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Rh Thus having marked their track with blood, the expedition reached the Palmer where already hostilities had been begun. They continue to the present day, and there is little sign of abatement in the mutual war of extermination waged between the races—Queenslander, June 19, 1880.

VI. As a rule the northern blacks, even belonging to tribes now most desperately hostile to the whites, were friendly to them when the races first met. A letter from the well-known old colonist, Captain Pasco, published in another column, supplies the all-sufficient reason for the murderous attack by the coast blacks on the party led to Cape York by Kennedy, the explorer, and the death of the leader and most of his men. As it was in those days, so it is now.

It will be remembered that in the last issue of the Queeanslander we described the commencement of hostilities in the Cook district, and the incident that we are about to narrate will show that under the management of such a police force as we desire to see established peace might have been restored even after the first effusion of blood, and many valuable lives saved. The Normanby was prospected after the Palmer had been opened, and the blacks on that river, if not the same tribe that had been so ruthlessly shot down on the road to that place, were close neighbors, and must have known what had happened. The first prospectors of the Normanby, a party, we believe, of five men, saw a lot of blacks who brandished their spears in a menacing manner. One of the whites raised his rifle, but his companion knocked up the muzzle of the weapon, and told him not to fire. The blacks, who were watching, immediately responded to the friendly demonstration by lowering their spears, and making amicable gestures. A sort of interchange of friendly signals took place, each party inviting the other to come over. Neither blacks nor whites, however, had sufficient confidence to accept the invitation to fraternise, so after a parley they separated. with every appearance of goodwill. The prospectors remained some time, and neither their horses nor themselves were molested by the blacks, although by the intermingling of the tracks it was evident that the savages had been among the animals, probably examining with curiosity the strange creatures.

Another instance of the possibility of maintaining friendly relations with the blacks can be found in the first foundation of the township of Cairns. What was done by exploring parties who first searched Trinity Inlet, looking for a track across the mountains, we cannot say, having no trustworthy narrative. The blacks were shot at without provocation, and it is probable some were killed. It was notorious that the property of the savages was taken without hesitation. One or more canoes were appropriated, and as these canoes had been hollowed out of logs, slowly and with great labor by the use of stone implements and fire, they represented to the makers most valuable property. And at least one black child, belonging to a Cairns tribe, was taken away by the whites. And yet, after the first, formation of the township, the Government official sent to superintend the establishment of the place, publicly said in Cooktown—after recounting instances of the peaceful disposition of the blacks—"If the people of Cairns do not have them cutting wood and carrying water about the township within six months it will be their own fault." Our northern files record the present relations between the races.

The war of extermination that followed the events described in the previous paper was marked by the usual features. We propose to narrate a few incidents, but, following our usual practice, we shall not indicate here the individual officers of police implicated, as it is we colonists who authorise the deeds, not they who commit them, that must be blamed. And it is also necessary to state that, owing to tho formation of the country, the superior weapons used by the blacks, and their dexterity and cunning, the hunted savages succeeded in inflicting much damage on the whites. Many men and some women were "dispersed" by them under most painful circumstances, the blacks practising all the cruelties perpetrated by our police. The pitiful fate of these victims of our system have been described at different times, and we have read of the constant and heavy losses of valuable stock. The incidents we are about to describe give the other side.

An officer, with a detachment of troopers, following the usual plan of patrol—i.e., shooting down blacks everywhere and at all times—came on a camp in day time. The young men were all away; none but old men, women, and children remained. The old man were duly "dispersed;" there was the usual stampede and rush of women and children. Some seven women took refuge on a hill. As a rule, the troopers do not care about killing women, but on this occasion they got the order to do so and the seven women were shot down. It was thought desirable to make a clean

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Works

 * An Elementary Treatise of the Lunar Theory (1859)
 * A Treatise on Astronomy for the Use of Colleges and Schools (1880)

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Rh sweep, and they began on the children. One child was knocked down by a trooper, who dashed its brains out with a stone. Another little toddler was knocked over, and, as the trooper stood over it with a big stone intending to repeat the operation, his officer shouted to ask whether it was a boy or a girl. "Boy, mamae" (the name black troopers give their officer). "Save him, then," was the answer. The little fellow was saved. Some readers of these lines will remember the boy, and the scar on his forehead from the first knock-down blow.

On another occasion one gentleman went on the tracks of a police officer who had been sent to follow and punish the blacks for one of the many murders of whites that had been committed. He found two women with bullet holes in their heads, but no sign that the men had been caught or touched. The officer returned, reporting that he had followed and severely punished the guilty tribe.

A detachment of police went on patrol outside the diggers' encampment, and came across some blacks. These savages had done nothing; no outrage on whites had been committed at the time within a hundred miles of the place. This was in the daytime, and the blacks were an ordinary travelling party, including men, women, and children. There happened to be another white man with the troopers, and he was astonished to see then immediately open fire and charge the flying blacks. It was as usual a simple massacre, and with the ordinary accompaniments. The women and children were frantic with terror, and one poor little fellow, confused and not knowing what he was doing, was knocked down by a trooper's horse, and horribly trampled to death. Several men were shot, and one young girl captured—and treated as savages treat women who fall into their hands.

Again, a party of whites were with a detachment of police making their way over a new track across the ranges. The blacks in the neighborhood were innocent of any offence against the whites. But as they went along, three blacks showed themselves on a distant point of rock. They did nothing but simply look at the travellers. At the suggestion of the officer the troopers tried their hands at picking off the men, as they would try a long shot at a strange animal. Their rifles were good, and their aim true, and two of the unhappy savages paid the penalty of coming within rifle range of Christians by their death.—Queenslander, June 26, 1880.

VII. series of papers may appropriately end with instances of the manner in which the black troopers themselves—the instruments our Government use for the purpose already described—are treated. These men, whatever we may think of their deeds, deserve from the community some consideration. They are recruited, drilled, clad in our uniform, and sent out to do our work, which they perform faithfully. In punishing them for any misdeeds they commit, it is evident that there can be no necessity for extraordinary proceedings—nor need they be dealt with outside the law. There is neither any difficulty in identifying the offenders, in capturing them, nor in affording them he benefit of a legal trial. They all understand English, and many, if not most of them, quite comprehend what a trial means. We will now give a few recent incidents characterising the treatment they occasionally receive when in their turn they fall victims to our merciless and bloody system.

Discharged troopers may often be seen employed on stations, and it may be said that they are not usually the best of "station boys;" in fact, the complaint is commonly made that an old "police boy" will excite a spirit of mischief among the quiet station blacks, and that they are "schemers," and so forth. This is probable. The service, the Native Police, is not exactly a school of morals, nor is it likely to teach savages any other law than that of the strongest—the rule that a man may do exactly what he pleases to those who are too weak to resist him. Some troopers die in the service—very few indeed from wounds received in actual conflict, for they seldom meet with genuine resistance. The majority of police officers treat their "boys" well; some with great kindness. But there are exceptions. And there is an unwritten rule in the service according to which refractory troopers are disposed of. The practice is well known, although of course, like most of the work done by the Native Police, it is steadily ignored by the authorities. At one time it used to be known as having the trooper "passed out of the district"—the phrase being a euphuism for the fact that he had been privately taken to a secluded spot in the bush and shot. It has been spoken of as "giving him a run for it," alluding to a plan that has been adopted on some occasions of giving the wretch a chance for his life—a start, and the opportunity of dodging the bullets of the firing party. But it was more commonly covered by a report which described the trooper as having died of some disease. One officer has been known to give the disease in a particular case as

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Rh "rheumatism", deriving some satisfaction from the jocular remark that the boy suffered from stiffness—which, as he was lying dead in a scrub with a bullet through his bead, was quite true.

We will confine our instances to two, selecting recent ones—for the practice is not an old one, and has certainly not been abandoned. The cases occurred in the North.

The first case was that of a "boy" known as "Blondin." This trooper had "deserted"—that is, he had run away from one detachment to go back to the place from which he had been sent. The reason he gave for his action was that a gin belonging to his own tribe was attached to the camp to which he returned. The gin did no belong to him, but he seemed unwilling to leave the neighborhood even of a woman who belonged to the far-distant tribe from which be had been taken. He was arrested, handed over to an officer for punishment, and taken to the edge of a scrub and shot.

The next case was that of "Corney." This trooper had committed some offence of which we do not know the nature. He also was taken to a scrub, and found in a leaden bullet a sufficiently fatal disease to end his days.

The death—"execution" we presume it will be called—of one black trooper was accompanied by such circumstances of peculiar horror that it shows to what a depth white men may descend if compelled to follow the profession of a Native Police officer. The man to be shot was fastened to his gin by a handcuff secured round one ankle of each—the man and the woman. The white man having got both fastened in this manner, at the edge of a scrub, addressed the man in a sort of jocose tone, "You won't desert again, my man." Then he shot him. The wretched woman, nearly dead with fear, was compelled to drag the dead body into the scrub, where, after tormenting her by working on her terrors, the fastening was removed, and she was allowed to go free. This incident was told to two white men by the chief actor in it, and one of those men is our informant.

With this paper we propose to close the present series. It is not because our list is exhausted, unhappily that is of almost unlimited length. As we promised we would do in the beginning, we have only repeated stories which we had good reason to believe were true, and for which we could find authority that would be open to investigation by any properly constituted commission of enquiry. But we have at our disposal a mass of information which we cannot use. That information comes from men so situated that if it could be traced to them they would be exposed to much annoyance, and in some cases the danger of total ruin. Among these are men employed in the police force, who have been brought in unwilling contact with the system we have endeavored to illustrate. These men would be quite ready to give information if a genuine enquiry were instituted. The Government could verify all we have written from the evidence of their own officers if they really wished to do so. But the enquiries must be genuine, not of the merely official sort. As we have already explained, the basis of our system is the unwritten understanding that in dealing with the aboriginals those employed to suppress them may do what they please, provided they keep it quiet. They must not report, or if their official superiors require a report to silence the too pertinacious enquiries of some one who has an inkling of the truth, and is in a position that will not permit of his being ignored, they are expected to use language as the French cynic declared that it is commonly used—"to conceal the truth." The police employé who breaks this rigid but well understood rule imperils his position, and may length of service will not save him. Men cannot easily be found to incur their own ruin by speaking unwelcome truth, in order to expose conduct which the Government and Parliament of the colony expressly sanction. Let them, however, understand that the truth is really desired, and there will be no difficulty in obtaining it. And we have good reason to believe that not a few Native Police officers—men who have discharged their duty without unnecessary cruelty—and who themselves have often grown sick at heart over the work they have been compelled to do, would heartily welcome such an enquiry, for they would feel that it must lead to the establishment of a reformed system in which they could use their knowledge of the bush and of the natives in the performance of work which had nothing dishonorable about it, and, nothing which need fear the light of day. Till then such men must lie under the stigma which cannot fail to rest on the whole of a force which we treat so unfairly, and send out to do such abominable work.—Queenslander, July 3, 1880.

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Rh are now in press, whether for the three quarto volumes authorized, or for the compendium to be published in octavo. The quarto volumes are at the present date wholly in type, except about 150 pages of the volume on Industry. The Population volume will, it is anticipated, be laid upon the desks of members on the assembling of Congress, in December. The other volumes will follow with only such interval as is required for press-work and binding. The early completion of the census is a subject of congratulation, inasmuch as the use to be made of the statistics obtained with so much of labor and expense depends very greatly on the promptitude of publication. With such rapid changes of population and industry as occur in the United States, the census remains even approximately true but very few years after the date of enumeration. Every year, therefore, for which the publication of results is delayed, subtracts a large portion of the actual present utility of the census. There still remains, it is true, a secondary use, namely, for statistical retrospect and comparison, which is independent of this consideration. But the main object of the census, in which alone would be found the justification for so great an expenditure of labor and money, is its immediate use in directing the legislation and the industrial and social efforts of the present age. For this purpose, every month saved in publication amounts to a large positive addition to the value of the work.

The appropriation made at the last session of Congress for illustrating graphically the quarto volumes of the census has been expended with results which, it is believed, will meet with cordial recognition and approval from Congress and the country. No authority or appropriation exists for maps and charts to accompany the compendium in octavo, the copy for which is to-day sent to the Congressional Printer from the Census Office. The expense of illustrating in this style a work of which so large an edition is to be printed as of the compendium, would be very considerable, and I do not feel justified in making a distinct recommendation to that effect, but content myself with suggesting the matter, leaving it to Congress to determine whether the expenditure will be consistent with other calls upon the revenue. I do, however, strongly recommend that a statistical atlas of the United States, based upon the results of the Ninth Census, to contain a large number of maps, with appropriate text and tables, be authorized in an edition not exceeding five thousand, to be prepared under the direction of the Superintendent of the Census, for distribution to public libraries, learned societies, colleges, and academies, with a view to promote that higher kind of political education which has heretofore been so greatly neglected in this country, but toward which the attention of the general public, as well as of instructors and students, is now being turned with the most lively interest. The exact knowledge of our country should be the basis of this education; and it is in the power of Congress, by authorizing such a publication as is here recommended, to practically


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Rh THE ABORIGINAL COMMISSION.

May, 1876, the Governor, with the advice of the Executive Council, appointed five gentlemen commissioners for the purpose of enquiring into and ameliorating the condition of the aborigines. These gentlemen were Bishop Hale, and Messrs. A. C. Gregory, W. L. G. Drew, C. J. Graham, and W. Landsborough. Their duties, as specified in the commission, were to "enquire into and investigate the condition of the aboriginal inhabitants of our said colony, and to report from time to time to our Governor aforesaid upon the best means to be adopted—by legislative enactment or otherwise—for improving the condition of the said aboriginal inhabitants." They were given full power to summon and examine witnesses. In the letter accompanying the commission from the then Colonial Secretary, the following clause occurs:—"It is considered desirable that the commission should have, for the present at least, continuing powers; and that the attention of the commissioners should be given to the best means of reclaiming and benefiting the aborigines not only at Mackay, but throughout the colony."

The commission went to work. As a starting point there was in existence at Mackay a large reserve of 10,000 acres, on which Mr. Bridgman bad persuaded the blacks of that district to congregate—at least to make it their headquarters—and where he had succeeded in establishing a beneficial influence over them. Working on this foundation, they recommended the establishment of a school on the Mackay Reserve, for which a grant of money was made by Parliament. Mr. Bridgman having induced the blacks to undertake a certain amount of work, substantial school buildings and quarters for the protector were erected at a total cost of £90. Mr. MacGroarty, who was sent in June, 1878, to report on the school by the Department of Public Instruction, found that about twenty-three boys, of an average age of 9 or 10, had reached the standard of attainment of the two lowest classes of the primary schools. When it is remembered that they had to be taught the language in which instruction was conveyed to them, speaking only the usual "nigger English" when first brought to school, this progress may be regarded as very satisfactory. The general plan of the reserve system was adapted to reclaiming the blacks gradually, and without too violent a change from their natural habits. They were induced to work a little, and gradually weaned from their purposeless shiftless tribal life. Produce was raised on the reserve by the labors of the blacks for their own use and they were also allowed ad encouraged to engage in contracts for the neighboring sugar planters. It was desired in the first place to create a taste among them for a more settled and orderly life, so that a foundation might be laid for the inculcation of moral and religious sentiments. But the reserve was not a missionary establishment. With the young a different system was adopted. They were induced to attend school, with the results noticed above.

Other reserves were formed. At Bribie a little group of the blacks of Moreton Bay were established and cared for under the supervision of Mr. Thomas Petrie. Near Bowen and Townsville other centres for instruction in the rudiments of civilisation were established under the supervision of local committees. In these places the experiment promised well, but it was not permitted to have much chance of success. The commission, seeing from the facts that had come under their observation that it was possible to ameliorate to a considerable extent the condition of the coast blacks, made recommendations to the Government involving the expenditure of an increased sum of money. In September, 1878, the Premier moved in committee a grant of £1,600. The motion was rejected without division and almost without discussion, the ground alleged, by those who spoke against it, for their opposition being that an expiring Parliament should not enter on what was practically a new undertaking. The commission were thus left without funds, and obliged to abandon their work. Finally, in March, 1879, Bishop Hale having written to the Colonial Secretary as chairman of the commissions, asking whether there was any official report confirming a statement which appeared in the Courier of a wholesale massacre of blacks near Cooktown by Sub-inspector O'Connor, received a brief letter in reply declining to answer any questions. This practically ended the career of the commission. With no funds to do anything, and being unable to get a civil answer to questions which by their constitution they were certainly entitled to ask, their existence was practically ended, and Mr. Drew formally resigned.

The subjoined letter will give the history of the Mackay Reserve—the only one in existence—to the present time:—

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 18 and cannot be devoted to the purpose for which Comte employed it. Spencer's is a formal or logical classification, Comte's a genetic or serial one. The former shows the relations of coexistence among the sciences, the latter those of sequence and natural subordination. Spencer's is essentially a statical presentation of the facts, Comte's a dynamic one. The most important thing to determine was the natural order in which the sciences stand—not how they can be made to stand, but how they must stand, irrespective of the wishes of any one. What is true cannot be made truer. The world may question it and attack it and "hawk at it and tear it" but it will survive. It makes no difference either how humble the source from which the truth may emanate. It is not a question of authority. If it is truth it may come from a carpenter of Nazareth or from an attic in the Latin Quarter; sooner or later all the world will accept it. One of the most convincing proofs of the truth of Comte's system is found in the fact that Spencer himself, notwithstanding all his efforts to overthrow it, actually adopted it in the arrangement of the sciences in his synthetic philosophy and has never suggested that they should be otherwise arranged.

But any such sweeping classification of the sciences must recognize the necessity of the broadest generalization, and must not attempt to work into the general plan any of the sciences of the lower orders. The generalization must go on until all the strictly coordinate groups of the highest order are found, and then these must be arranged in their true and only natural order. This Comte accomplished by taking as the criterion of the position of each the degree of what he called "positivity," which is simply the degree to which the phenomena can be exactly determined. This, as may be readily seen, is also a measure of their relative complexity, since the exactness of a science is in inverse proportion to its complexity. The degree of exactness or positivity is, moreover, that to which it can be subjected to mathematical demonstration, and therefore mathematics, which is not itself a concrete science, is the general gauge by which the position of every science is to be determined. Generalizing thus


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 20 mathematicians, astronomers, and physicists say the same for these great departments of science. Every chemist, anatomist, and physiologist must be acquainted with French thought on these subjects. It was Lamarck who really broke the way to the new biology and gave it its name. Political economy, with all its merits and defects, orignated with the physiocrats. In the very word altruism Comte laid the foundation of a scientific ethics. And for moral power in fiction what author has approached Victor Hugo? The French mind penetrates to the very heart of every problem it attacks and is not deterred by practical obstacles. It has thus been the great organizer of human thought, leaving the details and frictional hindrances to the German and English schools. France has furnished the warp of science and philosophy, other nations their woof.

What has been said of astronomy and the sciences that fall within its far-reaching scope is also true of the other great groups. It is not necessary to give illustrations in all, but biology furnishes some that are specially instructive. Biology is the science of life and as such includes all that has life. Its principal branches are therefore vegetal and animal life. Yet biology is neither botany nor zoölogy, nor both combined. These, it is true, fall under it, but only in the same sense that geology and geography fall under astronomy. And just as the great bulk of geology and geography are not astronomy at all, so the greater part of both botany and zoölogy is not biology at all. This principle holds of all truly logical classification. The lower terms of any system of generalization always contain much more than the next higher. They stand under them, but all that belongs properly to them as lower terms does not belong to the higher terms but is additional to what is necessary to characterize them. This is well illustrated in both botany and zoölogy as systematic sciences. All classification here as elsewhere is what is called synoptical. In arranging the species of a great natural order they are always divided into first large and then progressively smaller and smaller groups. The order is divided into coordinate families, each family into coördinate genera, and each genus into


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 22 to understand the true scope of that science. This is specially important because there exists considerable confusion upon this point. The greatest difficulty has been that of distinguishing it from political ecomony or economics. It has naturally happened that it fell to teachers of that science to take up sociology also and give instructions in that, and from the long recognition of economics as a necessary branch of learning and the recent appearance of sociology upon the scene it has been concluded by some that this young aspirant for a place in the curriculum must necessarily be some subordinate outgrowth of the older science. But from the considerations already set forth it is obvious that this is an erroneous view. Comte's conception is of course widely different, as he makes it one of the great coordinate groups of his so-called hierarchy and as such to embrace everything that pertains to man as a social being, But before considering this claim let us examine the views of one of the foremost political economists of the world, Mr. John Stuart Mill, and this at a date anterior to the publication of Comte's name or his method. Mill saw that there was a great science of society as yet unnamed and undefined, and in striving after these two ends he used the three expressions: "social economy," "speculative politics," and "the science of politics," and then proceeded to define the scope of this great science as follows:


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 24 while economics belongs within the great field of sociology, there should be no confusion or overlapping in speaking of these sciences or in teaching them, so that nothing that clearly belongs to economics should be treated as sociology. While in so complex a field of phenomena it may be difficult in practice to draw the distinction thus definitely and always maintain it, this should be the constant aim and ideal both of the teacher and the social philosopher. If this is done there will be no such thing possible as a conflict between them, or of the cultivators of one of these sciences encroaching upon the domain of the other. In some of the simpler sciences this complete separation of the superior from the subordinate fields is less difficult. In astronomy, for example it is easy. Who ever heard of a geologist complaining that the astronomers were encroaching upon his domain? With the degree of complexity, however, the clearness of these distinctions diminishes in the maze of special details, until when the field of social action is reached it requires a skilled pilot to keep the thought-laden craft safely within the true channel of logical consistency. Yet the course exists as definitely in the one case as in the other, and it must be found and followed before the present confusion can be cleared up. It has been my purpose thus far simply to indicate that course and to show what I conceive the science of sociology to be as distinguished from all those special sciences which, indeed, fall within its general purview, but which are entitled to be cultivated, and have been cultivated, as sciences. I have taken economics as an example because it seems to be most prone to overflow into the broader field, and because it is out of this department that sociologists are now being chiefly recruited. But there are many other sciences or branches of learning that occupy practically the some relative position. It is here that history stands, while ethnology, ethnography and demography, with other attendant branches of anthropology, bear so strongly upon the great science of man in the social state that it is difficult to prevent them from forcing their way into it. And each of these has its specialized phenomena to be set aside and cultivated as


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 26 other generic branches should first be prosecuted as constituting the necessary preparation for the study of the higher ordinal principles.

And apropos of this purely pedagogic question, let me emphasize another principle which we also owe to Comte. I have called his system a natural system, and I use that term in the same sense here as when, as a botanist, I speak of the natural system of plants. The order is the order of nature and not of man, and the several sciences not only stand naturally in this order but are genetically affiliated upon one another in this order. That is, each of the five great natural groups rests upon the one immediately below it and grows out of it, as it were. From this it necessarily results that this is the true order in which they should be studied, since the study of each furnishes the mind with that proper data for understanding the next higher. The student, therefore, who advances in this order is approaching the goal of his ambition by two distinct routes which converge at the desired stage. He is laying the foundation for the understanding of the more complex sciences by acquainting himself with the simpler ones upon which they successively rest, and he is at the same time mounting upward in the scale of generalization from the specific and generic to the ordinal or higher groups in a systematic classification. The natural arrangement of the great coördinate groups is serial and genetic. The term "hierarchy" applied to it by Comte is inappropriate, since there is no subordination but simply degrees of generality and complexity. There is genetic affiliation without subordination. The more complex and less exact sciences may be regarded as the children of the more simple and exact ones, but between parent and offspring there is no difference of rank. In contrast with this, the other classification, which I have called synoptical, is a true hierarchy, such as was taught to exist among the angels. It will be easier to comprehend if we liken it to the system of ranking that prevails in an army. The two kinds of classification are entirely different in principle, and the last named occurs independently in each of the great serial groups.


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 IS OUR REPUBLIC A FAILURE?

prominently connected with the diplomatic service of a European nation said to me a few years ago: "You must remember that your republic is even now merely an experiment. A century is nothing in the history of a nation. And it is yet to be proved that a democratic government on a large scale is a practicable thing."

I think we must admit that so far he was quite right. He was convinced, it might be added, that already signs of failure are obvious. He has no faith that the experiment will succeed. He insists that democracy, as in the days of Caesar and Cromwell and Napoleon, must lead to autocracy.

Is he right in this also?

We must bear in mind that our government is not merely a republic. Holland under the stadtholders was that, and so was Venice. But both were profoundly aristocratic. Each was in fact ruled by a small oligarchy. But with us the basis of government is popular. We are a democracy—a democratic republic.

Of course it is not intended by that to imply that with us all the people share in government. From the nature of the case that is and always must be a physical impossibility. Even altogether aside from the question of woman suffrage, it is obvious that there will always be a large number of children and an appreciable number of criminals and persons of disordered and weak mind who should not be entrusted with political power. The real difference, then, between what we call an oligarchy and what we call a democracy is that in the former the political people are few, in the latter the political people are many. Of course in a modern state by the political people we mean those


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 30 No atheists, no free-thinkers, no Jews, no Roman Catholics, no man, in short, who was not a believer in some form of the Protestant faith, could ever be governor of New Jersey, New Hampshire, Connecticut, or Vermont. Any rich Christian might be the executive of Massachusetts or Maryland. Elsewhere he must be a Trinitarian and a believer in the divine authority of the Bible, or acknowledge one God, believe in heaven and hell, and be ready to declare openly that every word in the Testaments, both old and new, was divinely inspired. Not content with restrictions such as these, many states went further, and required that the governor should not only be pious but rich. In one he must have an estate of £100, in another of £500, in another of £5000, in another of £10,000.

All these limitations have disappeared. Some of our states have governors who are not rich. And there are some governors who are not pious. In short, the number of men legally eligible to that high oflfice has largely increased. There are very few men of full age in this audience who, should they be elected, could not be governor of this state, or a member of either house of our general assembly.

I suppose that the essence of a republic lies in the absence of hereditary tenure of public office. And it is quite true that we are not blessed in this country with a Prince of Wales who will become chief magistrate of the nation merely because his great-grandfather held that exalted station; or with an upper house of the national legislature constructed on the same wise plan. It has been said that to educate a boy one should begin with his grandfather. It is not so sure that that is the best way to make a congressman. In short, rightly or wrongly, the republic chooses live men as its officers. The monarchy submits to dead men. It is the mouldering bones of old George the First which in fact fill the English throne. But it would not be easy for the plain man to prove that our President ever had a grandfather.

Here, then, is a form of government to all whose offices many thousands of men are eligible, and to whose elective franchise nearly every man of full age is entitled. It is a democratic republic. And from its inception in 1776 to the present day it


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 32 extraordinary growth in the number and variety of restrictions on the legislative power. And each individual one of these restrictions has been the result of some abuse.

And this historical fact is equally true of our local legislatures in municipal affairs. City councils have been stripped of power after power, until in New York and Brooklyn they are mere shadows. And in Chicago few people would mourn if the common council were nothing more than a shadow.

Here, then, is a fact in constitutional history. The development of our organic law since the republic was founded exhibits a growing distrust of legislatures and an incessant multiplication of measures calculated to hedge them about with restrictions.

And this state of public opinion, so clearly reflected in constitutional enactments, has become deeply impressed on the public consciousness.

Nothing is more common than the opinion that our legislative bodies, from Congress to the common council, are both ignorant and venal. We all remember the case of the young member of Congress from the far west, who, when he first took his seat and listened with awe to the speeches of his colleagues whose names had been to him household words, audibly expressed the wonder how in thunder he got there. After he had been a member for a year he wondered how in thunder any of them got there. More than one business man since 1893 has despairingly wished that Congress would adjourn for ten years. And in his old age one day Gouverneur Morris remarked to John Jay: "Jay, what a set of damned scoundrels we had in that Second (Continental) Congress." And Jay assented. This was the Congress which declared our independence and waged the Revolutionary War.

And the periodical adjournment of our state legislatures is usually welcomed with a sigh of relief. It is well understood that these bodies as a rule are not independent lawmakers. They move only as the wires are pulled by their various masters, political and financial. The taint of jobbery and bribery infects them. The lobby has come to be called "the third house" —


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 34 One form of this is the tyranny of aggregated wealth. It is too late a day in the history of modern society to deplore the union of capital in masses for the accomplishment of ends which can only be attained by vast financial power. The achievements of today consist in the application of tremendous controlled energies in the overcoming of gigantic obstacles. We transport our merchandise not in single wagons loaded with hundred-weight and hauled by creeping oxen, but in long trains crammed with hundreds of tons and whirled through space by powerful steam engines. We build bridges not over rivulets but over arms of the sea—measuring their length not in rods but miles. And in all the infinity of great undertakings which engage the restless activities of our leaders of industry, capital is demanded, not in thousands, but in millions—not in millions, but in hundreds of millions. How else could we cleave the continent with the Nicaragua canal or span it with the steel rails of our Pacific highways? The nineteenth century is not the eighteenth. Today is not yesterday. Capital must be massed in order to work out the plain and necessary tasks which with their gigantic difficulties confront us with our gigantic powers.

But in wielding great resources for the attainment of grand results, the individual has withered. The rights and interests of a single puny human unit, if in the way, are crushed as if by a car of Juggernaut. The general of an army thinks of his men as so many machines. That they have nerves, hopes, longings, affections, of all this he takes no thought. So many men he allows to be destroyed in exchange for a battery. So many more he gladly sacrifices for a strategic point. That is war. And so in the business of our great corporations. The employés are too apt to be held as mere cogs or pinions in the machinery. If men could be fabricated of brass and leather, to be set going by changing a power belt, to be stopped by touching a lever, our corporations would gladly discard flesh and blood. But as the human brain and the human hand must be employed, they are handled as nearly as possible as though in fact they were of brass


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 36 But—when the union denies to any man the right to earn his living by any honest work which he chooses—when physical violence is used to enforce this denial—then there is a tyranny as utter and as brutal as any ever wielded by absolute monarch. Freedom is a cherished boon in this American republic. Our forefathers gave their blood and their lives to win it. And we their children will not easily yield it at the demand of any man or of any body of men.

Bearing in mind, then, the imbecility of one vital branch of our republican form of government, the grasping and pitiless tyranny of aggregated capital, and the equally brutal tyranny of aggregated labor, it is well to ask ourselves seriously the question whether these ominous dangers are inherent in our republican democracy. They are sapping the national strength. They are disintegrating the national conscience. They are corrupting the national heart. Can we escape them by a monarchy? Is aristocracy really the government of the best? Was the declaration of independence in truth the beginning of our woes?

In trying to answer these questions we should remember in the first place that democracy brings all things into the light. Democracy is eternally inquisitive. The "bright, keen sunlight of publicity" brings out every blemish, searches into every flaw. Our ladies will assure us that it is only a perfect complexion which will stand a blaze of direct light. Shadows and cloudy days soften rugged outlines. It is just so in the state. Surely no autocracy could be more absolute than that of Russia. And could free speech and a free press exploit the reserve of that autocratic administration, there is little doubt that there would be revealed a corruption which would out-Tammany Tammany itself. In other words, we may be very sure that we know the very worst of our democracy. But who knows the quiet things which underlie the smooth surface of hereditary aristocracy? Now and then a Stead drags them into daylight—and he goes to prison for his pains. Now and then a Bastile is stormed—and the secrets of the prison crypts are revealed. Nepotism and sinecures, too, are the horror of democracy—they are the


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 38 towards individual freedom and individual responsibility. And that is only another way of saying democracy. Shifting the responsibility to some heaven-born ruler is mere cowardice. It is putting off the inevitable. Seek to evade it as we may, sooner or later men must find themselves everywhere face to face with the issue of self-government. Europe today is vastly more democratic than it was when our Continental Congress declared the independence of these United States. Universal suffrage rules European legislation from the Atlantic to the borders of Russia. Aristocratic power is stubborn. But it is slipping away. One might as well try to swim up Niagara Falls as attempt to set back this on-rushing tide of democracy.

And it is the glory of our fathers that they looked into the future with the eye of the seer. They dared to cut loose from the hereditary systems of the old world. They dared at that early day to assume, for themselves and their posterity, the responsibility of self-guidance. And that responsibility now rests on us.

It is evident that self-control means conscience and honor. And it is these qualities which a democracy pre-eminently needs. Here is the lack of our age. Democracy means individualism. And that has too fatefully come to mean yielding to the individual desire. It is what I want—or what I think I want—not what I ought—which determines my action. And so my moral strength becomes flabby. Here is the secret of the yielding of personal honesty to corporate unscrupulousness. Here is the secret of legislative corruption. More—here is the secret of that laxness of the family tie which is fattening our divorce courts and starving our delicate sense of duty. The ideal of the republic should not be sensuous ease, but fearless honor. Luxury and display belong to old world courts. He is not fit to live in the freedom of a republic who does not scorn a bribe—who does not look on personal dishonor as on bodily filth.

I believe profoundly that in our people there is a soundness at the heart which no superficial corruption can infect. We have met great dangers in our national history. And we have conquered them. The day in honor of which we are here assembled


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 40 thought of the men of '76 will be to us always the inspiration which we need. They cared more for honor and for self respecting liberty than for property or for life. And inspired by that spirit our republic can never fail.


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Rh possessed of the elective franchise. These in our country are now about one person in five of the whole population. If women were admitted to vote on equal terms with men the proportion would presumably be about two persons in five.

This then is the first characteristic of a political democracy. The political people are relatively very numerous.

The second characteristic is eligibility to public office. With us this is nearly as unlimited as the elective franchise. The age limit is somewhat higher, and occasionally there is a residence limitation also. To be sure no one can be president of the United States who is less than thirty-five years old. But, inasmuch as there are several millions of men in the various states who are above that age, and as these include practically all who under almost any supposable circumstances would be considered possibilities, we can hardly call the limitation a drastic one. Certainly there is never any dearth of candidates.

Compare this with the French law just preceding the revolution of 1848, which required the payment of direct taxes amounting to $2,000 a year as a condition of eligibility to sit in the lower house of the national legislature. By this means frequently there were not more than fifty men in a department who were thus eligible. Suppose the case that only fifty men in Illinois were legally qualified for membership in the national house of representatives! In fact we have the privilege of choosing our members from at least a half million men.

In both these respects, then—eligibility for the suffrage and eligibility to office—we are very democratic. And not only that—for the whole of our history we have steadily been becoming more democratic. A hundred years ago, the property qualification was required for suffrage in nearly all the states. It has been swept away. And thus the proportional number of voters has been greatly increased.

At the time of our revolutionary war, the most of the states restricted eligibility to hold office by requirements of property or religious belief. I quote from McMaster (III. 148):


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 Rh has been steadily growing more democratic and more republican.

Is it a failure?

There is no room for the cheerful optimism which sees only the glories of the republic. The true patriot must scan anxiously its dangers as well. And the thoughtful mind must admit that in our public life there are some undoubted and alarming evils.

Of these, perhaps, none is more grave than the disappearance of public confidence in our legislative bodies.

Our revolt from Great Britain was an escape from submission to a rule to which we did not consent. And we entered on a career of independence in cheerful confidence that now we should have our own way and all would be well. We would not be taxed by Parliament—a body in which we were not represented. We would be taxed only by our own legislatures. Our legislatures were the representatives of the people, and surely the people could govern themselves.

But gradually it was learned that these representatives could not altogether be trusted. This was a surprising revelation. But in the effort to guard the public against these agents of the public our state constitutions have been loaded with restrictions on the legislative power. A long and increasing series of acts has been flatly forbidden. The appointing power and veto power of the governor have been greatly increased. The courts have been carefully vested with the power of scrutinizing legislation and nullifying such as conflicts with the organic law.

In the first constitution of the state of New York almost nothing was expressly forbidden to the legislature. In the last constitution of that state there are pages of distinct prohibitions on that body, besides a considerable number of powers, once legislative, but now vested in other authorities.

The first constitution of Illinois gave the legislature the power of electing nearly all state officials below the governor. The present constitution of this state has taken away practically all this authority.

These are mere illustrations. To the student of the development of our state constitutions nothing is more striking than the


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 Rh and the lobby as a rule means bribery, direct or indirect. It is a regular thing for "sand-bagging" bills to be introduced, whose only object is to extort money from wealthy interests which the bills threaten. And on the other hand the most salutary measures often fail if they antagonize the profits of powerful corporations. Meanwhile legitimate legislative business is choked by a mass of bills, while the vicious committee system puts it in the power of small cliques to smother at will almost any measure they please. Our legislatures are no longer deliberative bodies.

As to our city councils, the very name in our large cities has become malodorous. If one should explain to this audience that in German cities membership in the municipal council gives valuable social rank, an involuntary grin would ripple from the platform to the door. Such a notion seems to us quite weirdly grotesque. We are surprised and thankful if one more than a third in such a body will occasionally vote against corrupt measures. And when a man of character and standing consents to an election to the council, the community looks on it as almost quixotically self-sacrificing. Is it not a fact that we have come to expect much more from the President of the United States than from Congress—that we look to the governors of our states for protection from the crude and corrupt action of our legislatures—and that civic reform is embodied in the mayor? It may be admitted that states occasionally have selected for their chief magistrates some very extraordinary individuals. About two years ago there was an eruption of wild-eyed governors in several states—political pimples, indicative of poison in the blood of the body politic. But after all that was an incident—one on the whole which has occurred rather seldom. And on the other hand, can any one at this moment point to any state legislature which is clearly and unmistakably as valuable to the public as the few executives in question were valueless?

A second grave fact which confronts us is the actual tyranny which prevails at too many points and at too many times in the republic.


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 Rh and leather. "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself" was not addressed to a modern corporation.

And it is not merely the employé whose rights and feelings are disregarded. The classic remark of a great captain of industry when the interests of the public were mentioned to him, was, "The public be damned." And that was merely a coarse and blunt expression of the actual spirit of nearly all corporate action. The legal fiction of a soulless corporation is the expression of a biting social fact. The corporation has no soul. It has no heart. It is only a brain and a muscular, grasping hand.

And so it is that in dealing with employés and in dealing with the public our corporations are in fact too often a tyranny remorseless as that against which our fathers rebelled in 1776.

Now, observe, I speak of corporations, not of their members. A man may have a conscience of his own. But it is a strange fact that in combined action the moral temperature of the mass is always lower than that of its individuals. Political parties as such do things which their component individuals would scorn. Nations in their intercourse today follow little more than the brutal principles of the middle ages. And the conscienceless tyranny of too many of our financial combinations is a tendency as inevitable as that of gravitation. It is not necessarily and only the product of the shameless wickedness of the units of the corporation. When an express train thunders over the shrinking form of a child who has fallen on the tracks, it crushes remorselessly the quivering flesh and the tender bones and the thrilling nerves. The pity of it—the pity of it! And yet vituperation at the engineer, or the conductor, or the directors, is idle. See if blame rests on them, surely. But turn your best energies to finding a device such that hereafter a child cannot fall on the track.

There is another form of modern tyranny in our republic. The union of employés is as inevitable as the union of capital. Labor organizations and corporations are the two poles of the modern industrial world. And no one can deny that in union the laboring man has found strength.


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 Rh commonplace of aristocracy. We must allow, then, for this difference of publicity and for this difference of emphasis. The first English slave trader, John Hawkins, was rewarded with knighthood by Queen Elizabeth. The last slave trader of Saxon race was not knighted. He was hanged in New York harbor. There is a difference in the point of view.

Again, we must remember that after all the most serious issue is not governmental. It is social. The real question is not—Is republican government a failure? It is this—Is modern civilization a failure? The same flagrant corruption has been seen under monarchical forms. The second empire in France was rotten to the core. It was not a lack of French valor which caused France to go down before the German artillery at Sedan. It was the swindling contractors, the fraudulent officials, the imbecile administration. Was the empire a failure? Yes—but only as falseness permeated official France.

Could public life be worse than it was in England under the Georges! Bribery reigned supreme in parliament. Boroughs were known to advertise in the public prints that they would sell their seats in the House of Commons to the highest bidder. The union with Ireland was carried through in 1800 by processes which would put our most cynical lobbyists to the blush. Sinecures in church and state, pensions and peerages for infamous services, were as thick as blackberries.

And the tyranny of banded capitalists, on the one hand, and of banded toilers, on the other, is as strenuous in monarchical Europe as in democratic America.

I repeat—the prime question is social. And it is gravely menacing throughout all the civilized nations. The truth is that democracy merely strips away disguises and puts us face to face with the facts. Monarchy and aristocracy are an evasion of the issue—they temporize. It is idle for men to try to avoid personal responsibility. The crucial question of the ages is simply this: Can men govern themselves? The affirmative is civilization—the negative is barbarism. The whole trend of modern life—the sweep of modern progress—is


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 Rh meant that a crisis had come. It could only be met by personal sacrifice—by fearless devotion to principle. The people rose to the needs of the occasion. They pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor. And they were victorious.

There came a second crisis, as grave as that of 1776. The republic seemed likely to fall to pieces. But the men who had frustrated the tyranny of George III. were ready to do battle with civil anarchy also. They formed a constitution and put it in force. And the second great danger was faced and routed.

In 1861 came the third great crisis. There was a fatal ambiguity in the organic law to be settled—there was an "irrepressible conflict" in local institutions to be harmonized. Wisdom was lacking to find a peaceful way out. And the solution was in blood. But there was a national heroism which again pledged "life, fortune and sacred honor." The Civil War is over. We are far enough from it to rejoice that the nation is still a nation, and at the same time to do reverence to the devoted patriotism both of victors and of vanquished. Grant at Appomattox was victorious, but not vindictive. Robert Lee lost his campaign, but never his honor. They both were Americans. And as the Englishman of today is equally proud of fiery Prince Rupert and of the stern Puritan Ironsides against whom his cavaliers were shattered, so in coming years the American will thrill alike at the story of Burnside's men at Marye's Heights and of Pickett's Virginians at Gettysburg. Their common glory belongs to our common country.

If there was enough stubborn vitality in the American people to carry them through these great national perils, is it likely that we shall succumb to those now impending?

I do not believe it. We shall learn how to deal with faithless and incompetent legislatures. We shall learn how to adapt our civilization to new forms of social organization. We shall learn a more delicate sense of public honor. We shall learn how to stand together in all the states as one man in stern opposition to political swindlers, whatever name they may assume. And in all our difficulties and in the stress of our most bitter strife, the


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Rh admitted even by those who regard them as evanescent and illegitimate. Incalculable moral energies are generated by the emotional enthusiasm of religious societies. We cannot understand the social movements of our age without reckoning with these forces, and we cannot promote the helpful agencies of amelioration without enlisting them.

On the other hand, these currents and torrents of religious feeling have great need of the precise methods, the painstaking knowledge of details, the exact measurement of available power, the clairvoyant common sense of the scientific mind. The mill streams of New England run to waste until they are harnessed to suitable machinery.

It is to the interest of society at large that these two distinct but complementary methods of study should not be set in endless conflict. Sociology is not identical with theology, and has not the same intellectual task. Its scientific procedure lies entirely within the range of the phenomena of an observed social order. It does not profess to pronounce upon the metaphysical soundness of the fundamental religious faiths: that is the function of theology.

This does not mean that the facts of the religious life, in consciousness, conduct and institutions can be ignored by sociology. Every work on social science, even from an author who regards religion as a transitory dream of unenlightened men, must have its chapters on religious forces and ecclesiastical institutions.

Nor, in distinguishing the two fields of study, sociology and theology, are we suggesting that sociology is or can be a subject indifferent to the religious thinker or practical leader. On the contrary we most strenuously urge that sociology, even in its present initial stage, is the most immediately useful scientific instrument for the teacher of ethics and religion. The sociological method is already beginning to revolutionize the mode of thinking in theology, in exegesis, in church history, in ethics, and in pulpit rhetoric. It is an effort to know the life of mankind in its kinship, in its widest and most essential aspects, in its revelations of a moral order, in its suggestions of a ground of universal being which is essentially just and good. It has already helped to formulate some of the essential conditions of wise philanthropy and of the progressive realizations of the highest ideals yet attained by the best souls of the race.


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Ladenburg, Albert

LADENBURG, ALBERT (1842-1911), German chemist, was born at Mannheim July 2 1842. He was educated at a Realgymnasium at Mannheim and after the age of 15 at the technical school of Karlsruhe, proceeding to the university of Heidelberg, where he graduated as doctor of philosophy (1863). From 1863 to 1867 he first studied organic chemistry under A. Kekule at Ghent, then visited England, studied in Paris and with Ch. Friedel and Wurtz, and returned to teach at Heidelberg. In 1873 he went to Kiel as professor of chemistry and director of the laboratory, remaining there until 1889 when he went to the university of Breslau in the same capacity. He was made an honorary member of the Pharmaceutical Society of Great Britain in 1886 and received the Hanbury medal for original research in chemistry in 1889. Details of his work, especially in connexion with benzene derivatives, are given in 6.53, 55 and 942; 11.215; 20.430; 25.892 and 21.635. He published Entwicklungsgeschichte der Chemie von Lavoisier bis zur Gegenwart (1868) and other works on chemistry, collaborated in a Handwörterbuch der Chemie (13 vols., 1882-96), and wrote a volume of reminiscences, Lebenserinnerungen (1912). He died at Breslau Aug. 15 1911.


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User:RobertHannah89

Please visit my Wikipedia user page instead! You will find information about my Wiki-related activities there :)

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 MINOR EDITORIALS.

THE EPITAPH OF SOCIOLOGY.

definition of sociology has been "a long felt want." The lack is now supplied. The Bibliotheca Sacra projects its view into the near future and reads from the portents that sociology is "Passing Fad." This settles it. Let the definition be the epitaph!

Meanwhile the craze will survive in the minds of a few less discerning people than the discoverer of its futility. In the reckless spirit of those other gross and sordid souls who refuse to be diverted from their ordinary avocations by the latest prediction of the end of the world, we shall pursue the illusion that the study of actual men in actual social relations will continue to reward the student, and through him bless mankind at large, during a considerable portion of the twentieth century. At all events we shall not suspend publication before current subscriptions expire.

THE LIMITS OF "CHRISTIAN SOCIOLOGY." following note explains itself:
 * It seems tome that Professor Shailer Mathews' suggestion in your pages that we may properly use the term "Christian Sociology" to designate the social philosophy of Christ as we use Hegelian, Baconian, Aristotelian of the philosophy of Hegel, Bacon and Aristotle is a conclusive answer to those who deny the propriety of the term "Christian Sociology." But a remark of Rodbertus, quoted and approved by Uhlhorn (Christian Charity in the Ancient Church, p. 29) is a yet more fundamental defense of the term under consideration. Rodbertus and Uhlhorn show that "we can speak of a community (that is, of society) only after Christianity had formed such." That all the human beings in one locality, in one nationality, in the world, including women, children, slaves, foreigners, constitute in each case a community, of which each soul is a sacred unit and the whole a common race, has never been clearly apprehended or practically


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 510 recognized in law and customs outside of Christianity. To the question, then, whether there be such a thing as Christian sociology, we answer, there is no other. , Washington, D. C.

Our reply is that the term "Christian Sociology " is used in the only justifiable sense in the inductive studies of the social doctrines of Jesus contributed to this Journal by Professor Mathews. This is not the sense in which the people who are most strenuous for its use have employed it, and in which they wish license to employ it. They want to make it a means of inflating the stock of sociological ignorance on which they are trying to do business.

Whether Jesus taught more or less truth that must be assimilated in ultimate sociology, that truth was a very small and—in form, at least,—incidental portion of his whole teaching. It is perfectly competent to digest and organize these sociological teachings, and it is entirely appropriate to name the resulting system "Christian Sociology." In a precisely parallel way it would be possible to derive a "Homeric Ethics" or a "Shakespearean Psychology."

The belief of Christians that every thing which Jesus taught is true, seems to be changed by some zealous Christians into the form "nothing which Jesus omitted to teach is true." Hence, the alternatives of importing into the teachings of Jesus everything which it seems desirable to believe, or to limit the realm of research to the subjects upon which he discoursed. The people who adopt either of these alternatives are bound to defend their consistency by denying the authority of anything supposed to be discovered from sources outside the New Testament.

The effrontery of much of the teaching which labels itself Christian Sociology is unspeakable. Its platform is, "Christ knew everything; therefore, by virtue of calling myself a Christian, I know everything." Consequently men who understood neither Christianity nor sociology assume the right to call themselves "Christian Sociologists" and to teach their own version of both.

We do not object to the use of the term "Christian Sociology," but we decidedly object to ignorant and opinionated abuse of it. The fundamental principles of human relationship which Jesus expounded must be recognized and applied in any permanently successful social


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24 Nature has been one of enormous rapidity within the historical period, and within the last two centuries has led on the one hand to immensely increased facilities in the application of mechanical power, in locomotion, in agriculture, and in endless arts and industries; and on the other hand to the mitigation of disease and pain. The men whom we may designate as 'the Nature-searchers'—those who founded the New Philosophy of the Invisible College at Oxford and the Royal Society in London—have placed boundless power in the hands of mankind.

But to many the greatest result achieved by the progress of Natural Knowledge seems not to have been so much in its practical applications and its material gifts to humanity as in the fact that Man has arrived through it at spiritual emancipation and freedom of thought.

In the latter part of the last century man's place in Nature became clearly marked out by the accumulation of definite evidence. The significance and the immeasurable importance of the knowledge of Nature to philosophy and the highest regions of speculative thought are expressed in the lines of one who most truly and with keenest insight embodied in his imperishable verse the wisdom and the aspirations of the Victorian age:—

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Rh To many the nearer approach to that 'understanding' has seemed the greatest and a sufficient result of scientific researches. The recognition that such an understanding leads to such vast knowledge would seem to ensure further and combined effort to bring it nearer and nearer to the complete form, even if the perfect understanding of the 'all in all' be for ever unattainable. Nevertheless, the clearer apprehension, so recently attained, of man's origin, and destiny, and of the enormous powers of which he has actually the control, has not led to any very obvious change in the attitude of responsible leaders of human activity in the great civilized communities of the world. They still attach little or no importance to the acquirement of a knowledge of Nature: they remain fixed in the old ruts of traditional ignorance, and obstinately turn their faces towards the past, still believing that the teachings and sayings of antiquity and the contemplation, not to say the detailed enumeration, of the blunders and crimes of its ancestors, can furnish mankind with the knowledge necessary for its future progress. The comparative failure of what may be called the speculative triumph of the New Philosophy to produce immediate practical consequences has even led some among those prejudiced by custom and education in favour of the exclusive employment of man's thought and ingenuity in the delineation and imaginative resurrection of the youthful follies and excesses of his race, to declare that the knowledge of Nature is a failure, the New Philosophy of the Nature-searchers a fraud. Thus the well-known French publicist M. Brunettière has taken upon himself to declare what he calls the Bankruptcy of Science.

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26

As a matter of fact the new knowledge of Nature—the newly-ascertained capacity of man for a control of Nature so thorough as to be almost unlimited—has not as yet had an opportunity for showing what it can do. A lull after victory, a lethargic contentment, has to some extent followed on the crowning triumphs of the great Nature-searchers whose days were numbered with the closing years of that nineteenth century which through them marks an epoch. No power has called on man to arise and enter upon the possession of his kingdom—the 'Regnum Hominis' foreseen by Francis Bacon and pictured by him to an admiring but incredulous age with all the fervour and picturesque detail of which he was capable. And yet at this moment the mechanical difficulties, the want of assurance and of exact knowledge, which necessarily prevented Bacon's schemes from taking practical shape, have been removed. The will to possess and administer this vast territory alone is wanting.

Within the last few years an attempt to spur the will of Englishmen in this direction has been made by some who have represented that this way lie great fortunes, national ascendancy, imperial domination. The effort has not met with much success. On the other hand, I speak for those who would urge the conscious and deliberate assumption of his kingdom by Man—not as a matter of markets and of increased opportunity for the cosmopolitan dealers in finance—but as an absolute duty, the fulfilment of Man's destiny6, a necessity the

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Rh incidence of which can only be deferred and not avoided.

This is, indeed, the definite purpose of my discourse: to point out that civilized man has proceeded so far in his interference with extra-human nature, has produced for himself and the living organisms associated with him such a special state of things by his rebellion against natural selection and his defiance of Nature's pre-human dispositions, that he must either go on and acquire firmer control of the conditions or perish miserably by the vengeance certain to fall on the half-hearted meddler in great affairs. We may indeed compare civilized man to a successful rebel against Nature who by every step forward renders himself liable to greater and greater penalties, and so cannot afford to pause or fail in one single step. Or again we may think of him as the heir to a vast and magnificent kingdom who has been finally educated so as to fit him to take possession of his property, and is at length left alone to do his best; he has wilfully abrogated, in many important respects, the laws of his mother Nature by which the kingdom was hitherto governed; he has gained some power and advantage by so doing, but is threatened on every hand by dangers and disasters hitherto restrained: no retreat is possible—his only hope is to control, as he knows that he can, the sources of these dangers and disasters. They already make him wince: how long will he sit listening to the fairy-tales of his boyhood and shrink from manhood's task?

A brief consideration of well-ascertained facts is sufficient to show that Man, whilst emancipating

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28 from the destructive methods of natural selection, has accumulated a new series of dangers and difficulties with which he must incessantly contend.

In the extra-human system of Nature there is no disease and there is no conjunction of incompatible forms of life, such as Man has brought about on the surface of the globe. In extra-human Nature the selection of the fittest necessarily eliminates those diseased or liable to disease. Disease both of parasitic and congenital origin occurs as a minor phenomenon. The congenitally diseased are destroyed before they can reproduce: the attacks of parasites great and small either serve only to carry off the congenitally weak, and thus strengthen the race, or become harmless by the survival of those individuals which, owing to peculiar qualities in their tissues, can tolerate such attacks without injury, resulting in the establishment of immune races. It is a remarkable thing—which possibly may be less generally true than our present knowledge seems to suggest—that the adjustment of organisms to their surroundings is so severely complete in Nature apart from Man, that diseases are unknown as constant and normal phenomena under those conditions. It is no doubt difficult to investigate this matter, since the presence of Man as an observer itself implies human intervention. But it seems to be a legitimate view that every disease to which animals (and probably plants also) are liable, excepting as a transient and very exceptional occurrence, is due to Man's interference. The diseases of cattle, sheep, pigs, and horses, are not known

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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/La Follette, Robert Marion

LA FOLLETTE, ROBERT MARION (1855-), American politician, was born on a farm in Primrose township, Dane co., Wis., June 14 1855. He graduated from the university of Wisconsin in 1879, studied law there for one term, and was admitted to the bar in 1880. He began immediately to practise in Madison and served as district attorney for Dane co. for two terms (1880-4). From 1885 to 1891 he was a representative in Congress, and, as a member of the Ways and Means Committee, helped to draft the McKinley Tariff bill. On being defeated for Congress in 1891 he returned to practise in Madison. In 1896 he was a delegate to the Republican National Convention. He was elected governor of Wisconsin in 1901 and was reëlected in 1903 and 1905. It was largely due to him that state laws were passed for taxing railways according to valuation (1903), for nominating all candidates for public office by direct vote of the people (1904), and for regulating the railways in the state through a state commission (1905). He resigned the governorship in 1905 on being elected to the U.S. Senate, and was reëlected for two succeeding terms. He was an unsuccessful candidate for the presidential nomination at the Republican National Convention in 1908. In 1915 he was sponsor in the Senate for the seamen's bill providing for better working conditions and increase of life-saving equipment on board ship. He favoured, in 1916, an embargo on the shipment of arms from America, but supported armed intervention in Mexico. After America's entrance into the World War he was a pronounced and conspicuous pacifist.


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The American Journal of Sociology/Minor Editorials

Number 2

 * "Free Investigation", Vol 1, No. 2 (Sep., 1895), pp. 210-214
 * "Social vs. Sociological", Vol 1, No. 2 (Sep., 1895), pp. 214-215
 * "Christian Sociology", Vol 1, No. 2 (Sep., 1895), pp. 215-216
 * "Our Correspondence Department", Vol 1, No. 2 (Sep., 1895), pp. 216-217

Number 3

 * "Sociology and Theology", by C. R. Henderson, Vol. 1, No. 3 (Nov., 1895), pp. 381-383

Number 4

 * "The Epitaph of Sociology", Vol. 1, No. 4 (Jan., 1896), pp. 509
 * "The Limits of 'Christian Sociology'", by Wilbur F. Crafts, Vol. 1, No. 4 (Jan., 1896), pp. 509-511


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lagerlöf, Selma

LAGERLÖF, SELMA (1858-), Swedish writer, was born Nov. 20 1858 at Mårbacke in Värmland (Vermland). She grew up among country surroundings in a province in which tradition and folk-lore survived to an extent unknown elsewhere in the land. After going through the course in the Royal Women's Superior Training College of Stockholm, she became a teacher in the girls' high school at Landskrona. A weekly journal offered a prize for competition. She sent in some chapters of her first work, Gösta Berlings Saga, and won the prize. Thus began her public career as author. The book was a collection of tales, each to some extent independent of the others, gathered together in one framework: wild and moving scenes from Värmland life, depicted with lively imagination in a style of diction in keeping with her subject. The book is peculiarly Swedish in its character but it has been translated into English, Danish, German, Finnish, French, Dutch, Italian, Spanish, Hungarian, Portuguese, Czech and Russian. In 1894 she published Osynliga Länkar (Invisible Links).

In 1895 she was able to give up her work as teacher. Two journeys abroad which she now made, one of them to Italy, the other to Palestine and other parts of the East, were largely instrumental in providing material for her next book. In Antikrists Mirakler (1897) she gives a picture, in legendary shape, of the mystical and socialistic aspects of Sicilian life. In Jerusalem (1901-2) she tells of a strange flitting from the Swedish province of Dalarne to the Holy Land. Among her other works may be mentioned Drottningar i Kungahälla, stories from Swedish history (1899); En Herrgårdssägen (1899); Kristuslegender (1904); Herr Arnes Penningar (1904); Nils Holgerssons Underbara Resa (1906-7), a book for children, recounting a small boy's remarkable adventures on a journey through Sweden on the back of a wild-goose, embodying at the same time a series of stories touching on Swedish nature and history; En Saga om en Saga (1908); Liljecronas Hem (1911); Körkarlen (1912); Dunungen, a comedy (1914); Kejsarn av Portugallien (1914); Troll och Människor (1915); Bannlyst (1918) and Kavaljersnoveller (1918); as well as a volume of essays entitled Hem och Stat, published in 1911. Most of her books have been translated into English and other languages.

Honours and marks of esteem began gradually to come to her. In 1907 she was given a doctor's degree by Upsala University; in 1909 the Swedish Academy awarded her the Nobel prize for literature, and subsequently she was elected one of its 18 members — the first woman to be elected since its foundation in the

18th century. She purchased and restored the old farm in Värmland which was the home of her fathers.


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 Rh programme. So must the few principles of hygiene referred to in the New Testament. The former, however, do not exhaust the subject matter of sociology any more than the latter obviate the necessity of biology.

Mr. Craft's argument would prove that there was no philosophy, no ethics, no jurisprudence till Christianity became ascendant. It would prove that there are no societies (communities) today outside of Christendom. The argument connotes further that the writer has not taken the trouble to discriminate between sociology and social institutions.

Let us grant that the New Testament contains the nucleus of all that men need to know about the spirit of ideal human society. Let us assume that this is the pivotal element in sociology. There remain the phenomena of associated human life since men have peopled the earth; the reactions between human groups and their physical environments; between groups and their units, between groups and contemporary groups; between groups and their posterity. From all these facts or from such of them as can be discovered, we have to learn the laws of cause and effect, physical and psychical, to which social beings are subject; in spite of which or by means of which approach to the Christian ideal is to be accomplished. To say that this field of knowledge does not exist, or to say that it is within the scope of New Testament records is puerile perversity with which argument is impossible.


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lammasch, Heinrich

LAMMASCH, HEINRICH (1853-1920); Austrian jurist and statesman, was born on May 18 1853. He was professor of criminal and international law, a member of the Hague Arbitration Tribunal, and in 1918 the last prime minister of Austria. He qualified for the teaching faculty at Vienna in 1878. His pioneer pamphlet on the objective danger in the conception of attempted crime won for him in 1882 an extraordinary professorship, and in 1885 a full professorship at Innsbruck. In 1889 he returned to Vienna and there became an advocate of the idea of a league of nations in the spirit of Christian philosophy. He became an international arbitrator, and arranged the Newfoundland dispute between Great Britain and the United States,

and the Orinoco dispute between the latter and Venezuela. He was sent to represent Austria at St. Germain, returned broken in body and spirit, and died shortly afterwards, on Jan. 6 1920.

 * (C. B.)


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text: The American Journal of Sociology/Volume 01/Number 1/Is Our Republic a Failure?


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 ong for ixpence,

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 Rh Chief among novelists whom the inauguration of the 'Cornhill Magazine' brought permanently to Smith's side was Anthony Trollope. He had already made some reputation with novels dealing with clerical life, and when in October 1859 he offered his services to Thackeray as a writer of short stories—he was then personally unknown to both Smith and Thackeray — Smith promptly (on 26 Oct.) offered him 1,000l. for the copyright of a clerical novel to run serially from the first number, provided only that the first portion should be forwarded by 12 Dec. Trollope was already engaged on an Irish story, but a clerical novel would alone satisfy Smith. In the result Trollope began 'Framley Parsonage,' and Smith invited Millais to illustrate it. Thackeray courteously accorded the first place in the first number (January 1860) to the initial instalment of Trollope's novel. Trollope was long a mainstay of the magazine, and his private relations with Smith were very intimate. In August 1861 he began a second story, entitled 'The Struggles of Brown, Jones, and Robinson,' a humorous satire on the ways of trade, which proved a failure. Six hundred pounds was paid for it, but Smith made no complaint, merely remarking to the author that he did not think it equal to his usual work. In September 1862 Trollope offered reparation by sending to the 'Cornhill' 'The Small House at Allington.' Finally, in 1866-7, Trollope's 'Claverings' appeared in the magazine; for this he received 2,800l. 'Whether much or little,' Trollope wrote, 'it was offered by the proprietor, and paid in a single cheque.' When contrasting his experiences as contributor to other periodicals with those he enjoyed as contributor to the 'Cornhill,' Trollope wrote, 'What I wrote for the "Cornhill Magazine" I always wrote at the instigation of Mr. Smith.'

George Henry Lewes had introduced Smith to George Eliot soon after their union in 1854. Her voice and conversation always filled Smith with admiration, and when the Leweses settled at North Bank in 1863 he was rarely absent from her Sunday receptions until they ceased at Lewes's death in 1878. Early in 1862 she read to him a portion of the manuscript of 'Romola,' and he gave practical proof of his faith in her genius by offering her 10,000l. for the right of issuing the novel serially in the 'Cornhill Magazine,' and of subsequent separate publication. The reasonable condition was attached that the story should first be distributed over sixteen numbers of the 'Cornhill.' George Eliot agreed to the terms, but embarrassments followed. She deemed it necessary to divide the story into twelve parts instead of the stipulated sixteen. From a business point of view the change, as the authoress frankly acknowledged, amounted to a serious breach of contract, but she was deaf to both Smith's and Lewes's appeal to her to respect the original agreement. She offered, however, in consideration of her obstinacy, to accept the reduced remuneration of 7,000l. The story was not completed by the authoress when she settled this serial division. Ultimately she discovered that she had miscalculated the length which the story would reach, and, after all, 'Romola' ran through fourteen numbers of the magazine (July 1862 to August 1863). Leighton was chosen by Smith to illustrate the


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1922 Encyclopædia Britannica/Lane, Franklin Knight

LANE, FRANKLIN KNIGHT (1864-1921), American public official, was born near Charlottetown, P.E.I., Canada, July 15 1864. He was taken to California in childhood and graduated from the university of California in 1886. He began his career as a newspaper reporter, studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 1889. He practised in San Francisco, drafted a charter for that city, and soon afterwards, in 1897, was elected city attorney, to which office he was twice reëlected. In 1902 he was the unsuccessful Democratic candidate for governor of California and the following year received the Democratic vote of the state legislature for the U.S. Senate, but failed of election. In 1905 he was appointed by President Roosevelt a member of the Interstate Commerce Commission and was retained by President Taft, serving for eight years, part of the time as chairman. The decisions which he wrote, many of which were regarded as radical at the time, were all upheld by the courts. In 1913 he entered the Cabinet of President Wilson as Secretary of the Interior. During his term of office the wealth of Alaska was made more accessible by the construction of a Government railway. Dams were built in several western states for conserving the water-supply in dry regions. To the Indians he gave special attention, maintaining that perpetual tutelage was wrong. Long before, authority had been granted the Secretary of the Interior to deal with individual cases, and by a generous interpretation of his powers many Indians were made free citizens. In connexion with national resources he advocated development without waste as being reasonable conservation. He

was an earnest advocate of reclamation of land, and suggested that farms for soldiers returned from the World War could be provided by extensive drainage and irrigation. He favoured a policy of Americanization for the foreign population and the education of illiterates. In 1916 he was a member of the American-Mexican Joint High Commission, and the following, year became a member of the Council of National Defense. In 1920 he resigned his post as Secretary of the Interior. He was treasurer of the European Relief Council. He died at Rochester, Minn., May 18 1921. He was the author of The American Spirit (1918, addresses delivered in war time).


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THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY.

signs are multiplying that the ideal of the American university is beginning to take shape. While the creative week which is destined to mould it into perfect realization has by no means run its appointed length and is perhaps even not very far spent, yet the first day's formative "Let there be light!" has sounded. Primordial chaotic indefiniteness has yielded to incipient order and fruit-bearing concentration. Whatever the American university may and should share with the historic institutions of other lands, enough of its destiny and function is even now indicated to bring out in clear relief the lines along which its own peculiar possessions and possibilities must and will develop. It stands to reason that the American university cannot be a slavish replica of however perfect a European model. According to an old legend, even God's revealing voice shaking Sinai's cloud-crowned peaks to the very foundations and waking the whole universe to responsive and awe-struck attention, clothed its one fundamental truth in as many dialects as found sound on human lips. Science, indeed, knows no geographical and no national boundaries. Its curiosity and message are for all climates and times. Yet, no two nations approach its altar by the same paths. Historical conditions which even the master of giant genius may not undo, for they have become a part of himself and of his people, introduce also into its world dominion


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Rh [TO THE EDITOR OF THE QUEENSLANDER.] ,—As the improvement of the condition of the blacks is a matter of great interest at present, I feel it to be my duty to acquaint you with the result of my work in this district. I was appointed by the Minister for Lands to act as Protector of Aborigines for the Mackay district. My duties I consider to be the following:—

 * 1) To protect the blacks from ill treatment.
 * 2) To endeavor to make them useful to the inhabitants instead of being a nuisance.
 * 3) In case of offences committed by blacks, to assist the police in getting the right offenders.
 * 4) To try and keep the blacks out of townships, where they obtain grog and learn every vice.
 * 5) If they are employed by whites, to see that they are paid wages.
 * 6) To remove them from places where they are a nuisance and bring them to people willing to employ them—if the blacks are willing.
 * 7) To explain to the blacks our ideas of right and wrong, which are very different from their own.

As you are no doubt aware, the Government some years ago devoted 10,000 acres of land in this district as a reserve for aborigines, with a grant of £500, for the purpose of civilising the blacks. Mr. Bridgman, a gentleman who takes great interest in the blacks, was then Protector of Aborigines in this district, and it is due to his management that the blacks are so well behaved now. He collected the blacks, formed separate camps for the different tribes of blacks, made them do a little cultivation at times, and at other times they worked for planters in the district. He also formed a school for black boys, as an experiment, of which I had management, which having proved a success, Bishop Hale, who was chairman of a commission in Brisbane, sent a married couple to take charge of the school, which was enlarged, and consisted of forty children—boys and girls; and, Mr. Bridgman leaving the district, I was appointed in his place.

The present Government, with a view to retrenchment, suspended the vote. The school was disbanded and the reserve thrown open for selection. The blacks being uncontrolled became a nuisance, hanging round the towns, frightening cattle through the fences, pilfering corn, potatoes, &c. Having made the blacks useful to many of the residents, they requested me to apply to the Government to be reappointed. I did so, and was reappointed by the Minister for Lands. Since then the blacks have not only been well-behaved but very useful to the planters, taking contracts under my supervision, and, though earning but small wages owing to their natural indolence still being useful and kept out of mischief. I have about 300 blacks in the district at present, many at work trashing cane (stripping off dead leaves), clearing scrub, cutting firewood, hoeing, &c.; and I ride round from one lot to another to see that they are working, and also to see that they get paid fairly for what they do. I hear any complaints they have to make, as they have confidence in me, and tell me all their troubles. I have very little trouble with them; they are very easy to manage, with few exceptions. I have more trouble to please the whites, who are very unreasonable. One man wants to have blacks to work, and his neighbor will not have them near the place because they frighten his milkers; as they live close to each other, it is a difficult matter to please both parties. The blacks are Tory sensible and obedient—far more so than I have any right to expect. They can be led, but not driven. They offend often through ignorance, seldom wilfully.

I am sure that though the native police may be necessary in outside places, still in the inside districts they might be done away with. One camp has been removed in this district, and though there was a great outcry at first no harm has come of it.

Hoping my letter may contain information useful to you, I will now end it.—Yours, &c.

Rockleigh, Mackay, May 23. —Queenslander, June 5,1880.

has placed in our hands some correspondence, recently received by him from South Australia giving an account of the manner in which the aborigines in the settled districts of that colony are cared for. This includes letters from R. T. Hamilton, sub-protector of aborigines; Mr. Shaw, superintendent of the Poonindie Native Institution; and the annual reports of the sub-protector for 1878 and 1879.

The letter of Mr. Hamilton bears emphatic testimony to the possibility of preventing the blacks in the settled and pastoral districts from being a nuisance to the white inhabitants. He writes that "they appear to be a quiet, inoffensive, and law-abiding people; the criminal records for the past five years show a marked absence of any serious outrages against the European population, and the offences charged against the aborigines have been confined to one case of murder (that of two other natives) and a few cases of drunkenness and petty larceny." With regard to Poonindie, an institution which has been entirely self-supporting since 1860, he warns his correspondent that there is no sufficient evidence to show that its influence extends beyond the natives attached to it. General orderliness and comparative comfort are due to the effective supervision and general care exercised by the Government throughout the colony. Nevertheless, as far as the natives living on the place is concerned, the institution has kept them from crime, and to a considerable extent from vice, and has very sensibly raised their condition, without cost to the Government.

From the reports and letters we learn that the census enumeration of natives in 1876 showed a total of 3,369 souls. This does not include the tribes in the interior west of Queensland, which of course have not been reckoned. The total

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