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very greedy and importunate' when he asked for himself. He seems to have acted on the same principle himself. On the death of Henrietta Maria in 1669 he obtained a grant of the manor of Great Tring, and on the estate he built, from the design of Sir Christopher Wren, an elegant house 'and adorned it with gardens of unusual form and beauty,’ the cost of which, according to popular rumour, was borne by his pickings from the treasury. This property he sold in 1702. In 1680 he acquired from Catherine of Braganza a lease for thirty years of the manor of Hemel Hempstead, and in 1686 some lands in Ireland were ordered by the king's letter to be transferred to him. In 1686 he was also residuary legatee to Thomas Naylor, a man of much wealth, who was buried in Westminster Abbey on 12 Nov. 1686. William III dined with him at Tring in June 1690. In March 1691 he was made a commissioner of customs, but in the following June returned to the secretary ship of the treasury. His displacement was talked of in February 1695, and when the charge of having accepted a bribe of two hundred guineas was brought home to him, he was forced to resign and was committed to the Tower (16 Feb.) In 1696 he guaranteed, with many other members of his party, a loan from the Dutch government of 300,000l. He was reckoned a high churchman, and he allowed 20l. a year to the curacy of Tring. He died on 23 Feb. 1710, and gossip assigned to William Pulteney, afterwards Earl of Bath, 'the greater part of his estate,' which was valued, in common belief, at 100,000l. He left 500l. a year and 40,000l. in cash to Pulteney, who also succeeded him in the good graces of the electors of Hedon. Henry Savile, writing to Lord Halifax in 1679, praises Guy's 'steady friendship,' with the warning that 'whatever disadvantages his exterior may show to so nice a man as you,' a fitter man for a friend could not be found in England. Halifax two years later acknowledges Guy's superiority in understanding 'the methods of the court.'

[Clutterbuck's Hertfordshire, i. 510; Cussans's Hertfordshire, iii.pt.i. 16, 23, 82, 152; Students of Inner Temple, p. 344; Luttrell's Relation of State Affairs, 1857, ii. 22, 52, 250-1, iii. 443, 458, iv. 92, 560, vi. 695; Hatton Corresp. (Camden Soc.), i. 183; Savile Corresp. (Camden Soc.), pp. 121, 129,261 ; Letters of H. Prideaux( Camden Soc.), p. 130; Swift's Works, ed. 1883, xvi. 374-5; Wood's Fasti (Bliss), ii. 272; Athenæ Oxon. iv. 627; Macaulay's History, ed. 1871, iv. 129; Poulson's Holderness,ii. 154, 174; Hasted's Kent, i. 174; Chester's Registers of Westminster Abbey, p. 217; Hist. MSS. Comm. Appendix to the 4th Rep. 298, App. to 7th Rep. 374, 794-7, App. to 8th Rep. 38]  GUY, JOHN (d. 1628?), governor of Newfoundland, a citizen and merchant venturer of Bristol, was admitted to the corporation of the city in 1603, and was sheriff in 1605-6. In 1608 he and others belonging to the society of merchant venturers took into consideration a letter received by the mayor from Chief-justice Popham touching the colonisation of Newfoundland. John Cabot's discovery, and other subsequent expeditions from Bristol, had given the merchants of the city a special interest in Newfoundland, of which possession was formally taken for Queen Elizabeth by Sir Humfrey Gilbert in 1583. They did not, however, follow up the fishery there with vigour, and no attempt had been made at colonisation. The merchants agreed not to embark on the scheme unless the king would co-operate with them. The king consented, and a list of contributions was made out, Guy and others subscribing twenty marks a year for five years. Guy in 1609 put forth a treatise, of which Purchas possessed a copy, 'to animate the English to plant [or colonise] in Newfoundland.' His idea was warmly taken up by his fellow-citizens and by some of the London merchants. On 27 April 1610 James I granted a charter to Henry, earl of Northampton, keeper of the privy seal, and others, among whom were John Guy and his brother Philip, incorporating them as the 'Treasurer and Company of Adventurers and Planters of the Cities of London and Bristol,' for the purpose of colonising Newfoundland, and comprehending as their sphere of action' the southern and eastern parts of the new found land between 46° and 52° N. L.' Guy, who is described as a 'man very industrious and of great experience' , took out, probably in the following July, a colony of thirty-nine persons of both sexes, the men being 'all of civil life,' traders and workmen. He was accompanied by his family and his brother, and took with him grain for seed, and 'hens, ducks, pigeons, conies, goats, kine, and other live creatures,' for he wished to prove that the country would grow corn, and was good for farm stock. On 16 May 1611, when he had been there ten months, he wrote home an account of the climate and the fortunes of his colony, saying that in the summer he proposed to make a voyage 'between Cape Race, Placentia, and Bona Vista,' and that on his return home he would leave William Colston and his brother Philip to manage the colony (Purchas). He seems to have returned before the winter, for he was treasurer of the merchant venturers 1611-12. He then went back to Newfoundland, and in a letter written in October 1612 speaks of


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first part was dedicated ‘To … his very good Lorde and Maister, Lord Darcie of the North,’ and has commendatory verses by Roger Portington. Of the second part, licensed 6 Sept. 1583, the earliest edition known is the 1593 4to, which has a dedicatory epistle—dated ‘From my Studie in Clarehall’—to Robert Lee and Roger Portington. Some of Greene's biographers state, without authority, that he entered the church. A certain 'Robert Grene,' one of the queen's chaplains, was presented in 1576 to the rectory of Walkington in the diocese of York, but at that time Greene was an undergraduate at Cambridge. Another person who bore the poet's name, but whose identity with the poet cannot be established, was presented on 19 June 1584 to the vicarage of Tollesbury in Essex, which he resigned in the following year. It is clear from the dedicatory epistle before the second part of 'Mamillia' that on his return from abroad Greene was engaged on literary work at Cambridge before taking his M.A. degree. At one time he contemplated adopting the profession of medicine, for at the end of his ‘Planetomachia’ is the signature ‘R. Greene, Master of Arts and Student in Phisicke.’

Towards the end of 1585, or early in 1586, Greene married ‘a gentleman's daughter of good account’ (Repentance), and seems to have settled for a while at Norwich. When she had borne him a child he deserted her, after spending her marriage portion. She returned to her friends in Lincolnshire, and he permanently settled in London. In his 'Repentance' he states that he deserted her because she tried to persuade him from his wilful wickedness. If his own account may be accepted, the life that he led in London was singularly vicious. His friend Nashe allows that 'hee had not that regarde to his credit in which [which it] had beene requisite he should,' but declares 'with any notorious crime I never knew him tainted' (Strange Newes). The author of 'Greene's Funeralls,' 1594, a certain ‘R. B.,’ would have us believe that Greene was a pattern of virtue: ‘His life and manners, though I would, I cannot halfe expresse;’ but it is clear that he was guilty of grave irregularities, although his own confessions (and Gabriel Harvey's charges) are doubtless exaggerated. On one occasion he was so moved by a sermon which he heard in St. Andrew's Church at Norwich that he determined to reform his conduct, but his profligate associates laughed him out of his good resolutions. It is to be noted that, however faulty his conduct may have been, his writings were singularly free from grossness. He never, in the words of his admirer ‘R. B.,’ gave the looser cause to laugh, Ne men of judgment for to be offended. His pen was constantly employed in the praise of virtue.

Green's literary activity was remarkable, and he rose rapidly in popular favour. 'In a night and a day,' says Nashe (ib. 1592), ‘would he have yarkt vp a pamphlet as well as in seauen yeare; and glad was that printer that might bee so blest to pay him deare for the very dregs of his wit.’ The style of his first romance, ‘Mamillia,’ is closely modelled on ‘Euphues,’ and all his love-pamphlets bear traces of Lyly's influence. His enemy, Gabriel Harvey, termed him ‘The Ape of Euphues’ (Fovre Letters, 1592).

Early in August 1592 Greene fell ill after a dinner, at which Nashe was present, of pickled herrings and Rhenish wine. The account of his last illness and death given by his malignant enemy, Gabriel Harvey (ib.), may be exaggerated in some particulars, but appears to be substantially true. Harvey called on Greene's hostess, and professes to record the information that she supplied. If his account be true, Greene was deserted by all his friends, Nashe among the number, and died in the most abject poverty. He lodged with a poor shoemaker and his wife, who attended him as best they could, and his only visitors were two women, one of them a former mistress (sister to the rogue known as ‘Cutting Ball,’ who had been hanged at Tyburn), the mother of his base-born son, Fortunatus Greene, who died in 1593. Having given a bond for ten pounds to his host, he wrote on the day before his death these lines to the wife whom he had not seen for six years: ‘Doll, I charge thee by the loue of our youth and by my sovles rest that thou wilte see this man paide, for if hee and his wife had not succoured me I had died in the streetes. Robert Greene.’ He died 3 Sept. 1592, and his devoted hostess, obeying a wish that he had expressed, crowned his dead body with a garland of bays. On the following day he was buried in the New Churchyard, near Bethlehem Hospital.

Shortly after Greene's death appeared Gabriel Harvey's ‘Fovre Letters and Certaine Sonnets: especially touching Robert Greene and other parties by him abused,’ 1592, 4to; licensed 4 Dec., the preface being dated 16 Sept. Meres (Palladis Tamia, 1598) aptly compares Harvey's odious attack on his dead antagonist to Achilles' treatment of Hector's corpse. Chettle, in ‘Kind-Hartes Dream’ (licensed 8 Dec., four days after Harvey's tract had been licensed), represents that Greene's spirit appeared to him and laid on his breast a letter addressed to Nashe. This

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letter urged Nashe to defend Greene's memory and his own reputation. Nashe, who had been assailed in 'Fovre Letters,' stood in little need of exhortation. On 12 Jan. 1592-3 was licensed his 'Strange Newes,' one of a series of pamphlets directed against Gabriel Harvey. He was more active in ridiculing Harvey than in defending Greene. He had no wish to be regarded as one of Greene's intimate friends. Harvey had called him 'Greene's inwardest companion.' Nashe retorts, 'neither was I Greene's companion any more than for a carowse or two.' 'A thousand there bee,' he writes, 'that have more reason to speake in his behalfe than I, who, since I first knew him about town, haue beene two yeares together and not seene him.' He declares that, so far as his own observation went, Greene's conduct was orderly, and he denies but his denial weighs little—that Greene died in the abject condition described in the 'Fovre Letters.' Harvey, who had never seen Greene, speaks of his 'fond disguisinge of a master of arte with ruffianly haire,' and of his ' vnseemely apparell.' Nashe jocularly notices that 'a iolly long red peake like the spire of a steeple hee cherisht continually without cutting, whereat a man might hang a iewell, it was so sharpe and pendant.' Chettle gives a pleasant description of him: 'Of face amible, of body well proportioned, his attire after the habite of a scholler-like gentleman, onely his haire was somewhat long.' The woodcut portrait in John Dickenson's 'Greene in Conceipt,' 1598, is doubtless fanciful.

No less than twenty-eight separate publications (chiefly romances and prose tracts) appeared in Greene's lifetime. Ten other books issued after his death have been assigned to him. Of Greene's earliest publication, (1) ‘Mamillia,’ mention has already been made. His second publication, (2) ‘The Myrrovr of Modestie. … By R. G., Maister of Artes,’ 1584, 16mo (Brit. Mus.), partly deals with the story of Susanna and the elders; it was dedicated to the Countess of Derby. (3) ‘Gwydonius, the Carde of Fancie,’ 4to, dedicated to the Earl of Oxford, was entered in the ‘Stationers' Register’ 11 April 1584, and published in the same year (Sir F. Freeling's sale-catalogue); reprinted, under the title of ‘Greene's Garde of Fancie,’ in 1587, 1593, and 1608. Commendatory Latin hexameters by Richard Portington are prefixed, and appended is ‘The Debate betweene Follie and Loue, translated out of French [of Louise Labé].’ In 1584 also appeared (4) ‘Arbasto, the Anatomie of Fortune … Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit vtile dulci,’ 4to, and (5) ‘Morando, the Tritameron of Loue,’ 4to. Of the original edition of ‘Arbasto,’ licensed for publication on 13 Aug. 1584, two imperfect copies are preserved (one at Lamport Hall and the other in the library of Mr. C. Davis), which together give the entire text; other editions appeared in 1594, 1617, 1626. Arbasto is a hermit, once king of Denmark, who had been unfortunate in his love affairs. The story was dedicated to ‘the Ladye Mary Talbot, Wife to the Right honorable Gilbert, Lorde Talbot.’ ‘Morando,’ a series of dialogues on the subject of love, dedicated to the Earl of Arundel, was reissued with the addition of a second part in 1587 (Brit. Mus.) Only one of Greene's pamphlets is dated 1585, (6) ‘Planetomachia: or the first parte of the generall opposition of the seuen Planets. … Conteyning also a briefe Apologie of the sacred and misticall Science of Astronomie,’ 4to (British Museum), love-tales and astrological fancies, dedicated to the Earl of Leicester.

On 11 June 1587, his ‘Farewell to Follie’ was entered in the ‘Stationers' Register,’ but the publication was postponed. Another pamphlet, licensed eight days later, (7) ‘Penelope's Web’ (Bodleian), was issued without delay in 1587, 4to, dedicated to the Countesses of Cumberland and Warwick. Penelope and her attendants discourse on love and marriage. A second edition appeared in 1601. (8) ‘Euphues, his Censure to Philautus, wherein is presented a Philosophicall Combat betweene Hector and Achylles, discovering in four discourses … the Vertues necessary to be incident in every Gentleman,’ 4to (Brit. Mus.), was licensed on 18 Sept. 1587, and published in the same year, with a dedication to the Earl of Essex; reprinted in 1634. This pamphlet, which was intended to serve as a continuation to Lyly's ‘Euphues,’ aimed at presenting the exquisite portraiture of a perfect martialist.’ (9) ‘Perimedes the Blacke-Smith, a golden methode how to use the minde in pleasant and profitable exercise. … Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit vtile dulci,’ 1588, 4to (Bodleian), licensed 29 March, has a dedication to Gervase Clifton and a commendatory French sonnet by J. Eliote. Prefixed is an interesting ‘Address to the Gentlemen Readers,’ which contains a satirical notice of Marlowe's ‘Tamburlaine.’ It may be gathered from this address that one of Greene's plays had been unsuccessful on the stage, and that his blank verse had been pronounced inferior to Marlowe's. The book is a collection of love-stories (largely borrowed from Boccaccio), which the Memphian blacksmith Perimedes and his wife Delia relate to one another of an evening after their day's work is done. Some delightful poetry is


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, and appended are certain ‘sonets,’ published at the instance of the author's friend William Bubb. In 1588 also appeared Greene's popular romance (based on a Polish tale), (10) ‘Pandosto: The Triumph of Time,’ 4to (Brit. Mus.), with a dedication to the Earl of Cumberland; reprinted in 1607, 1609, 1614, 1629, 1632, 1636, 1655, 1664, 1675, 1677, 1684, 1694, 1703, 1723, 1735. The running title is ‘The Hystorie of Dorastus and Fawnia,’ which is found on the title-page of the later editions. It was twice translated into French; first in 1615 (Bodleian), and again in 1722 (Bibl. Nationale, Paris). From ‘Pandosto’ Shakespeare drew the plot of his ‘Winter's Tale.’ (11) The earliest edition known of ‘Alcida; Greene's Metamorphosis …,’ 4to, is dated 1617, but the pamphlet was licensed on 9 Dec. 1588, and probably published in 1589. It is dedicated to Sir Charles Blount, knt., and four copies of commendatory verse are prefixed—two in Latin by ‘R. A. Oxon.’ and ‘G. B. Cant.,’ and two in English by ‘Ed. Percy’ and ‘Bubb Gent.’ The stories in ‘Alcida’ show the evils that spring from women's pride and vanity. (12) ‘The Spanish Masquerado. Wherein vnder a pleasant deuise is discouered effectuallie in certaine breefe Sentences and Mottos the pride and insolencie of the Spanish Estate,’ 1589, 4to (Brit. Mus.), reprinted in the same year, was licensed on 1 Feb. 1588-9. Written immediately after the Spanish Armada, it contains a strong attack on the Roman catholics. Prefixed are a dedication to Hugh Ofley, sheriff of the city of London, and commendatory French verses by Thomas Lodge. (13) ‘Menaphon. Camillas Alarvm to Slumbering Euphves in his Melancholie Cell at Silexedra …,’ 1589, 4to (Brit. Mus.), dedicated to Lady Hales, is stated by some bibliographers to have been first published in 1587, but there is no authority for the statement. Later editions, under the title of ‘Greene's Arcadia; or Menaphon,’ &c., appeared in 1599, 1605, 1610, 1616, 1634. Nashe prefixed a lively address to the gentlemen students of both universities, in which he reviewed the state of English literature and glanced at the stage. It is possible, but scarcely probable, that some passages in the address refer to Shakespeare; it is certain that others are directed against Marlowe. Greene had been vexed (as we gather from the preface to ‘Perimedes’) at the success of rival playwrights. Nashe assures him that ‘Menaphon’ excelled the achievements of men who, unable to produce a romance, ‘think to outbrave better pens with the swelling bumbast of a bragging blank verse,’ and ‘repose eternity in the mouth of a player.’ In the same spirit writes Thomas Barnibe, who signs his complimentary verses with the anagram ‘Brabine’: Come forth, you wits, that vaunt the pomp of speech, And strive to thunder from a stageman's throat; View Menaphon, a note beyond your reach, Whose sight will make your drumming descant doat. ‘Menaphon’ contains some of Greene's best poems, notably the beautiful cradle-song, ‘Weep not, my wanton, smile upon my knee.’ Simpson's attempt (School of Shakspere, ii. 355-6, 370-2) to identify Shakespeare with Doron, one of the characters in ‘Menaphon,’ lacks all semblance of probability. (14) ‘Ciceronis Amor. Tullies Loue: Wherein is discoursed the prime of Ciceroes youth …,’ 1589, 4to (Huth), was dedicated to Lord Strange, and has commendatory verses in Latin by Thomas Watson and ‘G. B. Cantabrigiensis,’ in English by Thomas Burnaby (or Barnibe) and Edward Rainsford. This love-story proved very popular and was reprinted in 1592, 1597, 1601, 1609, 1611, 1615, 1616, 1629, and 1639. (15) ‘Greenes Orpharion. Wherein is discouered a musicall concorde of pleasant Histories. … Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit vtile dulci,’ 4to, dedicated to Robert Carey, was licensed 9 Feb. 1589-90, but the earliest edition known is dated 1599. In the preface to ‘Perimedes,’ 1588, Greene promised to publish ‘Orpharion’ during the next term; but the publishers kept the book (see preface to 'Orpharion’) for a whole year. The first edition must have appeared in 1589-90, shortly after the date of its entry in the ‘Stationers' Register.’ Greene imagines himself in ‘Orpharion’ to be transported in a dream from Mount Erycinus [Eryx] to Olympus, where he feasts among the gods and goddesses. Orpheus and Arion are summoned from the shades to entertain the company. (16) ‘The Royal Exchange. Contayning sundry Aphorismes of Phylosophie.… Fyrst written in Italian and dedicated to the Signorie of Venice, nowe translated and offered to the Cittie of London,’ 1590, 4to (Chetham Library), a collection of maxims, is dedicated to the lord mayor, Sir John Hart, kt., and to the sheriffs, Richard Gurney and Stephen Soame. (17) ‘Greenes Mourning Garment: given him by Remembrance at the Funerals of Love; which he presents for a favour to all Young Gentlemen that wish to weane themselves from wanton desires. … Sero sed serio,’ 4to, was licensed 2 Nov. 1590 and published in the same year; but the edition of 1616 is the earliest that has been discovered. A dedication to the Earl of Cumberland and an address to the ‘Gentlemen Schollers of both Vniversities’


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 and their Accidents—the Labials,’ three papers; vol. iv.: ‘On the Elements of Language, their Arrangements and their Accidents;’ vol. v.: ‘On the Roots of Language, their Arrangement and their Accidents;’ ‘On the Origin of certain Anglo-Saxon Idioms;’ ‘On certain Foreign Terms adopted by our Ancestors prior to their Settlement in the British Islands;’ vol. vi.: ‘On the Etymology of the Word Stonehenge.’ In the ‘Archæological Proceedings’ (1842): ‘On the Early English Settlements in South Britain.’ In the ‘Archæological Journal,’ vol. viii.: ‘On the Belgic Districts, and the Probable Date of Stonehenge;’ vol. xiv.: ‘The Four Roman Ways;’ vol. xvi.: ‘On the Boundaries which separated the Welsh and English Races, &c.;’ vol. xxi.: ‘On Julius Cæsar's Invasion of Britain;’ vol. xxiii.: ‘The Campaign of Aulus Plautius in Britain.’ He also wrote ‘University Tests,’ Cambridge, 1871. Two volumes, the first of reprinted papers, and the second of hitherto imprinted materials for a history of early Britain, edited by Dr. Stubbs (now bishop of Oxford) and the Rev. C. Deedes, were published after Guest's death, under the title of ‘Origines Celticæ,’ in 1883.

[Memoir prefixed to Origines Celticæ; Marshall's Account of Sandford; private information.]  GUEST, GEORGE (1771–1831), organist, was son of (1742-1830), who was born at Broseley in Shropshire, settled at Bury St. Edmunds in 1768, was organist of St. Mary's church there from 1805 to 1822, and he is said to have published some glees and songs. George Guest was born in 1771 at Bury St. Edmunds. He was chorister of the Chapels Royal, and may have been the Master Guest who was one of the principal singers (in the 'Messiah' and miscellaneous concerts) for the Hereford musical festival of 1783. Guest was organist at Eye, Suffolk, in 1787, and at St. Peter's, Wisbech, Cambridgeshire, from 1789 to 1831. He died at Wisbech on 11 Sept. 1831, after a long and severe illness, aged 60. He was the composer of four fugues and sixteen voluntaries for the organ; the cantatas, the 'Afflicted African' and the 'Dying Christian;' three quartets for flute and strings; three duets for two violoncellos; pieces for military bands; hymns, glees, and songs. It is probable that John Guest (fl. 1795), music master of Bury, and Jane Mary Guest (fl. 1780), afterwards Mrs. Miles, pianist, composer, and instructress of the Princess Charlotte of Wales, were relatives.

[Grove's Dict. i. 638; Brown's Dict. of Musicians, p. 212; Bary and Norwich Post, June 1830, September 1831; Lyson's Annals of the Three Choirs, p. 60; Georgian Era, iv. 54; Pohl's Haydn in London, pp. 15, 275; D'Arblay's Diary, i. 342.]  GUEST, JOSHUA (1660–1747), lieutenant-general,was a Yorkshireman of obscure origin. Local antiquaries have discovered no trace of his father. His mother was Mary Guest, afterwards Smith, who was baptised at Halifax, Yorkshire, in April 1640, her parents, Samuel Guest and Mary Greenwood of North Owren, having been married in the preceding February. Her tombstone in Lightcliffe churchyard, near Halifax, describes her as 'Mary Smith, mother of Colonel Guest of Lydgate in Lightcliffe, who departed this life 10 Sept. 1729, aged 88 years.' The parish register describes her as Mary Smith, widow, and her tombstone also records the deaths of her son, Joshua Smith, in 1750, aged 63, his wife, and their son Sammy, who died in July 1777, aged 42. These Smiths succeeded to General Guest's Yorkshire freeholds on the death of his widow (, Westm. Reg. n. at p. 380). Guest was evidently the son of Mary Guest, afterwards Smith, by a former marriage, or before she was married at all. His epitaph in Westminster Abbey shows that he was born in 1660, and began his military service in 1685. Local tradition records that he was a servant at the Angel at Halifax, and afterwards an ostler at Boroughbridge, and that he enlisted in the dragoons in that year. The first entry of his name in existing war office records is 24 Feb. 1704, when he was appointed cornet in Captain Henry Hunt's troop of Colonel George Carpenter's dragoons (Home Off.Mil. Entry Book, vi. 234). In Carpenter's, afterwards Honeywood's, afterwards Bland's dragoons (now 3rd hussars), the whole of Guest's service as a commissioned regimental officer, and most likely his previous service in the ranks, was passed. The regiment was raised in 1685, and was in the camp on Hounslow Heath. It fought with distinction under King William in the Irish and Flanders campaigns; part of it was in the Cadiz expedition in 1702; and it also served in Spain in 1707-8, and suffered heavily at the battle of Almanza, after which it was sent home to be reformed. It is probable that he was the Captain 'Joseph' Guest whose claim for extraordinary expenses incurred in bringing home letters to the queen from Spain through Italy, and having to return at once to Spain, is noted under date 5 July 1708, in 'Calendar of Treasury Papers,' 1708-14, c. viii. par. 9. On 5 June 1713 a brevet of colonel of dragoons was issued to 'Lieutenant-colonel' Joshua Guest (Home Off. Mil. Entry Book, viii. 304). Guest appears


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Johnson, Samuel (man of letters)

JOHNSON, Samuel, English man of letters; b. Lichfield, 18 Sept. (N. S.) 1709; d. London, 13 Dec 1784. He was the son of Michael Johnson, a learned bookseller, and his wife, Sarah Ford. The father was a Jacobitical, High Church Tory, somewhat given to melancholy, and not methodical in habits. The son took after him in these particulars. Of the mother little is known. They had another son, Nathaniel, born in 1712, who died at 25. The elder Johnson was a man of some local importance, church warden, sheriff and bailiff, but before his death in 1731 his business had declined until he was nearly bankrupt.

Samuel is said to have been a very precocious child, but his mental forwardness could not compensate for his bodily defects. His face was deeply marked by scrofula and one eye was permanently injured, Queen Anne's touch profiting him nothing, but leaving in his loyal memory a vague picture of a “lady in diamonds and a long black hood.” He was first taught by a dame, later at the Lichfield school. Being lazy and lumbering he early exerted his powers of command upon his fellows by making three of his mates carry him to school. In 1726, he was sent to school at Stourbridge for a year. Then he remained for two years at home, where he did little except to read widely among his father's books. His talents impressed a neighboring gentleman, who offered to send him to Oxford. Johnson entered Pembroke College as a commoner 3l Oct. 1728, remained in continuous residence a little over a year, and returned for brief periods, until the autumn of 1731. He was wretchedly poor during his college residence, and he left without a degree because of his father's business troubles. The stories of his haranguing students in a tattered gown and flinging away in a passion a pair of shoes left at his door are well known. His unusual learning seems to have impressed the college authorities from the beginning, and his Latin translation of Pope‘s ’Messiah,' printed in 1731 in a “miscellany,” pleased that famous poet. But Johnson was too indolent and hypochrondriacal to profit greatly from the college routine, and the cutting short of his academic career is thus not specially to be regreted.

After his father's death he found himself obliged to earn his living by teaching school and acting as chaplain to a baronet, who did not treat him kindly. He soon gave up the place and removed to Birmingham, where he lived with an old schoolmate named Hector and became a bookseller's hack. The only fairly important work of these years was his translation, through the French, of the Portuguese Lobo's ‘Voyage to Abyssinia,’ which appeared in 1735. Johnson is said to have walked to Oxford to get

a copy of the French version, which has never yet found its way back to the shelves of the Pembroke College library.

In 1735 he made a marriage which has afforded posterity a great deal of amusement Among his acquaintances in Birmingham was a mercer named Henry Porter, who died in 1734, leaving a widow and three children. In a little less than a year Johnson married the widow, who was about 20 years his senior, Johnson declared that it was a love match on both sides, and his own constancy to her throughout her life and his devotion to her memory prove that for himself at least he did not exaggerate. Despite his uncouth appearance, his eccentricities, his visionary and morbid qualities which made some people think him insane, the widow is said to have recognized that he was at bottom one of the most sensible of men. According to Garrick he showed no sense of the beautiful in choosing a fat, painted and affected old woman. She showed no prudence in placing her small fortune under the control of a poor young man with apparently slim prospects. Yet as Johnson was nearsighted and could see but little of what shocked others in his wife — if indeed the report of Garrick was not purposely exaggerated — and as he undoubtedly made her a good husband, there seems to be little reason to waste sympathy on either party to the match.

After his marriage Johnson set up a boarding school near Lichfield. His peculiarities naturally prevented him from succeeding. He may have had only three pupils; but one of these, David Garrick, combines with the master himself to make the short-lived school a very famous one. Early in 1737 the two set out together to seek their fortunes in London. Mrs. Johnson being left in Lichfield. They had little money, and Johnson's chief baggage seems to have consisted of part of his tragedy ‘Irene’ and a few letters of introduction.

The literary adventurer spent his first months in London seeking employment from the booksellers. He lived prudently and seems to have been aided by Henry Hervey, a son of the Earl of Bristol. In the summer he returned to Lichfield and finished ‘Irene’; in the autumn he removed permanently to London with his wife.

Macaulay in an excellent paragraph of his admirable essay on Johnson describes the desperate state of authors at the time. In 1736 the day of the patron was drawing to a close, but, although Pope had succeeded in making the public his patron, it was too early for other men to hope to rival him. Writers who under Queen Anne might have received money and political positions were now rather happy when they were sure of their meals. Booksellers kept them under by “sweat-shop” methods. Johnson took his place in the toiling ranks, but, because of his pride, suffered more than most of his brother hacks. His never polished manners deteriorated in cellar restaurants; he became a sloven in his dress and, as all the world knows, he never got over his acquired aversion to clean linen. Much of the brutality of manners for which he was afterward reproached is accounted for by the rough treatment to which he was subjected at this period of his career.

The details which Boswell was able to gather with regard to the early life of his hero are not very ample. After ‘Irene’ was refused by a

manager, Johnson secured employment with Cave in 1738, revising for The Gentleman's Magazine the parliamentary debates, which could be published only as if they had occurred in the senate of Liliput. From July 1741 to March 1744 he wrote the debates, making use of notes taken by others. They were often regarded as genuine, few readers knowing that the writer, to use his own words, had taken care that the Whig dogs should not have the best of it.

Meanwhile in 1738 Johnson had published through Dodsley his first important piece of work, the satire entitled ‘London,’ in which he imitated Juvenal's third satire as Boileau and Oldham had done before him. Being a strong, manly spirit and having his own sufferings and indignities to spur him on, he produced a poem which seemed so good to his contemporaries that the first edition was exhausted in a week. Pope inquired who the author was and endeavored to have him elected to the mastership of a school. The project failed and Johnson remained in London gathering the knowledge of writers and life that stood him in such good stead in his later criticism.

This knowledge was first displayed on a considerable scale in his life of Richard Savage (q.v.), which appeared in February 1744. Johnson, who had been much thrown with Savage, took that curious personage far too seriously; but his small biography is not only valuable as an excellent description of the literary Bohemianism of the day, but is important as one of the first books of its kind to abandon a stiff and formal or a stately tone, and to present a life simply and vividly. When we praise Boswell as a biographer, we ought not to forget that his great subject gave him instructions which the Scotchman bettered.

Little is heard of Johnson for the next two or three years, but his fame must have grown, for in 1747 he was employed by a sort of booksellers' syndicate to prepare an English dictionary, this project superseding that of an edition of Shakespeare, which he contemplated in 1745. The dictionary was to be in two folio volumes for which he was to receive £1,575. The entire cost of preparing copy fell on him, however, hence the bargain was not a profitable one to the needy scholar except in so far as it enhanced his reputation. He issued a plan of his work dedicated to Lord Chesterfield; did a large amount of reading to secure quotations; employed six amanuenses to copy such citations as he had marked; supplied etymologies and definitions; and finally on 15 April 1755 stood forth to the world as “the great lexicographer.” All things considered, it was a monument of scholarship despite its compiler's ignorance of the history of the language. Of its definitions, excellent as a rule, the humorous ones, such as that oats is a grain used for horses in England but for people in Scotland, are mainly remembered; but it should not be forgotten that Johnson not only far surpassed his predecessors, but also laid the foundations on which subsequent lexicographers have reared more imposing structures. The dictionary is also remembered as the occasion of Johnson's writing one of the most famous of all letters — that to Lord Chesterfield, who had neglected him for years but on the eve of the publication of the great work wrote flattering notices of it in the

hope that it might be dedicated to him. Johnson's letter of 7 Feb. 1755 is remarkable not merely for the dignity with which he refused to be encumbered with help after he had safely reached the shore unassisted, but also for the touching pathos with which he referred to his disillusionment and his loneliness. His “Tetty,” for whose sake he had labored so heroically, was not by his side to share his rewards. She had died in March 1752.

The completion of the “Dictionary” in eight years would have been sufficient work and glory for a more than ordinary man of letters; but between 1747 and 1755 Johnson added greatly to his reputation in other ways. In January 1749 the second of his celebrated satires appeared, ‘The Vanity of Human Wishes,’ based upon the tenth satire of Juvenal. It is better than the ‘London,’ indeed it is one of the best sententious pieces of moralizing in verse to be found in English literature. It brought Johnson only 15 guineas. He received nearly £300 in benefits and copyright for his tragedy ‘Irene,’ which Garrick produced in February 1749. Even Garrick's acting and Johnson's appearance in a box clad in a gold-laced hat and a gold-laced scarlet waistcoat could not save so undramatic a performance. It ran nine nights; the person who has read it nine times has probably never existed.

More important than his reappearance as a poet was his assumption of the role of periodical essayist. His famous semi-weekly imitation of The Spectator, entitled The Rambler, which ran from 20 March 1750 to 14 March 1752, was not specially successful as a journal, but when the numbers were gathered into volumes, which Johnson most carefully revised, the work became very popular. That it was the equal of The Spectator, as the novelist Richardson, who wrote the only really popular number, and other contemporaries declared, nobody now believes. That it should have held its own against so formidable a rival, when so many other attempts had failed, is a clear proof that it had genuine merits. It certainly established Johnson's fame as a moralist, and, if we omit the papers in which he clumsily attempted to be entertaining as well as some of his specifically critical essays, we can still find in its pages more sound thought and feeling with regard to human life in its lights and shadows than can be discovered in the pages of most of the essayists we actually read. Johnson's contemporaries were also greatly impressed by his elaborate, balanced, Latinistic prose style. The effects of this both upon the prose of his period and upon his own reputation were injurious. Even to this day most people think of Dr. Johnson — he was not yet M.A., that degree coming to him from Oxford, partly in reward for The Rambler, in time to be printed on the title page of the Dictionary — as a pompous affected writer who never used a short English word, if he could find a long Latin one to put in its place. The Rambler and other works produced when he was about 40 give a basis of truth to this opinion; but we should remember that as he grew older and after he had had much practice as a racy talker, his style became simpler and stronger.

The last number of The Rambler was written when Mrs. Johnson was dying. He mourned her loss sincerely through 32 years of widowerhood. He did not see her painted cheeks or hear her affected giggles; he saw only an ideal being whose death left him desolate. No one can read the numerous references to her in his ‘Prayers and Meditations’ (1785) without feeling a profound respect for the blinded man.

During the years between 1752 and 1759, that is between The Rambler and ‘Rasselas,’ Johnson not only published the Dictionary, wrote essays for his friend Dr. Hawkesworth's ‘The Adventurer’ (1753-54), and edited and contributed to the Literary Mazagine, or Universal Review (1756-68), but also issued proposals for the edition of Shakespeare he had long contemplated (1756), and began a new series of essays, The Idler. He lazily put off the Shakespeare until a taunt by the satirist, Charles Churchill, in ‘The Ghost,’ to the effect that he was cheating the subscribers who had paid in their money forced him to go to work on the promised edition, which finally appeared in 1765. Naturally, it was not a monument of scholarship, but it contained some sound criticism, and its preface has lone been regarded as one of the most sensible introductions to the reading of Shakespeare that we possess. The Idler ran in weekly numbers from 15 April 1758 to 5 April 1760 on Saturdays in Newberry's ‘Universal Chronicle.’ It was collected in two volumes in 1761 and in part deserved its title, for it was distinctly less ponderous than The Rambler.

It is at this period that the Johnson who has impressed the world's imagination as a man begins dearly to emerge. He was still the old impecunious Johnson, for the year after the Dictionary appeared he was twice arrested for debt. But he was slowly improving his finances, and he was gathering around him friends who were better than riches. He had long delighted in tavern clubs where he met queer characters, such as the forger, Psalmanazer (q.v.). In 1749 he organised a club of his own at the King's Head, which included Bathurst, Hawkesworth, and his future biographer. Sir John Hawkins. Then he formed friendships — destined to become more famous because they figured so frequently in Boswell — with the accomplished Grecian Bennet Langton, with the Ray, fashionable 'Topham Beauclerk, with Sir Joshua Reynolds and Dr. Burney, and, a trifle later, with Goldsmith and Burke. An humbler circle of friends is still more picturesque — to wit, the unfortunates he received into his gloomy house after his wife died — blind Miss Anna Williams, good talker but peevish, Robert Levett, the self-educated physician of the poor, to whose memory Johnson consecrated one of the most pathetic of English elegies — and later, Mrs. Desmonlins and Miss Carmichael. These dependents, as was natural, quarreled among themselves and harassed their benefactor. Another inmate of his house, of whom we frequently hear, was his black servant, Francis Barber.

In January 1759 Johnson's old mother died at Lichfield. The story that he wrote ‘Rasselas, Prince of Abyssinia,’ in a week, to pay her funeral expenses is, as is usual, not altogether accurate. It seems to have been begun before her death, mainly in order to defray the cost of a visit to her. When published, it became the most popular of his writings, and it still has readers and ranks as a classic, although a

ponderous one. It has little narrative interest, lacks the atmosphere of the East, presents us with personages rather than with persons, and makes them talk in an impossibly magniloquent style; yet, when all deductions are made, it remains not only a strong attack upon the fashionable shallow optimism of the day which Johnson detested, but also one of the most manly utterances on the evils of life and the courage needed to combat them that has ever been heard from an English moralist. In literary ability Johnson was inferior to Voltaire, whose witty ‘Candide,’ by a curious coincidence, attacked the optimists almost contemporaneously with ‘Rasselas’; but in moral force the advantage was entirely on Johnson's side.

Three years after ‘Rasselas’ began its long life in numerous editions and translations, Johnson's own life was almost entirely changed. In July 1762, despite his famous uncomplimentary definition of “pension,” he accepted one of £300 per annum. He was independent enough to be able to afford being slightly inconsistent, and he did not promise to support the Tory government in return for its favors. Pensioned or unpensioned he would have taken his reactionary position on American affairs, whether or not he would have written his unfortunate ‘Taxation no Tyranny’ (1775), just as naturally as he took part in exposing the Cock Lane Ghost (1762).

His pension gave Johnson full opportunity to indulge his constitutional sluggishness. He could afford to write only now and then, to lie in bed till the afternoon, to spend the evening at a tavern laying down the law to his hearers. Thanks partly to his genius for conversation and friendship, partly to his rooted dislike of solitude, he grew to be more and more of a club-man, as the word was then understood, and it was in this capacity rather than as a productive man of letters that he became the literary dictator of his time. As Macaulay remarks, between 1765 and 1775 Johnson published only what it would scarcely have taken him a week to write if he had been working at his old rate of speed. Instead of writing he talked, and when he came forward again as an author, the vigorous English of his conversation got the better of the stately Latin of his pen. About the beginning of 1764 he became the chief figure of the famous club which for nearly 20 years had weekly or fortnightly meetings at the Turk's Head, Soho. Besides Johnson, its chief members were Reynolds, Burke, Goldsmith, Gibbon, Garrick, Sir William Jones, and, last but not least, James Boswell, whom Johnson caused to be elected early in 1773. Langton, Beauclerc, Bishop Percy, Fox, and others nearly or quite as distinguished, were also members. It is perhaps not so surprising that these men admitted Boswell at Johnson's solicitation as that Johnson should have tolerated the bibulous, gossiping little man, who hailed from a part of Great Britain for which the sturdy English moralist had always professed a great dislike. The matter can no more he settled by explanation than Johnson's infatuation with Mrs. Porter. Boswell, with all his faults, must have been amusing, and his devotion to his master doubtless touched that essentially kind though rough personage. At any rate, posterity, which owes so much to Boswell, has no occasion to harshly either of the apparently ill-assorted friends. It is better to remember that, although several other members of the club wrote books that have stood the wear and tear of time more successfully than most of Johnson's writings have done — Burke, Goldsmith and Gibbon, for example, and Boswell himself — the fact that Johnson dominated such men speaks volumes for his essential greatness as a man. Mere dictatorial rudeness and other qualities natural to an Ursa Major, as the poet Gray used to denominate him, are not sufficient to explain the phenomenon.

Boswell is not the only person who lives in literature because he was once associated with Johnson. Henry Thrale, the brewer, and his bright, gay wife are mainly remembered, because after 1764 Johnson passed much of his time at the brewery in Southwark and at their villa at Streatham, leaving his new house in Fleet street to be occupied in the main by the queer recipients of his bounty already mentioned. He now became somewhat more polished in his manners and enjoyed the society of such interesting women as Fanny Burney (Mme. D'Arblay, q.v.), Hannah More (q.v.), Mrs. Montagu and Mrs. Carter. The literary lion in such company presents a picture very different from that of the adventurer wandering the streets with Savage. Boswell gives so many interesting pictures of the later Johnson that it is difficult to select the most striking. The interview with George III was a great event in the life of so loyal a subject. It took place in February 1767. His softening down in the presence of that amusing radical, John Wilkes, showed him in a still happier light. His excursions, whether with Boswell or the Thrales, to the Hebrides (1773), to Wales (1774) and to France (1775) — to say nothing of visits to his old friends at Oxford and elsewhere, had their share with time in mellowing his character and widening his outlook upon men and institutions. ‘A Journey to the Western Isles,’ the account he gave of his visit to Scotland with Boswell, upon which the latter wrote a more sprightly book, would have given far more offense to the Scotch if it had been written two decades earlier. It was published in 1775, the year Oxford, following Dublin by 10 years, made him a doctor, and is a dignified and worthy book; but it is probably chiefly remembered because in it Johnson severely handled James Macpherson of Ossian fame, a fact which led to Macpherson's challenging him, and to Johnson's purchasing a stout stick, which he did not have occasion to use on his challenger.

Two years later — Easter Eve 1777 — a committee representing many of the best London booksellers called upon Johnson to ask him to furnish introductions to a proposed series of the works of the English poets since the Restoration. The project pleased him, he named a compensation far too low (200 guineas, subsequently increased by £200 by the booksellers), shook off his lethargy and by 1781 had finished the most famous of his books, the ‘Lives of the English Poets,’ which appeared (collected) in 10 small volumes (1779, 1781). This latest work was, in literary merit, by far his best. He was in sympathy with most of the poets he had to treat, he had amassed through reading and gossip much information about them, he had mellowed with age, the common sense and sound morality, which are the best features of his

criticism, had full chance to display themselves, and his style was no longer ponderous and unidiomatic. The life of Milton was marred by prejudice, religious and political, as well as by lack of appreciation of such a poem as ‘Lycidas,’ the life of Gray was unsympathetic and inadequate; but the chief lives, such as those of Cowley, Addison, Dryden, Swift, Pope and Savage, left little to be desired, and many of the minor sketches were intelligent, to the point, and, not infrequently, humorous in a somewhat grim fashion. In short, the book well deserves the place it has secured as an 18th century classic.

After its publication Johnson aged rapidly, and what with the loss of friends (like Thrale in 1781, and Levett in 1782), and with his dread of death and his increasing infirmities of gout and asthma, the last three years of his life were very painful. A break with Mrs. Thrale in consequence of her attachment to the Italian Piozzi, whom she married in 1784, led to his going back to his house in Fleet street, to recriminations and bad temper trying both to him and to her, and finally to his last letter to her, which is pathetic in the extreme. In the summer of 1783 had a paralytic stroke; recovering, he tried, more or less in vain, to forget his miseries in his clubs, old and new. He visited Oxford with Boswell; plans were formed to get him to Italy, but failed; and in November 1784 he entered upon his last illness. Physicians and friends served him with the utmost kindness, his fear of death subsided, and after bravely undergoing operations and giving many proofs of his unfeigned piety, he died peacefully on 13 Dec. 1784. Seven days later he was buried in Westminster Abbey.

Johnson's massive figure and disfigured face, his swaying backward and forward, his muttering prayers to himself, his touching all the posts he passed, his bad manners at table, his 25 and less cups of tea, his slovenliness, his near-sightedness — all his moral and physical peculiarities are known wherever Boswell is read. We do not so frequently recall his generosity in making advances after a quarrel, his love of children, his chivalry toward women, his loyalty to his friends, his charity to the poor, his hatred of tyranny in every form. We remember his prejudices and superstitions without recalling the fact that he inherited than in large measure. By insisting upon his eccentricities we tend to overlook his splendid triumph over bodily infirmities and social drawbacks that would have quelled a less resolute spirit. Johnson at bottom was of heroic mold — courageous, tender, large-minded, sound-hearted. His peculiarities make him picturesque; study of his character and his career reveals him to have been truly great as a man. As a man of letters he is also great, through his influence upon the literature of his period, through his services to lexicography, through the solid intelligence and morality of his essays and ‘Rasselas,’ through the sanity of his best criticism, and through the vitality of his biographical sketches. But as a writer of books that are judged solely on their intrinsic merits of style and substance Johnson can scarcely be termed great. His complete works have been but rarely reprinted in the past 80 years and are little read. As an essayist and letter-writer, and poet, he is not in the highest class; ‘Rasselas’ is found to

be heavy reading by most people; the ‘Lives of the Poets’ are perused in their entirety by but few. Boswell does much more to preserve Johnson's fame than the great Doctor's own writings; but the value of these is easily underestimated, and Boswell's biography would not have been such a great book if Johnson had not been such a great man. See .

Bibliography. — Good editions of Boswell's ‘Life of Samuel Johnson’ are by G. Birkbeck Hill (6 vols., Oxford 1887) and by Roger Ingpen (2 vols., New York 1909). Other editions of importance are those by Malone (6th edition of the work, 1811), Croker (11th edition, 1831; revised, 1835), Percy Fitzgerald (1874), Rev. Alexander Napier (1884). Other sources of information are the biography by Sir John Hawkins (1787), Arthur Murphy's ‘Essay on the Life and Genius, etc.’ (1792), Mrs. Piozzi's ‘Anecdotes’ (1786), and her ‘Autobiography’ (1861), the Diary of Mme. D'Arblay (1841, now edited anew by Austin Dobson), and, in general, books dealing with the chief men of the time, Goldsmith, Reynolds, Burke, etc. Consult also the short lives by Leslie Stephen (‘English Men of Letters,’ London 1879), and Col. F. Grant (‘Great Writers,’ ib. 1887); Dennis, J., ‘Dr. Johnson’ (New York 1905); Raleigh, W. A., ‘Samuel Johnson’ (Oxford 1907); id., ‘Six Essays on Johnson’ (ib. 1910); Shorter, C. K., ‘Immortal Memories’ (New York 1907); Piozzi, H. L. T., ‘Dr. Johnson's Mrs. Thrale’ (ib. 1910); Broadley, A. M.. ‘Dr. Johnson and Mrs. Thrale’ (ib. 1910); Bumey, F., ‘Dr. John- son and Fanny Burney’ (ib. 1911); Bailey, I. C., ‘Dr. Johnson and His Circle’ (ib. 1913). The chief critical essays are by M. Arnold, Birrell, Carlyle, Macaulay and Leslie Stephen. Consult also Birkbeck Hill's ‘Dr. Johnson and His Friends’ (1878), and ‘Johnsonian Miscellanies’ (1897), and Whitwell Elwin's ‘Some Eighteenth Century Men of Letters’ (1902). Johnson's works were edited by Hawkins in 1787 in 11 volumes (to which two volumes edited by Stockdale were added later). Several editions by Arthur Murphy followed (1792, 1796, etc.), then two by Chalmers (1810, 1816), and finally in 1825 came the best, the Oxford edition in 11 volumes, edited by F. P. Walesby and containing the Parliamentary Debates. Johnson's ‘Letters,’ save those included in Boswell's were edited by Birkbeck Hill in 1892 (2 vols). Reprints of separate works have been very numerous, of late chiefly for school use. The best editions of ‘Rasselas’ are those by Birkbeck Hill (1887), and O. F. Emerson (1895). The ‘Lives of the Poets’ were edited by Peter Cuningham in 1854, by Mrs. Napier in 1890 and by Arthur Waugh in 1896; but these have been superseded by the monumental edition of Birkbeck Hill (3 vols., 1905). Matthew Arnold edited six of the lives in 1878.


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The following December he was cited to appear before the general assembly to answer various accusations, including especially that of having preached before the king in a surplice. As the summons had not been served on him personally, it was decided that meanwhile he should only be deposed, and that if he failed to make public repentance in Edinburgh he should be excommunicated (, Scots Affairs, ii. 139;, Records of the Kirk, pp. 171-2; , Memorialls, i. 122). In the following March commissioners were sent to him to intimate the finding of the assembly, upon which he ceased to preach on Sunday, and kept within his castle of Spynie (, i. 142). On the approach of General Monro, the bishop, on 10 July, surrendered his castle, which was placed under the command of the covenanter commission of Elgin (, iii. 213;, i. 305). The bishop was carried by Monro to Aberdeen (, i. 333), whence he was brought in September to Edinburgh, and presented to the estates, who immediately sent him prisoner to the Tolbooth (ib. p. 339). On his presenting a petition for his liberation to parliament in the following November, it was granted on condition that he did not return to the diocese of Moray. After his release he took up his residence at Guthrie, which he had purchased from his relative Peter Guthrie; he had obtained a crown charter 28 Nov. 1636. He died 28 Aug. 1649, and was buried beside his wife in the aisle of the church of Guthrie (MS. Diary of his brother James Guthrie of Arbirlot, quoted in, Epitaphs and Inscriptions, ii. 149). His character is highly eulogised by Bishop Henry Guthrie [q. v.], who says: 'As he chose not to flee, so upon no terms would he recant, but patiently endured excommunication, imprisonment, and other sufferings, and in the midst of them stood to the justification of episcopal government until his death' (Memoirs, p. 35). By his wife, Nicolas Wood, he had two sons, John, parson successively of Keith and Duffus, who died in 1643 without issue, and Andrew, who, having joined Montrose, was taken prisoner at Philiphaugh (13 Sept. 1645) and executed at St. Andrews; and two daughters, of whom Bethia, heiress of Guthrie, married her kinsman Francis Guthrie of Gagie, from whom descend the present Guthries of Guthrie. Among the family relics at Guthrie Castle are a bible and a curious old bell, both of which formerly belonged to the bishop.

 GUTHRIE, THOMAS, D.D. (1803–1873), Scottish preacher and philanthropist, was born at Brechin on 12 July 1803. His ancestors for several generations were Forfarshire farmers, who claimed connection with James Guthrie [q. v.] of Stirling, the covenanter, executed in 1661. His father, David Guthrie, was a trader and banker in Brechin. His favourite brother Charles became an officer in the East India Company's army, while another brother was a physician. In the Brechin schools he was, he tells us, chiefly distinguished for 'fun and fighting.' At the age of twelve he left Brechin for the university of Edinburgh, where he spent ten years, from 1815 to 1825; four in the arts or linguistic, philosophical, and mathematical course; four in the study of divinity, biblical criticism, church history, and Hebrew, and two in medical and scientific studies. He also devoted special attention to public reading and speaking.

Guthrie was licensed to preach by the presbytery of Brechin in 1825, at the age of twenty-two. Under the system of patronage which then prevailed in Scotland, it was five years before he obtained a living. In 1826 he went to Paris to study natural philosophy, chemistry, and comparative anatomy in the Sorbonne, and to walk the wards of the Hôtel Dieu. In Paris he studied hard, and made friends with students of different races and religions. On his return home in 1827 he spent two years as manager of his father's bank. Finally, in 1830 he was ordained minister of the parish of Arbirlot, near Arbroath. He married in the same year.

The sermons preached by him before the presbytery, with a view to license and ordination, were constructed on severely logical lines, without a spark of originality. But when in contact with the farmers, peasants, and weavers of Arbirlot, in all of whom he took from the first a strong personal interest, he soon joined to old-fashioned views and appeals a power of appropriate illustration and a dramatic force which had not hitherto been associated with evangelical opinions. His imposing presence, genial and expressive features, and natural gestures commanded attention. Although possessing unusual readiness of speech, he always wrote out his


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Author:Alexander Suslin

Works

 * Agudah

title: Author:Alexander Suslin


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 and other diseases with the like success. The reports of these extraordinary cures brought him a vast number of patients during the next three years from various parts of Ireland and also from England. He set apart three days each week for the exercise of his cure. The dean and bishop of Lismore remonstrated with him in vain for practising medicine without a license from his ordinary. On 6 April 1665 he visited his old friend Phaire at Cahirmore, co. Cork, and cured him of acute ague. To this there is independent testimony in unpublished letters by Phaire's son, Alexander Herbert. Among his patients in Ireland in 1665 was the astronomer [q. v.], then a young man suffering from chronic rheumatism and other ailments. Flamsteed derived little or no benefit from the stroking. Greatrakes spent July 1665 in Dublin (cf. Newes, 5 July 1665). There he received an invitation through Sir George Rawdon from Viscount Conway to come to Ragley to cure his wife [see ] of perpetual headaches. Henry More, the Cambridge platonist, and George Rust, dean of Connor, had recommended the application to Greatrakes. Greatrakes hesitated at first, but at last consented. He embarked for Bristol in January 1666, and after exercising his skill on many patients by the way arrived at Ragley, near Alcester, in Warwickshire, 24 Jan. He stayed at Ragley about three weeks, and though he did not relieve Lady Conway many persons in the neighbourhood benefited by his treatment. From Ragley he was invited to Worcester (13 Feb.), and in the accounts of that city there is an item of 10l. 14s. for 'the charge of entertainment of Mr. Gratrix' (Notes and Queries, June 1864, p. 489). By direction of Lord Arlington, secretary of state, and by persuasion of Sir [q. v.], he almost immediately moved on to London. There he stayed for several months in Lincoln's Inn Fields, and treated a great number of patients gratuitously with varied success. He failed at Whitehall before the king and his courtiers. At the end of February 1665-6 Henry Stubbe, a physician of Stratford-on-Avon, published at Oxford the 'Miraculous Conformist,' an account of Greatrakes's treatment, attributing his success to miraculous agency. (1625-1691) [q. v.] replied in 'Wonders no Miracles,' by attacking Greatrakes's private character. Greatrakes thereupon vindicated himself in an autobiographical letter addressed to [q. v.], accompanied by fifty-three testimonials from Boyle, Andrew Marvell, Ralph Cudworth, John Wilkins (afterwards bishop of Chester), Benjamin Whichcote, D.D., one of Greatrakes's patients, and other persons of known honesty and intelligence. His procedure, according to More and Rust, both of whom he met at Ragley, always resembled a religious ceremony. 'The form of words he used were, "God Almighty heal thee for his mercy's sake;" and if the patients professed to receive any benefit he bade them give God the praise.' By the application of his hand 'at last he would drive (the morbific matter) into some extreme part, suppose the fingers, and especially the toes, or the nose or tongue; into which parts when he had forced it, it would make them so cold and insensible that the patient could not feel the deepest prick of a pin; but as soon as his hand should touch those parts, or gently rub them, the whole distemper vanished, and life and sense immediately returned to those parts.' His failure in some cases, not apparently more hopeless than others in which he had been successful, could not be explained satisfactorily. He deprecated the description of his cure as miraculous, but admitted that 'he had reason to believe that there was something in it of an extraordinary gift of God' (A Brief Account, &c. p. 34). More quoted Greatrakes's cures as a confirmatory illustration of his own ingenious speculation 'that there may be very well a sanative and healing contagion, as well as a morbid and venemous' (Enthusiasmus Triumphatus, Scholia on Sect, 58). In modern times the cures have been reasonably attributed by Deleuze and others to animal magnetism (Histoire Critique du Magn. An. ii. 249). Greatrakes's treatment was gratuitous, except in the case of Lady Conway, when he demanded and received 155l. for the expenses of the journey and on account of the hazards of the enraged seas.' Greatrakes rejected cases which were manifestly incurable.

On his return to Ireland at the end of May 1666 Greatrakes assumed the life of a country gentleman, having an income of 1,000l., and only occasionally practised his cure. He died at Affane 28 Nov. 1683. In his will (dated 20 Nov. 1683, and proved at Dublin 26 April 1684) he directed that he should be buried in Lismore Cathedral; but this direction was not complied with, and he was buried beside his father at Affane. He was twice married; by his first wife, Ruth (d. 1675), daughter of, knt. (1611-1696) [q. v.], he had two sons, William and Edmund, and one daughter, Mary; by his second wife, Alice (Tilson), widow of Rotherham, esq., of Camolin, co. Wexford, he left no issue.

Greatrakes published 'A Brief Account of Mr. Valentine Greatrak's [sic], and divers of


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Author:William Peterfield Trent

Works

 * William Gilmore Simms (1892)
 * Notes on recent work in southern history (1892)
 * Teaching the Spirit of Literature (1896)
 * Southern Statesmen of the Old Régime (1897)
 * John Milton; a short story of his life and works (1899)
 * The authority of criticism, and other essays (1899)
 * Robert E. Lee (1899)
 * Progress of the United States of America in the century (1901)
 * A history of American literature, 1607-1865 (1903)
 * A Brief History of American Literature (1904)
 * Greatness in literature, and other papers (1905)
 * Longfellow, and Other Essays (1910)
 * An introduction to the English classics'' (1911)

as editor

 * John Milton's L'allegro, Il penseroso, Comus, and Lycidas (1895), by John Milton
 * Essay on Milton and The Life and Writings of Addison'' by Thomas Babington Macaulay, (1896)
 * Poems and Tales from the Writings of Edgar Allan Poe, 1898
 * The poems of Robert Louis Stevenson, 1900
 * Colonial prose and poetry with Benjamin Willis Wells, 1901 vol 1, vol 2, vol 3
 * Typee; life in the South seas by Herman Melville, 1902
 * The complete works of Edmund Spenser, 1903
 * A journey in the seaboard slave states in the years 1853-1854 by Frederick Law Olmsted, 1904
 * The complete works of William Makepeace Thackeray, 1904
 * The nabob; by Alphonse Daudet, 1904
 * Johnson and Goldsmith, essays by Thomas Babington Macaulay, 1906
 * Sohrab and Rustum by Matthew Arnold, 1906
 * The best American tales chosen, 1907

Contributions to NIE

 * With Evander Bradley McGilvary.
 * With Evander Bradley McGilvary.
 * With Evander Bradley McGilvary.
 * With Evander Bradley McGilvary.
 * With Evander Bradley McGilvary.

title: Author:William Peterfield Trent


text:
Page:Dictionary of National Biography volume 23.djvu/398

a voyage which he had made to Trinity Bay. He was anxious to establish trade with the natives. Some five years later a visitor to Newfoundland wrote that the Bristol citizens had 'planted a large circuit of the country, and builded there many fine houses, and done many other good services' (ib.) Guy returned to Bristol, and was elected mayor 1618-19, was member of the merchant venturers' court of assistants in 1620 and 1621, and master in 1622. He was a member for the city in the parliament of 1620, and in a debate on the scarcity of money on 27 Feb. spoke of the abundance of English coin in foreign parts, and recommended that the exportation of money should be forbidden (Parliamentary History); he also sat for Bristol in the parliament of 1621, and was again returned on 20 Oct. 1624. While member he received and wrote several letters about the interests of the merchant venturers company, which are preserved by the society. One sent to him and his colleague Whitson in October 1621 is on the 'business of Sir Ferdinando Gorges,' and relates to the restraint of trade with New England consequent on the articles and orders of the president and council for New England, which the merchants 'in noe sorte did like;' in the following February Guy writes touching his 'conference with the lord treasurer and others concerning the new imposition of wines and composition of grocery' (MS. Records of Merchant Venturers). He was again a member of the court of assistants from 1624 to 1628, when he probably died, as his name disappears from the books of the society. It has been positively asserted that he died in that year, and was buried in St. Stephen's Church, Bristol (note communicated by Mr. W. George of Bristol). As regards his burial this seems impossible, as the register books of the church, which are in a good state of preservation, contain no such entry between 1628 and 1636. There is no monument to him in Bristol.

[MSS. of the Merchant Venturers of Bristol, at Merchants' Hall; information supplied by Mr. W. George of Bristol; Cal. State Papers, Colonial, 1574-1660, i. 20, 303; Purchas his Pilgrimes, iv. 1875-88; Stow's Annales, ed. Howes, 1631, p. 1019; Return of Members of Parliament, i. 451, 457; Parl. Hist. i. 1197; Seyer's Bristol, ii. 259; Nicholls and Taylor's Bristol, Past and Present, iii. 301.]   GUY, THOMAS (1645?–1724), founder of Guy's Hospital, eldest child of Thomas Guy, lighterman and coalmonger, also described as citizen and carpenter, was born in 1644 or 1645 in Pritchard's Alley, Fair Street, Horselydown, Southwark. His father, an anabaptist, died young, leaving three children, the eldest being eight years old. His mother returned to her native place, Tamworth, where she married again in 1661. Thomas Guy was carefully educated at Tamworth, and on 3 Sept. 1660 was apprenticed for eight years to John Clarke, bookseller, in Mercers' Hall Porch, Cheapside, London. On 7 Oct. 1668, at the end of his apprenticeship, he was admitted by servitude a freeman of the Stationers' Company, and of the city on 14 Oct., and on 6 Oct. 1673 he was admitted into the livery of the Stationers' Company. In 1668 he set up in business as a bookseller in the corner house at the junction of Cornhill and Lombard Street, with a stock worth about 200l. At this time there was a large unlicensed traffic in English bibles printed in Holland, in which Guy is said to have joined extensively. The king's printers had complained of the infringement of their privilege, and made numerous seizures of Dutch printed bibles. At the same time they were underselling the universities, and trying to drive them out of competition. Before 1679 Guy and Peter Parker came to the aid of Oxford university and became university printers, in association with Bishop Fell and Dr. Yates. They printed at Oxford numerous fine bibles, prayer-books, and school classics, and effectually checkmated the king's printers, both in litigation and in business. But certain members of the Stationers' Company succeeded in ousting them from their contract in 1691-2, after a sharp contest (see Ballard MSS. vol. xlix. in Bodleian Library). Dr. Wallis gives Parker and Guy a high character for probity, skill, and zeal (loc. cit.} Guy imported type from Holland and sold bibles largely for many years. He published numerous other books, and his imprint is not so rare as has been represented. Having accumulated money he invested it in various government securities, and especially in seamen's pay-tickets, then often sold at from thirty to fifty per cent, discount. In 1695 Guy became member of parliament for Tamworth, where he had in 1678 founded an almshouse for six poor women, enlarged in 1693 to accommodate fourteen men and women. A letter from Dr. G. Smalridge, afterwards bishop of Bristol (28 Oct. 1696), inquires whether Lord Weymouth has sufficient influence at Tamworth to keep Guy out at the next election (, Lit. Illustr. iii. 253). Guy sat until 1707, when he was rejected, and declined a request from his constituents to stand again. According to John Dunton [q. v.], Guy in 1705 occupied a high position among London booksellers, and was 'an eminent figure' in the Stationers'


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Johnson, Samuel (preacher)

JOHNSON, Samuel, American preacher and author: b. Salem, Mass., 10 Oct. 1822; d. North Andover, 19 Feb. 1882. He was graduated from Harvard in 1842, and from the Harvard Divinity School in 1846. He joined no religious denomination, and save for one year

with a Unitarian church in Dorchester was not settled as a minister until 1853, when he established in Lynn, Mass., an independent society, with which he remained till 1870, then withdrew to complete studies of many years, the results of which appeared later in his publications. With Samuel Longfellow (q.v.) he compiled a ‘Book of Hymns’ (1846) and ‘Hymns of the Spirit’ (1864). Some of his own inspiring hymns in these books are now found in the collections of various denominations. His critical study ‘The Worship of Jesus’ (1868), written in accordance with his views of universal religion, is described by O. B. Frothingham as ‘perhaps the most penetrating and uplifting essay on that subject in any language.’ He printed notable essays on religion, reform, etc., in The Radical and other periodicals. His great work ‘Oriental Religions,’ including ‘India’ (1872), ‘China’ (1877) and ‘Persia’ (1885) — the last containing an introduction and a critical estimate of Johnson by O. B. Frothingham — represents what Johnson himself calls his “purely humanistic point of view.” His philosophy was highly transcendental; but being versed in many languages, he was acquainted with all schools, and with the results of history, literature, science and criticism in every department. ‘Oriental Religions,’ in the task of writing which scholars have compared his competence, patience and thoroughness with the same qualities in Darwin, has taken its place among the most learned and liberal contributions to the study of comparative religion and civilisation. Prof. E. J. Eitel, the German Orientalist, wrote of “Johnson's pre-eminent merits as the historian of universal religion,” and F. Max Müller paid him tribute as the finder of “a religion behind all religions.” His ‘Theodore Parker’ (1890) is a profoundly spiritual interpretation of that preacher and reformer, whose work on the intellectual side was surpassed by Johnson's, while on the moral side, as in the anti-slavery conflict, they stood as equal comrades. A little volume of Johnson's hymns, with other poems, was published in 1899. Consult Longfellow, ‘Lectures, Essays and Sermons by Samuel Johnson, with a Memoir’ (Boston 1883). This volume contains some of Johnson's best papers, including brilliant lectures on ‘Switzerland’ and ‘Florence,’ the outgrowth of searching observations in Europe, ‘Equal Opportunity for Woman,’ ‘Labor Parties and Labor Reform,’ and an illuminative essay on ‘Transcendentalism.’


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Johnson, Samuel William

JOHNSON, Samuel William, American chemist: b. Kingsboro N. Y., 3 July 1830; d. 1909. He studied at Yale Scientific School and the universities of Leipzig and Munich. In 1856 he became professor of analytical chemistry in the Sheffield Scientific School of Yale, taught agricultural chemistry there 1857-75, and from 1875 to 1896 was professor of theoretical and agricultural chemistry, becoming in 1896 professor emeritus. He was director of the Connecticut Agricultural Experiment Station from 1877 to 1899. In 1858 he was made chemist to the State Agricultural Society, in which capacity he issued an important series of papers on commercial fertilizers and allied subjects. He was elected to the National Academy of Sciences, and in 1878 was president of the American Chemical Society. He published

‘Essays on Peat Muck and Commercial Manures’ (1859); ‘How Crops Feed’ (1870); ‘Peat and Its Uses’ (1866); ‘How Crops Grow’ (1868), and edited Fresenius' ‘Quantitative Chemical Analysis’ (1864, 1875, 1883).


text: Index:Discovery and Decipherment of the Trilingual Cuneiform Inscriptions.djvu


text:
Page:Discovery and Decipherment of the Trilingual Cuneiform Inscriptions.djvu/205

 himself entitled to add a gh and another e to his list—both wrong.

So also in the position in the cuneiform where he should expect to find a word corresponding to the one translated 'stirps,' in the Pehlevi he observed a word of three letters of which he knew the first two, p, u—. He hit upon a word in Pehlevi—bun— that had precisely the signification of 'stirps.' So he gave his p the alternate value of b and added n to his list. These also were both wrong. His attention was next turned to the two different inflexions which had been remarked at the end of 'king'. In the one consisting of three signs, he already knew the two last,— h α, and, for some reason we have not found explained, he assumed the first was a second sign for α. In this addition to his alphabet he was nearly right, for the letter has the value of h before α, i, u. In the second inflexion of four letters the first and third signs are the same, his e or α; and he learned from Anquetil that the Zend has a genitive ending e tsch α o. This was sufficient to add tsch and another o to his alphabet—both wrong. Here, then, are six more letters, gh, e, n, α, tsch and o to be added to the thirteen already found, making nineteen in all. There are twenty-five letters in the two inscriptions given by De Sacy in 1803; and there is no doubt that before that time Grotefend had, with two exceptions, completed his alphabet, as it is found in the Appendix to Heeren in 1815. According to it we see that he had already attempted to assign values to thirty-seven cuneiform signs, three of which are not to be found in Niebuhr's


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User talk:Murphy13~enwikisource

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User talk:Sophie Penxten

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User talk:Trees army

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