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 728 The preceding table shows that in 1890 there were a million and a half more males than females in the country, and that on the average of every hundred people there were over fifty-one males and less than forty-nine females. The census volume, commenting on the disparity, says: "This excess of males is to be expected in this case, owing to the effects of immigration. Where natural increase is not interfered with either by immigration or emigration, wars or pestilence, the proportion of the sexes is nearly equal, females being slightly in excess of males." (Compendium, Pt. 1., p. 76.)

The foregoing table indicates that this explanation, which is the ordinary one, may account for much of the excess of males in the country. Their preponderance among the Chinese and Japanese is, obviously, a result of immigration and the slight excess of females among the negroes might be cited in support of the statement quoted above that this is the normal condition where a population is not materially influenced by migration. But further examination shows that the percentage of males among the civilized Indians is greater than it is among the whites, although the former, like the negroes have not been affected by immigration. The result of this analysis is, therefore, inconclusive, and a study of the population exclusive of the residents of Alaska, Indian Territory and the Indian reservations and classified by birthplace and sex must be tried. Table II. presents the facts in a similar manner:

Table II. shows that among the foreign-born colored over nine-tenths are males. These foreign-born colored are mainly Chinese, but there are also about 2000 Japanese and in Key West, Fla., are about 3700 negroes from the West Indies, among whom there is a slight excess of females. Among the foreign-born white there are about five males to every four females. The excess of males among the foreign born, however, is only 781,849, or 58½ per cent. of the total excess of males in


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730

Per cent. of females among the native whites

District of Columbia 51.48

Massachusetts 51.08

Rhode Island 51.01

Connecticut 50.86

New Jersey 50.68

New York 50.64

Maryland 50.57

North Carolina 50.48

South Carolina 50.46

New Hampshire 50.46

Pennsylvania 50.19

Georgia 50.10

Atlantic divisions are an old settled region from which, for many decades, a stream of emigration has flowed westward. This emigration has, naturally enough, consisted in considerable proportion of the male element. In this way the eastern communities have been depleted" [Compendium, Part I., p. 79). Now interstate emigration of the native Americans, however much it may have dissociated the sexes, cannot tend directly to establish in the country, as a whole, that numerical disparity which has been shown to exist. While it might explain the proportions in certain states, such a cause can hardly have been the controlling one in the first five states, from which comparatively little emigration has recently gone forth. Furthermore Vermont has lost by emigration a larger proportion of its native population than any other state in the country and yet Vermont has more native males than females. In the preceding list, as will be noticed, the states with an excess of females include some of the most densely settled districts. This appears more clearly if the list be repeated, and against it the same states be arranged in the order of their density of population. The numbers prefixed to the second column indicate the rank of the

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732 That is, while native males are more numerous in the country, as a whole, and also in three-fourths of the states, native females are more numerous in seven-tenths of the cities. As the immigrant foreign born population is about five-ninths male, and is largely settled in our cities, it might be urged that this excess of females among the native population in the cities may merely serve to counterbalance the excess of males among the immigrants. To determine this it is necessary to recur to the proportion of the sexes among the total population in city and country. The total number of males and the total number of females in the 1522 cities of the country has been found, and the following table prepared:

No. of Males

No. of Females

Excess of

Males

Females

Per Cent. of

Males Females

Rural 20,708,894 19,180,931 1,527,963 51.92 48.08

Urban 11,358,986 11,373.439 14,453 49.97 50.03

This shows that the total excess of males in the United States is not quite equal to their excess in the rural districts, and that in the cities on the average the sexes are almost equal in number, while in the rural districts there are about forty- eight women and fifty-two men in every hundred. The result seems to support the conjecture that the excess of native women in cities about offsets the excess of foreign-born men. Further light, however, is necessary, and it may be obtained by examining how the sexes are distributed between city and country in each state and territory. In Table VI. on next page the states are arranged according to the proportion of females in the cities.

From this table it appears that the proportion of females in the cities is almost uniformly greater than it is in the rural districts of the same state, that nearly half the states have


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38 Audubon reached Hendersonville in early March, and witnessed the severe earthquake which visited that part of Kentucky the following November, 1812. Of this experience we also have a vivid account in his journals.

Audubon continued to live at Hendersonville, his pecuniary means much reduced. He says that he made a pedestrian tour back to St. Geneviève to collect money due him from Rozier, walking the one hundred and sixty-five miles, much of the time nearly ankle-deep in mud and water, in a little over three days. Concerning the accuracy of this statement one also has his doubts. Later he bought a "wild horse," and on its back travelled over Tennessee and a portion of Georgia, and so around to Philadelphia, later returning to Hendersonville. He continued his drawings of birds and animals, but, in the meantime, embarked in another commercial venture,


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734 an absolute excess of females in their total city population, and that only one, North Carolina, has an excess of females in its rural districts. The map on opposite page indicates more clearly than the table the geographical grouping of the states with an excess of females in their urban districts.

There is, then, an excess of females in the cities of all the states east of the Mississippi except Delaware, and those states which have recently received a considerable immigration from the older states as well as from abroad. As five-ninths of the immigrants from other countries are male, and as they are so numerous in the eastern cities the disproportion of the sexes among the native population in those cities is probably even greater. For example, of the 2,612,343 native Americans living in the 118 cities and towns of New York state in 1890 51.32 per cent, were females, while of the 1,298,904 immigrants living in the same cities only 50.46 per cent. were females. Yet, there is some evidence to show that the sexes of our immigrant population are more dissociated than the sexes of our native population. For of the immigrants residing in the cities of New York state 50.46 per cent, are females, while of those in the rural districts only 45 per cent, are female, a difference of 5½ per cent. between city and country. Among the native population in the same state the females are, in the country, 49.74 per cent, of the total, and in the cities 51.32 per cent, of the total, a difference of but little over 1½ per cent. On comparison of the negro and white population of the Southern states a similar fact appears. Thus in the cities of Georgia the percentage of females among the whites was 50.33 per cent., while among the negroes it was 54.84, and in the rural districts of the same state the percentage of females among the whites was 49.88 and among the negroes 49.76. The difference for the whites between city and country was thus less than half of 1 per cent., while for the negroes it was over 5 per cent., and on the average in Southern cities the


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736 line of argument which has been employed with reference to other countries. The state of Maine had an excess of males in 1890. It is alleged that the cause of the excess is immigration from other countries and from other states of this country. The census reported, in 1890, 332,590 males and 328,496 females to be living in Maine, or 50. 31 per cent, of males. Assume that these numbers represent the population January 1, 1892. The recorded births and deaths in Maine in that year were:

Males Females Births 7-038 6.634 Deaths 5-939 6.175 Natural increase 1.099 459

If this natural increase of each sex by excess of births over deaths be added to the assumed population of January 1, 1892, the population at the close of the year, disregarding all immigration or emigration, would be males 333,689, females 328,955 or 50.36 per cent, of males at the end of the year instead of 50.31 per cent. at the beginning. This increase of .05 per cent, in the proportion of males would be due to biological causes, the inequality between the surplus of births in the two sexes. If the assumption involved in the illustration could be admitted, it would follow that the population of Maine has a tendency to develop by internal growth a slight excess of males. Similarly it might be shown that the population of a city usually tends by natural increase to develop an excess of females. The limit at which this tendency would be checked by the increasing number of deaths in the preponderating sex could be easily computed. Unfortunately, our scanty or untrustworthy materials make such a computation of little practical value.

Another method of showing that the excess of females in our cities is not due solely to migration is found in a study of their population by sex and age. For example, in New York City, according to the Police Department Census of 1895, the males under two years of age outnumbered the females, but between two and twenty-five the females were in excess. Now, it can


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 THE DATA OF SOCIOLOGY. CONTRIBUTIONS TO SOCIAL PHILOSOPHY. VI. leading distinction between modern and ancient philosophy is that the former proceeds from facts while the latter proceeded from assumptions. Every science is at the same time a philosophy. The greater part of all that is valuable in any science is the result of reasoning from facts. What would geology be if all we know was the bare facts that the rocks present? The history of the world as geologists now understand it is all deduced from a state of things that is now fixed or stationary. It is true that similar movements are now taking place, or may be artificially caused to take place, from which past movements may be inferred, but they are none the less inferred. The geological period practically closed when the human period began, so that no record is possible. Yet who shall say that we do not know all that we claim to know about the earth's history? The evidence, though all circumstantial, is absolutely irresistible as to the main points on which all geologists agree. Yet it is all inference. In other words geology, so far as it furnishes us anything of value is a philosophy. As much might be said of physics and chemistry. They deal with agencies and elements wholly beyond the range of our senses, and yet most of the material progress of the world has resulted from men's reasonings about these invisible and intangible things. The chemical atoms, the luminiferous ether, electricity, all existed the same as now before anything was known of them. It is clear therefore that all the value they have now is due to the actions of men, and this has chiefly consisted in observing facts and drawing conclusions from these facts. So that chemistry and physics constitute a philosophy. Thus we might go through the whole list. The more complex a science is the greater the


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VIII.] though half mankind still own the sway of Semitic religious ideas and institutions.

The Semitic dialects are divided into three principal branches: the northern, comprehending the idioms of Syria and Assyria, and usually called the Aramaic; the central, or Canaanitic, composed of the Hebrew and Phenician, with the Punic; and the southern, or Arabic, including, besides the proper or literary Arabic and the dialects most closely akin with it, the Himyaritic in the south-western region of the peninsula, and the outliers of the latter in Africa, the literary Ethiopic or Geëz, the Amharic, and other Abyssinian dialects. Passing over the Mesopotamian records, as of an age and character not yet fully established, the Hebrew literature is by far the oldest which the family has to show, and, as is known to every one, ranks among the oldest in the world. From a time anterior, doubtless, to that of Moses, the works of the Hebrew annalists, poets, and prophets cover the whole period of Jewish history until some four centuries before Christ, when the Hebrew had ceased to exist as a vernacular language, and was replaced by the Chaldee or Aramaic, the dialect of Syria. But it has never ceased to be read, written, and even to some extent spoken, by the learned, from that time until now—especially since the revival of its use, and the purification of its style, among the scattered Jewish populations of Europe, following upon the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in the twelfth century. Of the degraded and mixed Hebrew used as the learned dialect of the Rabbins, not far from the beginning of our era, the Mishna is the most important monument. The Samaritan is another impure dialect of the Hebrew, so permeated with Aramaic elements as to be a kind of medium between Hebrew and Aramaic. Its oldest monument, a version of the Pentateuch, is referred to the first century of our era. It seems at present to be on the point of extinction.

Phenicia has left us no literature. The coffin of one of the kings of Sidon, found but a few years since, presents in its detailed inscription a fuller view of the Phenician tongue than is derivable from all its other known records, taken together. A few inscriptions, and a mutilated and obscure


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 THE MICHIGAN SYSTEM OF CHILD SAVING.

unique system of child saving in Michigan is a very interesting object lesson in sociology. By it this state has reversed for itself the condition, prevailing for centuries under older governments, by which crime and pauperism increased in greater ratio than the population. The higher civilization reached, the lower descended the classes out of which dependents and offenders were made. In earlier days civilization was threatened by barbarism from without, while in modern times the danger comes from barbarism within, from those elements of society which develop poverty, crime, riot and anarchy. The most profound study of the social scientist and statesman discovered no adequate remedy and society was alarmed. To imprison or execute the offender and to support the dependent was all that was conceived. Prevention in this field was as far in the future as preventive medicine. Reform had not been heard of. The Agricultural Colony for delinquent boys at Mettray, France, founded early in this century, is considered the parent of reform schools. For all time the prevailing agencies were:

VINDICTIVE PUNISHMENT AND UNORGANIZED CHARITY. For the criminals there were chains, hanging, beheading, torture, the dungeon, and all well-known crimes against criminals The measures were severe enough, but they were not deterrent. It is a little over one hundred years since Howard revealed the wretched condition of English and continental prisons. And in that century reform has not been as rapid as we might expect from Howard's revelations. The very conception of prison reform was erroneous. Instead of commencing with the destitute and exposed child it waited until the child became a criminal. Then for young delinquents extensive institutions were erected


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 PRIVATE BUSINESS IS A PUBLIC TRUST.

is strife in every civilized country today between men who declare that justice demands social reorganization, and men who maintain that present order is essentially good. Neither of these parties is wholly right or wholly wrong. To a certain extent social order is deliberately invented as the expression of men's intelligence about social needs. Until human needs become stationary and invariable it can hardly be expected that knowledge about perfect methods will quite catch up with the demand. Assertions about perfect systems of social order are meanwhile largely gratuitous. We may nevertheless look in the direction of improvement by taking account of any neglected factor in the problem of social arrangement.

Without inquiring now what further tests are necessary, I shall point out two principles which men must learn to apply more precisely before there can be approximately stable social order. The present social system, or the reorganizations that may follow each other in its place, will be justified or condemned according to their success in providing for at least these two postulates of human association.

The first of these principles is the essential similarity of all human beings in capacity for happiness. Equality of capacity is not alleged. It is not asserted that men are alike in the assortment of their desires, or in the methods of seeking satisfaction. It is asserted, however, that there is no principle of desire potent in prince or plutocrat that is not latent in pauper or peasant. Abnormal children are born in palace and in hovel alike—children who could not be developed into symmetrical maturity in any environment which we know how to arrange. On the other hand, thousands of people are surrounded by influences which make the development of normal infancy into all-round manhood well nigh impossible, while other thousands are encompassed


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Rh and for a time prospered. Some years previously he had formed a co-partnership with his wife's brother, and a commercial house in charge of Bakewell had been opened in New Orleans. This turned out disastrously and was a constant drain upon his resources. This partner now appears upon the scene at Hendersonville and persuades Audubon to erect, at a heavy outlay, a steam grist and saw mill, and to take into the firm an Englishman by the name of Pease. This enterprise brought fresh disaster. "How I laboured at this infernal mill, from dawn till dark, nay, at times all night." They also purchased a steamboat which was so much additional weight to drag them down. This was about the year 1817. From this date till 1819, Audubon's pecuniary difficulties increased daily. He had no business talent whatever; he was a poet and an


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40 artist; he cared not for money, he wanted to be alone with Nature. The forests called to him, the birds haunted his dreams. His father dying in 1818, left him a valuable estate in France, and seventeen thousand dollars, deposited with a merchant in Richmond, Virginia; but Audubon was so dilatory in proving his identity and his legal right to this cash, that the merchant finally died insolvent, and the legatee never received a cent of it. The French estate he transferred in after years to his sister Rosa.


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298 fragment in a play of the Roman poet Plautus, whereof the scene is laid in Carthage, are the only relics left us of the idiom of that queenly city.

The earliest records of Aramaic speech are the so-called Chaldee passages found in some of the later books of the Hebrew Bible (a single verse in Jeremiah, and longer passages in Esdras and Daniel). Other products of the literary use by the Jews of the same language are the Targums, or paraphrases of Scripture, dating from about the time of Christ, and the Talmuds, of the fourth and fifth centuries. But in the second century, with the translation of the whole Bible into the language of Syria (usually called the Peshito version), begins an important Christian Syriac literature, of which considerable portions are still preserved to us. It flourished especially between the fourth and ninth centuries. Besides the valuable historical information, touching the early ages of the Christian church, which it records, it played an important part in transmitting to the Arabs the literature, science, and philosophy of the Greeks. Its career was brought to a close, and even the Syriac idiom itself nearly crowded out of existence, by the rise and rapid extension of the Arabic, in the centuries after Mohammed. But the ancient Syriac is still the sacred dialect of the feeble bodies of Christians in Asia which represent the Syriac church; and its modern representatives, much corrupted in form and of mixed material, are even now spoken by a few scattered communities. With one of these communities, the Nestorians of Orumiah and its vicinity—scanty remains of a sect which once sent its missionaries into the remotest regions of Asia, into India, Mongolia, and China—the labours of American missionaries have lately made our public well acquainted. A modern Syriac literature is growing up once more under their auspices.

Besides these two Aramaic literatures, the one Jewish and the other Christian, it is believed that there has existed another, of native origin and of character more truly national; but it is now lost, doubtless beyond recovery. Traditions of ancient Chaldean learning attach themselves to the name Nabatean, and one or two curious books have been


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, Audubon gave up the struggle of trying to be a business man. He says: "I parted with every particle of property I had to my creditors, keeping only the clothes I wore on that day, my original drawings, and my gun, and without a dollar in my pocket, walked to Louisville alone."

This he speaks of as the saddest of all his journeys——"the only time in my life when the wild turkeys that so often crossed my path, and the thousands of lesser birds that enlivened the woods and the prairies, all looked like enemies, and I turned my eyes from them, as if I could have wished that they had never existed."

But the thought of his beloved Lucy and her children soon spurred him to action. He was a good draughtsman, he had been a pupil of David, he would turn his talents to account.


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 THE STATE AND SEMI-PUBLIC CORPORATIONS.

The problem indicated by the subject of this paper may be formulated as follows: What have been and what should be the relations of a given society—i. e., of the organized people, represented by government, municipal, state or national—to corporations carrying on semi-public functions? This form of the problem emphasizes the necessary distinction between the people, on the one hand, and government, or the people's most prominent agency for social control, on the other hand. This distinction leads to the preliminary suggestion that the government is supposed to represent the whole people, whereas corporations are at best segregated parties, and as such their immediate interests appear antagonistic to those of the whole. Hence, the obvious task of government is to promote the establishment of a properly balanced coördination not only between the incorporated and the employed parties on the one hand, but also between these and the other members of the state.

What, then, are semi-public corporations? There is general agreement in the use of C. J. Marshall's description of a corporation, viz.: "An artificial being, invisible, intangible, and existing only in contemplation of law." We are also generally agreed in taking for granted the doctrine of public corporations, familiar since the Dartmouth College case, viz., that a public corporation is the legally recognized body of people in a given area; the body so constituted existing for the benefit of all its constituents; the constituents meanwhile, so long as they reside within the area, having no choice about membership of the corporation.

The most definite and workable definition of a semi-public


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VIII.] recently brought to light out of the Arabic literature, claiming to be versions of Nabatean works of a very high antiquity: but they are generally regarded as literary impostures, containing only a scanty, if an appreciable, element of what is genuine and ancient. In the practices and traditions of the Mendaites and Sabians are also seen traces of an indigenous Chaldean culture.

The oldest monuments belonging to the southern or Arabian branch of Semitic speech are the inscriptions discovered in the south-western corner of the great peninsula. They represent a language very different from the classical Arabic, as the character and civilization of the Sabeans and Himyarites, from whom they come, appear to have been very unlike those of the Arabs of the desert. Their exact period is hitherto unknown. Language and civilization have alike been almost wholly supplanted, since the rise of Islamism, by the conquering Arabic, only obscure relics of them being left in the Ehkili and other existing idioms of the south. Most nearly akin with the Himyaritic is the speech of the neighbouring region of Africa, which was unquestionably peopled from southern Arabia, by emigration across the Red Sea. The ancient tongue of Abyssinia, the Ethiopic or Geëz, has a literature, wholly of Christian origin and content, coming down from the fourth century of our era: its earliest monument is a version of the Bible. As a cultivated and current language, it has been gradually crowded out of use during the past six centuries by the Amharic, another dialect of the same stock, but of a more corrupt and barbarous character.

Immensely superior in value to all the other Semitic literatures, excepting the Hebrew, although latest in date of them all, is that which is written in the Arabic tongue. Its beginning is nearly contemporaneous with the rise of the Arab people to historical importance; the Koran, collected and written down, about the middle of the seventh century, from the records and traditions of Mohammed's revelations, is its starting-point. Only a few poems, of no great length, belong to an age somewhat earlier; and the inscriptions of Sinai and of Petra, which go back nearly to, or even


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 chair asks, "Are you ready for the question?" If the debate is resumed the question must be put again, both the affirmative and the negative. Should this privilege be abused by members not responding to the inquiry, "Are you ready for the question?" and intentionally waiting until the affirmative vote has been taken and then rising and reopening the debate, the chair should act as in case of dilatory motions [40], or any other attempt to obstruct business, and protect the assembly from annoyance. When a vote is taken a second time, as when a division is called for, debate cannot be resumed except by general consent. If two-thirds of the assembly wish to close the debate without allowing all the time desired by others, they can do so by ordering either the previous question or the closing of the debate at a certain time; or they can limit the length of the speeches and allow each member to speak only once on each question, as fully explained in 29 and 30. These motions require a two-thirds* vote, as they


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300 beyond, the Christian era, give scanty representation of dialects nearly kindred. That which we call the Arabic was, anterior to Mohammed, the spoken dialect of the tribes occupying the central part of the country; that is to say, of that part of the population which was of purest Semitic blood, and less affected than any other, in language, manners, and institutions, by disturbing foreign influences. As a natural consequence of the political and religious revolution by which Islamism became the religion, first of Arabia, then of so large a portion of Asia and Africa, this dialect has had a career almost comparable with that of the Latin. It has extinguished nearly all the other dialects of the Semitic family within their ancient limits; it has spread over Egypt and the whole northern coast of Africa; the language of Spain, and yet more the Hindustani of central India, have borrowed abundantly of its material; the modern literary Persian and Turkish have their vocabularies made up almost more of Arabic words than of those of native growth. Of the wonderfully rich and various Arabic literature, of the part it played in the preservation and transmission of classical learning to modern times, of the treasures of information it contains respecting the history and geography of the Orient, it is not necessary here to speak; the theme belongs to literary, not to linguistic, history. We turn to a consideration of the chief peculiarities of Semitic language.

The Semitic type of speech is called inflective, like the Indo-European, and philologists are accustomed to allow the title to no other languages than these two. We must beware, however, of supposing that this inclusion in one morphological class implies any genetic relationship between the families, or is to be regarded as even suggesting the probability of their common descent. There is between them, on the contrary, only such a resemblance as is due to a correspondence of natural endowments in the language-making races. Semitic inflection is so totally diverse from Indo-European inflection, that the historical transition from the one to the other, or from a common original to both, is of a difficulty which cannot be exceeded. The Semitic tongues possess in many respects a more peculiar and isolated


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 the fundamental right of every member of a deliberative assembly to have every question fully discussed before it is finally disposed of. A majority vote may lay the question on the table and thus temporarily suspend the debate, but it can be resumed by taking the question from the table by a majority vote when no question is before the assembly [35], at a time when business of this class, or unfinished business, or new business, is in order. If it is desired to prevent any discussion of a subject, even by its introducer, the only way to do it is to object to the consideration of the question [23] before it is debated, or any subsidiary motion is stated. If the objection is sustained by a two-thirds vote, the question is thrown out for that session. 45. Principles of Debate and Undebatable Motions. All main motions are debatable, and debate is allowed or prohibited on other motions in accordance with the following principles: (a) High privilege is, as a rule, incompatible with the right of debate of the privileged motion: and, therefore, all highly privileged motions are undebatable, except those relating to the privileges of the assembly or a member. Questions of privilege [19] rarely arise, but when they do, they are likely to be so important that they must be allowed to interrupt business, and yet they cannot generally be acted upon intelligently without debate,


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 and, therefore, they are debatable. The same is true of appeals from the decision of the chair which are debatable, unless they relate to indecorum, or to transgression of the rules of speaking, or to priority of business, or are made while an undebatable question is pending; in which cases there is not sufficient need of debate to justify making them an exception to the rule, and therefore an appeal under any of these circumstances is undebatable.

(b) Motions that have the effect of suspending a rule are not debatable. Consequently motions to suppress, or to limit, or to extend the limits of, debate are undebatable, as they suspend the ordinary rules of debate. (c) Appeals made after the previous question has been ordered are undebatable, as it would be manifestly improper to permit debate on them when the assembly by a two-thirds vote has closed debate on the pending question. So any order limiting debate on the pending question applies to questions arising while the order is in force. (d) To Amend, or to Reconsider, an undebatable question is undebatable, whereas to amend, or to reconsider, a debatable question is debatable. (e) A Subsidiary Motion [12] is debatable to just the extent that it interferes with the right of the assembly to take up the original question at its pleasure. Illustrations: To


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 "Postpone Indefinitely" a question places it out of the power of the assembly to again take it up during that session, except by reconsideration, and consequently this motion allows of free debate, even involving the whole merits of the original question. To "Commit" a question only delays the discussion until the committee reports, when it is open to free debate, so it is only debatable as to the propriety of the commitment and as to the instructions, etc. To "Postpone to a Certain Time" prevents the consideration of the question till the specified time, except by a reconsideration or suspension of the rules, and therefore allows of limited debate upon the propriety of the postponement. To "Lay on the Table" leaves the question so that the assembly can consider it at any time that that question or that class of business is in order, and therefore to lay on the table should not be, and is not, debatable. Because a motion is undebatable it does not follow that while it is pending the chair may not permit a question or an explanation. The distinction between debate and asking questions or making brief suggestions, should be kept clearly in mind, and when the latter will aid the assembly in transacting business, the chair should permit it before taking the vote on an undebatable question. He should, however, remain standing during the colloquy to show that he has the floor, and he should not


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 allow any more delay in putting the question than he feels is helpful to the business. The following lists of motions that open the main question to debate, and of those that are undebatable, are made in accordance with the above principles:

Postpone Indefinitely 34 Reconsider a Debatable Question 36 Rescind 37 Ratify 39

Fix the Time to which to Adjourn (when a privileged question) 16

Adjourn (when unqualified in an assembly that has provided for future meetings) 17

Take a Recess (when privileged) 18

Call for the Orders of the Day, and questions relating to priority of business 20 Appeal when made while an undebatable question is pending, or when simply relating to indecorum, or transgression of the rules of speaking, or to priority of business 21

Suspension of the Rules 22 Objection to the Consideration of a Question. 23 Incidental Motions, except an Appeal as shown above in this list under Appeal 13 Lay on the Table 28 Previous Question [29] and Motions to Close, Limit, or Extend the Limits of Debate 30 Amend an Undebatable Motion 33

Reconsider an Undebatable Motion 36


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 .................PAGE

46. Voting 188 47. Votes that are Null and Void even if Unanimous 201

48. Motions requiring more than a majority vote 202

46. Voting. If the question is undebatable, or debate has been closed by order of the assembly, the chair, immediately after stating the question, puts it to vote as described under Putting the Question [9], only allowing time for members to rise if they wish to make a motion of higher rank. If the question is debatable and no one rises to claim the floor, after the question is stated by the chair, he should inquire, "Are you ready for the question?" After a moment's pause, if no one rises, he should put the question to vote. If the question is debated or motions are made, the chair should wait until the debate has apparently ceased, when he should again inquire, "Are you ready for the question?" Having given ample time for any one to rise and claim the floor, and no one having done so, he should put the question to vote and announce the result. The usual method of taking a vote is viva voce (by the voice). The rules require this method to be used in Congress. In small assemblies the vote is often taken by "show of hands," or by "raising the right hand" as


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VIII.] character than any others which exist. Their most fundamental characteristic is the triliterality of their roots. With rare and insignificant exceptions, every Semitic verbal root—the pronominal roots are not subject to the same law—contains just three consonants, no more and no less. Moreover, it is composed of consonants alone. That is to say: whereas, in the Indo-European and other tongues, the radical vowel is as essential a part of the root as any other, even though more liable than the consonants to phonetic alteration, in the Semitic, on the other hand, the vocalization of the radical consonants is almost solely a means of grammatical flexion. Only the consonants of the root are radical or significant elements; the vowels are formative or relational. Thus, for example, the three consonants q-t-l form a root (Arabic) which conveys the idea of 'killing;' then qatala means 'he killed;' qutila, 'he was killed;' qutilū, 'they were killed;' uqtul, 'kill;' qātil, 'killing;' iqtāl, 'causing to kill;' qatl, 'murder;' qitl, 'enemy;' qutl, 'murderous;' and so on. Along with this internal flection is found the use of external formative elements, both suffixes and prefixes, and also, to a limited extent, infixes, or inserted letters or syllables; yet they are but little relied on, and play only a subordinate part, as compared with their analogues in the languages of other races; the main portion of the needed inflection is provided for by means of the varying vocalization of the root, and what remains for affixes to do is comparatively trifling. The aggregation of affix upon affix, the formation of derivative from derivative, so usual with us (it was illustrated in a former lecture by such examples as inapplicabilities and untruthfully), is a thing almost unknown in the domain of Semitic speech. This truly Procrustean uniformity of the Semitic roots, and this capacity of significant internal change, separate the languages to which they belong by a wide and almost impassable gulf from all others spoken by the human race. So far as we can discover, the varying vocalization of the roots in these languages is an ultimate fact, and directly and organically indicative of a variation of meaning: it is not, like the occasional phenomena of a somewhat similar


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 it is also called. The other methods of voting are by rising; by ballot; by roll call, or "yeas and nays," as it is also called; by general consent; and by mail. In voting by any of the first three methods, the affirmative answer aye, or raise the right hand, or rise, as the case may be: then the negative answer no, or raise the right hand, or rise. The responsibility of announcing, or declaring, the vote rests upon the chair, and he, therefore, has the right to have the vote taken again, by rising, if he is in doubt as to the result, and even to have the vote counted, if necessary. He cannot have the vote taken by ballot or by yeas and nays (roll call) unless it is required by the rules or by a vote of the assembly. But if the viva voce vote does not make him positive as to the result he may at once say, "Those in favor of the motion will rise;" and when they are seated he will continue, "Those opposed will rise." If this does not enable him to determine the vote, he should say, "Those in favor of the motion [or, Those in the affirmative] will rise and stand until counted." He then counts those standing, or directs the secretary to do so, and then says, "Be seated. Those opposed [or, Those in the negative] rise and stand until counted." After both sides are counted the chair announces the result as shown below. In a very large assembly the chair may find it necessary to appoint tellers to count the vote and report


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 1832.] pools of water left by the retiring tide, these animals were not easily caught. By means of their long arms and suckers, they could drag their bodies into very narrow crevices; and when thus fixed, it required great force to remove them. At other times they darted tail first, with the rapidity of an arrow, from one side of the pool to the other, at the same instant discolouring the water with a dark chestnut-brown ink. These animals also escape detection by a very extraordinary, chameleon-like power of changing their colour. They appear to vary their tints according to the nature of the ground over which they pass: when in deep water, their general shade was brownish purple, but when placed on the land, or in shallow water, this dark tint changed into one of a yellowish green. The colour, examined more carefully, was a French grey, with numerous minute spots of bright yellow: the former of these varied in intensity ; the latter entirely disappeared and appeared again by turns. These changes were effected in such a manner, that clouds, varying in tint between a hyacinth red and a chestnut brown, were continually passing over the body. Any part, being subjected to a slight shock of galvanism, became almost black : a similar effect, but in a less degree, was produced by scratching the skin with a needle. These clouds, or blushes as they may be called, are said to be produced by the alternate expansion and contraction of minute vesicles containing variously coloured fluids.

This cuttle-fish displayed its chameleon-like power both during the act of swimming and whilst remaining stationary at the bottom. I was much amused by the various arts to escape detection used by one individual, which seemed fully aware that I was watching it. Remaining for a time motionless, it would then stealthily advance an inch or two, like a cat after a mouse ; sometimes changing its colour : it thus proceeded, till having gained a deeper part, it darted away, leaving a dusky train of ink to hide the hole into which it had crawled.

While looking for marine animals, with my head about two feet above the rocky shore, I was more than once saluted by a jet of water, accompanied by a slight grating noise. At first I could not think what it was, but afterwards I found out that it was


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 8 this cuttle-fish, which, though concealed in a hole, thus often led me to its discovery. That it possesses the power of ejecting water there is no doubt, and it appeared to me that it could certainly take good aim by directing the tube or siphon on the under side of its body. From the difficulty which these animals have in carrying their heads, they cannot crawl with ease when placed on the ground. I observed that one which I kept in the cabin was slightly phosphorescent in the dark.

—In crossing the Atlantic we hove-to, during the morning of February 16th, close to the island of St. Paul's. This cluster of rocks is situated in 0° 58′ north latitude, and 29° 15′ west longitude. It is 540 miles distant from the coast of America, and 350 from the island of Fernando Noronha. The highest point is only fifty feet above the level of the sea, and the entire circumference is under three-quarters of a mile. This small point rises abruptly out of the depths of the ocean. Its mineralogical constitution is not simple ; in some parts the rock is of a cherty, in others of a felspathic nature, including thin veins of serpentine. It is a remarkable fact, that all the many small islands, lying far from any continent, in the Pacific, Indian, and Atlantic Oceans, with the exception of the Seychelles and this little point of rock, are, I believe, composed either of coral or of erupted matter. The volcanic nature of these oceanic islands is evidently an extension of that law, and the effect of those same causes, whether chemical or mechanical, from which it results that a vast majority of the volcanoes now in action stand either near sea-coasts or as islands in the midst of the sea.

The rocks of St. Paul appear from a distance of a brilliantly white colour. This is partly owing to the dung of a vast multitude of seafowl, and partly to a coating of a hard glossy substance with a pearly lustre, which is intimately united to the surface of the rocks. This, when examined with a lens, is found to consist of numerous exceedingly thin layers, its total thickness being about the tenth of an inch. It contains much animal matter, and its origin, no doubt, is due to the action of the rain or spray on the birds' dung. Below some small masses of guano at Ascension, and on the Abrolhos Islets, I found certain stalactitic branching bodies, formed apparently in the same manner as


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 1832.] the thin white coating on these rocks. The branching bodies so closely resembled in general appearance certain nulliporæ (a family of hard calcareous sea-plants), that in lately looking hastily over my collection I did not perceive the difference. The globular extremities of the branches are of a pearly texture, like the enamel of teeth, but so hard as just to scratch plate-glass. I may here mention, that on a part of the coast of Ascension, where there is a vast accumulation of shelly sand, an incrustation is deposited on the tidal rocks, by the water of the sea, resembling, as represented in the woodcut, certain cryptogamic plants (Marchantiæ) often seen on damp walls. The surface of the fronds is beautifully glossy; and those parts formed where fully exposed to the light, are of a jet black colour, but those shaded under ledges are only grey. I have shown specimens of this incrustation to several geologists, and they all thought that they were of volcanic or igneous origin! In its hardness and translucency—in its polish, equal to that of the finest oliva-shell—in the bad smell given out, and loss of colour under the blowpipe—it shows a close similarity with living sea-shells. Moreover in sea-shells, it is known that the parts habitually covered and shaded by the mantle of the animal, are of a paler colour than those fully exposed to the light, just as is the case with this incrustation. When we remember that lime, either as a phosphate or carbonate, enters into the composition of the hard parts, such as bones and


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Constitutions of the World

 * Constitution of the Principality of Sealand


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 Papers presented to the Royal Society against Dr. Wallis, with Considerations on Dr. Wallis's Answer to them,’ E. vii. 429–38, 1671. 24. ‘Lux Mathematica: excussa Collisionibus Johannis Wallisii et Thomæ Hobbesii,’ L. v. 89–150, 1672. 25. ‘Principia et Problemata aliquot Geometrica, ante desperata nunc breviter explicata,’ L. v. 151–214, 1674. 26. ‘Odyssey,’ translated into English verse, 1674, and with the ‘Iliad,’ 1675, 1677, 1686, E. xi. 27. ‘Decameron Physiologicum,’ 1678, E. vii. 69–180. 28. ‘Behemoth; History of the Causes of the Civil Wars of England;’ finished about 1668, suppressed by the king's desire, surreptitiously published in 1679, and authoritatively in 1681, E. vi. 161–416. An edition by Dr. F. Tönnies, from the original at St. John's College, Oxford, appeared in 1889, under the old title, ‘Behemoth, or the Long Parliament.’ 29. ‘Vita, carmine expressa,’ 1679, 1681, L. i. lxxxi–xcix. 30. ‘Historical Narrative concerning Heresy,’ E. iv. 385–408 (written about 1668), 1680. 31. ‘T. H. Malmesb. Vita,’ L. i. xiii–xxi; written by himself or dictated to T. Rymer; published with the last and ‘Vitæ Hobbianæ Auctarium’ (by Richard Blackburne [q. v.]), in 1681. 32. ‘Dialogue between a Philosopher and a Student of the Common Law of England,’ E. vi. 1–160, 1681. 33. ‘An Answer to a Book published by Dr. Bramhall … called “The Catching of the Leviathan,”’ E. iv. 279–384 (written about 1668), 1682. 34. ‘Historia Ecclesiastica, Carmine Elegiaco concinnata,’ with anonymous preface by T. Rymer, 1688. A ‘Whole Art of Rhetoric,’ vi. 419–510, corresponds to a free version of Aristotle's ‘Rhetoric,’ dictated to his pupil about 1633. The boy's book is in the ‘Hardwick Papers’ (, p. 29 n.) A letter to E. Howard, prefixed to the ‘English Princes,’ 1669, is in E. v. 458–60. Bishop Laney wrote a tract about Hobbes's views of free-will in 1672, but an answer by Hobbes, mentioned in the ‘Vitæ Auctarium,’ is not discoverable (, p. 202). ‘Hobbes's Tripos,’ 1684, contains Nos. 7 and 8, and the ‘Liberty and Necessity’ (No. 11). A collection called ‘T. H. M. opera Philosophica, quæ Latine scripsit omnia,’ was published by Blaeu at Amsterdam in 1668, Hobbes being forbidden to publish them at home. It included the amended ‘Leviathan’ (see above), the three systematic treatises, and reprints of mathematical pieces from 1660. The ‘Moral and Political Works of T. H. of Malmesbury’ were published in 1750, with life by John Campbell (1708–1775) [q. v.] from the ‘Biographia Britannica.’ The ‘Human Nature’ and ‘Liberty and Necessity’ were republished in 1812, with life by Philip Mallet. The standard edition is Sir W. Molesworth's, 1839–45, the Latin works in 5, and the English in 11 vols. 8vo.

 HOBDAY, WILLIAM ARMFIELD (1771–1831), portrait-painter, was born in 1771 at Birmingham, where his father was a manufacturer. Showing a capacity for drawing, he was sent to London when still a boy, and articled to an engraver named Barney, with whom he remained six years, studying at the same time in the Royal Academy schools. He then established himself in Charles Street, near the Middlesex Hospital, as a painter of miniatures and watercolour portraits, and commenced to exhibit at the Royal Academy in 1794. He was fortunate in soon securing a fashionable clientele, married, and in 1800 removed to Holles Street, Cavendish Square, where, supported largely by his father, he lived for a short time in a recklessly expensive style.

In 1804 he left London for Bristol, where for some years he was largely employed in painting the portraits of officers embarking for the seat of war in the Peninsula. Though Hobhouse


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 utmost value, afterwards, to England. The Electress Sophia was not perhaps a very estimable, though a very intelligent princess. But she was eighty-four when the crown came within reach, and she died of rage at an unfriendly letter from Queen Anne, betraying her Jacobite propensity.

The elector, who ascended the throne of England two months after his mother's death, was neither a tyrant, nor a coward, nor a fool; he was only unintellectual and brutally selfish. There were ladies in his company who received English titles, and offended one part of the public by their morals and the remainder by their ugliness. One was created Duchess of Kendal, and Walpole said of her that she was Queen of England if ever there was one. But she sold her influence for money, amounting sometimes to £10,000, and Walpole at last complained to his master. The king laughed in his face, and replied, in his dog-Latin, that no doubt his minister also was paid by the people whom he recommended. There was a deeper taint on his reputation. He had married the only daughter of his neighbour and kinsman, the Duke of Celle, thereby securing the succession to his dominions. Her mother was not of royal birth, and she was treated so cruelly by her husband and by the Electress Sophia that she resolved to escape from her misery by flight. In her despair she accepted the assistance of Count Königsmarck, whom the envoy Stepney described as a profligate adventurer. The secret was betrayed; the princess was divorced, and spent the long remainder of her life at Ahlden, a remote country house which had belonged to her father. This was no more than had happened in many great families tried by the temptation of irresponsible monarchy, but there was a superadded tragedy; for Count Königsmarck disappeared and was never seen again. As part of the scheme to run away with the princess, he had transferred his services to Saxony, where he was made a general. For that reason, and still more for the persuasive supplications of his sister, the beautiful Aurora von Königsmarck, the Elector Augustus the


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Page:Botanic drugs, their materia medica, pharmacology, and therapeutics (1917).djvu/19

 In fact, outside of the botanic field, oyster shell, graphite, lachesis, sepia, burnt sponge, and other "peculiar" remedies of sectarian medicine were also described in ancient and medieval books.

Verily, "there is nothing new under the sun." The medieval medical writings in Europe were numerous; but, again, it was a woman, Hildegarde (born 1108), of Bingen on the Rhine, who developed the botanic materia medica of her region and wrote a notable book. 3 Other women, somewhat later, whose names figure in botanic materia medica, were Mme. Mouffler, the Countess of Chinchon, and Mme. Chapelle. In medieval and pre-modern times, the men were so busy developing the dogmas of theology and medicine that they considered herbalism as beneath their notice; and the women, who conducted the hospitals of those days and did most of the obstetrical work, developed the useful details, leaving the profound theories for the men to fight over. Nevertheless, some masculine names were associated with materia medica from the chemical side, which does not involve this present study. Then, too, other men, in their writings, included botanic materia medica in the form of compilation from previous literature.

An examination of "The Pharmacopoeia Londinensis, A. D. 1682," revealed a content surprisingly botanical. The celebrated Dr. Thomas Sydenham gave much credit to botanic remedies, and his influence doubtless promoted their use. Writings in that day showed considerable use of indigenous plants, but comparatively little of value was written. Later writers of note in England,

3 "Liber Compositae Medicinae" and a later work of nine volumes.


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 such as Headland, while crediting botanic remedies, exploited little that was new. The rage for plant remedies had subsided, largely due to chemical advance in Europe.

Not so in America. There lies before me a quaint and not particularly creditable book, "The Practice of Medicine on Thomsonian Principles," by J. W. Comfort, M.D., and published in Philadelphia, in 1845. In the materia medica section, the first mentioned drug is lobelia inflata, to which is ascribed truly remarkable virtues and concerning which many foolish statements are made. Then follow capsicum, Thomson's composition powder (bayberry root bark, ginger, cayenne, and cloves), black pepper, ginger, bayberry, upland sumac, white pond lily, wild red raspberry, witch hazel, evan root, marsh rosemary, and numerous other American plants, few of which survive to-day as remedies. Nevertheless, some do remain, including lobelia, hydrastis, wild cherry, and some minor ones; so Samuel Thomson did not live in vain. His most creditable successors in the botanic field were Scudder and King of the Eclectic or "American" School, and who, despite a minority following in American medicine, really developed much of true value. But the dominant wing of the American medical profession were opposed to Thomson, Beach, Scudder, and all of the so-called "Botanies." The works of Trousseau, of France, dominated the thought of our writers on materia medica; and, indeed, this was rather fortunate, for Trousseau was a thoughtful and able man, whose writings were the very opposite in spirit from the vagaries of Thomson.


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 Then, too, H. C. Wood, Sr., followed up in America the scientific method of Trousseau, and he had an immense influence here.

Probably the last prominent proponent of the botanic remedies in so-called "Regular" practice was Robert Bartholow. A most able man, as he was, yet his was not the scientific method; and there has been no prominent writer since who adhered so closely to the empiric method in the study of materia medica.

Laurence Johnson lists 4 upwards of two hundred medicinal plants as indigenous to North America, principally in the United States. He does not pretend to list all of them, and few of those peculiar to Mexico and Central America. This is both an encouragement and a discouragement—an encouragement in that so great a diversity is ours and a discouragement in that we shall be tempted to use too much of it. Even to-day we are making foolish additions to materia medica.

This brief review of the history of botanic medication prepares the way for some considerations quite necessary for us to face if we hope to place plant remedies upon a scientific basis.

The study of botany is neglected in our medical colleges; so it is too often forgotten that plants are just as definitely related to each other as are inorganic chemical compounds. Credulity, as involves botanic remedies, is proportional to ignorance of botanical relationships. We may in our neighborhood know the Smith family and their

4 "A Manual of the Medical Botany of North America."


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 strong points and limitations. Hence, when any one of the Smiths lays claim to ability and characteristics foreign to the family in general, we indulge our doubts until after he proves out in his claims. Botanically we may know the Labiatae as mints and non-poisonous aromatics. We may look up this order of plants in a work on botany and note that forty-five species of them are indigenous to the United States, Thymus vulgaris being the most active one. And yet hedge hyssop, of this order, has recently been exploited as one ingredient of a remedy for cancer. Knowing the Labiatae, how improbable is it that any member of the order would, or could, have any influence upon the course of so serious a disease!

On the other hand, when echinacea is exploited as a remedy by many physicians, some claiming much for it, and others—those opposed—wholly condemning the plant as inert, it need be no stranger to us, for we know its natural order, the Compositae. So we look up the Compositae and find that one- tenth of all the flowering plants of the world are of this order and few of them poisonous, the exceptions being Liatris odoratissima, used in smoking tobacco, and producing cerebral intoxication; tansy, which has occasionally caused death; Artemisia absinthium, the toxic agent of absinthe, which the French Government has found necessary to suppress; and perhaps a few more. Others of the order, while not actively toxic, are possessed of definite activity. We may note lactucarium, eupatorium, erigeron, grindelia, matricaria, and taraxacum.

So, then, there is at least some ground for us to expect that echinacea may be one of the excep-


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 tional plants among the Compositae, although we would not expect, from its botanical relationship, that it may be either markedly toxic or quick acting, since none of the poisonous Compositae are rapid in toxic effect.

The natural order Solanaceae, or night-shades, we know are narcotics; hence we would expect to find any one of this order an active drug.

The deduction from all this is: While the plants of the natural order Labiatae might be useful, we would not expect to find active drugs among them; among the Compositae we would expect to find a few agents of toxic or energetic character, while among the Solanaceae we would expect energetic narcotics. Throughout the whole botanical classification we find this rule to be of value in forming some estimate of the probable activity of a botanic drug.

But academic considerations do not always rule in this practical world. Drugs are not selected purely on the basis of their toxicity, since many non-toxic ones are exceedingly useful. There is easily selected a list of botanic drugs of worldwide recognition. The following are recognized in from sixteen to nineteen pharmacopeias. I have arranged them according to botanical order. Note how our academic rule is at sixes and sevens with the practical matter of fact.

THE MOST POPULAR BOTANIC DRUGS 5

Aurantiaceae: Bitter orange peel, lemon oil.

Apocynaceae: Strophanthus.

Burseraceae: Myrrh.

5 List compiled by Gathercoal, ''Jour. Am. Phar. Ass'n''., March, 1916.


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 Compositae: Arnica, German chamomile, wormwood.

Coniferae: Juniper berries, rosin, turpentine.

Convolvulaceae: Jalap

Cruciferae: Mustard.

Euphorbiaceae: Castor oil, croton oil.

Ericaceae: Uva ursi.

Filices: Male fern.

Fungi: Ergot.

Gentianaceae: Gentian.

Hamamelaceae: Storax.

Iridaceae: Saffron.

Labiatae: Lavender, peppermint oil, rosemary.

Lauraceae: Camphor.

Leguminosae: Copaiba, gum arabic, peruvian balsam|, senna, tolu, tragacanth.

Liliaceae: Aloes, squill.

Linaceae: Linseed.

Lobeliaceae: Lobelia.

Loganiaceae: Nux vomica.

Lycopodiaceae: Lycopodium.

Lyihraceae: Pomegranate.

Malvaceae: Marshmallow.

Melanthaceae: Colchicum.

Menispermaceae: Columbo.

Myrislicaceae: Nutmeg.

Myrtaceae: Cloves and oil of cloves.

Oleaceae: Manna, olive oil.

Papaveraceae: Opium.

Piperaceae: Cubeb.

Polygonaceae: Rhubarb, senega.

Ranunculaceae: Goldenseed.

Rhamnaceae: Cascara.


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Rh have no right to hesitate in meting out such punishment as will most effectually deter such bloodthirsty savages from repeating their aggressions. The lives of such men, and of the party under their control, are of more value to the nation than those of a hundred blacks. Any leader failing to secure immunity from danger to his men is simply unfit for his post. As it turned out, we owe to a native who accompanied the hapless Kennedy the rescue of his expeditionary papers, when by the well-timed use of their rifles both he and his boy might have been saved, in spite of fever.

I will forward you a list of murders committed in this district by blacks, as contra account to your column of "How we Civilise." I trust that you will succeed in bringing about the much-to-be-desired reform you advocate, and ameliorate both white and black, the former into unquestioned possession of the vast area of the colony, the latter off the face of the earth which they do not even serve to ornament. Having done this you will be in a position to exclaim with Hugh Miller:—"Thus the experience of more than a hundred years demonstrates that when a tribe of men falls beneath a certain level its destiny is extinction, not restoration." Normanton, July 26. —Queenslander, Sept. 4, 1880.

,—For some time past you have been drawing attention in your columns to a dreadful state of things as existing in our midst: I refer to the treatment of the blacks by the Native Police force. Week after week articles appear giving descriptions of outrages perpetatredperpetrated [sic] by the police, and so far as the public can see there is no attempt made to deny their correctness. Some letters certainly have been written with an apparent idea of excusing the police, saying either that these outrages are necessary or that the accounts are exaggerated; but it seems only too evident that the horrible details given in the Queenslander are correct. In the issue of the 7th instant is a matter-of-fact letter signed "J. C.," giving specific details of outrages committed by different Native Police officers on unoffending blacks. Now, what the public wish to know is: Are these accounts of dispersals (murders) correct or not? In any other country than Queensland the head of any department, when his officials had the hand of scorn pointed at them in the way the Native Police has, would quickly take steps for an investigation to prove the truth or falseness of the charges made. So far we are not aware of any steps being taken by the head of the Police Department for an enquiry; and what are we to consider—that he connives at these dispersals, and dares not have an investigation? or that he is simply incapable of carrying out the duties entrusted to him? If neither be the case, why does he allow the present state of things to continue? The force looks to him for protection from unjust charges, and if the charges are correct why does he not put a stop to such a fearful state of things? If he is incapable, the sooner a capable man is appointed in his place the better, as till this matter is satisfactorily settled the people of Queensland will stand ouon [sic] a very unpleasant footing as regards their moral character.—Yours, &c., Clermont, August 14. —Queenslander, Sept. 11, 1880.

,—I am glad to notice that the question of our dealing with the aboriginals is receiving ventilation through your columns, and that all its phases are being fairly represented. Having lived since my arrival in this colony, and for years on the New South Wales and Victoria borders, where the blacks were most numerous, and their misdoings most frequent, I have had good opportunities of forming an opinion as to their natures and inclinations. My object in writing is not to propose any scheme by which the "native difficulty" may be settled, but to urgently recommend the appointment of a commission to report upon the most feasible mode of bringing the aboriginals to a sense of their relationship with the white occupants of the soil. In recommending a commission, I would say let it consist of men whewho [sic] are acquainted with bush life, who have had the experience of frequent contact with the blacks in their wild state, and, above all, men who have a reasonable blending of humanity and decision in their characters—human instincts to prevent any measures of extremity not absolutely necessary, and decision to control any morbid sympathy with

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Rh those who are termed "the original occupants of the soil," "the natural inhabitants," &c. For something over two years I have lived in a district where the misdeeds of the blacks have been more frequent than in any other part of Queensland, and have known in many instances a swift and terrible retribution to have followed upon the offending parties. I have never known the innocent to suffer, in the Cook district, for the guilty; for the Native Police officers know their work too well not to be able to run down those upon whose heads punishment should certainly fall. But with all this, and notwithstanding the high social character of almost every Native Police officer I have met, my own observation has convinced me that the organisation of the Native Police force is wrong in its very foundation. The blacks are dispersed after doing a wrong, but they are taught no lesson; and I have known blacks spear cattle on the McIvor River, receive summary chastisement, have some of the finest members of the tribe "wiped out," and return to the self-same place to spear more cattle within a fortnight. The survival of the fittest is not generally accepted practically, nor should it, I think, be enforced as far as the blacks of this colony are concerned. "Maori," an able writer, in a private letter, says:—"As far as the treatment of the blacks is concerned, I do honestly believe it has been inhuman and a mistake. Surely the genius of the Anglo-Saxon race, that has solved so many more knotty problems than this with superior races—more truculent, more intelligent, and more powerful—could have hit on some expedient more in accordance with civilisation (I will not say even Christianity) that the barbarous method of extermination—'wiping out' as you call it. . . . . In fact, I think it a gross shame to shoot the innocent and guilty indiscriminately, as has often been done. There has been lust, rapine, treachery, bad faith, cruelty, and downright savagery just as often on our side as on the side of the blacks, and we have had the advantage of superior numbers, wealth, intelligence, arms, and organisation." These are the words of no drawing-room moralist, nor are they the expressions of a man unused to the dangers and trials of pioneering and bush work, but of one who knows what the dark-skinned inhabitants of Queensland and other countries are from pretty dearly bought experience. In the Cook district the blacks have but one spot where they can find comparative peace and means of living in their natural condition, and that is on Cape Bedford, near Cooktown, and between that place and Cape Flattery. Their roving habits, however, take them on to the Endeavor and McIvor rivers, and there they despoil the herds of the settlers, and are followed back to the coast by the police, and pay a penalty for their crimes in the shape of death. There are many Native Police officers whose natures revolt in a measure from their work. It is no secret in the outlying Northern districts that the blacks are shot down, though the officers are said to work with ropes round their necks. This seems singularly paradoxical, for the Government serve out thousands of rounds of ball cartridge every year to the troopers. I am no advocate for the "poor blacks" in any sense other than that by a reformed method of dealing with them we shall ameliorate their condition, and remove what is certainly a blot on the fair name of Queensland.—Yours, &c., Townsville, August 20. —Queenslander, Sept. 11, 1880.

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I have moved the recently added work to your subpages. In the current state it would not seem to replicate the original work and therefore doesn't seem ready to be put into the main namespace. If you are after some assistance, then please ask for such in Scriptorium — billinghurst  sDrewth  09:18, 30 January 2011 (UTC)

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 * Hello, the user talk I blanked was my own user page from before I changed my user name. I took it for granted that no one would object to it so I didn't give any explanation, sorry. While I'm here, do you know of any place I can ask for the outright deletion of my old user? —Holt (T•C) 18:28, 30 January 2011 (UTC)
 * Either talk to one of the 'crats directly / or stick a note in their general section at WS:AN. — billinghurst  sDrewth  22:26, 30 January 2011 (UTC)
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Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 40.djvu/451

 NICHOLLS, RICHARD (1584–1616), poet. [See .]

NICHOLLS, SUTTON (fl. 1700–1740), draughtsman and engraver, is mentioned by Vertue in his diaries as among the engravers living in London in 1713. Nicholls drew and engraved a large number of views of places and buildings in London for the ‘Prospects of the Most Considerable Buildings about London’ (1725), published by John Bowles. These views, though of little artistic importance, are of the greatest possible antiquarian interest, especially the numerous views of the then newly formed squares, the Charterhouse, the old Royal Exchange, General Post Office, &c. Some views by Nicholls were published in Stow's ‘Survey,’ edited by Strype, 1720, 2 vols. fol. Nicholls also drew and engraved some large general birdseye views of London. He engraved a few portraits ‘ad vivum,’ mostly for booksellers, including one, dated 1710, of ‘Prince George's Cap Woman, Yorkshire Nan.’ We learn from one of his prints that he lived in Aldersgate Street, near the Half-Moon Tavern. A few etchings by him are known; an anonymous portrait of Nicholls is mentioned by Bromley.

[Redgrave's Dict. of Artists; Dodd's manuscript Hist. of English Engravers (Brit. Mus. Addit. MS. 33403); Vertue's Diaries (Brit. Mus. Addit. MS. 23070).]  NICHOLLS, WILLIAM (1664–1712), author and divine, the son of John Nicholls of Donington, now Dunton, Buckinghamshire, was born in 1664. He was educated at St. Paul's School, under Dr. Thomas Gale, and went up with an exhibition to Magdalen Hall, Oxford, where he matriculated as a commoner on 26 March 1680. He afterwards migrated to Wadham College, and graduated B.A. on 27 Nov. 1683. On 6 Oct. 1684 he was chosen a probationary fellow of Merton College, and proceeded M.A. 19 June 1688, B.D. 2 July 1692, and D.D. 29 Nov. 1695. Having taken holy orders about 1688, he became chaplain to Ralph, earl, afterwards duke of Montagu [q. v.], and in September 1691 rector of Selsey, near Chichester. He is also said to have been rector of Bushey, Hertfordshire, from 1691 to 1693, and in 1707 a canon of Chichester (, Alumni Oxon. iii. 1070). On the revival of the anniversary festival of his old school he preached the sermon on St. Paul's day, 1697–8. Alluding to the destruction of St. Paul's by the great fire in 1666, he speaks of the cathedral—in a sermon on ‘The Advantage of a Learned Education’ (London, 1698, 4to)—as ‘the edifice where we remember to have played our childish pastimes among its desolate ruins.’ Much of his life was spent in literary labours, and he suffered from poverty in his later days. Writing to Robert Harley, earl of Oxford, on 31 Aug. 1711, from Smith Street, Westminster, he complained that he was ‘forced on the drudgery of being the editor of Mr. Selden's books for a little money to buy other books to carry on my liturgical work.’ His health also broke down under the toil of writing his ‘large work’ (the ‘Comment on the Book of Common Prayer’) without the help of an amanuensis. He was buried in the centre aisle of St. Swithin's Church in the city of London, 5 May 1712 (, Lit. Anecd. i. 493 n., and 710). A fine engraved portrait by Vandergucht is prefixed to the ‘Comment,’ and another, engraved by Basire after J. Richardson, to his ‘Defensio Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ.’

Nicholls's chief work was the ‘Comment on the Book of Common Prayer, and Administration of the Sacraments,’ London, 1710, fol., with a ‘Supplement’ published separately in 1711. This book was published by subscription, and dedicated to the queen, and all the copies were disposed of before the day of publication. The historical introductions display great research, but the effect of the paraphrase, which accompanies every part of the text commented on, is not always happy (cf. Harleian MS. No. 6827, f. 284).

Another of Nicholls's publications, the ‘Defensio Ecclesiæ Anglicanæ,’ London, 12mo, 1707 and 1708, was written and published in Latin. A translation by the author into English followed in 1715. The book was meant to invite the attention of foreign scholars, and learned members of other religious communions abroad, to the excellence of the formularies of the English church. With this object, Latin copies were sent by the author to the king of Prussia and to many eminent scholars on the continent. The result was a volume of interesting correspondence, chiefly in Latin, including letters from Daniel Jablonski, Pictet, Le Clerc, the Wetsteins, and many others. The collection was presented by Mrs. Catherine Nicholls, the widow, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, 28 Oct. 1712, and is now in the library at Lambeth (MS. No. 676). Nicholls's views were contested and answered by James Pierce in his well-known ‘Vindication of the Dissenters’ (London, 1718, 8vo).

Nicholls's other works included: 1. ‘An Answer to an Heretical Book, called the Naked Gospel,’ 4to, 1691. 2. ‘A Short History of Socinianism,’ printed with the preceding. 3. ‘A Practical Essay on the Contempt of the World,’ inscribed to his schoolfellow, Sir John Trevor, 8vo, 1694. 4. ‘A Conference with a Theist,’ in five parts, 8vo, 1696 (3rd edit., enlarged to 2 vols., in 1723). 5. ‘The Duty of Inferiours towards their


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Nicholls Superiours, in five Practical Discourses,’ 8vo, 1701. 6. ‘A Treatise of Consolation to Parents for the Death of their Children’ (on the occasion of the Duke of Gloucester's death), 8vo, 1701. 7. ‘The Religion of a Prince’ (on the relinquishing of tenths and first-fruits by Queen Anne), 8vo, 1704. 8. ‘A Paraphrase on the Common Prayer …’ 8vo, 1708. 9. ‘Historiæ Sacræ Libri vii., opus ex Antonii Socceii Sabellici Eneadibus concinnatum,’ 8vo, 1710, and 12mo, 1711. 10. ‘A Commentary on the first fifteen and part of the sixteenth Articles of the Church of England,’ fol., 1712. 11. ‘A Defence of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England’ (a translation of the ‘Defensio,’ mentioned above), 8vo, 1715. The last two were posthumous.

[Nicholls's own Works; Nichols's Lit. Anecd., partly cited above, i. 489–93; Gibbs's Worthies of Buckinghamshire, p. 298; Gardiner's Admission Registers of St. Paul's School, p. 57; Knight's Life of Colet, p. 357; Brodrick's Memorials of Merton College, p. 298.]


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 Rh Writers upon biblical psychology have for many years debated as to whether the human soul is trichotomous or dichotomous. In favor of the trichotomist view it is urged that such expressions as "preserved entire, in all your parts, body, soul, and spirit," "piercing to the separation of soul and spirit," affirm a threefold division of man's nature. And it must be admitted that the settlement of the question is not altogether easy. The difficulty lies quite as much in the variety of expressions as in their indefiniteness. The older Jewish Scriptures were written at such different times and by such a variety of authors that, so far from having a common, to say nothing of a definite psychology, it is impossible to formulate even those persistent presuppositions which might be expected to underlie popular vocabularies.

The same difficulty lies to a considerable degree in some of the writings of the New Testament collection. But here the smaller number of writers, as compared with that of the older literature, makes the diversity of opinion less apparent, and to a considerable degree makes the discovery of definitions less difficult. Yet no one of these authors was a trained student of experimental science. Paul, the best educated of them all, gives little evidence of any training beyond the severely scholastic methods of the professional schools at Jerusalem. It is true he has the schoolman's accuracy in the use of terms, but he suffers also from the schoolman's lack of scientific experiment. He is not a scientist but a moralist.

If this last be true of Paul, it is truerof Jesus. He did indeed know what was in man, but his was a knowledge like that of Socrates—a practical and accurate intuition of human nature, rather than the accumulated facts of the psychologist. He has left no attempt to reduce to a system the various phenomena which the student is today taught to observe in consciousness.


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 Rh should appear that beneath prayer and analogy, maxim and exhortation there should lie a common conception of an ideal that is to be found among the possibilities of every member of the race, and of psychical capacities that make this ideal a possibility, it would be nothing more than one would expect of a thinker at once so artistic and profound as Jesus.

II. With Jesus man is essentially body and soul, flesh and spirit—an incarnate soul or life. But the two elements are not of equal worth. As the body is more than clothing, so is the soul more than the body. The body is destructible, but the soul may be saved, although it may also be (morally) destroyed. Jesus does not, like many thinkers, regard the body as necessarily evil. It is simply subordinate. So long as the race is in this æon the body is necessary. Upon it depend both the perpetuation of the race through marriage, and, also, death.

This view of man was not altogether peculiar to Jesus. The teaching of the Jewish schools of his time illustrates and, doubtless, to some extent explains his position. According to rabbinical authorities, mankind consisted of body and soul, the former composed of dust, the other descended from God. Further it was held that the soul was preëxistent and was the salt that kept the body from corruption. The gospels nowhere give foundations for the popular notion that the soul is a lower, more physical life-principle, and the spirit a higher, more divine substance. Indeed, it would be quite as reasonable to quote the development of Jewish thought for a precisely opposite view. Still less is there to be found in the words of Jesus the remoter conception of the soul as a sort of connecting link between the body and the spirit.


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 Rh not least in the support it gives to the belief that a man can never become a disembodied spirit. His future immortality is to be clothed in a new, though inexplicable body, or sensuous nature. A belief in a unity of the physical and psychical lies also behind the account of the birth of Jesus as it is contained in the infancy sections of Matthew and Luke, and even more clearly in the noble conception of the writer of the Fourth Gospel, "the word became flesh and tented among us." In each of these cases we have a very early formulation of the philosophy of the incarnation, and one that may very well be taken as representative of the teachings of Jesus himself. It certainly, therefore, is not too much to say that in the thought of Jesus, the individual man is a unity, which is the outcome of the organic combination of two complementary elements, body and soul. Humanity in its unit is thus a union.

III.

One essential characteristic of this physico-psychical being is its capacity to merge its life with that of similar beings — that is, its capacity for social life. The ideal human life, as Jesus conceives of it, consists in transcending the limits of an egoistic individuality. By this it is not meant to maintain that Jesus taught a pantheism or a generic humanity that is a sort of scholastic mélange. Sociability does not mean the extinction of individuality. It simply means that in the conception of Jesus the self is altruistic as well as selfish—social as well as individualistic. There are attracting and correlating powers of the personality that reach out to others and form, much like


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Rh between the human soul and God. This ideal union is expressed continually and with great variety. The vine with its branches symbolizes that relation between Jesus and his followers, which, whatever attitude one may hold towards current evangelical theology, is universally felt to include the relation of the divine and human. His followers are through him to be one, not only with each other, but with God. In his Father's home were, to use his incomparable figure, many mansions, in which he and they were to live. And in his invitation so artistically introduced by Matthew, there is proffered to the weary and the heavy laden a companionship that shall at once make them yoke fellows with himself and friends of the Father.

It is in illustration of this unity of human life with that of the divine that Jesus repeatedly sets himself forth in mystical language as the food of the soul, the bread that came down from heaven. And if at times his language grows more striking than our colder western imaginations often venture, and indeed becomes a hard saying even to his disciples, he instantly explains his analogy in terms that are at once profound and intelligible. The same is true of the symbolical teaching of the Eucharist. So great and essential did this relationship appear to the earliest church that the whole significance of Jesus as a mere ethical teacher is overtopped by it, and in the writings of Paul and John it becomes the leading conception of both the person and the influence of the Christ. He was the incarnate God—the perfect realization of this capacity for union between the human and divine, and at the same time the channel through whom the race itself might be brought into union with God, that it might enjoy


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Rh phase of civilization, further, is not a mere aggregation of unrelated individuals, but is a family. The king is a father and the subjects are brothers. It is no insignificant fact that in certain of its aspects, notably its perfection, the life of an isolated individual received little attention from Jesus. Indeed, when the fate of some single person is in question, as for instance "the disciple whom Jesus loved," his words became enigmatic and, for his immediate audience, unintelligible. His mission included the salvation of individual souls, but salvation with Jesus, so far as his words are witnesses, did not consist in living a detached life. The only possible conclusion to be drawn from this silence is this: Jesus recognizes human life as essentially social. Neither this nor any other statement should be taken as implying a neglect of the individual on the part of Jesus. Righteousness was not to be gotten by the wholesale. Rather it emphasizes the impossibility of disintegrating the kingdom into unrelated lives.

This conclusion is by no means the truism that it may seem. Among religious teachers, at least, social life has not generally been held to be the normal life for the man who seeks an ideal development. Withdrawal from society, monachism, the literal flight from a corrupt world—these have been the characteristics of the great mass of the religions of the past. Modern evangelicism is often guilty of the same mistake in its attempts to distinguish and withdraw from "worldly" influences. But with Jesus the entrance into the kingdom is the goal and the reward of the individual's endeavor. He is above all to seek such entrance; within it is he to heap up true riches; to miss it is the saddest lot; to gain it is the consummation of happiness.

(2) In sharpest opposition to all this is the Christian


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Rh (3) But the ideal is the evolution of the attempted. Jesus, recognizes the sociability of men not merely as a condition of the new and divine age, but as the capacity that underlies the development of sinful men into a sanctified and normal brotherhood. In other words, man's capacity for union with other beings is the hope of his regeneration. It would lead too far afield to develop this conception as it deserves. It will properly receive attention in the discussion of the dynamic forces of society. The main thing at present to emphasize is the recognition by Jesus of this characteristic in the but imperfectly righteous man. He as well as the ideal man is a social personality. It is not merely in the glorious age to come that men are to be brethren, it is in the present evil age as well. "One is your Master," he declared in one of his most searching charges to the little band of crude disciples, "and all ye are brethren." It is no mere happy choice of words that gave to those who attempted to incorporate his teachings this name. Altruism, self-sacrifice, was the constant lesson Jesus taught his followers. The sons of Zebedee, over-ambitious to monopolize the glories of the kingdom, the other ten who murmured quite as much from jealous disappointment as with indignation at their comrades' zeal, are bidden to serve rather than be served. In the new order that was to be worked out upon the earth men were to be neighbors and brothers. To exclude a man from the companionship of such was to reduce him to the lowest social grade the Jewish vocabulary could describe. To enter into brotherhood and sonship was the first step toward a future perfection.

Thus from whatever point of view we examine the Christian conception of man, we find it including a capacity for union. And this union is not thought of by Jesus as one of mere collocation. It is essential to the truest life. To avoid it is to become abnormal and sinful. Out from the picture of a possible


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 184 To him the soul was neither a specimen nor a laboratory, but the supreme treasure of the man. For this reason it is idle to search in his teachings for a detailed exposition of its powers. Nevertheless, the terms of his thinking were not without definition. It is a contradiction of terms to suppose that one who thought so keenly thought at the same time vaguely. If one makes due allowance for a colloquialism that was inevitable in his method of teaching, it is at once apparent that with Jesus, as with Socrates, words were the representatives of things. For this reason it is, that, although definitions are uncommon, Jesus' use of words is consistent as well as concrete. The rabbis, like all scholastic nomialists, might haggle over words. Jesus took them as he found them and used them steadily as the implements of real thought, able to make deep and consistent impressions without attempting formal distinctions.

Perhaps it is because of this consistency that the difficulties mentioned above are far less evident in the gospels than in the epistles. The unity of their teaching is the unity of a dominating personality. Peter, and James, and Paul, and John, and the other authors of letters, each had his own more or less consistent psychological terminology, and in their combination these terminologies are sometimes confusing. But in the words of Jesus such confusion is wanting, for the gospel writers do not allow themselves sufficient editorial license to affect the fundamental conceptions of their Master.

It is these fundamental conceptions that one must seek if he would get the logical point of departure for not merely the social but the religious teachings of Jesus. It is not impossible that in the search for them modern ideas may be read into ancient words, but none the less is the search to be made. And if it


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186 Just what the relationship is that exists between the soul and the body Jesus does not describe. If the words put into his mouth by Luke, "a spirit hath not flesh and bones as ye see I have," were actually his, he apparently distinguished between a ghost and a genuine human personality. But these words introduce so many difficulties, both critical and philosophical, that it will hardly be advisable to rest much argument upon them until they have been given a more careful examination than is here desirable.

In general Jesus distinguished between only physical and spiritual phenomena, and his language, though never technical, is yet sufficiently definite to make it certain that he never held to the trichotomy that possibly characterized the cruder psychology of the early Hebrew scriptures. At all events, the one class of phenomena did not spring from the other. That which is born of the flesh is flesh. Only that born of the spirit is spirit. It would certainly be inadmissable to consider his reply to the lawyer, "Thou shall love the Lord thy God with all thy heart, and with all thy soul, and with all thy understanding," as anything more than a Hebrew cumulative emphasis. So far was Jesus from being a trichotomist as sometimes to seem to approach a sort of psychological monism, in which the unity of body and soul constitutes a single life. However this may be, the significance of Paul's treatment of the resurrection of Jesus the type of the race, lies