farmer, , ; a friendly blacksmith, –26; trees and plants, , , ; briers, , ; guerrillas, –29; night with a mountaineer, ; gold mining, ; grist mills, , ; spinning and weaving, ; grandeur of scenery, ; a feud,. Thomson, Georgia,.

Thrashers, brown,.

Tillandsia usneoides. See Moss, Spanish. Track Gap, Tenn.,.

Twenty Hill Hollow, –212; described, ; created by erosion of water, ; flowers in,, , –10; birds, -201; animals, -03; seasons, -10.

Unaka Mountains,,.

Vanilla plant, n.

Vegetable cats,.

Vines, grape,, , , , ; in Florida swamps, , , in, , , ; in Cuba, –61; in Twenty Hill Hollow,. Vitis rotundifolia,.

Vohn, John,.

Waders,,.

Wagon, a remarkable,.

War, marks of,.

Weaving, in mountain cabins, ; among Georgia farmers,.

Whales, storehouses of oil for man,. Winds, language of, –76. Wood, Alphonso, Botany,, , n.,  n.

Yucca,.


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 violence against the person of the king. For several years he held the vicarage of St. Olave Jewry, London, from which he was ejected for nonconformity in 1662. He died in June 1676.

His works are: 1. ‘A Prospect of Eternity; or Mans everlasting condition opened and applyed,’ London, 1655, 8vo (really published on 10 Oct. 1654). 2. ‘The Practical Sabbatarian: or Sabbath-Holiness crowned with Superlative Happiness,’ London, 1668, 4to. 3. ‘How we may make Melody in our Hearts to God in Singing of Psalms,’ printed in Dr. Samuel Annesley's ‘Supplement to the Morning-Exercise at Cripplegate,’ 2nd edit. 1676, p. 174. This and another ‘morning exercise’ by him on the ‘Fall of Man’ have been several times reprinted.

[Brit. Mus. Addit. MS. 24490, f. 104 b; Burrows's Register of the Visitors of the Univ. of Oxford, p. 550; Calamy's Account of Ejected Ministers, p. 39, and Contin. p. 58; Dunn's Memoirs of Seventy-five Eminent Divines, p. 93; Foster's Alumni Oxon. 1500–1714; Kennett's Register, p. 780; Palmer's Nonconf. Memorial, i. 171; Robinson's Register of Merchant Taylors' School, i. 137.]  WELLS, MARY, afterwards  (fl. 1781–1812), actress, daughter of Thomas Davies, a carver and gilder in Birmingham, was born at Birmingham about 1759. Her father died in a madhouse while she was a small child. Her mother kept a tavern frequented by actors, and among others by Richard Yates [q. v.], under whose management Mary appeared at the Birmingham Theatre as the Duke of York in ‘Richard III,’ playing subsequently Cupid in Whitehead's ‘Trip to Scotland,’ and Arthur in ‘King John.’ After visiting Bath and York she went to Gloucester, where she played Juliet to the Romeo of an actor named Wells, to whom she was married in St. Chad's Church, Shrewsbury. Wells shortly afterwards deserted her. On 1 June 1781, as Madge in Bickerstaffe's ‘Love in a Village’ and Mrs. Cadwallader in Foote's ‘Author,’ she made her first appearance at the Haymarket. Genest says that she was excellent in both characters. Jenny in ‘Lionel and Clarissa’ followed, and on 3 Sept. in O'Keeffe's ‘Agreeable Surprise’ she was the first Cowslip, a name that thenceforward stuck to her (though she is occasionally spoken of as ‘Becky’ Wells). Genest says that nothing could be superior to her acting as Cowslip and that of Edwin as Linge.

On 25 Sept., as Nancy in the ‘Camp,’ she made her first appearance at Drury Lane, where also she played on 29 Oct. Jenny in the ‘Gentle Shepherd,’ adapted from Allan Ramsay by Tickell. Harriet in the ‘Jealous Wife,’ Widow O'Grady in the ‘Irish Widow,’ Flora in ‘She would and She would not,’ and Jacintha in the ‘Suspicious Husband’ followed. At the Haymarket in 1782 her name appears to Molly in the ‘English Merchant,’ and Bridget in the ‘Chapter of Accidents.’ She also, as she says, replaced Mrs. Cargill, after that lady's elopement, as Macheath in the ‘Beggar's Opera,’ with the male characters played by women and vice versa. She made from the first a distinguished success, and was received with great enthusiasm. Her characters have never been collected. She played, however, at Drury Lane Kitty Pry in the ‘Lying Valet,’ and Jane Shore on 30 April 1783, her first appearance in tragedy. At the Haymarket she was on 6 July 1784 the original Fanny in Mrs. Inchbald's ‘Mogul's Tale,’ on 6 Sept. the first Maud in O'Keeffe's ‘Peeping Tom,’ and was Isabella in the piece so named, and Lady Randolph in ‘Douglas.’

Nancy Buttercup, an original part in O'Keeffe's ‘Beggar on Horseback,’ was seen at the Haymarket on 16 June 1785. On 14 Dec. she made her first appearance at Covent Garden as Jane Shore (which was, in her own opinion, her best performance), playing also Laura in Edward Topham's farce ‘The Fool,’ which her acting commended to the public. After repeating Lady Randolph and Isabella, she was on 5 Jan. 1786 Imogen in ‘Cymbeline.’ Woodfall in the ‘Chronicle’ awarded her much praise for the performance. Andromache in the ‘Distressed Mother’ followed, and was succeeded by Rosalind, Portia, and Fidelia in the ‘Plain Dealer,’ and she was on 24 April the first Eugenia in ‘The Bird in a Cage, or Money works Wonders,’ altered from Shirley. At the Haymarket in 1786 she played some unimportant original parts. When John Palmer (1742?–1798) [q. v.] made in 1787 his ill-starred experiment at the Royalty Theatre, Wellclose Square, she gave her imitations of Mrs. Siddons and other actresses, which, though poor, were highly popular, being paid the almost incredible sum of fifty pounds a night. She came back to Covent Garden, where she was on 17 Sept. 1787 Mrs. Page in the ‘Merry Wives of Windsor,’ and played Lady Percy, Lady in ‘Comus,’ Rosina, Anne Lovely, and Fatima in ‘Cymon.’ Here she remained some time, acting in the summer at Cheltenham, Brighton, Weymouth, where she was favoured by royalty, and visiting Dublin without, as it appears, acting there.

Meanwhile her domestic affairs had be-


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