text:
Midwest Conference

The Midwest Conference (MWC) is an intercollegiate athletic conference affiliated with the NCAA's Division III. Member institutions are located in the Midwestern United States in the states of Illinois, Iowa, and Wisconsin. The Midwest Conference was created in 1994 with the merger of the Midwest Collegiate Athletic Conference, which had been sponsoring men's sports since 1921, and the Midwest Athletic Conference for Women, which was formed in 1977.

History
The organization of the Midwest Collegiate Athletic Conference (MCAC) was conceived at a meeting at Coe College on May 12, 1921. Charter members were Beloit College, Carleton College, Coe College, Cornell College, Knox College (Illinois) and Lawrence University. Hamline University and Millikin University joined the league in December 1921, but both of them later withdrew: Hamline after the 1929–30 academic year, and Millikin after the 1924–25 academic year.

Ripon College joined the conference in 1923, followed by Monmouth College in 1924, Grinnell College in 1940 and Lake Forest College in 1974. Illinois College and St. Norbert College joined in 1982 and Carroll University followed in 1992. Carleton withdrew following the 1982–83 academic year. St. Olaf College also competed in the conference from 1952 to 1974, as did the University of Chicago from 1976 to 1987. Coe and Cornell withdrew following the 1996–97 academic year with Cornell rejoining the league starting in the 2012–13 year. Macalester College joined as a football-only member starting in 2014. The University of Chicago returned as a football-only member in 2017, and added baseball to its conference membership in the 2019 season (2018–19 school year).

The MWC split into North and South divisions for football, men's and women's tennis, baseball, and softball from 2012 through 2016. Divisional play ended with the departure of Carroll after the 2015–16 school year, and resumed for football only with the addition of the University of Chicago as an affiliate member for the 2017–18 season. St. Norbert left in 2021 for the Northern Athletics Collegiate Conference.

Chronological timeline

 * 1921: The Midwest Conference (MWC) was founded as the Midwest Collegiate Athletic Conference (MCAC). Charter members included Beloit College, Carleton College, Coe College, Cornell College, Knox College and Lawrence College (now Lawrence University), effective beginning the 1921–22 academic year.
 * 1922: Hamline University and Millikin College (now Millikin University) joined the MCAC, effective in the 1922–23 academic year.
 * 1923: Ripon College joined the MCAC, effective in the 1923–24 academic year.
 * 1924: Monmouth College joined the MCAC, effective in the 1924–25 academic year.
 * 1925: Millikin left the MCAC, effective after the 1924–25 academic year.
 * 1930: Hamline left the MCAC, effective after the 1929–30 academic year.
 * 1940: Grinnell College joined the MCAC, effective in the 1940–41 academic year.
 * 1941: Carleton withdrew from the conference in June 1941.
 * 1946: Carleton rejoined the conference, effective for the spring 1946 track season.
 * 1952: St. Olaf College joined the MCAC, effective in the 1952–53 academic year.
 * 1974: St. Olaf left the MCAC, effective after the 1973–74 academic year.
 * 1974: Lake Forest College joined the MCAC, effective in the 1974–75 academic year.
 * 1976: The University of Chicago joined the MCAC, effective in the 1976–77 academic year.
 * 1982: Illinois College and St. Norbert College joined the MCAC, effective in the 1982–83 academic year.
 * 1983: Carleton left the MCAC, effective after the 1982–83 academic year.
 * 1987: U. of Chicago left the MCAC to join the University Athletic Association (UAA), effective after the 1986–87 academic year.
 * 1992: Carroll College joined the MCAC, effective in the 1992–93 academic year.
 * 1994: The MCAC has been rebranded when the conference merged with the women's-only Midwest Athletic Conference for Women (MACW; founded since the 1977–78 school year) to become the Midwest Conference (MWC), effective in the 1994–95 academic year.
 * 1997: Coe and Cornell left the MWC, effective after the 1996–97 academic year.
 * 2012: Cornell re-joined back to the MWC, effective in the 2012–13 academic year.
 * 2014: Macalester College joined the MWC as an affiliate member for football, effective in the 2014 fall season (2014–15 academic year).
 * 2016: Carroll left the MWC to join the College Conference of Illinois and Wisconsin (CCIW), effective after the 2015–16 academic year.
 * 2017: The University of Chicago re-joined back to the MWC, but as an affiliate member for football, effective in the 2017 fall season (2017–18 academic year).
 * 2018: The University of Chicago added baseball into its MWC affiliate membership, effective in the 2019 spring season (2018–19 academic year).
 * 2021: St. Norbert left the MWC to join the Northern Athletics Collegiate Conference (NACC), effective after the 2020–21 academic year.
 * 2021: Macalester left the MWC as an affiliate member for football, effective after the 2020 fall season (2020–21 academic year).

Member schools
Every member in the history of the MWC and its predecessor conferences, whether full, affiliate, current, or former, has been a private school.

Current members
The MWC currently has nine full members.

 * Notes

Affiliate members
The MWC currently has one affiliate member.

 * Notes:

Former members
The MWC had eight former full members.

 * Notes:

Former affiliate members
The MWC had one former affiliate member.

Sports
, the MWC sponsors the following sports:

title: Midwest Conference


text:
Talk:Maxine Hong Kingston

Untitled
Why is the list of four other prominent Chinese American writers listed here? Kingston isn't like their leader or even representative, right? Maybe it should be incorporated into List of famous Chinese-Americans. --Menchi 01:39 6 Jul 2003 (UTC)

Um.. There is a school in Stockton, CA called Maxine Hong Kingston Middle School. 67.181.118.123 22:53, 31 August 2006 (UTC)

Plan from English4994 Group
1. Split Kingston project group into 2 pairs: Biography/The Woman Warrior 2. Create easy to read/follow layout of information 3. Use credible resources 4. Make sure writing styles blend Lpier452 (talk) 15:49, 2 April 2009 (UTC)

 * Good job Kingston biography group on getting a first plan posted. You'll want to pay attention to the guidelines for biographies of living persons. Looking forward to seeing how your plans for the Maxine Hong Kingston biography develop with more specificity (as in -- What will you be adding?  Why?  What changes will you be making now that you have credible sources to contribute?)  Keep up to date on this page as you decide how you'll be revising the article.
 * AEG English4994 (talk) 19:48, 2 April 2009 (UTC)AEG English4994

Who is 'Tom'?
The article contains this sentence: "Tom left China for America in 1924 and took a job in a laundry." But, there's no mention of who 'Tom' refers to. Is it her father? —Preceding unsigned comment added by WmGB (talk • contribs) 14:19, 3 April 2009 (UTC)

Kingston's Arrest is Described Twice
Currently, the page says:

She was awarded the 1997 National Humanities Medal by President of the United States Bill Clinton. Kingston was a member of the committee to choose the design for the California commemorative quarter. She was arrested in March 2003 in Washington, D.C., for crossing a police line during a protest against the war in Iraq. In April, 2007, Hong Kingston was awarded the Northern California Book Award Special Award in Publishing for Veterans of War, Veterans of Peace (2006), an anthology which she edited.

Kingston was arrested on International Women's Day (March 8) of 2003. Participating in an anti-war protest in Washington, D.C. coordinated by women-initiated organization Code Pink, Kingston refused to leave the street after being instructed to do so by local police forces. She shared a jail cell with author Alice Walker; renowned writer Terry Tempest Williams was also a participant in the demonstration. Kingston's anti-war stance has significantly trickled into her work; she has stated that writing The Fifth Book of Peace was initiated and inspired by growing up during World War II.

I think it should be edited to say:

She was awarded the 1997 National Humanities Medal by President of the United States Bill Clinton. Kingston was a member of the committee to choose the design for the California commemorative quarter. In April, 2007, Hong Kingston was awarded the Northern California Book Award Special Award in Publishing for Veterans of War, Veterans of Peace (2006), an anthology which she edited.

Kingston was arrested on International Women's Day (March 8) of 2003. Participating in an anti-war protest in Washington, D.C. coordinated by women-initiated organization Code Pink, Kingston refused to leave the street after being instructed to do so by local police forces. Kingston shared a jail cell with author Alice Walker; Terry Tempest Williams was also a participant in the demonstration. Kingston's anti-war stance has significantly trickled into her work; she has stated that writing The Fifth Book of Peace was initiated and inspired by growing up during World War II.

If no one comments on this soon, I will change it, but I will leave this comment up, in case anyone wants to make any further changes.

Novelist? classification of China Men
"She has written one novel, Tripmaster Monkey."

I changed her infobox occupation from Novelist to Writer. Still, the lead calls China Men a novel. It won a 1981 U.S. National Book Award for General Nonfiction (which may be a mis-classification). Or is it a so-called nonfiction novel? --P64 (talk) 22:32, 12 March 2012 (UTC)
 * It's complicated - Kingston says the relationship between fact and fiction doesn't bother her very much and describes her work as "biography and autobiography of imaginative people ... I am writing the biography of their imaginations." (Conversations with Maxine Hong Kingston); it would be nice if we could use the succinct term "historical fiction", but that's just one person's opinion. I've finessed the issue by simply removing the (unsourced) description "her novel" from the lead section. AV3000 (talk) 14:07, 27 March 2012 (UTC)

External links modified
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External links modified
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 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20070525142111/http://www.uctv.tv/library-popup.asp?showID=8588 to http://www.uctv.tv/library-popup.asp?showID=8588

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External links modified (January 2018)
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 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20150408001505/http://www2.uncp.edu/home/canada/work/canam/kingston.htm to http://www2.uncp.edu/home/canada/work/canam/kingston.htm

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New Yorker article - June 8/15 2020 issue
Just noting that there's a new article on MHK in recent New Yorker, and that the external links section could be updated.

I don't regularly contribute so don't know how Wikipedia deals with the paywall issue, but here is URL: https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2020/06/08/maxine-hong-kingstons-genre-defying-life-and-work — Preceding unsigned comment added by 71.193.160.49 (talk) 20:33, 9 June 2020 (UTC)

should we have more context about " reinforcing racism" and " exaggerating female oppression"?
Hi Fellow Wikipedians! I am concerned about the third paragraph that saying she's being accused of being a racist and I think that might need more context: Kingston's works have garnered such criticism is true, but she also wrote letters to defend her works from criticism. Taking example from the controversies invoked by " Woman Warrior", she denounced "white scholars" from misinterpreting her work as " exoticism", " ghost between two worlds", reinstate that Chinese American is a unique and independent identity, not anything in-between. At the same time, she defended her individuality from other Chinese American critics, such as in her quote: " Is this typical of Chinese Americans? why not asking about if it is typical of human being?" she said she never intended to represent the whole diverse community with only her own perspective. David X.D HJfJ (talk) 21:02, 20 February 2023 (UTC)

 * I would echo this concern, especially as the article from which this attack is drawn in not fully cited. Was it published? Where? Also, the article rehashes a long-running debate between Hong Kingston and Frank Chin in which Chin is quoted as saying "her viewpoint is more informed by racism than by race pride" which is not exactly a charge of racism. I hope David will edit this page. Prof.Jamieson (talk) 04:46, 21 February 2023 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Maxine Hong Kingston


text:
Minnesota Intercollegiate Athletic Conference

The Minnesota Intercollegiate Athletic Conference (MIAC ) is an intercollegiate athletic conference that competes in the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) Division III. All 13 of the member schools are located in Minnesota and are private institutions, with only two being non-sectarian.

History
On March 15, 1920, a formal constitution was adopted and the Minnesota Intercollegiate Athletic Conference with founding members Carleton College, Gustavus Adolphus College, Hamline University, Macalester College, Saint John's University, St. Olaf College, and the College of St. Thomas (now University of St. Thomas).

Concordia College joined the MIAC in 1921, Augsburg University in 1924, and Saint Mary's University in 1926. Carleton dropped membership in 1925, rejoining in 1983. St. Olaf left in 1950, returning in 1975. The University of Minnesota Duluth was a member of the MIAC from 1950 to 1975. Bethel University joined in 1978. The MIAC initiated women's competition in the 1981–82 season. Two all-women's schools subsequently joined the conference, St. Catherine University in 1983 and the College of St. Benedict in 1985.

The conference did not play sports from the fall 1943 to the spring of 1945 due to World War II. Saint Mary's discontinued its football program in 1955. Macalester football left the conference in 2002, but subsequently rejoined. St. Catherine and St. Benedict, being both women's colleges, also do not sponsor football. Together with Saint John's, one of only a handful of men's colleges, St. Benedict forms a joint academic institution, known commonly by the initialism CSB/SJU.

From 1947 to 2003 the MIAC had a strong men's wrestling program, which was discontinued following the 2002–03 season. The strongest teams over the history of the conference were Augsburg with 31 team championships, and Saint John's with 14 team championships. The MIAC teams and individual wrestlers demonstrated a strong national and Olympic presence in the 1970s and beyond.

On May 22, 2019, it was announced that the University of St. Thomas would depart the MIAC at the end of spring 2021. St. Thomas by this point had over twice the enrollment of any other member institution. and on May 28, 2020, the conference announced the addition of the College of St. Scholastica after leaving the Upper Midwest Athletic Conference in 2021.

The conference split into two divisions for football in 2021. The Northwoods Division consists of Carleton College, Gustavus Adolphus College, Saint John's University, St. Olaf College, and The College of St. Scholastica. The Skyline Division consists of Augsburg University, Bethel University, Concordia College, Hamline University, and Macalester College.

Chronological timeline

 * 1920 – On March 15, 1920, the Minnesota Intercollegiate Athletic Conference (MIAC) was founded. Charter members included Carleton College, Gustavus Adolphus College, Hamline University, Macalester College, Saint John's University, St. Olaf College and the College of St. Thomas (now the University of St. Thomas) beginning the 1920–21 academic year.
 * 1921 – Concordia College at Moorhead joined the MIAC in the 1921–22 academic year.
 * 1924 – Augsburg Seminary (now Augsburg University) joined the MIAC in the 1924–25 academic year.
 * 1925 – Carleton left the MIAC to fully align with the Midwest Collegiate Athletic Conference (MCAC) after the 1924–25 academic year.
 * 1926 – Saint Mary's College (now Saint Mary's University) joined the MIAC in the 1926–27 academic year.
 * 1950 – St. Olaf left the MIAC to become an Independent (who would later join the Midwest Collegiate Athletic Conference (MCAC) beginning the 1952–53 academic year) after the 1949–50 academic year.
 * 1951 – The University of Minnesota at Duluth joined the MIAC in the 1951–52 academic year.
 * 1974 – St. Olaf re-joined the MIAC in the 1974–75 academic year.
 * 1975 – Minnesota–Duluth left the MIAC to join the Northern Intercollegiate Conference (NIC) after the 1974–75 academic year.
 * 1977 – Bethel College and Seminary (now Bethel University) joined the MIAC in the 1977–78 academic year.
 * 1982 – The MIAC became exclusively an NCAA Division III athletic conference, forgoing its membership in the National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics (NAIA).
 * 1983 – St. Catherine University joined the MIAC (with Carleton re-joining) in the 1983–84 academic year.
 * 1985 – The College of Saint Benedict joined the MIAC in the 1985–86 academic year.
 * 2021:
 * St. Thomas left the MIAC to join the NCAA Division I ranks and the Summit League after the 2020–21 academic year.
 * The College of St. Scholastica joined the MIAC in the 2021–22 academic year.

Current members
The MIAC currently has 13 full members, all private schools.

 * Notes:

Former members

 * Notes:

Membership timeline
undefined undefined undefined undefined

Sports
Member teams compete in 22 sports, 11 men's and 11 women's.

 * Men's sports
 * baseball
 * basketball
 * cross country
 * football
 * golf
 * ice hockey
 * indoor track and field
 * soccer
 * swimming and diving
 * tennis
 * track and field

 * Women's sports
 * basketball
 * cross country
 * golf
 * ice hockey
 * indoor track and field
 * soccer
 * softball
 * swimming and diving
 * tennis
 * track and field
 * volleyball

The conference no longer sponsors wrestling or men's and women's Nordic skiing.

Rivalry trophies

 * Football
 * The Goat (Carleton v. St. Olaf) founded 1931
 * The Old Paint Bucket (Macalester v. Hamline) founded 1965
 * The Troll (Concordia v. St. Olaf) founded 1974
 * The Book of Knowledge (Carleton v. Macalester) founded 1998

 * The Hammer (Augsburg v. Hamline) founded 2005

 * Other sports
 * The Goat (Carleton and St. Olaf, men's basketball) founded 1913
 * The Karhu Shoe (Carleton v. St. Olaf, men's and women's cross country) founded 1972
 * The Margate Memorial Trophy (Carleton v. St. Thomas, swimming and diving) founded 1995
 * The Presidents Cup (Carleton v. St. Olaf, women's basketball) founded 2001
 * The Rolex (Carleton v. St. Olaf, men's track and field)
 * The Rusty Putter (Carleton v. St. Olaf, men's golf)

 * Defunct
 * The Power Bowl (Concordia v. Minnesota State University-Moorhead, football) founded 1984, through 1998 as the American Crystal Sugar Bowl, from 1999–2007 as the Power Bowl
 * The Holy Grail (Saint John's v. St. Thomas) founded 2001, became defunct after the 2019 game, after which St. Thomas moved to Division I.

Source:

All-Sports Trophy
The All-Sports Trophy is given to the school with the best overall record for all MIAC sports in each gender. The men's trophy was first awarded for 1962-63 to Macalester College. St. Olaf College received the first women's trophy in 1983-84. The University of St. Thomas won both the men's and women's trophies from 2008 to 2017. The men's is named the George Durenberger Trophy and the women's is named the Pat Wiesner Trophy Not awarded 2019-20 and 2020-21 due to Covid pandemic.

Conference titles
c = Co-champions No 1943 and 1944 seasons due to World War II. No 2020 season due to COVID-19. Source:

Men's soccer regular season conference titles
c = Co-champions No championship awarded for 2020 due to Covid pandemic Source:

Women's soccer regular season conference titles
c = Co-champions No championship awarded for 2020 due to Covid pandemic Source:

Men's basketball regular season conference titles
c = Co-champions No 1943–44 and 1944–45 seasons due to World War II. No championship awarded for 2020-21 due to Covid pandemic. Source:

Women's basketball regular season conference titles
c = Co-champions No championship awarded for 2021 due to Covid pandemic Source:

Men's ice hockey regular season conference titles
c = Co-champions No seasons from 1942–43 to 1945–46. No championship awarded for 2020-21 due to Covid pandemic. Source:

Women's ice hockey regular season conference titles
c = Co-champions No championship awarded for 2021 due to Covid pandemic Source:

Commissioner
The executive director, a position that was created in 1994, serves as the conference commissioner.
 * Carlyle Carter (1994–2005)
 * Daniel McKane (2005–present)


text:
Talk:Narconon

Removing section as SYNTH
I am removing the section titled "Narconon and support from other religious groups" with the text: "Non-Scientology religious figures that have voiced support for Narconon have included the Rev. Charles Kennedy of The Glorious Church of God in Christ, Imam Wilmore Sadiki, James Mclaughlin of the Wayman Chapel, Baptist pastor Alfreddie Johnson, the Rev. Catherine Bego of the Word Evangelism Ministry, and Tony Muhammad of the Nation of Islam.[227][228][41]"

Reasoning:
 * Alfreddie Johnson and Tony Muhammad were already Scientologists, so their endorsement for Narconon fails to be "from other religious groups".
 * The source fails to verify that these people endorsed Narconon (they didn't):
 * Bego promotes The Way to Happiness, not Narconon.
 * Sadiki promotes human rights, not Narconon.
 * Kennedy promotes Scientology/Hubbard in general, not a peep about Narconon.

That leaves only Mclaughlin who is running his own licensed-by-Narconon center; not exactly a neutral recommendation. (Original content was added in 2013.) Concept is basically "these non-Scientologist other-religious-people have endorsed Narconon." Section is basically WP:SYNTH.

Grorp (talk) 07:24, 6 June 2023 (UTC)

Narconon morphs again
I've been finding some interesting articles indicating that Narconon has been morphing into a different business model. The gist I'm getting is that Scientology leader Miscavige has decided that Narconon is to be run under Scientology, not as a "secular" subsidiary. As such, future lawsuits can be partially protected under "religious practices". Ortega suggests that the new Narconon centers will be like the Ideal Orgs — beautiful, expensive... and empty. Krebs has much to say about Narconon's deceptive methods of advertising online and by phone.

I'll leave these citations here for later since I don't have time to pursue this angle right now. Anyone interested is welcome to pick up this research thread.

Grorp (talk) 08:32, 6 June 2023 (UTC)

Citation overkill
See WP:Citation overkill. The lead section has 31 citations! And 3 clusters like this:
 * [1][2][3][4]
 * [6][21][22][23][24][25]
 * 19. ^ [10][11][12][13][14][15][16][17][18][6]

No one is going to read all of these citations, and only one or a few are needed to WP:VERIFY the material that precedes the citation. These sources would be better utilized by being used in the body of the article, and then the summary in the lead doesn't need citations. ▶ I am Grorp ◀ 03:39, 3 June 2024 (UTC)
 * I did a very quick tidy of those most egregious instances, which rendered the article text difficult to read. These could of course all go in the body, as you say. Cambial — foliar❧ 14:21, 3 June 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Narconon


text:
Louis Wain

Louis William Wain (5 August 1860 – 4 July 1939) was an English artist best known for his drawings of anthropomorphised cats and kittens.

Wain was born in Clerkenwell, London. In 1881 he sold his first drawing and the following year gave up his teaching position at the West London School of Art to become a full-time illustrator. He married in 1884 but was widowed three years later. In 1890 he moved to the Kent coast with his mother and five sisters, and, except for three years spent in New York, remained there until the family returned to London in 1917. In 1914, he suffered a severe head injury in an horse-drawn omnibus accident and ten years later was certified insane. He spent the remaining fifteen years of his life in mental hospitals, where he continued to draw and paint. Some of his later abstract paintings have been seen as precursors of psychedelic art.

Wain produced hundreds of drawings and paintings a year for periodicals and books, including Louis Wain's Annual which ran from 1901 to 1921. His work also appeared on postcards and advertising, and he made brief ventures into ceramics and animated cartoons. In spite of his popularity and prolific output, Wain did not become wealthy, possibly because he sold his work cheaply and relinquished copyright, and also because he supported his mother and five sisters.

Early life

Wain was born on 5 August 1860 in Clerkenwell in London. His father, William Matthew Wain (1825–1880), was a textile trader, living in London but originally from Leek, Staffordshire; his mother, Julie Felicie Boiteux (1833–1910), was a church embroiderer from a family of French origin. Wain's maternal grandfather, Louis Boiteux, was an artist. Wain was the first child and only boy in the family. He had five younger sisters: Caroline, Josephine, Marie, Claire and Felicie.

Wain was born with a cleft lip and as a child was not in good health; he did not attend school until he was ten. He was sent first to Orchard Street Foundation School in South Hackney but spent much of his time playing truant and wandering around London, attending lectures at the Royal Polytechnic Institution or going on insect-hunting expeditions into the countryside. From 1873 to 1876 he attended St Joseph's Academy in Kennington, a Catholic school (the Wain family was Catholic). He then did a course at the West London School of Art and was taken on as an assistant master at the school.

Artistic career
In December 1881, Wain's first drawing to be published appeared in the Christmas 1881 issue of the Illustrated Sporting and Dramatic News. It was a picture of bullfinches on laurel bushes, given the wrong title of "Robins Breakfast". The following year he was offered a position on the magazine and was able to give up his teaching position at the West London School of Art.

On 30 January 1884 Wain married Emily Marie Richardson, who had been the governess of his sisters, in St Mary's Chapel, Hampstead. The couple lived in Hampstead and were joined by Peter, a black-and-white kitten. Emily developed breast cancer soon after the marriage; Peter was a comfort to her and also, as Wain would later say, laid the foundation of his career as a cat artist. Encouraged by his wife, Wain sold his first published cat drawings to The Illustrated London News in 1884. At this time he was also reporting on agricultural shows and pet shows, and taking commissions for animal portraits. By 1886 his cat pictures had been more widely noticed and he was commissioned by Macmillan to illustrate a children's book, Mrs Tabby's Establishment. His fame became established with the publication in the 1886 Christmas edition of The Illustrated London News of his first drawing of anthropomorphised cats, A Kitten's Christmas Party, which shows 150 cats celebrating Christmas in eleven panels. Wain had little time to share his success with his wife; Emily died in January 1887 after just three years of marriage.

As a young widower, Wain rented rooms in New Cavendish Street in the City of Westminster and moved in somewhat Bohemian circles that included journalists and artists such as Herbert Railton, Caton Woodville, Linley Sambourne, Harry Furniss, Melton Prior, and Phil May. At musical evenings, he would improvise on the piano. He worked to build up his reputation by taking on commissions for a variety of subjects, including architectural and landscape drawings as well as animals, for a number of journals. By 1890 he was a household name, and, in acknowledgment of his expertise on cats, was elected president of the National Cat Club. Two illustrations of cats' Christmas parties in 1890 marked a new development in his style of drawing cats, as they took on more human features with Wain often doing preliminary sketches of people in public places.

Wain's father had died in 1880. His relationship with his mother and five sisters, none of whom married, had been strained as they had not approved of his marriage to Emily. But in 1890 there was a reconciliation and the family moved to the seaside resort of Westgate-on-Sea, Kent, where they rented a house belonging to Sir William Ingram, managing director of the Illustrated London News. Wain took up gardening and walking, as well as various sports including running, swimming, ice skating, boxing and fencing. Two of Wain's sisters, Claire and Felicie, were talented artists, but it was Wain who had to support the whole family and, although he was a popular and successful artist, money was always short. Bills were sometimes paid with pictures. Selling his pictures together with the copyright cheaply to publishers meant that he did not receive royalties when his work was reproduced and left him in straitened circumstances in later life.

Wain was a prolific artist, completing hundreds of pictures a year. His early work was mostly for periodicals but in the 1890s he turned his hand to illustrating children's books; over his lifetime there would be more than 100. He wrote many of the books he illustrated, and, as an acknowledged expert on cats, contributed the section on the domestic cat in Hutchinson's The Living Animals of the World (1901). In 1901, Wain produced the first Louis Wain Annual, which were published every year from 1901 to 1915 and in 1921. Between 1900 and 1940, 75 different publishers, including Raphael Tuck & Sons and Valentine & Sons, produced over 1100 of his images in postcard form. His work was also used in advertisements. Wain worked with a variety of media including watercolour, body colour, pen and ink, pencil, silverpoint, chalk and oil. His period of greatest popularity was in the years before World War I when he portrayed Edwardian society at leisure. His cats dressed as humans took part in sports, went to the seaside, tea parties, restaurants and celebrated Christmas, with activities sometimes ending in mishap and mayhem. Wain's world was "funny, edgy and animated".

In 1907, while his mother and sisters remained in Kent, Wain left for New York, where he was offered a contract by Hearst Newspapers. He returned to England in 1910, following the death of his mother. In 1914, he produced a series of "futurist" ceramic cats, described by one reviewer as "the latest thing in freak ornaments". In October 1914, Wain fell from the platform of an omnibus in London and suffered a head injury which left him in a coma. He spent three weeks in hospital and was ordered to rest for six months. In 1917, Wain and his four surviving sisters left Westgate and moved to Kilburn in London. Marie Louisa had died in 1913 after twelve years spent in the East Kent County Lunatic Asylum. His eldest sister, Caroline, died of influenza soon after the move to Kilburn.

Later life and death
By the end of World War I, demand for Wain's pictures had declined significantly and, in spite of commissions from the publisher Valentine & Sons for a series of children's books, his financial situation deteriorated. He made a short-lived venture into film animation, drawing the first ever screen cartoon cat "Pussyfoot", but the cartoons were not a cinema success. Hutchinson published a last Louis Wain Annual in 1921. A new aspect to Wain's drawings in this volume was the prominence of patterned fabrics.

In 1924, Wain's sisters had him certified insane and admitted to a pauper ward at Springfield Mental Hospital in Tooting, South London. He continued to produce artworks in the hospital, with his sisters removing his pictures to sell. When the bookseller Dan Rider, who was on an asylum visiting committee, came across Wain in the hospital, he set up an appeal to raise money for the artist. An exhibition of Wain's work was arranged and over £2300 was raised, although only £640 of this found its way to Wain and his sisters (who had also become beneficiaries of the fund). The prime minister Ramsay MacDonald then set up a fund for Wain's sisters and also arranged civil list pensions for them "in recognition of their brother's services to popular art". Wain had meantime been transferred to more comfortable conditions at Bethlem Hospital, where a fellow patient later recalled him as "a very gentle amiable old man always clean and neat.... He was liked by all the curious mixture of humanity that was, at that time, suffering from some kind or other of mental stress." In May 1930, he was moved again to Napsbury Hospital in Hertfordshire, where he continued to draw and paint. A successful exhibition of his work was held at the Brook Street Art Galleries in 1931, with proceeds going to his sisters. During this period Wain still drew cats, some of them stylised, but also drew landscapes in vivid colours. At Christmas he participated in decorating the wards, as he had done at Bethlem, and painted Christmas scenes on mirrors.

In November 1938, Wain suffered a stroke. His health further declined and he died on 4 July 1939 and was buried in St Mary's Catholic Cemetery, Kensal Green. He was survived by two sisters, Claire and Felicie, his sister Josephine having died six months before him. A memorial exhibition was held in Brook Street Galleries in September 1939.

Legacy
During a radio broadcast to support the 1925 appeal for Wain, the writer H. G. Wells said of Wain: "He has made the cat his own. He invented a cat style, a cat society, a whole cat world. English cats that do not look and live like Louis Wain cats are ashamed of themselves." The same year Ramsay MacDonald wrote: "Louis Wain was on all our walls some 15 to 20 years ago. Probably no artist has given a greater number of young people pleasure than he has".

Wain was seen as a leading authority on cats, becoming president and chairman of the National Cat Club and serving as a judge in cat shows. He was also in demand by the growing number of organisations devoted to animal welfare. He was seen as responsible for raising the social status of cats, of taking them from the parlour to a position where even Members of Parliament could proudly announce their enthusiasm for them without fear of ridicule. In spite of his undoubted expertise, some of Wain's theories on the breeding and nature of cats were seen as eccentric, just as were some of his ideas on philosophy and science.

Since Wain spent the last fifteen years of his life in mental hospitals, there has been speculation about his mental condition and suggestions that he was suffering from schizophrenia, with examples of his art appearing in several psychology text books in chapters covering the disorder. In 1939, a psychiatrist, Walter Maclay, found some paintings by Wain in a shop in Campden Hill and put them in a sequence that, he claimed, showed evidence of a deterioration in the artist's mental state due to schizophrenia, even though the paintings were not dated. Maclay's theory has been challenged as Wain was still producing paintings in his old style, as well as more abstract "kaleidoscopic" designs, while at Napsbury. Marking the centenary of Wain's birth in The Guardian, cat expert Sidney Denham suggested that Wain's breakdown had been triggered by his head injury, coming after a number of severe mental shocks.

In popular culture
Wain's later work, where his cats dissolve into kaleidoscopic abstract patterns, has been identified as an important precursor to 1960s psychedelic art.

In 1972, the Victoria and Albert Museum devoted a major exhibition to Wain's work.

Wain's life is the subject of The Electrical Life of Louis Wain, a 2021 Amazon Studios production starring Benedict Cumberbatch as Wain and Claire Foy as his wife Emily Richardson.

title: Louis Wain


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Chinese Canadians

Chinese Canadians are Canadians of full or partial Han Chinese ancestry, which includes both naturalized Chinese immigrants and Canadian-born Chinese. They comprise a subgroup of East Asian Canadians which is a further subgroup of Asian Canadians. Demographic research tends to include immigrants from Mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macau, as well as overseas Chinese who have immigrated from Southeast Asia and South America into the broadly defined Chinese Canadian category.

Canadians who identify themselves as being of Chinese ethnic origin make up about 5.1% of the Canadian population, or about 1.77 million people according to the 2016 census.

While other Asian groups are growing rapidly in the country, the Chinese Canadian community fell slightly to 1.71 million, or 4.63% of the Canadian population, in the 2021 Canadian census.

The Chinese Canadian community is the second largest ethnic group of Asian Canadians, constituting approximately 30% of the Asian Canadian population. Most Canadians of Chinese descent are concentrated within the provinces of Ontario and British Columbia.

Pre-19th century
The first record of Chinese in what is known as Canada today can be dated back to 1788. The British fur trader John Meares hired a group of roughly 70 Chinese carpenters from Macau and employed them to build a ship, the North West America, at Nootka Sound, Vancouver Island, British Columbia. This was then an increasingly important but disputed European outpost on the Pacific coast, which, after Spanish seizure, was abandoned by Meares, leaving the eventual whereabouts of the carpenters largely unknown.

19th century
Before 1885 and the completion of the Canadian Pacific Railway (CPR), access to British Columbia from other parts of Canada was difficult. The creation of a better transportation system was essential to integration of British Columbia into the new Confederation.

Chinese railway workers made up the labour force for construction of two one-hundred mile sections of the Canadian Pacific Railway from the Pacific to Craigellachie in the Eagle Pass in British Columbia. When British Columbia agreed to join Confederation in 1871, one of the conditions was that the Dominion government build a railway linking B.C. with eastern Canada within 10 years. British Columbian politicians and their electorate agitated for an immigration program from the British Isles to provide this railway labour, but Prime Minister Sir John A. Macdonald, betrayed the wishes of his constituency (Victoria) by insisting the project cut costs by employing Chinese immigrants to build the railway, and summarized the situation this way to Parliament in 1882: "It is simply a question of alternatives: either you must have this labour or you can't have the railway." (British Columbian politicians had wanted a settlement-immigration plan for workers from the British Isles, but Canadian politicians and investors said it would be too expensive).

Chinese communities in Canada in the 19th and well into the 20th centuries were organized around the traditional kinship systems linking people belonging to the same clans together. As not everyone in the Chinese communities necessarily belonged to the same clans, "voluntary" associations that functioned in many ways like guilds that provided social welfare, community events and a forum for politics became very important in Chinese-Canadian communities. Linking together all of the voluntary associations were Benevolent Associations that in effect ran the various Chinatowns in Canada, mediating disputes within the communities and providing for leaders who negotiated with Canadian politicians. As many Chinese immigrants knew little or no English, and most white Canadians did not welcome them, the Chinatowns tended to be cut off from the wider Canadian communities, functioning as "islands". The Canadian media in the late 19th and early 20th centuries depicted the Chinatowns in lurid and sensationalist terms as centres of "filth"; using the very poverty of the Chinese against them, Canadian newspapers frequently claimed that the Chinese immigrants were an innately dirty people who carried infectious diseases and were prone to criminality. Reflecting the popularity of "Yellow Peril" stereotypes, the media blamed Chinese immigrants for all the crime in Canada, depicting the Chinese as luring innocent white Canadians into gambling, prostitution and drug addiction.

Many workers from Guangdong Province (mainly Taishanese people and Pearl River Delta peoples) arrived to help build the Canadian Pacific Railway in the 19th century as did Chinese veterans of the gold rushes. These workers accepted the terms offered by the Chinese labour contractors who were engaged by the railway construction company to hire them—low pay, long hours, lower wages than non-Chinese workers and dangerous working conditions, in order to support their families that stayed in China. Their willingness to endure hardship for low wages enraged fellow non-Chinese workers who thought they were unnecessarily complicating the labour market situations. Most of the Chinese immigrants in the 19th century spoke Cantonese and their term for Canada was Gum San. The name Gum San, which concerned a supposed gigantic mountain made of pure gold located somewhere in the Rockies, was not taken literally, but instead was a metaphor for the hopes of Chinese immigrants for greater wealth in Canada. Almost all of the Chinese immigrants in the 19th century were young men, with women staying behind in China with the hope of marrying a "Gold mountain guest" as those who made money in Canada usually returned to China. Unable to marry white women, many Chinese men in Canada married First Nations women as the Indian peoples were more willingly to accept them.

From the passage of the Chinese Immigration Act in 1885, the Canadian government began to charge a substantial head tax for each Chinese person trying to immigrate to Canada. The Chinese were the only ethnic group that had to pay such a tax. Owing to the fear of the "Yellow Peril", in 1895 the government of Mackenzie Bowell passed an act forbidding any Asian-Canadian to vote or hold office.

Early 20th century
In 1902, the Liberal Prime Minister Sir Wilfrid Laurier appointed a Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immigration, whose report stated that the Asians were "unfit for full citizenship ... obnoxious to a free community and dangerous to the state." Following the Royal Commission's report, Parliament voted to increase the Chinese head tax to $500, which temporarily caused Chinese immigration to Canada to stop. However, those Chinese wishing to go to Canada began to save up money to pay the head tax, which led to agitation, especially in British Columbia for the Dominion government to ban Asian immigration. Between September 7–9, 1907, an anti-Asian pogrom took place in Vancouver. The Asiatic Exclusion League organized attacks against homes and businesses owned by Chinese, Japanese, Korean and Indian immigrants under the slogan "White Canada Forever!"; though no one was killed, much property damage was done and numerous Asian-Canadians were beaten.

The 1907 pogrom was merely the most dramatic expression of the continuous agitation in Canada, especially in western Canada and among the working class, for the total exclusion of Asian immigration to Canada. In 1922, the feminist Emily Murphy published her best-selling book The Black Candle blaming Chinese and black immigrants for allegedly causing the problems of drug addiction among white Canadians. In 1923, the federal Liberal government of William Lyon Mackenzie King banned Chinese immigration with the passage of the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923, although numerous exemptions for businessmen, clergy, students and others did not end immigration entirely. With this act, the Chinese received similar legal treatment to blacks before them who Canada also had specifically excluded from immigration on the basis of race. (This was formalised in 1911 by Prime Minister Sir Wilfrid Laurier who in Sub-section (c) of Section 38 of the Immigration Act called blacks "unsuitable" for Canada.) During the next 25 years, more and more laws against the Chinese were passed. Most jobs were closed to Chinese men and women. Many Chinese opened their own restaurants and laundry businesses. In British Columbia, Saskatchewan and Ontario, Chinese employers were not allowed to hire white females. Ernest Chewant Mark, an immigrant who arrived in Canada in 1908, emerged as one of the leading critics of the 1923 Exclusion Act, and worked closely with Senator William Proudfoot, a Presbyterian minister, into seeking to pressure the government to repeal the act.

Some of those Chinese-Canadian workers settled in Canada after the railway was constructed. Most could not bring the rest of their families, including immediate relatives, due to government restrictions and enormous processing fees. They established Chinatowns and societies in undesirable sections of the cities, such as Dupont Street (now East Pender) in Vancouver, which had been the focus of the early city's red-light district until Chinese merchants took over the area from the 1890s onwards. During the Great Depression, life was even tougher for the Chinese than it was for other Canadians. In Alberta, for example, Chinese Canadians received relief payments of less than half the amount paid to other Canadians. And because the Chinese Exclusion Act prohibited any additional immigration from China, the Chinese men who had arrived earlier had to face these hardships alone, without the companionship of their wives and children. Census data from 1931 shows that there were 1,240 men to every 100 women in Chinese Canadian communities. To protest the Chinese Exclusion Act, Chinese Canadians closed their businesses and boycotted Dominion Day celebrations every July 1, which became known as "Humiliation Day" by the Chinese Canadians. The film-maker Melinda Friedman stated about her interviews with Chinese Canadian veterans of World War II: "The thing that was the most shocking to me was hearing from the veterans ... describe what life was like in Vancouver as late as 1940, with the Ku Klux Klan living in Vancouver who were targeting, quite often, the Chinese community."

In 1937, when Japan attacked China, the government of Chiang Kai-shek asked for the overseas Chinese communities to support the homeland. From 1937 onward, the Chinese Canadian community regularly organized fund-raising events to raise money for China. By 1945, the Chinese Canadians had contributed $5 million Canadian dollars to China. Following the Xi'an Incident of December 1936, a "United Front" bringing together the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang had been formed to resist Japanese aggression, which was soon put to the test when Japan invaded China in July 1937. Within the Chinese Canadian communities, a "United Front" atmosphere prevailed from the summer of 1937 on as various community leaders put aside their differences to focus on supporting China. Starting in 1937, a boycott was organized of Japanese goods, and Canadian businesses that sold war materials to Japan were subject of demonstrations. One of the main slogans used at the demonstrations was "Don't Kill Babies", a reference to the Imperial Japanese Army's habit of using Chinese infants for "bayonet practice".

Second World War
The Second World War became the turning point in history of Chinese Canadians. To show support for the war, fund-raising events were held from September 1939 to raise money for the Canadian war effort, and by 1945, Chinese Canadians had purchased some $10 million worth of Victory Bonds. The Chinese community of Victoria was praised in a parliamentary resolution for being especially active in holding events to encourage people to buy Victory Bonds. In December 1941, Canada declared war on Japan, and from time onward, China was an ally, which helped to change white Canadian views. The African American newspaper The Pittsburgh Courier called for the "double victory" or "Double V campaign" in a 1942 editorial, urging black Americans to work for victory over fascism abroad and racism at home. Though originally intended for black Americans, the slogan of "double victory" was taken up by Asian-American groups as well. The same slogan of "double victory" came to be embraced by Chinese Canadians. Despite not being allowed to vote or hold office, about 600 Chinese Canadians enlisted as "active" members to fight overseas (until late 1944 all Canadians serving abroad were volunteers). The prime minister, William Lyon Mackenzie King, did not want Chinese Canadians to serve in the military as he knew that veterans would demand the right to vote just as Chinese Canadian veterans had done after World War I, but strong pressure from the British Special Operations Executive, which needed Asian Canadians to work as agents who could go undercover in Japanese-occupied Asia, forced his hand. Unlike in the First World War, where about 300 Chinese Canadians had served in the Canadian Expeditionary Force, this time Chinese Canadians serving in the Canadian military were given officers' commissions. All three services were reluctant to have Chinese Canadians given officers' commissions as having Asian men serving as officers giving orders to white men challenged the racial hierarchy. However, all those serving as airmen in the Royal Canadian Air Force (RCAF) were officers, and once Chinese Canadian airmen received officers' commissions, both the Army and the Navy were forced to follow suit. The RCAF was the service most open to Chinese Canadians because of the heavy losses taken in the bombing offensive against Germany. For RCAF, a 5% loss ratio was considered crippling and between March 5 – June 24, 1943, the 6th Group of the RCAF lost 100 bombers in air raids over Germany, suffering a 7% loss ratio; altogether, 9,980 Canadians were killed in bombing raids against German cities between 1940 and 1945, making the strategic bombing offensive one of the most costly operations for Canada in World War II.

In 1943, William Lore was commissioned as a lieutenant commander in the Royal Canadian Navy, becoming the first person of Chinese descent to be given an officer's commission in any of the Commonwealth navies. Lore was the first Allied officer to land in Hong Kong on August 30, 1945, and it he who announced to the surviving Canadian POWs, who had been held in barbaric conditions by the Japanese since surrendering on Christmas Day in 1941, being reduced down to "human skeletons", that they were now free men. Kam Hem Douglas Sam of the Royal Canadian Air Force, who had been serving on a Halifax bomber was shot down over France on June 28, 1944, and joined the French resistance, being awarded the Croix de Guerre from France after the war for his work with the resistance. Sam, who came from Victoria and could remember some French from high school, was able to pass himself off as a Vietnamese student in Reims. Sam first served with as a liaison with the Special Operations Executive (SOE) to organize landings of arms to the resistance from Britain. Sam later fought with the resistance, ambushing German troops on their way to Normandy. Flying Officer Quan Jil Louie of the RCAF was killed in early 1945 when his bomber was shot down over Germany. As Louie came from one of the more wealthier families of Vancouver's Chinatown, his death in action attracted much attention in Vancouver, and with it commentary he was not allowed to vote or hold office.

A number of Chinese Canadians were recruited by the SOE to serve in Japanese-occupied regions of China and Southeast Asia. About 150 Chinese Canadians served with the SOE Force 136 behind Japanese lines in Burma. Douglas Jung, who later become the first Chinese-Canadian MP, served as a SOE agent in Japanese-occupied Malaya in 1944–45, which was highly dangerous work as the Kenpeitai, the much feared Japanese military police, would give no mercy to any Allied agent whom they captured. Those serving with the Force 136 were given cyanide pills to take if faced with capture by the Japanese as it was known that any SOE agent captured by the Japanese would be tortured and killed. Another Chinese Canadian, Bill Chong, served with the British Army Aid Group in Hong Kong and southern China, smuggling out POWs to Free China (i.e. not occupied by the Japanese) and delivering aid to resistance groups. The willingness of Chinese Canadians to fight and if necessary die for Canada in the war changed public perceptions, and for the first time newspapers began to call for the repeal of the 1895 law which forbade all Asian Canadians to vote or hold offices. The Canadian historian Brereton Greenhous wrote of the efforts of the men of Force 136: "Several of them were decorated for their actions, and their service was a major factor in influencing the Canadian government to grant Chinese and Japanese Canadians full rights as Canadian citizens several years later".

Frank Wong of Vancouver who served with the Royal Canadian Electrical and Mechanical Engineers in Northwestern Europe in 1944–1945 recalled that his service with the Army was the first time he had been treated as an equal, stating: "They treated me just like an equal. You have your uniform, you're in it together; you eat together and you sleep together.". Like other Chinese Canadian veterans, Wong argued for equality of treatment, asking why he should be treated as a second-class citizen despite his war services. Wong stated his reasons for enlisting were: "I decided maybe if I joined the armed forces, after the war they would give me the right to vote". Peggy Lee of Toronto by contrast stated her reasons for enlisting in 1942 with the Women's Ambulance Corps was "do my bit" for Canada. Roy Mah who served with the SOE behind Japanese lines in Burma stated: "We thought that serving in the armed forces would be an opportunity for us to prove to the general public that we are loyal Canadians, that in time of need, they would see that we have no hesitation to don the King's uniform and go overseas to fight for our country, fight to preserve democracy." The Canadian historian Henry Yu stated about the efforts of Chinese-Canadian veterans: "They had to accept that they had fought this war—a good war in everyone's estimation—and they were still coming back to places built around white supremacy. So for some of them, they began vocally to argue: Why can't we vote still?"

Many Chinese Canadians argued that if Canada was fighting against not only Nazi Germany but her racist ideologies such as the Völkisch movement, then it was hypocritical for so many white Canadians to support attitudes of white supremacy back home. Chinese-Canadian veteran Frank Wong described the situation as being unable to "live outside Chinatown, and professional jobs were not available to [Chinese Canadians]. I wasn't even allowed to go swimming in a public pool." The contributions of Chinese Canadians toward the eventual allied victory did not spell an end to discrimination for them in Canada, although these attitudes did eventually start to dissipate. According to Chinese-Canadian veteran George Chow, after being treated "like a second-class citizen" in youth, during his service he was treated "just like an equal", elaborating on his service as such: "you have your uniform, you're in it together; you eat together and you sleep together." Catherine Clement, the curator of Chinese Canadian Military Museum in Vancouver stated: "It's called a double victory because they not only helped Canada win the war, but they also helped propel the civil rights movement for the Chinese-Canadians."

Canada was slow to lift the restrictions against the Chinese Canadians and grant them full rights as Canadian citizens. Because Canada signed the United Nations Charter of Human Rights at the conclusion of the Second World War, the Canadian government had to repeal the Chinese Exclusion Act, which contravened the UN Charter. The same year, 1947, Chinese Canadians were finally granted the right to vote in federal elections. Prime Minister William Lyon Mackenzie King was opposed to granting the franchise to Chinese Canadians, but Chinese-Canadian veterans led a coalition of churches, unions, civic groups and veterans' associations into pressuring the King government to end the exclusion of Chinese Canadians from the franchise. Friedman stated about Chinese-Canadian enfranchisement: "Canada has this great spot on the world stage—as just, fair and level-headed country—but the reason it is that way is because Chinese residents forced that issue and made it more just." One Second World War veteran, Ronald Lee, remembered when he learned that Chinese Canadians could now vote together with repeal of the Exclusion Act: "Down in Chinatown, we celebrated because we were Canadians! We were able to bring our families from China. It was quite the jubilation." Arguing that it was unjust to discriminate against veterans, professions such as the law, medicine and engineering were opened for Chinese Canadians for the first time after 1945. However, it took another 20 years, until the points system was adopted for selecting immigrants, for the Chinese to begin to be admitted under the same criteria as any other applicants. In the 1957 election, the Second World War veteran Douglas Jung was elected as a Progressive Conservative for the riding of Vancouver Centre, becoming the first Chinese Canadian elected to the House of Commons. Jung's election, which proved that white voters would vote for a Chinese Canadian, marked the beginning of a trend where Chinese Canadians cease to depend upon the Benevolent Associations to negotiate with the politicians and instead Chinese Canadians became politically active themselves. After many years of organized calls for an official Canadian government public apology and redress to the historic Head tax, the minority Conservative government of Stephen Harper announced, as part of their pre-election campaign, an official apology. On June 22, 2006, Prime Minister Stephen Harper delivered a message of redress in the House of Commons, calling it a "grave injustice".

Some educated Chinese arrived in Canada during the war as refugees. Since the mid-20th century, most new Chinese Canadians come from university-educated families, who of still consider quality education an essential value. These newcomers are a major part of the "brain gain", the inverse of the infamous "brain drain", i.e., the occurrence of many Canadians leaving to the United States, of which Chinese have also been a part.

Late 20th century
From 1947 to the early 1970s, Chinese immigrants to Canada came mostly from Hong Kong, Taiwan, or Southeast Asia. Chinese from the mainland who were eligible in the family reunification program had to visit the Canadian High Commission in Hong Kong, since Canada and the PRC did not have diplomatic relations until 1970. From the late 1980s, an influx of Taiwanese people immigrated to Canada forming a group of Taiwanese Canadians. They settled in areas such as Vancouver, British Columbia and to the adjacent cities of Burnaby, Richmond and Coquitlam. There was a significant influx of wealthy Chinese entrepreneurs from Hong Kong in the early and mid-1990s before the handover of Hong Kong to the People's Republic of China (PRC). Canada was a preferred location, in part because investment visas were significantly easier to obtain than visas to the United States. Vancouver, Richmond and Toronto were the major destinations of these Chinese. During those years, immigrants from Hong Kong alone made up to 46% of all Chinese immigrants to Canada. After 1997, a significant portion of Chinese immigrants chose to move back to Hong Kong, some of a more permanent nature, after the dust of the handover was settled and fears of a "Communist takeover" turned out to be unnecessary.

Starting in the late 20th century, Chinese Canadians have become active in the cultural scene in Canada, with the writers such Larissa Lai, Evelyn Lau,  Denise Chong, Wayson Choy, Paul Yee, Jim Wong-Chu, and Vincent Lam all winning acclaim. In the world of film-making, Christina Wong, William Dere, Colleen Leung, Richard Fung, Dora Nipp, Tony Chan, Yung Chang Julia Kwan, Karin Lee, Mina Shum, Michelle Wong, Paul Wong, and Keith Lock have worked as directors and/or as script writers. The Confucian tradition emphasizing hard work, scholarship, self-discipline and learning has meant the Chinese Canadians families have strongly aspired for higher education and the 2001 census reported that over a quarter of Chinese Canadians had a university degree. As it was the Liberal government of Lester Pearson that liberalized the immigration system in 1967, Chinese Canadians tended to vote for the Liberals in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. In 1993, Raymond Chan became the first Chinese Canadian cabinet minister, and in 1999, Adrienne Clarkson became the first Chinese Canadian governor general.

21st century
In the 21st century, Chinese immigration from Hong Kong has dropped sharply and the largest source of Chinese immigration are now from the mainland China. A smaller number have arrived from Taiwan and very small numbers from Fiji, French Polynesia, and New Zealand. Data from the 2006 census reveals that approximately 70% of Chinese Canadians reside in the Greater Vancouver or Greater Toronto areas.

On June 22, 2006, Prime Minister Stephen Harper delivered a message of redress in the House of Commons, offering an apology in Cantonese and compensation for the head tax once paid by Chinese immigrants. Survivors or their spouses will be paid approximately $20,000 CAD in compensation.

In December 2008, the Philippines passed China as Canada's leading source of immigrants. In 2010, when Mainland China became the second largest economy in the world after the United States, its economic growth sparked even greater immigration opportunities to mainland Chinese. A 2011 survey shown that 60% of Chinese millionaires plan to immigrate, where 37% of the respondents wanted to immigrate to Canada. Many foreign countries such as Canada hold very large attraction for rich Chinese, because of their better social welfare system, higher quality of education and a greater opportunity for investment. The main reasons Chinese businesspeople want to move abroad was for some educational opportunities for their children, advanced medical treatment, worsening pollution back home (especially urban air quality) and food safety concerns. The Canadian Federal Investor Immigrant Program (FIIP) as a cash-for-visa scheme allows many powerful Chinese to seek for a Canadian citizenship, and recent reports show that 697 of the 700 (99.6%) of the applicants to this visa in 2011 were mainland Chinese. However, Canada—along with other English-speaking countries such as the United States and Australia—has increased its immigration requirements, forcing Chinese millionaires to seek permanent residency elsewhere.

The COVID-19 pandemic beginning in March 2020 led to a sharp increase in anti-Chinese sentiment worldwide, with Chinese people wrongly blamed for the virus. This resulted in widespread prejudice, evidenced by derogatory terms and hashtags in various countries. In Canada, a significant number of Chinese Canadians faced disrespect and harassment, with over 60% reporting disrespectful treatment and more than 30% experiencing threats or harassment. This rise in racism has also increased mental health concerns in the community. In response, Chinese Canadian groups have been actively working to track and combat this discrimination, providing ongoing support as the community navigates these challenges. As of September 2021, statistics from Project 1907 revealed a concerning 2,265 incidents of anti-Asian racism within Canada, surpassing the United States on a per capita basis by over 100%. This alarming trend, largely fueled by misplaced blame on the Asian community for the COVID-19 pandemic, has highlighted the urgent need for systemic change. In response to this challenging environment, the federal public service saw the formation of the Network of Asian Federal Employees (NAFE), an initiative aimed at addressing these issues and promote inclusivity.

Demographics
At the turn of the 20th century, the Chinese population in Canada was 17,312. From the years 1988 to 1993, 166,487 Hong Kong immigrants had settled in Canada.

In 2001, 25% of Chinese in Canada were Canadian-born. During the same year, the Chinese population stood at 1,094,700 accounted for 3.5% of Canada's total population. By 2006 the population stood at 1,346,510 comprising 4.3% of the Canadian population. StatsCan projects by 2031, the Chinese Canadian population is projected to reach between 2.4 and 3.0 million, constituting approximately 6 percent of the Canadian population. Much of the growth will be bolstered by sustained immigration as well as creating a younger age structure.

During the 2011 census in Canada, it was estimated that 1,324,700 individuals of pure Chinese origin resided in Canada. This number increased to 1,487,000 individuals, when including those of both pure Chinese origin and people of partial Chinese ancestry (meaning, individuals with both Chinese and some other racial and ethnic origin) during the 2011 census in Canada.

Most of the Chinese Canadian community is concentrated within the provinces of British Columbia and Ontario. The five metropolitan areas with the largest Chinese-Canadian populations are the Greater Toronto Area (631,050), Metro Vancouver (474,655), Greater Montreal (89,400), Calgary Region (89,675) and the Edmonton Metropolitan Region (60,200). The Chinese are the largest visible minority group in Alberta and British Columbia, and are the second largest in Ontario. The highest concentration of Chinese Canadians is in Vancouver and Richmond (British Columbia), where they constitute the largest ethnic group by country, and one in five residents are Chinese.

The province of Saskatchewan has a growing Chinese community, at over one percent as of 2006, mainly in the city of Saskatoon (2.1%), the province's largest city, and to a lesser extent, Regina (1.9%), the capital of the province. The Riversdale neighbourhood of Saskatoon has a historical Chinese settlement dating back to the early 1900s, where Chinese immigrants were employed by the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway, and established businesses within this district. Riversdale is currently home to many Chinese restaurants and stores. Chinese are the largest visible minority group in Saskatchewan.

According to the 2011 census by Statistics Canada, the Chinese Canadian population was approximately 1.4 million. In the 2016 census, individuals identifying as of Chinese ethnic origin comprised approximately 4.6% of the Canadian population, totaling to around 1.57 million people. By the 2021 Canadian census, the Chinese Canadian community increased to 1.71 million.

Geographical distribution
Data from this section from Statistics Canada, 2021.

Provinces & territories
Canadian metropolitan areas with large Chinese populations:

Language
In 2001, 87% of Chinese reported having a conversational knowledge of at least one official language, while 15% reported that they could speak neither English nor French. Of those who could not speak an official language, 50% immigrated to Canada in the 1990s, while 22% immigrated in the 1980s. These immigrants tended to be in the older age groups. Of prime working-age Chinese immigrants, 89% reported knowing at least one official language.

In 2001, collectively, the varieties of Chinese are the third-most common reported mother tongue, after English and French. 3% of the Canadian population, or 872,000 people, reported the Chinese language as their mother tongue—the language that they learned as a child and still understand. The most common Chinese mother tongue is Cantonese. Of these people, 44% were born in Hong Kong, 27% were born in Guangdong Province in China, and 18% were Canadian-born. The second-most common reported Chinese mother tongue was Mandarin. Of these people, 85% were born in either Mainland China or Taiwan, 7% were Canadian-born, and 2% were born in Malaysia. However, only about 790,500 people reported speaking Chinese at home on a regular basis, 81,900 fewer than those who reported having a Chinese mother tongue. This suggests some language loss has occurred, mainly among the Canadian-born who learned Chinese as a child, but who may not speak it regularly or do not use it as their main language at home.

Census data
Some varieties may be underreported due to respondents simply responding "Chinese" rather than specifying:

Immigration

As of 2001, almost 75% of the Chinese population in Canada lived in either Vancouver or Toronto. The Chinese population was 17% in Vancouver and 9% in Toronto. More than 50% of the Chinese immigrants who just arrived in 2000/2001 reported that their reason for settling in a given region was because their family and friends already lived there.

The economic growth of mainland China since the turn of the 21st century has sparked even greater emigration opportunities for mainland Chinese. A 2011 survey showed that 60% of Chinese millionaires planned to emigrate, where 37% of the respondents wanted to emigrate to Canada. The main reasons Chinese businesspeople wanted to move abroad was for greater educational opportunities for their children, advanced medical treatment, worsening pollution back home (especially urban air quality), concerns of political instability and food safety concerns. The Canadian Immigrant Investor Program (CANIIP) allows many powerful Chinese to qualify for Canadian citizenship: among the 700 applicants to this program in 2011, 697 (99.6%) were mainland Chinese. In addition, many Chinese immigrants to Canada apply through the provincial nominee program, which requires immigrants to invest in a business in the province in which they settle.

Socioeconomics
In 2001, 31% of Chinese in Canada, both foreign-born and Canadian-born, had a university education, compared with the national average of 18%.

Of prime working-age Chinese in Canada, about 20% were in sales and services; 20% in business, finance, and administration; 16% in natural and applied sciences; 13% in management; and 11% in processing, manufacturing, and utilities. However, there is a trend that Chinese move toward small towns and rural areas for agricultural and agri-food operations in recent years.

Chinese who immigrated to Canada in the 1990s and were of prime working-age in 2001 had an employment rate of 61%, which was lower than the national average of 80%. Many reported that the recognition of foreign qualifications was a major issue. However, the employment rate for Canadian-born Chinese men of prime working-age was 86%, the same as the national average. The employment rate for Canadian-born Chinese women of prime working-age was 83%, which was higher than the national average of 76%.

Religion
Generational differences are also evident regarding religious practice and affiliation within this population group. Among Toronto's early Chinese immigrants especially, the church body was an important structure serving as a meeting place, hall and leisure club. Even today, over 30 churches in Toronto continue to hold Chinese congregations.

Christianity reached its peak of popularity in the early 1960s, with the 1961 census still reporting that 60% of the Chinese declared themselves Christians. Over the following 40 years Christianity has been steadily declining both among Canadian-born Chinese and new immigrants. Religiousy, the Chinese-Canadian community is different from the broader Canadian population in that about half of Chinese Canadians reportedly practise Chinese folk religion.

In 2001, 56% of Chinese Canadians aged 15 and over said that they did not have any religious affiliation, compared with the national average of 17%. As a result, Chinese Canadians make up 13% of all Canadians who did not report a religious affiliation despite making up 4% of the population. Among Chinese Canadians, 14% were Buddhist, 14% were Catholic and 9% belonged to a Protestant denomination.

Media
Various Chinese language media outlets in Canada operate in the Canadian media scene targeting Canadians of Chinese origin.

Newspapers

 * Ming Pao Daily News - Canadian edition of Ming Pao
 * Sing Tao Daily - Canadian edition of Sing Tao Daily, joint venture with Torstar
 * The Epoch Times
 * Sept Days
 * Today Daily News – now Today's Commercial News
 * World Journal – Canada edition ceased publication in 2016
 * Oriental Weekly

Radio

 * A1 Chinese Radio in Toronto
 * CHMB in Vancouver
 * Fairchild Radio CHKF-FM in Calgary
 * Fairchild Radio CHKT and CIRV-FM in Toronto
 * Fairchild Radio and CHKG-FM and CJVB in Vancouver

Television

 * C Today TV in Toronto
 * Fairchild TV across Canada
 * Fairchild TV 2 HD across Canada
 * LS Times TV across Canada
 * New Tang Dynasty Television Canada
 * Omni News across Canada
 * Talentvision across Canada
 * Talentvision 2 HD across Canada
 * WOWtv across Canada

Cultural adjustment and assimilation
According to the Canadian Ethnic Diversity Survey conducted in 2002, 76% of Canadians of Chinese origin said they had a strong sense of belonging to Canada; at the same time, 58% said that they had a strong sense of belonging to their ethnic or cultural group. Canadians of Chinese origin are also active in Canadian society; 64% of Chinese Canadians who were eligible to vote reported doing so in the 2000 federal election, while 60% said they voted in the 1996 provincial election. About 35% reported that they had participated in an organization such as a sports team or community association in the 12 months preceding the survey. 34% of Chinese Canadians also reported that in the past five years, or since they came to Canada, they have suffered discrimination, prejudice or unfair treatment, mainly from Anglo-Saxons. Most people who have experienced discrimination said that they thought it was based on Anglo-Saxon malice, while 42% believed that discrimination occurred at work or when applying for a job or promotion.

Most Canadian-born Chinese during the 1970s and 1980s were descended from immigrants of Hong Kong, while more recent Canadian-born Chinese come from mainland Chinese immigrants. Most Chinese Canadians born in Canada who have assimilated into Canadian society identify as solely Canadian while those born overseas and immigrated to Canada later in life primarily identify as a mixture of both Chinese and Canadian. In Canada, strong feelings of ethnic heritage are bolstered by the clustering of immigrant communities in large urban centres, especially because new immigrants tend to associate almost exclusively with people of the same culture due to unfamiliarity to the new mainstream culture. Canadians of Chinese origin, particularly the second generation and beyond, tend to have more liberal and Western style beliefs.

title: Chinese Canadians


text:
Arthur Murray

Arthur Murray (born Moses Teichman; April 4, 1895 – March 3, 1991) was an American ballroom dancer and businessman, whose name is most often associated with the dance studio chain that bears his name.

Early life and start in dance
Arthur Murray was born in 1895 as Moses Teichman in Galicia, Austria-Hungary, to a family of Jewish background. In August 1897, he was brought to America by his mother Sarah on the S.S. Friesland, and landed at Ellis Island. They settled in Ludlow Street, in the Lower East Side of Manhattan with his father, Abraham Teichmann.

He soon began teaching ballroom dancing to patients from the greater Boston, area, at the Devereux Mansion Physical Therapy Clinic in Marblehead, Massachusetts, before moving to Asheville, North Carolina. Murray arrived at the Battery Park Hotel November 28, 1914, at age 19 and began teaching dance there. At the outbreak of World War I, under the pressure of the anti-German sentiment prevalent in the U.S., Murray changed his last name of Teichman to a less German-sounding name. The Asheville Citizen reported in 1920 that Murray had spent six summers teaching at the Battery Park. At that time, he had also begun his chain of dance studios and become a well-paid dance writer. He had also signed a deal to produce records for teaching dance for Columbia Gramophone Company. Murray released many successful dance records for Columbia as well as Capitol Records, some of which included coupons for dance lessons at Arthur Murray Studios.

In 1919, Murray began studying business administration at the Georgia School of Technology, and taught ballroom dancing in Atlanta at the Georgian Terrace Hotel. In 1920, he organized the world's first "radio dance"; a band on the Georgia Tech campus played "Ramblin' Wreck from Georgia Tech" and other songs, which were broadcast to a group of about 150 dancers (mostly Tech students) situated atop the roof of the Capital City Club in downtown Atlanta. He graduated from Georgia School of Technology in 1923.

On April 24, 1925, Murray married his famous dance partner, Kathryn Kohnfelder (September 15, 1906, Jersey City, New Jersey – August 6, 1999, Honolulu, Hawaii), whom he had met at a radio station in New Jersey. She had been in the audience while he was broadcasting a dance lesson.

The start of Arthur Murray Studios

After WWII, Murray's business grew with the rise of interest in Latin dance, and he regularly taught and broadcast in Cuba in the 1950s. Murray went on television with a dance program hosted by his wife, Kathryn; The Arthur Murray Party ran from 1950 to 1960, on CBS, NBC, DuMont, ABC, and then on CBS. Among the Arthur Murray dance instructors in the early 1950s was future television evangelist D. James Kennedy, who won first prize in a nationwide dance contest. He appeared as a guest on the June 17, 1956, episode of What's My Line?.

The Murrays retired in 1964; but they continued to be active for some time, appearing as guests on the Dance Fever disco show in the late 1970s. By then, there were more than 3,560 dance studios bearing his name. In 2020, about 275 Arthur Murray Studios remained in operation. Arthur Murray Dance Studios claims to be the second-oldest franchised company (the first, A&W Restaurants, began in 1919). In 2012, Arthur Murray Studios celebrated more than 100 years of teaching dance at over 270 Arthur Murray Dance Studios in 22 countries across the globe. These range from studios in Australia (where the prestigious Crows Nest and Parramatta Dance Studios are located) and throughout North America, South America, Europe and Asia.

Death
For many years, Murray had two homes – one in Honolulu and another in Rye, New York. He died at his Honolulu home at the age of 95; according to his daughter, Phyllis Murray McDowell, pneumonia was the cause of death. He had been active and in good health until a short time before his death.

In popular culture
Hal Borne and His Orchestra recorded the Mercer-Schertzing song in a Soundie released May 25, 1942, with the Three Murtah Sisters.

Arthur Murray is mentioned in Richard Brautigan's book "Dreaming of Babylon".

Arthur Murray and his dance lesson patterns are mentioned in Steve Goodman's song, "Would You Like To Learn To Dance?"

title: Arthur Murray


text:
Talk:Battle of Kursk

German casualties. Do Secondary sources use the Primary source cited and how do they interpret them?

 * Would anyone care to begin? Simon Adler (talk) 04:53, 10 November 2018 (UTC)
 * For the beginning, can anybody provide a good link to the Bundesarchive document (a primary source) and explain how was the figure of 52000 KIA/MIA was obtained? It does not seem obvious to me, and we need to see a procedure to decide if that was an original research.--Paul Siebert (talk) 05:54, 10 November 2018 (UTC)
 * This figure is obtained by adding up the casualties of 9th Army between 1 July and 30 August 1943. There is no need for a link that currently works because it is already archived on webcitation and that is what webcitation is for. Kges1901 (talk) 00:16, 12 November 2018 (UTC)
 * While the German medical data has been considered reliable by many works, there's still an error in the infobox. According to Germany and the Second World War Vol. VIII p. 200 : The German offensive, Operation CITADEL, together with the two Soviet counter-offensives, lasted for some 50 days. [...] German losses in the course of these three operations (over the period 5 July to 23 August) amounted to approximately 170,000 men, of whom 46,500 dead or missing.
 * As detailed above, the Germans incurred the following losses during the individual operations: CITADEL: 54,182, of whom 11,023 dead or missing; Orel offensive: 86,064, of whom 25,515 dead or missing; Belgorod–Kharkov Offensive: just under 30,000, of whom approx. 10,000 dead or missing. Dircovic (talk) 00:44, 12 November 2018 (UTC)
 * Exact German casualties for the Belgorod-Kharkov Offensive Operation can be found on p. 197: [FN] See the statistics of the OKH medical officer in BA-MA RW 6/v. 558. According to the 10-day reports for the two periods 1 to 10 August and 11 to 20 August, the total losses of the two German armies amounted to exactly 25,068 men, of whom 8,933 dead or missing. To conclude, German casualties for Operation Citadel are 54,182, of whom 11,023 dead or missing, and 111,132 men, of whom 19.956 dead or missing for the Battle of Kursk. Dircovic (talk) 01:13, 12 November 2018 (UTC)
 * In that case, I suggest that Frieser's figures replace the 52,000 total that is already there as they are isolated for the specific operations. Kges1901 (talk) 01:20, 12 November 2018 (UTC)
 * Should that be sufficient diff? Cheers! Dircovic (talk) 01:42, 12 November 2018 (UTC)
 * That is satisfactory. Thanks, Kges1901 (talk) 01:58, 12 November 2018 (UTC)
 * Re: "While the German medical data has been considered reliable by many works..." I see no problem to use the sources that use German medical data. However, the way the archival data are used in this article is unacceptable: first, the casualties figures have been extracted from these archival data according to some non-transparent and non-trivial procedure, which is an original research; second, the reference to some blog is unacceptable (if these data were taken from some archive, provide the archival document's number; third, the link is dead, the reference to WaybackMachine discredits Wikipedia. I remove this reference, please, do not restore it in this form. If a reference to this archival document is still needed, add a correct reference.--Paul Siebert (talk) 01:51, 12 November 2018 (UTC)
 * Taking into account that a good secondary source has been added recently, the reference to archival documents is redundant. Please, do not re-add it: we need to be very cautious with primary sources, and we should avoid them.--Paul Siebert (talk) 01:56, 12 November 2018 (UTC)
 * So, have we reached consensus that Frieser's secondary source is an acceptable interpretation of the primary sourced medical records and should be used? It seems ok to me. Simon Adler (talk) 02:31, 12 November 2018 (UTC)
 * I haven't studied this question in details (there may be some more recent source that questions Frieser), but I see no formal reason to object.--Paul Siebert (talk) 02:42, 12 November 2018 (UTC)

~100,000 German casualties (including wounded) for a whole battle not possible. Germans lost over 100,000 killed in July-August 1943 https://www.feldgrau.com/WW2-Germany-Statistics-and-Numbers It looks like a confusion or an anti-Russian falsification. Publish another estimates. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 109.252.52.68 (talk) 18:26, 1 December 2018 (UTC)

Recent edit
Preserving here by providing this link; my rationale was: "undue claims from Mainstein's self-serving memoirs". --K.e.coffman (talk) 23:30, 30 December 2018 (UTC)
 * Adding more Lost Victories material; this needs a secondary source. --K.e.coffman (talk) 23:48, 30 December 2018 (UTC)

8/23/23 - Why is this a GA?
The lede is a bloated 550-word, 4-paragraph mess that doesn't meet WP:GA standards. J. Harrington Inchworm III (talk) 19:58, 23 August 2023 (UTC)

Red Army armour strength
The paragraph regarding Red Army armour strength alleges that the Soviets fielded an IS-3 prototype, but the source cited does not support this. The IS-3 was not developed until the following year. It's possible that an IS-2 prototype participated (and an IS-2 is displayed at the diorama of the battle in Belgorod), but the source does not appear to specify this. 24.16.132.126 (talk) 16:20, 12 April 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Battle of Kursk