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Benigno Aquino III

Benigno Simeon Aquino III (born Benigno Simeon Cojuangco Aquino III; February 8, 1960 – June 24, 2021), also known as Noynoy Aquino   and colloquially as PNoy, was a Filipino politician who served as the 15th President of the Philippines from 2010 to 2016. The son of assassinated politician Benigno Aquino Jr. and 11th President of the Philippines Corazon Aquino, he was a fourth-generation politician as part of the Aquino family of Tarlac.

Benigno Aquino III previously served as a member of the House of Representatives and Senate from 1998 to 2010, and also as a deputy speaker of the House of Representatives from 2004 to 2006. On September 9, 2009, shortly after the death of his mother, he announced his candidacy in the 2010 presidential election, which he eventually won. He was sworn into office as the 15th president of the Philippines on June 30, 2010, succeeding Gloria Macapagal Arroyo.

Under Aquino's presidency, the nation's economy grew at the highest rates in decades, and the country was dubbed a "Rising Tiger" economy. Known for his confrontational foreign policy, his administration filed an arbitration case, Philippines v. China, before the Permanent Court of Arbitration in an attempt to invalidate China's claims in the South China Sea and assert the Philippines' claims in the area; the court ruled in favor of the Philippines. His term ended on June 30, 2016, and he was succeeded by Rodrigo Duterte.

After leaving office, Aquino was the subject of legal actions over his role in the Mamasapano clash and for approval of a controversial budget project; he was later acquitted of all charges filed against him regarding the Mamasapano incident. Aquino died from diabetic kidney disease on June 24, 2021, at age 61.

Early life and education
Noynoy Aquino was born as Benigno Simeon Cojuangco Aquino III on February 8, 1960, at Far Eastern University Hospital in Sampaloc, Manila. He is the third of the five children of Benigno Aquino Jr., who was then the vice governor of Tarlac, and Corazon Cojuangco, daughter of prominent Tarlac businessman José Cojuangco. He has four sisters, namely: Maria Elena, Aurora Corazon, Victoria Elisa, and actress Kristina Bernadette. He attended the Ateneo de Manila University in Quezon City for his elementary, high school, and college education.

Aquino finished his Bachelor of Arts (major in economics) degree from the Ateneo in 1981. Former president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, his eventual predecessor, was one of his professors at the university.

In September 1972, his father, a senator and prominent opposition leader to President Ferdinand Marcos, was arrested for subversion. In August 1973, Aquino's father was brought before a military tribunal in Fort Bonifacio.

In 1980, after a series of heart attacks, Aquino's father was allowed to seek medical treatment in the United States, where Aquino's family began a period of self-exile in Boston. After graduating, Aquino joined his family there in 1981. In 1983, after three years in exile in the United States, Aquino's family returned to the Philippines, shortly after the assassination of his father on August 21, 1983. He had a short tenure as a member of the Philippine Business for Social Progress, working as an assistant of the executive director. He later joined Mondragon Industries Philippines, Inc. as an assistant retail sales supervisor and Nike Philippines as an assistant promotions manager.

From 1986 to 1992, during the presidency of his mother, Aquino joined the Intra-Strata Assurance Corporation, a company owned by his uncle Antolin Oreta Jr., as vice president.

On August 28, 1987, eighteen months into the presidency of Aquino's mother, rebel soldiers led by Gregorio Honasan staged an unsuccessful coup attempt, attempting to lay siege to Malacañang Palace. Aquino was two blocks from the palace when he came under fire. Three of Aquino's four security escorts were killed, and the last was wounded protecting him. He himself was hit by five bullets, once in the neck.

From 1993 to 1998, he worked for Central Azucarera de Tarlac, the sugar refinery in the Cojuangco-owned Hacienda Luisita. He was employed as the executive assistant for administration from 1993 to 1996 and subsequently worked as manager for field services from 1996 to 1998.

Congressional career
Aquino was a fourth-generation politician: his great-grandfather, Servillano "Mianong" Aquino, served as a delegate to the Malolos Congress; his paternal grandfather, Benigno Aquino Sr., served as Speaker of the National Assembly from 1943 to 1944; his maternal grandfather, José Cojuangco, was also a member of the House of Representatives; and his parents were Corazon Aquino, who served as the 11th president of the Philippines (1986–1992), and Senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr. Aquino was a member of the Liberal Party, where he held various positions such as secretary general and vice president for Luzon.

House of Representatives (1998–2007)
Aquino became a deputy speaker of the House of Representatives on November 8, 2004, but relinquished the post on February 21, 2006, when Aquino joined his Liberal Party Drilon wing members in calling for the resignation of President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo at the height of the Hello Garci scandal.

Aquino was also Chairman of the Board of the Central Luzon Congressional Caucus.

Senate (2007–2010)
Barred from running for re-election to the House of Representatives of the Philippines, to represent the 2nd district of Tarlac, due to term limits, Aquino was elected to the Senate of the Philippines in the 2007 Philippine midterm election on May 15, 2007, under the banner of the Genuine Opposition (GO), a coalition comprising a number of parties, including Aquino's own Liberal Party, seeking to curb attempts by President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo to amend the 1987 Philippine Constitution. In Aquino's political ads, he was endorsed by his younger sister, television host Kris Aquino, and his mother, Corazon Aquino. Although a Roman Catholic, Aquino was endorsed by the pentecostal Jesus Is Lord Church, one of the largest Protestant churches in the Philippines. With more than 14.3 million votes, Aquino's tally was the sixth highest of the 37 candidates for the 12 vacant seats elected from the nation at large. Aquino assumed his new office on June 30, 2007.

During the campaign, Aquino reached out to his former political rival, Senator Gregorio Honasan, supporting his application for bail. Aquino told Job Tabada of the Cebu Daily News, on March 5, 2007:

"'I endorse Honasan's request for bail para parehas ang laban [to even out the playing field]. I was hit by bullets from Honasan's men in the neck and hips but that's past now. The principle of my father was, 'Respect the rights even of your enemies.' Ito ang nagpatingkad ng demokrasya [This is what defines democracy]. Genuine reconciliation is democracy in action.'"

Aquino was referring to an unsuccessful coup attempt staged by rebel soldiers led by Gregorio Honasan on August 28, 1987, in which Aquino was seriously injured.

Senate bills
The Budget Impoundment and Control Act (Senate Bill No. 3121), wherein "impoundment" refers to the power of the president to refuse the release of funds appropriated by the Congress of the Philippines, is another bill Aquino was proud of; he regretted, however, that such power has been used and abused by President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, a result of which abuse has been the significant emasculation of Congress' ability to check the president's authority. Aquino filed this bill so that the president would have to pass a measure through Congress every time that they the chief executive had the impetus to impound part of the budget.

Another significant Aquino contribution to the Philippines' corruption problem was Senate Bill 2035, which is the Preservation of Public Infrastructures bill, seeking to raise standards in the construction of all public infrastructures by penalizing contractors of defective infrastructures. The bill also requires the Bureau of Maintenance under the Department of Public Works and Highways (DPWH) to conduct periodic inspections of public infrastructures.

Aquino also pushed for the passage of the Amending the Government Procurement Act (SB 2160), which applies to all government procurement activities regardless of source of funds whether local or foreign; only treaties or international/executive agreements entered into by the government prior to its enactment shall be exempt from coverage. The bill was filed in light of the Department of Justice (DOJ) declaration regarding the validity of the NBN–ZTE deal corruption scandal, wherein its international aspect, as well as the fact that it was an executive agreement, was cited as one reason for its exemption from the procurement process stipulated in Republic Act No. 9184.

Focusing further on accountability in government appropriations and spending, Aquino filed other reform-oriented bills, among which were Philippine National Police reform; the banning of reappointment to the Judicial and Bar Council; and the prevention of reappointment and bypassing of the Commission on Appointments.

2010 presidential campaign
On November 26, 2008, the Liberal Party elected Mar Roxas, president of the Liberal Party, as the standard-bearer of the Liberal Party for President of the Philippines in the then-upcoming 2010 presidential elections.

Following the death and funeral of Aquino's mother, former President Corazon Aquino, many people began calling on Aquino to run for President of the Philippines. This groundswell of support became known as the "Noynoy Phenomenon".

On August 27, 2009, Edgardo "Eddie" Roces, son of the late journalist and media executive Chino Roces, and a group of lawyers and activists formed the Noynoy Aquino for President Movement (NAPM), a nationwide campaign to collect a million signatures in order to persuade Aquino to run for president, reminiscent of Roces' father, who on October 15, 1985, launched the Cory Aquino for President Movement (CAPM), collecting more than one million signatures nationwide and asking Aquino's mother to run against Ferdinand Marcos in the 1986 presidential snap elections.

On September 1, 2009, at the Club Filipino, in a press conference, Senator Mar Roxas, president of the Liberal Party, announced his withdrawal from the 2010 presidential race and expressed his support for Aquino, as the party standard-bearer instead. Aquino later stood side by side with Roxas, but did not make a public statement at the press conference. The next day, Aquino announced that he would be going on a "spiritual retreat" over the weekend to finalize his decision for the elections, visiting the Carmelite sisters in Zamboanga City, reminiscent of his mother's own soul-searching in 1985 before deciding to run for the elections the following year. He came back on September 9 to formally announce his candidacy. Almost two weeks later, Roxas pledged to run alongside Aquino as the Liberal Party standard-bearer for vice-president. The two men filed their respective certificates of candidacy for president and vice-president on November 28, 2009.

Fake psychiatric reports on Aquino's mental health began circulating online during the 90-day election campaign period from February 9 – May 8, 2010, Aquino received information that the first such report came from the wife of Nacionalista Party supporter and former National Power Corporation (NAPOCOR) president Guido Delgado, a move Aquino claimed was made with "malicious intent". A second report came from an unidentified supporter of Senator Manny Villar, the Nacionalistas' leader and presidential candidate. Later presented by Delgado at a press conference, the psychiatric report was supposedly signed by Father Jaime C. Bulatao, S.J., PhD, a Jesuit priest, a professor of Psychology and a clinical psychologist at the Ateneo de Manila University, taken when Aquino was finishing his bachelor's degree in economics at the university in 1979. It reportedly showed that Aquino suffered from depression and melancholia; the priest later denied writing the document at all. Another supposed psychiatric report that later surfaced claimed that Aquino suffered from major depressive disorder; the report's supposed author, Jesuit priest Father Carmelo A. Caluag II, denied writing any evaluations of Aquino. The university's psychology department later debunked the documents, with Aquino labelling them as another desperate effort by rivals to malign his reputation.

During the campaign, Senator Francis Escudero began endorsing Aquino as president and PDP–Laban standard-bearer Jejomar Binay, for Vice President, launching the Aquino–Binay campaign.

On June 9, 2010, at the Batasang Pambansa Complex, in Quezon City, the Congress of the Philippines proclaimed Aquino as the president-elect of the Philippines, following the 2010 election with 15,208,678 votes,  while Jejomar Binay, the former mayor of Makati, was proclaimed as the vice president-elect of the Philippines with 14,645,574 votes, defeating runner-up for the vice presidency Mar Roxas, the standard-bearer of the Liberal Party for vice president.

Early years
The presidency of Benigno Aquino III began at noon on June 30, 2010, and became the fifteenth president of the Philippines, succeeding Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. From the start of his presidency on, he was also referred to in the media as PNoy.

The presidential transition began on June 9, 2010, when the Congress of the Philippines proclaimed Aquino the winner of the 2010 Philippine presidential elections held on May 10, 2010, proclaiming Aquino as the president-elect of the Philippines. Aquino took residence in the Bahay Pangarap, the first president to do so, instead of the Malacañang Palace, which has been the official residence of his predecessors.

Aquino announced the formation of a truth commission that would investigate various issues including corruption allegations against his predecessor President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo with former Chief Justice Hilario Davide Jr. as commission head.

Aquino took the oath of office on June 30, 2010, at the Quirino Grandstand in Rizal Park, Manila. The oath of office was administered by Associate Justice Conchita Carpio-Morales, who officially accepted Aquino's request to swear him into office, reminiscent of the decision of his mother, who in 1986, was sworn into the presidency by Associate Justice Claudio Teehankee. After being sworn in as the fifteenth president of the Philippines, succeeding Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, Aquino delivered his inaugural address.

During Aquino's first State of the Nation Address (SONA) on July 26, 2010, Aquino announced his intention to reform the education system in the Philippines by shifting to K–12 education, a 12-year basic education cycle.

No wang wang policy
During the inaugural address, Aquino created the "no wang-wang" policy, strengthening the implementation of Presidential Decree No. 96. Wang-wang is colloquial term for blaring sirens. The decree was issued on January 13, 1973, by then President Ferdinand Marcos, regulating the use of sirens and other similar devices only to motor vehicles designated for the use of select national government officials, the police, the military, the fire department and ambulances. Despite having the privilege of using wang-wang as president, Aquino refrained from using sirens to set up an example for his policy, even if it means being stuck in traffic and being late every now and then. After the inaugural address, the Metropolitan Manila Development Authority began to enforce Aquino's no wang-wang policy, confiscating wang-wang from public officials and private motorists who illegally used them.

Bangsamoro peace process
Aquino resumed stalled peace talks with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), a rebel group in Mindanao seeking self-determination for Moros. He met with the MILF in Tokyo, Japan in August 2011 to initiate peace talks which resulted to the signing of the Framework Agreement on the Bangsamoro between the Philippine government and the rebel group the following year. The agreement started the process of replacing the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) with a new political entity. In 2014, the Comprehensive Agreement on the Bangsamoro (CAB) was signed between the Philippine government and the MILF, with the deal characterized as a "final peace agreement" between the two parties.

The CAB paved way for the drafting of the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL; later known as the Bangsamoro Organic Law or BOL), a charter for a proposed Bangsamoro autonomous region which would replace the ARMM.

In 2015, President Aquino was accused of evading responsibility for the Mamasapano clash, a botched police operation, which resulted to the death of 44 Special Action Force officers. He was also criticized for entrusting the operation to suspended police chief Alan Purisima. This led to a decrease of public support for the BBL.

Education
Aquino introduced reforms on the Philippine education program by introducing the K-12 curriculum by signing into law the Enhanced Basic Education Act in 2013. This added two years to the basic education system; which became known as the Senior High School stage. The program was introduced because the Philippines was among the three countries in the world at that time still had a 10-year basic education program. Among the criticisms of the K-12 program is the associated costs to be shouldered by teachers, parents, and students for the additional two years of basic education as well as the lack of classrooms and teachers required for the implementation of the shift to K-12.

Foreign policy
Benigno Aquino III is noted for his confrontational foreign policy against China, especially concerning the Philippines' approach in pursuing its claims in the South China Sea. It was under his administration, that the China v. Philippines case was filed in the Permanent Court of Arbitration (PCA) which ruled in 2016 the invalidity of China's nine-dash line claim which covers the entire sea, although China continues to disregard the decision. The case was filed in 2013, after the Philippines lost control of the Scarborough Shoal after the 2012 standoff with China over the dispute feature. He is also responsible for instituting the term "West Philippine Sea" in 2012 for the eastern parts of the South China Sea which the Philippines claims to be part of its exclusive economic zone.

Judicial appointments
Aquino appointed the following to the Supreme Court of the Philippines:
 * Maria Lourdes Sereno – August 13, 2010 (as Associate Justice); August 25, 2012 (as Chief Justice).
 * Bienvenido L. Reyes – August 16, 2011
 * Estela M. Perlas-Bernabe – September 16, 2011
 * Mario Victor F. Leonen – November 21, 2012
 * Francis H. Jardeleza – August 19, 2014
 * Alfredo Benjamin Caguioa – January 22, 2016

Manila hostage crisis
On August 23, 2010, in front of the Quirino Grandstand in Rizal Park, Manila, the Manila hostage crisis occurred when a gunman took hostage a bus with Hong Kong tourists. Aquino defended the actions of the police at the scene, stating that the gunman had not shown any signs of wanting to kill the hostages. Aquino ordered a "thorough investigation" into the incident, and would wait until it is completed before deciding whether anyone should lose his or her job. Aquino declared that the media may have worsened the situation by giving the gunman "a bird's-eye view of the entire situation". Aquino also made reference to the Moscow theater hostage crisis, which, according to Aquino, resulted in "more severe" casualties despite Russia's "resources and sophistication". On August 24, 2010, Aquino signed Proclamation No. 23, declaring August 25, 2010, as a national day of mourning, instructing all public institutions nationwide and all Philippine embassies and consulates overseas to lower the Philippine flag at half-mast, in honor of the eight Hong Kong residents who died during the crisis. On August 25, 2010, at a press conference in Malacañang, Aquino apologized to those offended when he was caught on television apparently smiling while being interviewed at the crime scene hours after the Manila hostage crisis. Aquino said:

"'My smile might have been misunderstood. I have several expressions. I smile when I'm happy, I smile when I'm faced with a very absurd situation...and if I offended certain people, I apologize to them. It's more of an expression maybe of exasperation rather than anything and again, I apologize if I offended certain people, who misunderstood (my) facial expression.'"

On September 3, 2010, Aquino took responsibility for the crisis. Aquino actually has direct supervision of the Philippine National Police, since Aquino had asked Secretary of the Interior and Local Government Jesse Robredo to address other concerns, such as coming up with a comprehensive plan on delivering social services to and relocating informal settlers in coordination with the local governments. No formal apology for the crisis was made by Aquino until President Rodrigo Duterte formally apologized in 2018 as president of the Republic of the Philippines and in behalf of the people of the Philippines.

Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda)
President Aquino's administration was criticized during and after Typhoon Haiyan (Yolanda) in November 2013 for the government's "slow" response to aid the victims. This criticism resulted in countries like Canada providing humanitarian aid to the victims of the typhoon through non-governmental organizations and not the Philippine government.

Noynoying
Noynoying (pronounced noy-noy-YING or noy-NOY-ying ) was a protest tactic in the form of a neologism that Aquino's critics used to question his work ethic, alleging his inaction on the issues of disaster response and rising oil prices. A play on the term planking and Aquino's nickname, Noynoying involved posing in a lazy manner, such as sitting idly while resting his head on one hand, and doing nothing.

Post-presidency (2016–2021)

Following the turnover ceremonies to his successor Rodrigo Duterte at Malacañang, Aquino returned to his parents' residence along Times Street, Quezon City. After leaving office, Aquino remained silent on the Duterte administration and rarely made public appearances. However, in November 2016, Aquino attended a concert at Rizal Park and joined protests against the burial of Ferdinand Marcos. In February 2017, Aquino commemorated the 31st anniversary of the People Power Revolution by marching to the People Power Monument and joining the protests against the Ferdinand Marcos regime.

Legal charges
In July 2017, criminal charges were filed against Aquino for usurpation of authority under the Revised Penal Code and violating anti-graft and corruption laws. Ombudsman Conchita Carpio-Morales cited the involvement of then suspended Philippine National Police chief Alan Purisima in the 2015 Mamasapano police operation against the Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front in Mamasapano, Maguindanao, where 44 Special Action Force members were killed. Under the Revised Penal Code, suspended public officials cannot perform their duties or interfere in government affairs. Aquino's former deputy presidential spokesperson Abigail Valte said that Aquino planned to file a motion for reconsideration to appeal the charges. In 2018, Aquino was indicted in a $1.35-billion criminal case involving a congressional approval to use state funds on major government projects. On August 22, 2019, the Sandiganbayan dropped the charges against Aquino upon request from Ombudsman Samuel Martires, citing the rule that no president can be charged of inducing subordinates to follow orders.

Personal life
Aquino never married and had no children, making him the Philippines' first bachelor president. Aquino previously had a relationship with Shalani Soledad, a Valenzuela city councilor and niece of former Senator Francisco Tatad. In November 2010, Aquino confirmed that he and Soledad had ended their relationship. He had previously dated Korina Sanchez, Bernadette Sembrano, and Liz Uy. He was also in a relationship with Korean television host Grace Lee. Aquino had openly stated that he preferred younger women because he wanted to have children.

Aquino was an enthusiast of shooting, billiards, and video games. He was also engaged in martial arts, particularly karate and sikaran. Aquino did not drink alcoholic beverages but was a chain smoker. He said that he was not keen on being a poster boy for anti-smoking campaigns. Upon winning the election, Aquino received a phone call from U.S. President Barack Obama, who congratulated him and offered assistance to smoking cessation.

Although his official residence as president was Malacañang Palace, Aquino chose to reside in the Bahay Pangarap (House of Dreams), located within the Palace grounds, while in office.

Illness and death

Speculation surrounding Aquino's health began circulating in August 2019 after he was unable to attend the commemoration of his late father's 36th death anniversary; however, his spokesperson Abigail Valte said that his illness then was "nothing serious". In November 2019, Aquino was reported to have suffered from pneumonia. A month after, he was confined at Makati Medical Center for an executive checkup and undisclosed routine procedures. Aquino was confined in an intensive care unit, although according to his spokesperson, he was never in critical condition and the accommodation was just to limit visitors. Senator Francis Pangilinan, who was Aquino's former food security czar, later stated that this confinement was due to a kidney malfunction. Pangilinan added that Aquino had also been suffering from hypertension and diabetes. Thereafter, Aquino regularly sought medical treatment for his condition. By May 2021, Aquino told Camille Elemia of Rappler that he was experiencing a loss of appetite and breathing difficulties. That same month, he reportedly underwent a cardiac surgery.

In the early hours of June 24, 2021, Aquino was found by his maidservant lying unconscious on his recliner at his home in West Triangle, Quezon City. He was immediately transported by ambulance to the nearby Capitol Medical Center in Diliman, where he was pronounced dead at 6:30 a.m. (PHT), that day (22:30 UTC of the previous day). The cause of death was stated as renal disease, secondary to diabetes. According to his personal chauffeur, Aquino was scheduled to undergo dialysis on June 21, but refused because he felt that his body was "weak". Another dialysis was planned the day prior to his death, but Aquino again turned it down for similar reasons. Aquino's former public works secretary, Rogelio Singson, stated that he also underwent angioplasty to prepare for a scheduled kidney transplantation; Aquino was in the process of searching for donors at the time of his death.

His remains were cremated on the day of his death and his ashes were buried adjacent to that of his parents at the Manila Memorial Park in Parañaque on June 26, making him the first Philippine president to have been cremated. Three Masses were held on June 25–26 at the Church of the Gesù at his alma mater, the Ateneo de Manila University, where a public viewing was also held. Then newly-installed Manila Archbishop Jose Advincula blessed his remains, while his funeral mass was presided over by Lingayen–Dagupan Archbishop Socrates Villegas (who also presided the requiem mass for Aquino's mother in 2009 when Villegas was Bishop of Balanga), with Caloocan Bishop Pablo Virgilio David concelebrating.

A few hours after the announcement of Aquino's death, President Rodrigo Duterte declared a ten-day "period of national mourning" from June 24 to July 3. All national flags were flown at half-mast as a sign of mourning.

The funeral rites of Aquino were covered by Radyo Katipunan, the radio arm of his alma mater, for the wake and Radio Television Malacañang for his burial.

Honors and awards
Foreign honors
 * 🇶🇦 Qatar: Collar of the Order of Independence (April 11, 2012)
 * 🇰🇼 Kuwait: Collar of the Order of Mubarak the Great (March 23, 2012)
 * 🇮🇩 Indonesia: First Class (Adipurna) of the Star of the Republic of Indonesia (October 10, 2014)
 * Sovereign Military Order of Malta: Collar of the Order pro merito Melitensi (March 4, 2015)
 * 🇯🇵 Japan: Grand Cordon of the Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum (June 2, 2015)
 * 🇨🇱 Chile: Collar of the Order of Merit (2015)

National Honors
 * Order_of_the_Knights_of_Rizal_Ribbon.png Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Knights of Rizal (February 17, 2011)

Honorary degrees

 * Fordham University – Honorary doctoral degree in Economics (September 19, 2011)
 * Centro Escolar University – Honorary doctoral degree in Economics (April 11, 2012)
 * Kasetsart University – Honorary doctoral degree in Economics
 * University of the Philippines Diliman – Honorary doctoral degree in Law
 * Sophia University – Honorary doctoral degree in Law (December 13, 2014)
 * Tarlac State University – Honorary doctoral degree in Humanities (May 14, 2015)
 * Loyola Marymount University – Honorary Doctor of Humane Letters degree (February 17, 2016)

Recognitions
 * Winner of the 2021 De La Salle University Tañada-Diokno School of Law Ka Pepe Diokno Human Rights Award
 * Named one of the 100 Most Influential People in the World in 2013 by Time
 * United States: City Council Resolution on welcoming the President to Chicago presented by Mayor Rahm Emanuel (May 6, 2015)

title: Benigno Aquino III


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Data Protection Directive

The Data Protection Directive, officially Directive 95/46/EC, enacted in October 1995, was a European Union directive which regulated the processing of personal data within the European Union (EU) and the free movement of such data. The Data Protection Directive was an important component of EU privacy and human rights law.

The principles set out in the Data Protection Directive were aimed at the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms in the processing of personal data. The General Data Protection Regulation, adopted in April 2016, superseded the Data Protection Directive and became enforceable on 25 May 2018.

Context
The right to privacy is a highly developed area of law in Europe. All the member states of the Council of Europe (CoE) are also signatories of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). Article 8 of the ECHR provides a right to respect for one's "private and family life, his home and his correspondence", subject to certain restrictions. The European Court of Human Rights has given this article a very broad interpretation in its jurisprudence.

In 1973, American scholar Willis Ware published Records, Computers, and the Rights of Citizens, a report that was to be influential on the directions these laws would take. [emphasis added]

In 1980, in an effort to create a comprehensive data protection system throughout Europe, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) issued its "Recommendations of the Council Concerning Guidelines Governing the Protection of Privacy and Trans-Border Flows of Personal Data". The seven principles governing the OECD's recommendations for protection of personal data were:
 * 1) Notice—data subjects should be given notice when their data is being collected;
 * 2) Purpose—data should only be used for the purpose stated and not for any other purposes;
 * 3) Consent—data should not be disclosed without the data subject's consent;
 * 4) Security—collected data should be kept secure from any potential abuses;
 * 5) Disclosure—data subjects should be informed as to who is collecting their data;
 * 6) Access—data subjects should be allowed to access their data and make corrections to any inaccurate data
 * 7) Accountability—data subjects should have a method available to them to hold data collectors accountable for not following the above principles.

The OECD Guidelines, however, were non-binding, and data privacy laws still varied widely across Europe. The United States, meanwhile, while endorsing the OECD's recommendations, did nothing to implement them within the United States. However, the first six principles were incorporated into the EU Directive.

In 1981, the Members States of the Council of Europe adopted the Convention for the Protection of Individuals with regard to Automatic Processing of Personal Data (Convention 108) to implement Article 8 of the ECHR. Convention 108 obliges the signatories to enact legislation concerning the automatic processing of personal data, and was modernised and reinforced in 2018 to become "Convention 108+".

In 1989 with German reunification, the data the East German secret police (Stasi) collected became well known, increasing the demand for privacy in Germany. At the time West Germany already had privacy laws since 1977 (Bundesdatenschutzgesetz). The European Commission realized that diverging data protection legislation amongst EU member states impeded the free flow of data within the EU and accordingly proposed the Data Protection Directive.

Content
The directive regulates the processing of personal data regardless of whether such processing is automated or not.

Scope
Personal data are defined as "any information relating to an identified or identifiable natural person ('data subject'); an identifiable person is one who can be identified, directly or indirectly, in particular by reference to an identification number or to one or more factors specific to his physical, physiological, mental, economic, cultural or social identity" (art. 2 a).

This definition is meant to be very broad. Data are "personal data" when someone is able to link the information to a person, even if the person holding the data cannot make this link. Some examples of "personal data" are: address, credit card number, bank statements, criminal record, etc.

The notion processing means "any operation or set of operations which is performed upon personal data, whether or not by automatic means, such as collection, recording, organization, storage, adaptation or alteration, retrieval, consultation, use, disclosure by transmission, dissemination or otherwise making available, alignment or combination, blocking, erasure or destruction" (art. 2 b).

The responsibility for compliance rests on the shoulders of the "controller", meaning the natural or artificial person, public authority, agency or any other body which alone or jointly with others determines the purposes and means of the processing of personal data (art. 2 d).

The data protection rules are applicable not only when the controller is established within the EU, but whenever the controller uses equipment situated within the EU in order to process data. (art. 4) Controllers from outside the EU, processing data in the EU, will have to follow data protection regulation. In principle, any online business trading with EU residents would process some personal data and would be using equipment in the EU to process the data (i.e. the customer's computer). As a consequence, the website operator would have to comply with the European data protection rules. The directive was written before the breakthrough of the Internet, and to date there is little jurisprudence on this subject.

Principles
Personal data should not be processed at all, except when certain conditions are met. These conditions fall into three categories: transparency, legitimate purpose, and proportionality.

Transparency
The data subject has the right to be informed when his personal data is being processed. The controller must provide his name and address, the purpose of processing, the recipients of the data and all other information required to ensure the processing is fair. (art. 10 and 11)

Data may be processed only if at least one of the following is true (art. 7):
 * when the data subject has given his consent.
 * when the processing is necessary for the performance of or the entering into a contract.
 * when processing is necessary for compliance with a legal obligation.
 * when processing is necessary in order to protect the vital interests of the data subject.
 * processing is necessary for the performance of a task carried out in the public interest or in the exercise of official authority vested in the controller or in a third party to whom the data are disclosed.
 * processing is necessary for the purposes of the legitimate interests pursued by the controller or by the third party or parties to whom the data are disclosed, except where such interests are over-ridden by the interests for fundamental rights and freedoms of the data subject. The data subject has the right to access all data processed about him. The data subject even has the right to demand the rectification, deletion or blocking of data that is incomplete, inaccurate or not being processed in compliance with the data protection rules. (art. 12)

Legitimate purpose
Personal data can only be processed for specified explicit and legitimate purposes and may not be processed further in a way incompatible with those purposes. (art. 6 b) The personal data must have protection from misuse and respect for the "certain rights of the data owners which are guaranteed by EU law".

Proportionality
Personal data may be processed only insofar as it is adequate, relevant and not excessive in relation to the purposes for which they are collected and/or further processed. The data must be accurate and, where necessary, kept up to date; every reasonable step must be taken to ensure that data which are inaccurate or incomplete, having regard to the purposes for which they were collected or for which they are further processed, are erased or rectified; The data shouldn't be kept in a form which permits identification of data subjects for longer than is necessary for the purposes for which the data were collected or for which they are further processed. Member States shall lay down appropriate safeguards for personal data stored for longer periods for historical, statistical or scientific use. (art. 6).

When sensitive personal data (can be: religious beliefs, political opinions, health, sexual orientation, race, membership of past organisations) are being processed, extra restrictions apply. (art. 8).

The data subject may object at any time to the processing of personal data for the purpose of direct marketing. (art. 14)

An algorithmic-based decision which produces legal effects or significantly affects the data subject may not be based solely on automated processing of data. (art. 15) A form of appeal should be provided when automatic decision making processes are used.

Supervisory authority and the public register of processing operations
Each member state must set up a supervisory authority, an independent body that will monitor the data protection level in that member state, give advice to the government about administrative measures and regulations, and start legal proceedings when data protection regulation has been violated. (art. 28) Individuals may lodge complaints about violations to the supervisory authority or in a court of law.

The controller must notify the supervisory authority before he starts to process data. The notification contains at least the following information (art. 19): This information is kept in a public register.
 * the name and address of the controller and of his representative, if any;
 * the purpose or purposes of the processing;
 * a description of the category or categories of data subject and of the data or categories of data relating to them;
 * the recipients or categories of recipient to whom the data might be disclosed;
 * proposed transfers of data to third countries;
 * a general description of the measures taken to ensure security of processing.

Transfer of personal data to third countries
Third countries is the term used in legislation to designate countries outside the European Union. Personal data may only be transferred to a third country if that country provides an adequate level of protection of the data. Some exceptions to this rule are provided, for instance when the controller himself can guarantee that the recipient will comply with the data protection rules.

The Directive's Article 29 created the "Working party on the Protection of Individuals with regard to the Processing of Personal Data", commonly known as the "Article 29 Working Party". The Working Party gives advice about the level of protection in the European Union and third countries.

The Working Party negotiated with United States representatives about the protection of personal data, the Safe Harbour Principles were the result. According to critics the Safe Harbour Principles do not provide for an adequate level of protection, because they contain fewer obligations for the controller and allow the contractual waiver of certain rights.

In October 2015 the European Court of Justice ruled that the Safe Harbour regime was invalid as a result of an action brought by an Austrian privacy campaigner in relation to the export of subscribers' data by Facebook's European business to Facebook in the United States. The US and European Authorities worked on a replacement for Safe Harbour and an agreement was reached in February 2016, leading to the European Commission adopting the EU–US Privacy Shield framework on 12 July 2016. This was likewise found invalid in 2020 and replaced with the EU–US Data Privacy Framework in 2023.

In July 2007, a new, controversial, passenger name record (PNR) agreement between the US and the EU was undersigned.

In February 2008, Jonathan Faull, the head of the EU's Commission of Home Affairs, complained about the United States bilateral policy concerning PNR. The US had signed in February 2008 a memorandum of understanding (MOU) with the Czech Republic in exchange of a visa waiver scheme, without first consulting Brussels. The tensions between Washington and Brussels are mainly caused by the lower level of data protection in the US, especially since foreigners do not benefit from the US Privacy Act of 1974. Other countries approached for bilateral Memoranda of Understanding included the United Kingdom, Estonia, (Germany) and Greece.

Implementation by the member states
EU directives are addressed to the member states, and are not legally binding for individuals in principle. The member states must transpose the directive into internal law. Directive 95/46/EC on the protection of personal data had to be transposed by the end of 1998. All member states had enacted their own data protection legislation.

Replacement by the General Data Protection Regulation
On 25 January 2012, the European Commission (EC) announced it would be unifying data protection law across a unified European Union via legislation called the "General Data Protection Regulation." The EC's objectives with this legislation included:

 * the harmonisation of 27 national data protection regulations into one unified regulation;
 * the improvement of corporate data transfer rules outside the European Union; and
 * the improvement of user control over personal identifying data.

The original proposal also dictated that the legislation would in theory "apply for all non-EU companies without any establishment in the EU, provided that the processing of data is directed at EU residents," one of the biggest changes with the new legislation. This change carried on through to the legislation's final approval on 14 April 2016, affecting entities around the world. "The Regulation applies to processing outside the EU that relates to the offering of goods or services to data subjects (individuals) in the EU or the monitoring of their behavior," according to W. Scott Blackmer of the InfoLawGroup, though he added "[i]t is questionable whether European supervisory authorities or consumers would actually try to sue US-based operators over violations of the Regulation." Additional changes include stricter conditions for consent, broader definition of sensitive data, new provisions on protecting children's privacy, and the inclusion of "rights to be forgotten."

The EC then set a compliance date of 25 May 2018, giving businesses around the world a chance to prepare for compliance, review data protection language in contracts, consider transition to international standards, update privacy policies, and review marketing plans.

Comparison with United States data protection law
, the United States has no single data protection law comparable to the EU's Data Protection Directive.

United States privacy legislation tends to be adopted on an ad hoc basis, with legislation arising when certain sectors and circumstances require (e.g., the Video Privacy Protection Act of 1988, the Cable Television Protection and Competition Act of 1992, the Fair Credit Reporting Act, and the 1996 Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act, HIPAA (US)). Therefore, while certain sectors may already satisfy parts of the EU Directive most do not. The United States prefers what it calls a 'sectoral' approach to data protection legislation, which relies on a combination of legislation, regulation, and self-regulation, rather than governmental regulation alone. Former US President Bill Clinton and former Vice-President Al Gore explicitly recommended in their "Framework for Global Electronic Commerce" that the private sector should lead, and companies should implement self-regulation in reaction to issues brought on by Internet technology.

The reasoning behind this approach has as much to do with American laissez-faire economics as with different social perspectives. The First Amendment of the United States Constitution guarantees the right to free speech. While free speech is an explicit right guaranteed by the United States Constitution, privacy is an implicit right guaranteed by the Constitution as interpreted by the United States Supreme Court, although it is often an explicit right in many state constitutions.

Europe's extensive privacy regulation is justified with reference to experiences under World War II-era fascist governments and post-War Communist regimes, where there was widespread unchecked use of personal information. World War II and the post-War period was a time in Europe when disclosure of race or ethnicity led to secret denunciations and seizures that sent friends and neighbours to work camps and concentration camps. In the age of computers, Europeans' guardedness of secret government files has translated into a distrust of corporate databases, and governments in Europe took decided steps to protect personal information from abuses in the years following World War II. (Germany) and France, in particular, set forth comprehensive data protection laws.

Critics of Europe's data policies, however, have said that they have impeded Europe's ability to monetize the data of users on the internet and are the primary reason why there are no Big Tech companies in Europe, with most of them instead being in the United States. Furthermore, with Alibaba and Tencent joining the ranks of the world's 10 most valuable tech companies in recent years, even China is moving ahead of Europe in the performance of its digital economy, which was valued at $5.09 trillion in 2019 (35.8 trillion yuan).

Meanwhile, Europe's preoccupation with the US is likely misplaced in the first place, as China and Russia are increasingly identified by European policymakers as "hybrid threat" aggressors, using a combination of propaganda on social media and hacking to intentionally undermine the functioning of European institutions.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Data Protection Directive


text:
Talk:Directive (European Union)

The Council of the European Union usually doesn't produce legislation on it's own. The legislative branch of the EU is made up of the European Commission, the Council and the European Parliament. http://europa.eu/abc-en.htm Hdk 09:41 27 Jul 2003 (UTC)

Orders from Brussels
The problem of the definition of orders from Brussels still has to be clarified: although what is stated now is theoretically correct (both the parliament and the council have to approve), the directives are produced on the initiative of the Commission (which has the sole right to initiative), and voting of them by the council is often a routine matter or is 'forced' by the commission (such as with the infamous software patent directive which was submitted to approval by agricultural ministers!) LHOON 12:47 06 Jan 2005 (UTC)

 * That is your PoV: Wiki must reflect the legal facts.
 * But if you read the European Commission article, you will see that the Commission drafts the proposal largely on the request on member states. In this, it operates not dramaticallly differently from any of the national Civil Services. Again, since they only draft the text, Ministers and the Parliament negotiate firmly in both the common and in their national interests and the later drafts on controversial matters are substantially changed.  So the fixation with the production of the first draft is a eurosceptic totem that doesn't really stand up to critical examination.  --Red King 17:40, 6 January 2006 (UTC)

Structure of Codes
As you'll probably know, all the directives have codes in the same format: e.g. 98/71/EC. My question is, does the EC in the codes refer to European Communities? The only I can think of is European Commission, but as it used to be xx/xx/EEC, I would assume it now stands for European Communities. Yeah? - Рэд  хот  11:55, 30 June 2006 (UTC)
 * You're right it does refer to the European Communities which still exist under the umbrella of the European Union. Caveat lector 12:14, 1 July 2006 (UTC)

Recent additions
I plan to delete the following paragraph:

 * "However, the European Commission sometimes inexplicably takes no action, as in the case of the Spanish transposition (Real Decreto-Ley 11/1995) of the Urban Waste Water Directive 91/271/EEC. In the Spanish transposition the definition of a collecting system was changed, adding an addition twelve words and as a consequence the municipal sewer and drainage networks were excluded from the Spanish transposition. Consequently, there is only a need to provide a collecting system going from the municipal network to the treatment plant and if there is no municipal network there is no need to provide any collecting system at all. In addition, Spain did not bring into force the regulations and administrative provisions required by Article 19 of the Directive, which were both compulsory and necessary to define responsibilities, procedures and the method of finance. Hundreds of thousands of EU citizens, mainly residents of urbanizations (housing estates) developed in the 1960s and 1970s, have been prejudiced by this incorrect transposition. The Commission, without explaining why, has refused to recognise that the transposition is incorrect, only stating to the Committee on Petitions on April 30th 2009 that 'the Commission considers that the formal transposition is correct.' As a result, there are countless urbanisations in Spain within agglomerations of over 2000 people still without sewers in 2009. Members of the Committee on Petitions urged the Commission to consider in more detail this question."

This is a general article on directives and is not meant to deal with specific claims that certain directives have failed to be transpositioned correctly. Moreover the claimed incorrect transposition appears to be the opinion of the petitioners. As stated in the paragraph the Commission views it as correct. It's a non-story. — Blue-Haired Lawyer 19:49, 10 July 2009 (UTC)

 * This was re-added and should probably be removed again. It is duplicated at Water supply and sanitation in the European Union where it is also, as yet, unsourced. For citing sources, see WP:RS and Cite. It should not be included in a general article on directives. There might be a weak argument for inclusion if there are reliable secondary sources referring to this as a major precedent. --Boson (talk) 11:10, 11 July 2009 (UTC)

Dear Blue Haired Lawyer, You may consider this to be a non-story, but I see that you are a lawyer therefore you may wish to check out the following information and reach your own conclusions, even if it is only for your own curiosity as a lawyer. In my humble opinion (as a former British Environmental Health Officer) it is not a story but all facts, the majority of which can easily be verified on the internet by referring to 1) The Directive; 2) The Real Decreto-Ley 11/1995; 3) La Lei de la millora d’urbanizacions. (The Law to improve the infrastructures in urbanizations in Catalonia) and Committee on Petitions, Petition Nº 0274/2006. The Spanish Government made at the time of transposing the Directive a very serious change to the definition of a collecting system in Article 2 of the Directive. In the Directive, a collecting system means “a system of conduits which collects and conducts urban waste water” and therefore all sewers and drains, both public and private were included. However, in the Spanish transposition (Real Decreto-Ley 11/1995 of December 28 1995), the definition of a collecting system was changed to mean “all systems of conduits which collect and conduct urban waste water, from the municipal sewer and drainage networks and go to the treatment plants.” The added words mean that when the Spanish definition is applied to Article 3 of the Directive the municipal sewer and drainage networks are excluded and therefore did not need to comply with the Directive. In other words most of the public sewers were excluded and all of the private drains and sewers. If the municipal network did not exist, as in the case of many urbanizations (housing estates) developed in the 1960s and 1970s within agglomerations of over 2000 p.e. no collecting system needed to be provided at all, which would also apply to any small towns or villages covered by the Directive, which still do not have a collecting system. Obviously, if waste water is not collected it cannot be treated, therefore the changed definition also affected Article 4 of the Directive. On top of all that the regulations and administrative provisions required by Article 19 were never brought into force and do not exist. In addition, no already existing legislation complied with the requirements of the Directive and none was amended to do so. My local Council (with over 30 urbanizations, 20 kilometres from Barcelona and in an agglomeration of over 15000 p.e. in a declared sensitive area) considers correctly that it has no responsibilities under the Real Decreto-Ley and the Catalan Water Agency, correctly, only accepts responsibility for the main sewers going from the municipal network to the treatment plant if and when the municipal network exists. The Spanish Government did not delegate responsibility for complying with the Directive within the municipal areas to anybody. On March 5 2009, the Catalan Autonomous Government finally approved a law (La Llei de la millora d’urbanizacions) to deal with deficits of infrastructures, such as sewers in urbanizations in Catalonia, 18 years after the Directive was approved by the European Parliament, but with no time limits. I have an ongoing Petition in the Committee on Petitions, since early 2006, for non-compliance in Corbera de Llobregat where I live, which has been included in a Reasoned Opinion (a final warning) issued last November by the Commission to the Spanish Government. I didn’t discover the changed definition until September 2007 and since then I have been trying to get the Commission to take action to correct the transposition, with the full support of the Committee on Petitions. The Commission has always insisted that the transposition is correct, but when pressured by Committee members on April 30th 2009, the Commission representative stated that, “the Commission considers that the formal transposition is correct,” which as you will appreciate is now only an opinion and no longer a fact and it has not justified that opinion with anything and has already conceded in writing in May of 2008 that the Real Decreto-Ley does only cover collecting systems going from the municipal network to the treatment plant. Members of the Committee urged them to consider in more detail this question and decided that the examination of my Petition would resume as soon as new information was received. Nevertheless, I do not expect the Commission will ever admit the truth as it would mean confirming that they were fooled by the Spanish Government in 1995, unless they allowed it, but why would they have done that? No doubt they also think that nothing would be gained by admitting the truth as in reality the compliance dates passed long ago and they would only be confirming that they failed as Guardians of the Treaty. You may not think this information should be in Wikipedia, but in my opinion it should be in the public domain and perhaps the verifiable facts could be included under the heading “Implementation” of the Directive (for the lack of it). The new Catalan Law is very controversial due to the high costs which will be involved, which in many cases will exceed 40,000 euros per householder as renewal of other infrastructures will also be required, before the urbanizations are adopted by the Councils. Spain has received almost 200 billion euros from the EU in Cohesion Funds and Regional Development Funds etc. up to now and had local authorities been given responsibility to comply with the Directive I am sure that they would have asked for a share of the cake. That may well be why the Spanish Government changed the definition and gave nobody the responsibility to comply in the municipal areas themselves. I have no knowledge or information on the levels of non-compliance in the other Autonomous Regions of Spain, but in Catalonia, according to official information of the Generalitat, there are over 1,300 urbanizations with deficient sewer systems or no sewers (mostly no sewers) many of which are in agglomerations of over 2000 p.e. Finally, do not believe everything the Commission says, as I can assure you that the Commission has no scruples about not telling the truth when it suits their needs.--Geoffkealty (talk) 11:36, 12 July 2009 (UTC)

Orders from Brussels #2
The article as it stands gives no clue as to how a Directive comes to exist. If one were so minded, one could very easily read it to mean that "some faceless eurocrat' dreams it up with the specific purpose of 'destroying traditional British values' (see D Mail, D Express, Sun, D Torygraph etc any day of the week). I expect every other member state has similar scare-mongerers.

A section need to be written to explain the reality. [If I felt that I knew the answer with sufficient precision [with cites], I do it - but I don't. Volunteer please? --Red King (talk) 23:32, 23 September 2009 (UTC)
 * Hopefully quoting the treaty text is sufficient to show how it arises. --Red King (talk) 11:44, 21 October 2009 (UTC)

Legistlative act / legal instrument
We seem to have a little debate about this. First, I don't agree with Jimmi that only Parliament can create legislative acts (qv). Whilst this is certainly true in member states, it is not true in the EU context where the Parliament is only one leg (pillar?) of the process: it is not sovereign. Nevertheless, it seems to me that 'legal instrument' reads far better than 'legislative act' and seems more appropriate in the EU context. Legal instrument is reasonably self explanatory, whereas legistlative act is very legalese and distracts the reader far too early in the article. Furthermore, legislative act redirects immediately to Act of Parliament, which is clearly the wrong place to go. --Red King (talk) 11:57, 21 October 2009 (UTC)

 * I agree. Authors of books on EU law calls them acts; the European Parliament calls them acts; the Treaties call them acts; the ECJ calls them acts; so it is perfectly acceptable to call them acts. But unless someone can state what is wrong with "legal instruments", I think that is also acceptable. --Boson (talk) 18:40, 21 October 2009 (UTC)

 * Legislative is both more specific and descriptive. A legal act is legislative because it is of general application, not because it is the act of a legislature. I can provide thousands of sources, if necessary, which confirm that directives and regulations are legislative acts. — Blue-Haired Lawyer 19:36, 21 October 2009 (UTC)
 * In that case, you will have to replace the redirect to Act of Parliament that is currently at legislative act with some new text.--Red King (talk) 19:44, 22 October 2009 (UTC)

Directives not subset of legislative acts
"A directive is a legislative act of the European Union (...)". This sentence is not correct. A directive can be a legislative act, but all of them are not. Directives are not automatically legislative acts. Only directives adopted through a legislative procedure are legislative acts. See TFEU art. 289(3). --Glentamara (talk) 17:14, 20 July 2012 (UTC)

Unclear sentence
The meaning of the last sentence in Directive (European Union), "On 1 May 2008, 1,298 such cases open before the Court" is unclear. Should it read "... cases were open ..."? Ian S (talk) 13:17, 12 January 2014 (UTC)

I removed the sentence. It's been without a source for long enough. Without a source we can have no clear idea of what it was meant to say. — Blue-Haired Lawyer t 16:43, 12 January 2014 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Directive (European Union)


text:
User talk:Hyperstone

I am a physicist and an associate professor of mathematics at the Eötvös Loránd University Faculty of Sciences (Budapest, Hungary), at the Applied Analysis Department, delivering lectures on geometric functional analysis (topological vector spaces), Banach-algebras, C*-algebras and abstract harmonic analysis. I am also interested in modern mathematical physics, classical general relativity and quantum gravity theories.

title: User talk:Hyperstone


text:
Truncated tetrahedron

In geometry, the truncated tetrahedron is an Archimedean solid. It has 4 regular hexagonal faces, 4 equilateral triangle faces, 12 vertices and 18 edges (of two types). It can be constructed by truncating all 4 vertices of a regular tetrahedron at one third of the original edge length.

A deeper truncation, removing a tetrahedron of half the original edge length from each vertex, is called rectification. The rectification of a tetrahedron produces an octahedron.

A truncated tetrahedron is the Goldberg polyhedron $GIII(1,1),$ containing triangular and hexagonal faces.

A truncated tetrahedron can be called a cantic cube, with Coxeter diagram,, having half of the vertices of the cantellated cube (rhombicuboctahedron),. There are two dual positions of this construction, and combining them creates the uniform compound of two truncated tetrahedra.

Area and volume
The area A and the volume V of a truncated tetrahedron of edge length a are:
 * $$\begin{align}

A &= 7\sqrt{3}a^2 &&\approx 12.124\,355\,65a^2 \\ V &= \tfrac{23}{12}\sqrt{2}a^3 &&\approx 2.710\,575\,995a^3. \end{align}$$

Densest packing
The densest packing of the Archimedean truncated tetrahedron is believed to be Φ = $207⁄208$, as reported by two independent groups using Monte Carlo methods. Although no mathematical proof exists that this is the best possible packing for the truncated tetrahedron, the high proximity to the unity and independency of the findings make it unlikely that an even denser packing is to be found. In fact, if the truncation of the corners is slightly smaller than that of an Archimedean truncated tetrahedron, this new shape can be used to completely fill space.

Cartesian coordinates
Cartesian coordinates for the 12 vertices of a truncated tetrahedron centered at the origin, with edge length √8, are all permutations of (±1,±1,±3) with an even number of minus signs:
 * (+3,+1,+1), (+1,+3,+1), (+1,+1,+3)
 * (−3,−1,+1), (−1,−3,+1), (−1,−1,+3)
 * (−3,+1,−1), (−1,+3,−1), (−1,+1,−3)
 * (+3,−1,−1), (+1,−3,−1), (+1,−1,−3)

Another simple construction exists in 4-space as cells of the truncated 16-cell, with vertices as coordinate permutation of:
 * (0,0,1,2)

Spherical tiling
The truncated tetrahedron can also be represented as a spherical tiling, and projected onto the plane via a stereographic projection. This projection is conformal, preserving angles but not areas or lengths. Straight lines on the sphere are projected as circular arcs on the plane.

Friauf polyhedron
A lower symmetry version of the truncated tetrahedron (a truncated tetragonal disphenoid with order 8 D2d symmetry) is called a Friauf polyhedron in crystals such as complex metallic alloys. This form fits 5 Friauf polyhedra around an axis, giving a 72-degree dihedral angle on a subset of 6-6 edges. It is named after J. B. Friauf and his 1927 paper "The crystal structure of the intermetallic compound MgCu2".

Uses
Giant truncated tetrahedra were used for the "Man the Explorer" and "Man the Producer" theme pavilions in Expo 67. They were made of massive girders of steel bolted together in a geometric lattice. The truncated tetrahedra were interconnected with lattice steel platforms. All of these buildings were demolished after the end of Expo 67, as they had not been built to withstand the severity of the Montreal weather over the years. Their only remnants are in the Montreal city archives, the Public Archives Of Canada and the photo collections of tourists of the times.

The Tetraminx puzzle has a truncated tetrahedral shape. This puzzle shows a dissection of a truncated tetrahedron into 4 octahedra and 6 tetrahedra. It contains 4 central planes of rotations.
 * Tetraminx.jpg

Truncated tetrahedral graph
In the mathematical field of graph theory, a truncated tetrahedral graph is an Archimedean graph, the graph of vertices and edges of the truncated tetrahedron, one of the Archimedean solids. It has 12 vertices and 18 edges. It is a connected cubic graph, and connected cubic transitive graph.

Related polyhedra and tilings
It is also a part of a sequence of cantic polyhedra and tilings with vertex configuration 3.6.n.6. In this wythoff construction the edges between the hexagons represent degenerate digons.

Symmetry mutations
This polyhedron is topologically related as a part of sequence of uniform truncated polyhedra with vertex configurations (3.2n.2n), and [n,3] Coxeter group symmetry.

title: Truncated tetrahedron


text:
Truncated octahedron

In geometry, the truncated octahedron is the Archimedean solid that arises from a regular octahedron by removing six pyramids, one at each of the octahedron's vertices. The truncated octahedron has 14 faces (8 regular hexagons and 6 squares), 36 edges, and 24 vertices. Since each of its faces has point symmetry the truncated octahedron is a 6-zonohedron. It is also the Goldberg polyhedron GIV(1,1), containing square and hexagonal faces. Like the cube, it can tessellate (or "pack") 3-dimensional space, as a permutohedron.

The truncated octahedron was called the "mecon" by Buckminster Fuller.

Its dual polyhedron is the tetrakis hexahedron. If the original truncated octahedron has unit edge length, its dual tetrakis hexahedron has edge lengths $9⁄8$√2 and $3⁄2$√2.

Construction
A truncated octahedron is constructed from a regular octahedron with side length 3a by the removal of six right square pyramids, one from each point. These pyramids have both base side length (a) and lateral side length (e) of a, to form equilateral triangles. The base area is then a2. Note that this shape is exactly similar to half an octahedron or Johnson solid J1.

From the properties of square pyramids, we can now find the slant height, s, and the height, h, of the pyramid:
 * $$\begin{align}

h &= \sqrt{e^2 - \tfrac{1}{2}a^2} &&= \tfrac{1}{\sqrt{2}}a \\ s &= \sqrt{h^2 + \tfrac{1}{4}a^2} &&= \sqrt{\tfrac{1}{2}a^2 + \tfrac{1}{4}a^2} &&= \tfrac{\sqrt{3}}{2}a \end{align}$$

The volume, V, of the pyramid is given by:
 * $$V = \tfrac{1}{3}a^2h = \tfrac{\sqrt{2}}{6}a^3$$

Because six pyramids are removed by truncation, there is a total lost volume of √2a3.

Orthogonal projections
The truncated octahedron has five special orthogonal projections, centered, on a vertex, on two types of edges, and two types of faces: Hexagon, and square. The last two correspond to the B2 and A2 Coxeter planes.

Spherical tiling
The truncated octahedron can also be represented as a spherical tiling, and projected onto the plane via a stereographic projection. This projection is conformal, preserving angles but not areas or lengths. Straight lines on the sphere are projected as circular arcs on the plane.

Coordinates
All permutations of (0, ±1, ±2) are Cartesian coordinates of the vertices of a truncated octahedron of edge length a = √2 centered at the origin. The vertices are thus also the corners of 12 rectangles whose long edges are parallel to the coordinate axes.

The edge vectors have Cartesian coordinates (0, ±1, ±1) and permutations of these. The face normals (normalized cross products of edges that share a common vertex) of the 6 square faces are (0, 0, ±1), (0, ±1, 0) and (±1, 0, 0). The face normals of the 8 hexagonal faces are (±$1⁄√3$, ±$1⁄√3$, ±$1⁄√3$). The dot product between pairs of two face normals is the cosine of the dihedral angle between adjacent faces, either −$1⁄3$ or −$1⁄√3$. The dihedral angle is approximately 1.910633 radians (109.471° ) at edges shared by two hexagons or 2.186276 radians (125.263° ) at edges shared by a hexagon and a square.

Dissection
The truncated octahedron can be dissected into a central octahedron, surrounded by 8 triangular cupolae on each face, and 6 square pyramids above the vertices.

Removing the central octahedron and 2 or 4 triangular cupolae creates two Stewart toroids, with dihedral and tetrahedral symmetry:

Permutohedron
The truncated octahedron can also be represented by even more symmetric coordinates in four dimensions: all permutations of (1, 2, 3, 4) form the vertices of a truncated octahedron in the three-dimensional subspace x + y + z + w = 10. Therefore, the truncated octahedron is the permutohedron of order 4: each vertex corresponds to a permutation of (1, 2, 3, 4) and each edge represents a single pairwise swap of two elements.

Area and volume
The surface area S and the volume V of a truncated octahedron of edge length a are:
 * $$\begin{align}

S &= \left(6+12\sqrt{3}\right) a^2 &&\approx 26.784\,6097a^2 \\ V &= 8\sqrt{2} a^3 &&\approx 11.313\,7085a^3. \end{align}$$

Uniform colorings
There are two uniform colorings, with tetrahedral symmetry and octahedral symmetry, and two 2-uniform coloring with dihedral symmetry as a truncated triangular antiprism. The constructional names are given for each. Their Conway polyhedron notation is given in parentheses.

Materials science
In zeolite chemistry, the truncated octahedron occurs as the sodalite cage structure in the framework of faujasite crystals.

In solid-state physics, the 1st Brillouin zone of the face-centered cubic (fcc) lattice is a truncated octahedron.

Data hiding
The truncated octahedron (in fact, the generalized truncated octahedron) appears in the error analysis of quantization index modulation (QIM) in conjunction with repetition coding.

Related polyhedra
The truncated octahedron is one of a family of uniform polyhedra related to the cube and regular octahedron.

It also exists as the omnitruncate of the tetrahedron family:

Symmetry mutations
This polyhedron is a member of a sequence of uniform patterns with vertex figure (4.6.2p) and Coxeter–Dynkin diagram. For p < 6, the members of the sequence are omnitruncated polyhedra (zonohedra), shown below as spherical tilings. For p > 6, they are tilings of the hyperbolic plane, starting with the truncated triheptagonal tiling.

The truncated octahedron is topologically related as a part of sequence of uniform polyhedra and tilings with vertex figures n.6.6, extending into the hyperbolic plane:

The truncated octahedron is topologically related as a part of sequence of uniform polyhedra and tilings with vertex figures 4.2n.2n, extending into the hyperbolic plane:

Related polytopes
The truncated octahedron (bitruncated cube), is first in a sequence of bitruncated hypercubes:

It is possible to slice a tesseract by a hyperplane so that its sliced cross-section is a truncated octahedron.

Tessellations
The truncated octahedron exists in three different convex uniform honeycombs (space-filling tessellations):

The cell-transitive bitruncated cubic honeycomb can also be seen as the Voronoi tessellation of the body-centered cubic lattice. The truncated octahedron is one of five three-dimensional primary parallelohedra.

Truncated octahedral graph
In the mathematical field of graph theory, a truncated octahedral graph is the graph of vertices and edges of the truncated octahedron. It has 24 vertices and 36 edges, and is a cubic Archimedean graph. It has book thickness 3 and queue number 2.

As a Hamiltonian cubic graph, it can be represented by LCF notation in multiple ways: [3, −7, 7, −3]6, [5, −11, 11, 7, 5, −5, −7, −11, 11, −5, −7, 7]2, and [−11, 5, −3, −7, −9, 3, −5, 5, −3, 9, 7, 3, −5, 11, −3, 7, 5, −7, −9, 9, 7, −5, −7, 3].

title: Truncated octahedron


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James Gillray

James Gillray (13 August 1756  –  1June 1815) was a British caricaturist and printmaker famous for his etched political and social satires, mainly published between 1792 and 1810. Many of his works are held at the National Portrait Gallery in London.

Gillray has been called "the father of the political cartoon", with his works satirizing George III, Napoleon, prime ministers and generals. Regarded as one of the two most influential cartoonists, the other being William Hogarth, Gillray's wit and humour, knowledge of life, fertility of resource, keen sense of the ludicrous, and beauty of execution, at once gave him the first place among caricaturists.

Early life
He was born in Chelsea, London. His father had served as a soldier: he lost an arm at the Battle of Fontenoy and was admitted, first as an inmate and subsequently as an outdoor pensioner, at Chelsea Hospital. Gillray commenced life by learning letter-engraving, at which he soon became adept. Finding this employment irksome, he then wandered for a time with a company of strolling players. After a chequered experience, he returned to London and was admitted as a student in the Royal Academy, supporting himself by engraving, and probably issuing a considerable number of caricatures under fictitious names.

His caricatures are almost all in etching, some also with aquatint, and a few using stipple technique. None can correctly be described as engravings, although this term is often loosely used to describe them. Hogarth's works were the delight and study of his early years. Paddy on Horseback, which appeared in 1779, is the first caricature which is certainly his. Two caricatures on Admiral Rodney's naval victory at the Battle of the Saintes, issued in 1782, were among the first of the memorable series of his political sketches.

Adult life

The name of Gillray's publisher and print seller, Hannah Humphrey – whose shop was first at 227 Strand, then in New Bond Street, then in Old Bond Street, and finally in St James's Street – is inextricably associated with that of the caricaturist himself. Gillray lived with Miss (often called Mrs) Humphrey during the entire period of his fame. It is believed that he several times thought of marrying her, and that on one occasion the pair were on their way to the church, when Gillray said: "This is a foolish affair, methinks, Miss Humphrey. We live very comfortably together; we had better let well alone." There is no evidence, however, to support the stories which scandalmongers invented about their relationship. One of Gillray's prints, "Twopenny Whist", is a depiction of four individuals playing cards, and the character shown second from the left, an ageing lady with eyeglasses and a bonnet, is widely believed to be an accurate depiction of Miss Humphrey.

Gillray's plates were exposed in Humphrey's shop window, where eager crowds examined them. One of his later prints, Very Slippy-Weather, shows Miss Humphrey's shop in St. James's Street in the background. In the shop window a number of Gillray's previously published prints, such as Tiddy-Doll the Great French Gingerbread Maker, Drawing Out a New Batch of Kings; His Man, Talley Mixing up the Dough, a satire on Napoleon's king-making proclivities, are shown in the shop window.

Gillray's eyesight began to fail in 1806. He began wearing spectacles but they were unsatisfactory. Unable to work to his previous high standards, James Gillray became depressed and started drinking heavily. He produced his last print in September 1809. As a result of his heavy drinking Gillray suffered from gout throughout his later life.

His last work, from a design by Bunbury, is entitled Interior of a Barber's Shop in Assize Time, and is dated 1811. While he was engaged on it he became mad, although he had occasional intervals of sanity, which he employed on his last work. The approach of madness may have been hastened by his intemperate habits.

In July 1811 Gillray attempted to kill himself by jumping out of an attic window above Humphrey's shop in St James's Street. Gillray lapsed into insanity and was looked after by Hannah Humphrey until his death on 1 June 1815 in London; he was buried in St James's churchyard, Piccadilly.

The art of caricature
A number of his most trenchant satires are directed against George III, who, after examining some of Gillray's sketches, said "I don't understand these caricatures." Gillray revenged himself for this utterance by his caricature entitled A Connoisseur Examining a Cooper, which he is doing by means of a candle on a "save-all", so that the sketch satirises at once the king's pretensions to knowledge of art and his miserly habits.

During the French Revolution, Gillray took a conservative stance, and he issued caricature after caricature ridiculing the French and Napoleon (usually using Jacobin) and glorifying John Bull. A number of these were published in the Anti-Jacobin Review. He is not, however, to be thought of as a keen political adherent of either the Whig or the Tory party; his caricatures satirized members of all sides of the political spectrum. The times in which Gillray lived were peculiarly favourable to the growth of a great school of caricature. Party warfare was carried on with great vigour and not a little bitterness; and personalities were freely indulged in on both sides. Gillray's incomparable wit and humour, knowledge of life, fertility of resource, keen sense of the ludicrous, and beauty of execution, at once gave him the first place among caricaturists. He is distinguished in the history of caricature by the fact that his sketches are real works of art. The ideas embodied in some of them are sublime and poetically magnificent in their intensity of meaning, while the forthrightness — which some have called coarseness — which others display is characteristic of the general freedom of treatment common in all intellectual departments in the 18th century. The historical value of Gillray's work has been recognized by many discerning students of history. As has been well remarked: "Lord Stanhope has turned Gillray to account as a veracious reporter of speeches, as well as a suggestive illustrator of events." His contemporary political influence is borne witness to in a letter from Lord Bateman, dated 3 November 1798. "The Opposition", he writes to Gillray, "are as low as we can wish them. You have been of infinite service in lowering them, and making them ridiculous." Gillray's extraordinary industry may be inferred from the fact that nearly 1000 caricatures have been attributed to him; while some consider him the author of as many as 1600 or 1700. According to the Encyclopædia Britannica Eleventh Edition, "Gillray is as invaluable to the student of English manners as to the political student, attacking the social follies of the time with scathing satire; and nothing escapes his notice, not even a trifling change of fashion in dress. The great tact Gillray displays in hitting on the ludicrous side of any subject is only equalled by the exquisite finish of his sketches—the finest of which reach an epic grandeur and Miltonic sublimity of conception."

Gillray's caricatures are generally divided into two classes, the political series and the social, though it is important not to attribute to the term "series" any concept of continuity or completeness. The political caricatures comprise an important and invaluable component of the history extant of the latter part of the reign of George III. They were circulated not only in Britain but also throughout Europe, and exerted a powerful influence both in Britain and abroad. In the political prints, George III, George's wife Queen Charlotte, the Prince of Wales (later prince regent, then King George IV), Fox, Pitt the Younger, Burke and Napoleon Bonaparte are the most prominent figures.

In 1788, appeared two fine caricatures by Gillray. Blood on Thunder fording the Red Sea represents Lord Thurlow carrying Warren Hastings through a sea of gore: Hastings looks very comfortable, and is carrying two large bags of money. Market-Day pictures the ministerialists of the time as cattle for sale. Among Gillray's best satires on George III are: Farmer George and his Wife, two companion plates, in one of which the king is toasting muffins for breakfast, and in the other the queen is frying sprats; The Anti-Saccharites, where the royal pair propose to dispense with sugar, to the great horror of the family; A Connoisseur Examining a Cooper; the paired plates A Voluptuary under the Horrors of Digestion and Temperance enjoying a Frugal Meal, satirising the excesses of the Prince Regent (later George IV of the United Kingdom) and the miserliness of his father, George III of the United Kingdom respectively; Royal Affability; A Lesson in Apple Dumplings; and The Pigs Possessed.

Other political caricatures include: Britannia between Scylla and Charybdis, a picture in which Pitt, so often Gillray's butt, figures in a favourable light; The Bridal Night; The Apotheosis of Hoche, which concentrates the excesses of the French Revolution in one view; The Nursery with Britannia reposing in Peace; The First Kiss these Ten Years (1803), another satire on the peace, which is said to have greatly amused Napoleon; The Hand-Writing upon the Wall; The Confederated Coalition, a swipe at the coalition which superseded the Addington ministry; Uncorking Old Sherry; The Plumb-pudding in danger (probably the best known political print ever published); Making Decent; Comforts of a Bed of Roses; View of the Hustings in Covent Garden; Phaethon Alarmed; and Pandora opening her Box.

As well as being blatant in his observations, Gillray could be incredibly subtle, and puncture vanity with a remarkably deft approach. The outstanding example of this is his print Fashionable Contrasts;—or—The Duchess's little Shoe y ei lding  [sic] to the Magnitude of the Duke's Foot. This was a devastating image aimed at the ridiculous sycophancy directed by the press towards Frederica Charlotte Ulrica, Duchess of York, and the supposed daintiness of her feet. The print showed only the feet and ankles of the Duke and Duchess of York, in an obviously copulatory position, with the Duke's feet enlarged and the Duchess's feet drawn very small. This print silenced forever the sycophancy of the press regarding the union of the Duke and Duchess.

The miscellaneous series of caricatures, although they have scarcely the historical importance of the political series, are more readily intelligible, and are even more amusing. Among the finest are: Shakespeare Sacrificed; Two-Penny Whist (which features an image of Hannah Humphrey); Oh that this too solid flesh would melt; Sandwich-Carrots; The Gout; Comfort to the Corns; Begone Dull Care; The Cow-Pock, which gives humorous expression to the popular dread of vaccination; Dilletanti Theatricals; and Harmony before Matrimony and Matrimonial Harmonics—two sketches in violent contrast to each other.

Famous editions
A selection of Gillray's works appeared in James Gillray: The Caricatures printed between 1818 and the mid-1820s and published by John Miller, Bridge Street and W. Blackwood, Edinburgh. Nine parts were released. The next edition was Thomas McLean's, which was published with a key, in 1830.

In 1851 Henry George Bohn put out an edition, from the original plates in a handsome elephant folio, with coarser sketches—commonly known as the "Suppressed Plates"—being published in a separate volume. For this edition Thomas Wright and Robert Harding Evans wrote a commentary, a history of the times embraced by the caricatures. Many copies of the Bohn Edition have been broken up into individual sheets and passed off as originals (see Collecting below). Although the two volumes of the Bohn Edition are often represented as being a complete collection of Gillray's works, this is not the case: for example, Doublûres of Characters is not included in either volume. This is most likely because this print was not published by Hannah Humphrey, but by John Wright for the Anti-Jacobin Review and Magazine.

The next edition, entitled The Works of James Gillray, the Caricaturist: with the Story of his Life and Times (Chatto & Windus, 1874), was the work of Thomas Wright, and introduced Gillray to larger public. This edition, which is complete in one volume, contains two portraits of Gillray, and upwards of 400 illustrations.

Collecting
Auction prices for Gillray's work have increased since the 1970s. At the auction of the Draper Hill Collection at Phillips auctioneers in London in 2001, several key prints, including Fashionable Contrasts, sold for more than US$10,000. Since 2002, annual auctions of caricatures at Bonhams in London, each of which included large selections of Gillray prints, have continued this trend. An impression of Light expelling Darkness sold in 2006 for over US$9,000, while Fashionable Contrasts sold in the same year for over US$20,000.

This dramatic increase in prices has also led to unscrupulous sellers attempting to pass off prints from the Bohn Edition as originals, and it can be difficult for those unfamiliar with these practices to tell the difference between a restrike (commonly called "a Bohn") and an original. The key indicators of a print coming from the Bohn Edition are (i) the presence of a number in the top, right-hand corner of the print (the number is most commonly in the image itself, but may be outside in the margin); (ii) the fact that the Bohn edition was issued without colouring; and (iii) the fact that the strikes for the main published volumes of the Bohn Edition were printed on both sides of the paper (the Bohn Edition of the so-called "Suppressed Plates" was, like the originals, printed on one side of the paper only). However, the fact that a print is single-sided does not mean that it is not a Bohn restrike: there are in existence many Bohns (for example, Light expelling Darkness) that bear a number, but which are printed on one side of the paper only. These single-sided numbered strikes are almost always printed on much higher quality paper than was used for the bound volumes, and the quality of the printing is usually much superior too, with more care having been taken to ensure a crisp impression. These impressions are believed to have been struck by Henry Bohn with a view to colouring them, and then selling them as high-quality single prints, in much the same way as the prints published in Gillray's lifetime. There are many example of such single-sided restrikes, both coloured and uncoloured. Since prices for Bohns are usually between one-tenth and one-twentieth of those for originals, unscrupulous sellers will go to great lengths to disguise the fact that a print is a Bohn. Some common methods include: (i) tortuously worded descriptions, which attempt to avoid disclosure of the fact the print is a restrike (although some sellers will just plain lie); (ii) if the number is outside the image, trimming the print to the very edges of the image; (iii) if the number is inside the image, carefully abrading the surface to obliterate the number; (iv) cutting strips of the image to remove the number; (v) laying the print to paper or framing it such that it is difficult to determine whether there is printing on the reverse; and (vi) adding colour.

Also recently the prices of the John Miller editions are rapidly increasing in value because they are affordable for collectors and is seen as a solid investment. They are seen as good alternative to the desirable originals of Mrs. Humphrey's print shop.

Influence
Gillray is still revered as one of the most influential political caricaturists of all time, and among the leading cartoonists on the political stage in the United Kingdom today, both Steve Bell and Martin Rowson acknowledge him as probably the most influential of all their predecessors in that particular arena. Professor David Taylor, a University of Toronto expert in political satire, stated in 2013, "Without question, if the leading cartoonist back then—James Gillray—had depicted Rob Ford he would have been far more merciless than they are today."

Regarded as being one of the two most influential cartoonists, the other being William Hogarth, Gillray has been called the father of the political cartoon. The 20th-century New Zealander cartoonist David Low described Hogarth as the grandfather and Gillray the father of the political cartoon. The face of Court Flunkey from the 1980s/1990s British television satirical puppet show Spitting Image is a caricature of Gillray, intended as a homage to the father of political cartooning.

In the article titled A Rousseauian Reading of Gillray's National Conveniences John Moores wrote, "As National Conveniences and The Fashionable Mamma show, Gillray was interested in the ideas of Rousseau, his work was influenced by them, and, as later designs on revolution and radicalism indicate, he held Rousseau in higher regard than other revolutionary influences, using a Rousseauian technique of misspelling to place uncertainty in his depictions of Rousseau's texts."

title: James Gillray


text:
Lemuel Francis Abbott

Lemuel "Francis" Abbott (1760/61 – 5 December 1803) was an English portrait painter, famous for his painting of Horatio Nelson, 1st Viscount Nelson (currently hanging in the Terracotta Room of number 10 Downing Street) and for those of other naval officers and literary figures of the 18th century.

Life
He was born Lemuel Abbott in Leicestershire in 1760 or 1761, the son of clergyman Lemuel Abbott, curate of Anstey (and later vicar of Thornton) and his wife Mary. In 1775, at the age of 14, he became a pupil of Francis Hayman and lived in London, but returned to his parents after his teacher's death in 1776. There he continued to develop his artistic talents independently, but some authorities have suggested that he may also have studied with Joseph Wright of Derby.

In 1780, Abbott married Anna Maria, and again settled in London, residing for many years in Caroline Street in Bloomsbury. Although he exhibited at the Royal Academy, he never became an Academician. It is said that overwork, due to the commissions he took on, and domestic unhappiness led to his becoming insane. He was declared insane in 1798, and was treated by Thomas Munro (1759–1833), the chief physician to Bethlem Hospital and a specialist in mental disorders – Munro also treated King George III (1738–1820).

Abbott died in London on 5 December 1803.

Works
Abbott painted portraits of many figures of the day. His 1797 portrait of Horatio Nelson was commenced during a period where both men were living in the same lodgings in London's Bond Street. The finished work won the approval of both Nelson and his wife, with lady Nelson writing that "[T]he likeliness is great; I am well pleased with Abbott." While the Nelson portrait was Abbott's most famous work, other subjects of the period included Admiral Sir Robert Calder, Rear-Admiral Sir Thomas Pasley and Captain William Locker, astronomer Sir William Herschel, poet William Cowper, artists Francesco Bartolozzi and Joseph Nollekens, entrepreneur Matthew Boulton and industrialist John Wilkinson.

His portrait of Henry Callender, Captain General of the Royal Blackheath Golf Club, is one of the earliest portrayals of the game of golf. Reproductions hang in golf clubs the world over. It was sold at Bonhams in London on 9 December 2015.

Some of his paintings were signed "Francis Lemuel Abbott", but it is not known why he assumed the additional Christian name, as it was not one with which he was baptised. Other famous paintings include, that off one addressed as follows: To the society of goffers at Blackheath this plate is with just respect Dedicated by their most humble servant, Lemuel Francis Abbott It is signed painted by L.F.Abbott 1790. It is reported to be that of a Captain William Innes and a pensioner. Captain Innes was as the story goes, an avid fan of the society of goffers.

title: Lemuel Francis Abbott