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AOE

AOE or AoE may refer to:

Arts and entertainment

 * Age of Empires, a series of real-time strategy video games, or the first game of the series
 * Area of effect, a term used in gaming to describe area attacks
 * Transformers: Age of Extinction, a 2014 film

Organizations

 * Assembly of Experts, an Iranian governmental body
 * Alpha Omega Epsilon, a social and professional sorority for women in engineering and technical sciences

Science and technology

 * ATA over Ethernet (AoE), lightweight storage area network protocol
 * Audio over Ethernet (AoE), the use of an Ethernet-based network to distribute real-time digital audio
 * Acute otitis externa, an infection of the external ear canal

Transport

 * Airport of entry, an airport that provides customs and immigration services
 * American Orient Express
 * Fast combat support ship (US Navy hull classification symbol: AOE); see List of United States Navy oilers
 * Automatic train operation over European Train Control System; see European Train Control System

Other uses

 * Alberta Order of Excellence, a high notary award given in Alberta, Canada
 * Anywhere on Earth (AoE), a calendar designation for UTC−12:00
 * "Axis of evil", a term used by former U.S. President George W. Bush in his 2002 State of the Union address
 * Western Sahara (ITU letter code: AOE), a disputed territory on the northwest coast of Africa

title: AOE


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Ziegfeld Follies

The Ziegfeld Follies were a series of elaborate theatrical revue productions on Broadway in New York City from 1907 to 1931, with renewals in 1934, 1936, 1943, and 1957. They became a radio program in 1932 and 1936 as The Ziegfeld Follies of the Air.

Founding and history
Inspired by the Folies Bergère of Paris, the Ziegfeld Follies were conceived and mounted by Florenz Ziegfeld Jr., reportedly at the suggestion of his then-wife, the actress and singer Anna Held. The shows' producers were turn-of-the-twentieth-century producing titans Klaw and Erlanger.

The Follies were a series of lavish revues, something between later Broadway shows and the more elaborate high class vaudeville and variety show. The first follies, The Follies of 1907, was produced that year at the Jardin de Paris roof theatre.

During the Follies era, many of the top entertainers, including W. C. Fields, Eddie Cantor, Josephine Baker, Fanny Brice, Ann Pennington, Bert Williams, Eva Tanguay, Bob Hope, Will Rogers, Ruth Etting, Ray Bolger, Helen Morgan, Louise Brooks, Marilyn Miller, Ed Wynn, Gilda Gray, Nora Bayes and Sophie Tucker appeared in the shows.

The Ziegfeld Follies were known for displaying beautiful chorus girls, commonly called Ziegfeld Girls, who "paraded up and down flights of stairs as anything from birds to battleships." They usually wore elaborate costumes by designers such as Erté, Lady Duff-Gordon and Ben Ali Haggin. The "tableaux vivants" used in the revues were designed by Ben Ali Haggin from 1917 to 1925. Joseph Urban was the scenic designer for the Follies shows, starting in 1915, and Edward Royce directed the Follies in 1920 and 1921, in addition to several other Ziegfeld productions.

After Ziegfeld's death his widow, actress Billie Burke, authorized use of his name for Ziegfeld Follies in 1934 and 1936 to Jake Shubert, who then produced the Follies. The name was later used by other promoters in New York City, Philadelphia, and again on Broadway, with less connection to the original Follies. These later efforts failed miserably. When the show toured, the 1934 edition was recorded in its entirety, from the overture to play-out music, on a series of 78 rpm discs, which were edited by the record producer David Cunard to form an album of the highlights of the production and which was released as a CD in 1997.

Productions based on the Ziegfeld Follies
In 1937, at the 9th Academy Awards, the Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer film, The Great Ziegfeld produced the previous year won the Best Picture (called "Outstanding Production"), starring William Powell as Florenz Ziegfeld, Jr. and co-starring Myrna Loy (as Ziegfeld's second wife Billie Burke), Luise Rainer (as Anna Held, which won her an Academy Award for Best Actress), and Frank Morgan as Jack Billings. Featuring numbers by Ray Bolger, Dennis Morgan, Virginia Bruce, and Harriet Hoctor, the film gave a glimpse into what the Follies were really like. The show-stopper was the Irving Berlin-composed "A Pretty Girl Is Like a Melody", which, by itself, cost more to produce than one of Ziegfeld's entire stage shows.

In 1941 MGM released Ziegfeld Girl, starring Judy Garland, Lana Turner, Hedy Lamarr, James Stewart and Tony Martin. The film was set in the 1920s. Celebrated numbers from Ziegfeld Revues were recreated, including the famed "Wedding Cake" set which had been used for Metro's earlier film, The Great Ziegfeld. Judy Garland was filmed on the top of the cake. Charles Winninger, who had performed in the Follies of 1920, appeared as "Ed Gallagher" with Gallagher's real-life partner, Al Shean to recreate the duo's famous song "Mister Gallagher and Mister Shean". According to modern sources, Turner's character was modeled after Ziegfeld Girl Lillian Lorraine, who suffered a drunken fall into the orchestra pit during an extravagant number.

In 1946 MGM released a third feature film based on Ziegfeld's shows titled Ziegfeld Follies with Fred Astaire, Judy Garland, Lena Horne, William Powell (as Ziegfeld), Gene Kelly, Fanny Brice, Red Skelton, Esther Williams, Cyd Charisse, Lucille Ball, Kathryn Grayson, and others performing songs and sketches similar to those from the original Follies. Ziegfeld Follies was awarded the "Grand Prix de la Comedie Musicale" at the Cannes Film Festival in 1947, and received an Academy Award nomination for Best Art Direction-Set Decoration (black and white).

The stage musical Funny Girl depicts Fanny Brice's success with the Follies. The musical debuted on Broadway in 1964 with Barbra Streisand playing Brice, Roger DeKoven as Florenz Ziegfeld Jr. and Brice's son-in-law Ray Stark producing. The 1968 Columbia Pictures film adaptation featuring Streisand reprising her role as Brice and Walter Pidgeon as Ziegfeld was the year's top-grossing movie. A subsequent Broadway revival in 2022 and 2023 featured Beanie Feldstein and later Lea Michele as Brice and Peter Francis James as Ziegfeld.

The Follies

 * Follies of 1907, 1908, 1909, 1910 at the Jardin de Paris
 * Ziegfeld Follies of 1911 at the Jardin de Paris
 * Ziegfeld Follies of 1912 at the Moulin Rouge
 * Ziegfeld Follies of 1913, 1914, 1915, 1916, 1917, 1918, 1919, 1920 at the New Amsterdam Theatre
 * Ziegfeld Follies of 1921 at the Globe Theatre
 * Ziegfeld Follies of 1922, 1923, 1924, 1925, 1927 at the New Amsterdam Theatre
 * Ziegfeld Follies of 1931 at the Ziegfeld Theatre
 * Ziegfeld Follies of 1934 at the Winter Garden Theatre
 * Ziegfeld Follies of 1936 at the Winter Garden Theatre
 * Ziegfeld Follies of 1943
 * Winter Garden Theatre (April 1, 1943 - January 25, 1944)
 * Imperial Theatre (January 25, 1944 - July 22, 1944)

 * Ziegfeld Follies of 1957 at the Winter Garden Theatre

List of notable performers by year

 * 1907

 * Louise Alexander
 * Nora Bayes (joined the cast later in run)
 * Helen Broderick
 * Emma Carus
 * Mlle. Dazie
 * Grace La Rue
 * Lillian Lee
 * Edna Luby
 * Charles J. Ross
 * Marion Sunshine
 * Florence Tempest
 * Harry Watson, Jr.

 * 1908
 * Nora Bayes
 * Marjorie Bonner
 * Mlle. Dazie
 * Grace La Rue
 * Harry Watson Jr.
 * The Ziegfeld Girls (including Mae Murray)

 * 1909
 * Nora Bayes
 * Bessie Clayton
 * Maurice Hegeman
 * Jack Norworth
 * Lillian Lorraine
 * Sophie Tucker
 * Vera Maxwell
 * The Ziegfeld Girls

 * 1910
 * Fanny Brice
 * Maurice Hegeman
 * Anna Held (in a filmed sequence)
 * Lillian Lorraine
 * Bobby North
 * Bert Williams
 * Vera Maxwell
 * The Ziegfeld Girls

 * 1911
 * Fanny Brice
 * The Dolly Sisters
 * Leon Errol
 * Lillian Lorraine
 * Vera Maxwell
 * Bessie McCoy
 * Bert Williams
 * The Ziegfeld Girls (including Jeanne Eagels)

 * 1912
 * Leon Errol
 * Bernard Granville
 * Lillian Lorraine
 * Josie Sadler
 * Rae Samuels
 * Harry Watson Jr.
 * Bert Williams
 * Vera Maxwell
 * The Ziegfeld Girls

 * 1913
 * Elizabeth Brice
 * Leon Errol
 * Jose Collins
 * Ann Pennington
 * Frank Tinney
 * Nat M. Wills
 * The Ziegfeld Girls

 * 1914
 * Leon Errol
 * Gladys Feldman
 * Annette Kellermann
 * Vera Maxwell
 * Vera Michelena
 * Ann Pennington
 * Bert Williams
 * Ed Wynn
 * The Ziegfeld Girls

 * 1915
 * Ina Claire
 * Leon Errol
 * Gladys Feldman
 * W. C. Fields
 * Bernard Granville
 * Justine Johnstone
 * Mae Murray
 * Ann Pennington
 * Ed Wynn
 * Bert Williams
 * The Ziegfeld Girls (including Helen Barnes, Marion Davies, Odette Myrtil and Olive Thomas)

 * 1916
 * Fanny Brice
 * Ina Claire
 * Gladys Feldman
 * W. C. Fields
 * Allyn King
 * Bird Millman
 * Ann Pennington
 * Will Rogers
 * Bert Williams
 * Marion Davies
 * Emma Haig
 * Bernard Granville
 * The Ziegfeld Girls (including Irene Hayes, Julanne Johnston and Lilyan Tashman)

 * 1917
 * Diana Allen
 * Elvira Amazar
 * Fanny Brice
 * Eddie Cantor
 * Dolores
 * The Fairbanks Twins
 * Allyn King
 * William E. Ritchie
 * Will Rogers
 * Lilyan Tashman
 * Bert Williams
 * The Ziegfeld Girls (including Peggy Hopkins Joyce)

 * 1918
 * Eddie Cantor
 * Madeline and Marion Fairbanks, The Fairbanks Twins
 * Gladys Feldman
 * W. C. Fields
 * Joe Frisco
 * Pauline Hall
 * Kay Laurell
 * Lillian Lorraine
 * Allyn King
 * Marilyn Miller
 * Ann Pennington
 * Bert Savoy
 * The Ziegfeld Girls (including Doris Eaton, Martha Mansfield and Nita Naldi)

 * 1919
 * Eddie Cantor
 * Johnny and Ray Dooley
 * Eddie Dowling
 * Madeline and Marion Fairbanks, The Fairbanks Twins
 * Allyn King
 * Marilyn Miller
 * Van and Schenck
 * John Steel
 * Bert Williams
 * The Ziegfeld Girls (including Billie Dove and Mary Hay)

 * 1920
 * Fanny Brice
 * Eddie Cantor
 * Jack Donahue
 * Ray Dooley
 * Mary Eaton
 * W. C. Fields
 * Bernard Granville
 * Art Hickman's Orchestra
 * Allyn King
 * Moran and Mack
 * Van and Schenck
 * Charles Winninger
 * The Ziegfeld Girls (including Juliette Compton and Dorothy Mackaill)

 * 1921
 * Fanny Brice
 * Mary Eaton
 * W. C. Fields
 * Raymond Hitchcock
 * Vera Michelena
 * Van and Schenck
 * The Ziegfeld Girls (including Anastasia Reilly and Mary Nolan)
 * Germaine Mitti and Eugene Tillio

 * 1922
 * Mary Eaton
 * Gallagher and Shean
 * Gilda Gray
 * Nervo and Knox
 * Olsen and Johnson
 * Will Rogers
 * Jack Whiting
 * The Ziegfeld Girls (including Barbara Stanwyck and Geneva Mitchell)

 * 1923
 * Fanny Brice
 * James J. Corbett
 * Ann Pennington
 * Hap Ward
 * Bert & Betty Wheeler
 * Paul Whiteman
 * The Ziegfeld Girls (including Lina Basquette, Dolores Costello and Hilda Ferguson)

 * 1924–25
 * Billie Burke
 * Ray Dooley (joined the cast later in run)
 * W. C. Fields (joined the cast later in run)
 * Lupino Lane
 * Ann Pennington
 * Will Rogers
 * Vivienne Segal
 * Ethel Shutta
 * Frank Tinney
 * Dorothy Wegman
 * Blanche Satchel
 * Bertha Belmore
 * The Ziegfeld Girls (including Louise Brooks, Claire Dodd, Peggy Fears and Dorothy Sebastian)

 * 1927
 * Eddie Cantor
 * Cliff Edwards
 * Ruth Etting
 * Frances Upton
 * Al Siegel
 * The Brox Sisters
 * Claire Luce
 * Dorothy Wegman
 * Norma Taylor
 * The Ziegfeld Girls (including Lilian Bond and Paulette Goddard)

 * 1931
 * Faith Bacon
 * Buck & Bubbles
 * Dorothy Dell
 * Ruth Etting
 * Helen Morgan
 * Hal Le Roy
 * Mitzi Mayfair
 * Ernest McChesney
 * Jack Pearl
 * Harry Richman
 * The Ziegfeld Girls (including Iris Adrian, Virginia Biddle, Jean Howard, Mona Louise Parsons, and Zecil Silvonia)

 * 1934
 * Eve Arden
 * Fanny Brice
 * Robert Cummings
 * Buddy and Vilma Ebsen
 * Jane Froman
 * Patricia Bowman
 * Willie and Eugene Howard
 * Everett Marshall
 * June and Cherry Preisser
 * The Ziegfeld Girls

 * 1936
 * Eve Arden
 * Fanny Brice
 * Josephine Baker
 * Judy Canova
 * Bobby Clark (replacement)
 * Cass Daley (replacement)
 * Harriet Hoctor
 * Bob Hope
 * Gypsy Rose Lee (replacement)
 * The Nicholas Brothers
 * Gertrude Niesen
 * June and Cherry Preisser
 * The Ziegfeld Girls

 * 1943
 * Bil and Cora Baird
 * Milton Berle
 * Eric Blore (replacement)
 * Jack Carter (replacement)
 * Jack Cole
 * Ilona Massey
 * Dean Murphy
 * Arthur Treacher
 * Tommy Wonder
 * The Ziegfeld Girls

 * 1956 (Boston)
 * Bea Arthur
 * Tallulah Bankhead
 * Carol Haney
 * Julie Newmar
 * The Ziegfeld Girls

 * 1957
 * Billy DeWolfe
 * Harold Lang
 * Carol Lawrence
 * Beatrice Lillie
 * Jane Morgan
 * The Ziegfeld Girls

Legacy
The 1971 Stephen Sondheim musical Follies takes place at a reunion of showgirls from the Weissman Follies, a fictional revue inspired by the Ziegfeld Follies. In addition to featuring "ghosts" of statuesque showgirls from the heyday of the revues, the musical includes many songs and production numbers that are intended to evoke the types of entertainment typically featured in the Ziegfeld Follies and other revues of the period. Examples include parade of showgirls ("Beautiful Girls"); a torch song ("Losing My Mind"); a baggy pants comic song ("The God-Why-Don't-You-Love-Me Blues"); and a novelty song ("Rain on the Roof"). In The Drowsy Chaperone, the character Victor Feldzieg is the producer of Feldzieg's Follies, a parody of Ziegfeld Follies.

The TV show Boardwalk Empire, about crime and corruption in 1920s Atlantic City, New Jersey, features a character that is a former Follies dancer, Lucy Danzige, portrayed by Paz de la Huerta.

The 1912 version of the Ziegfeld Follies included a song titled '"Row, Row, Row"', the tune of which has been adapted by football clubs in Brazil and Australia, where Melbourne's Herald Sun ranked one of these adaptations, We're from Tigerland, as the best Australian Football League club song.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Ziegfeld Follies


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Brian Lenihan Snr

Brian Patrick Lenihan (17 November 1930 – 1 November 1995) was an Irish Fianna Fáil politician who served as Tánaiste from 1987 to 1990, Minister for Defence from 1989 to 1990, Minister for Agriculture from March 1982 to December 1982, Minister for Fisheries from 1977 to 1979, Minister for Foreign Affairs from 1987 to 1989, 1979 to 1981 and January 1973 to March 1973, Minister for Transport and Power from 1969 to 1973, Minister for Education from 1968 to 1969, Minister for Justice from 1964 to 1969, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Justice and Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Lands from 1961 to 1964. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) from 1961 to 1973 and from 1977 to 1995. He served as a Senator for the Industrial and Commercial Panel from 1957 to 1961 and 1973 to 1977. He also served as a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) for the Oireachtas from 1973 to 1977.

He was a member of a family political dynasty; his father, Patrick Lenihan, and sister both followed him into Dáil Éireann; his sister Mary O'Rourke sitting in cabinet with him. Two of his sons, Brian Lenihan Jnr and Conor Lenihan, became TDs in the 1990s. Brian Lenihan Jnr served as Minister for Finance and Conor was Minister of State in the government of Taoiseach Brian Cowen. Two phrases associated with Lenihan Snr, No problem and On mature recollection, entered the Irish political lexicon.

Early life
Born in Dundalk, County Louth, Lenihan was the son of Patrick Lenihan and Anne Scanlon. His father had been active in the Irish Republican Army, which saw action during the Irish War of Independence and the Irish Civil War. He had been an admirer of Michael Collins and took the pro-Treaty side in 1922, before later returning to his studies and qualifying as a teacher.

Lenihan, who was one of five children, grew up in Athlone. He was educated at Marist College in the town before later studying law at University College Dublin (UCD), where he was actively involved in the Law Society as a Committee Member, and also played football for UCD, scoring against Sligo Rovers in the 1952–1953 FAI Cup. He later qualified as a barrister from King's Inns. He then practised law for a few years before becoming a full-time politician.

Beginnings
Lenihan first entered politics in 1954, when he ran as a Fianna Fáil candidate in Longford–Westmeath in that year's general election. Of the four Fianna Fáil candidates, Lenihan was the only one not to be elected.

Three years later Lenihan contested the 1957 general election, this time in the Roscommon constituency. Although he received more first preferences than any of the other Fianna Fáil candidates, he lost out on a Dáil seat once again. In spite of this, he was elected to the Seanad for the Industrial and Commercial Panel in 1957

After four years as a senator, Lenihan finally secured a seat in Dáil Éireann, following his success at the 1961 general election in Roscommon. He had the distinction of being made a Parliamentary Secretary on his first day in the Dáil as a TD, serving under both Minister for Lands Mícheál Ó Móráin and Minister for Justice Charles Haughey.

Minister for Justice
A cabinet reshuffle saw Lenihan join the cabinet of Seán Lemass in 1964, as Minister for Justice. His predecessor in the office, Charles Haughey, systematically reviewed, repealed or amended Acts dating back 700 years in the single largest reform of the Irish civil and criminal code ever undertaken. Lenihan carried the legislative programme, covering everything from repealing mediæval laws to granting succession rights to married women. As Minister, it was Lenihan who repealed Ireland's notorious censorship laws. Controversially he also suggested that Ireland should rejoin the Commonwealth of Nations, though it is unclear whether that suggestion actually reflected his opinion or whether he was simply raising the issue at Lemass's request to gauge public reaction.

Minister for Education
In 1968, Lemass's successor Jack Lynch appointed Lenihan as Minister for Education. As Minister, he controversially proposed the merger of Dublin's (then) two universities, Trinity College Dublin (TCD) and University College Dublin (UCD). The scheme was abandoned after mass opposition, Lenihan famously being forced to flee student protests in Trinity through a toilet window. Lenihan was also Minister during a 19-day secondary teachers' strike in February 1969.

Minister for Transport and Power
Following the 1969 general election, Fianna Fáil returned to power for a fourth successive term of office. Lenihan had hopes of further promotion within the cabinet, however, his appointment as Minister for Transport and Power was largely seen as a demotion.

Minister for Foreign Affairs
In 1973, Patrick Hillery was appointed as Ireland's European Commissioner, upon the Irish entry to the European Economic Community. Lenihan then finally secured his much sought-after portfolio, that of Minister for Foreign Affairs. His tenure was short-lived, as the government fell and a new Fine Gael-Labour Party government took office, following the 1973 general election.

Political return
Lenihan also dramatically lost his Roscommon–Leitrim seat. He once again became a Senator, becoming his party's leader in the upper house. In 1973, he was appointed a member of the second delegation from the Oireachtas to the European Parliament.

He moved his political base from rural Roscommon to Dublin West, where he was elected as a TD at the 1977 general election, which saw a landslide victory for Fianna Fáil. Jack Lynch appointed him Minister for Forestry and Fisheries.

At Lynch's retirement in 1979, Fianna Fáil saw a leadership battle between Charles Haughey (the radical republican candidate) and George Colley (the party establishment candidate and mild republican). Lenihan dismissed the choice as being between a "knave and a fool". He also described himself as being the "x in Oxo". He was believed to have backed Colley. Years later he claimed he had actually supported Haughey, but not everyone accepted this assertion.

Haughey, seeking to weaken the faction supporting Colley, appointed Lenihan as Minister for Foreign Affairs, a post he held until Fianna Fáil lost power in 1981. His period in Foreign Affairs was overshadowed by a comment made after an Anglo-Irish summit between Haughey and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, when he spoke of Britain and Ireland being able to bring about Irish unity within ten years, a comment which infuriated the British and Northern Ireland unionists and which undid much of the goodwill achieved by the summit. His comments, at a time of major problems within Northern Ireland, with the Provisional IRA and Irish National Liberation Army campaigns in full swing along with Ulster Defence Association and other loyalists conducting reprisals were widely criticised in the Irish media as insensitive, especially as Irish unity had not even been on the agenda of the summit. One newspaper columnist commented simply "there goes Brian, pointlessly talking himself into trouble again". In 1982, when Fianna Fáil regained power for what would prove only ten months, Lenihan was appointed Minister for Agriculture, the announcement in the Dáil being greeted by a sustained round of laughter on the opposition benches.

Anglo-Irish Agreement opposition
In opposition, Lenihan and Haughey attracted some international criticism when, against the advice of senior Irish-American politicians Senator Edward Kennedy and Speaker Tip O'Neill, they campaigned against the Anglo-Irish Agreement, which the government of Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald had signed with the British government of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. The agreement gave Ireland an advisory role in the governance of Northern Ireland. In 1987, Fianna Fáil returned to power and Lenihan was for the third and final time appointed Minister for Foreign Affairs, with the additional post of Tánaiste (deputy prime minister). In power Haughey and Lenihan reversed their opposition to the Anglo-Irish Agreement, Lenihan attending meetings of the Anglo-Irish Conference which the Ireland's Foreign Minister and the British Secretary of State for Northern Ireland co-chaired.

Liver transplant
Lenihan's last period as Minister for Foreign Affairs was overshadowed by his serious ill-health. A long-standing liver problem had developed into a life-threatening issue requiring a liver transplant. Lenihan, previously a large-framed man, had been reduced to a bone-thin jaundiced-looking shadow of his former self, so ill-looking that the then Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, Tom King, said afterwards that on seeing Brian at an Anglo-Irish Conference meeting, he had speculated as to whether Lenihan would die at the meeting. In May 1989, Lenihan underwent the liver transplant at Mayo Clinic in the United States. In his absence he was re-elected to the Dáil in the 1989 general election for Dublin West, after which, while remaining Tánaiste, he was made Minister for Defence. Lenihan returned to Irish politics with a new lease of life. When he entered the Dáil chamber he received an ovation, an indication of his personal cross-party popularity.

It was revealed subsequently that Lenihan's operation was partly paid for through fundraising by Taoiseach Charles Haughey, from businessmen with Fianna Fáil links. In evidence to the Moriarty Tribunal investigating Haughey's finances, it was established that much of the money raised but not ultimately needed for the operation was redirected by Haughey into his own personal bank account. Haughey was revealed in the 2006 tribunal report to have been engaged in numerous acts of corruption, to finance a lifestyle considerably in excess of his earnings as a politician.

Presidential candidate
In January 1990, leaks to the media suggested that Lenihan was considering seeking the Fianna Fáil nomination in the 1990 presidential election, which was due in November 1990. Speculation abounded that this was part of a plan to discourage other parties from running candidates in the belief that Lenihan would prove unbeatable and so get the office unopposed. Labour Party leader Dick Spring indicated that Labour would run a candidate for the presidency, even if he had to stand himself. Ultimately, Labour chose former Senator Mary Robinson as its candidate.

Lenihan was generally perceived as an unbeatable candidate, though he did receive a late challenge for the nomination from cabinet colleague John Wilson. However, in September 1990, Lenihan was formally nominated as his party's candidate. The main opposition party, Fine Gael chose Austin Currie, a TD and former Northern Ireland cabinet minister, to be its candidate.

The Lenihan tape
The issue of Lenihan's trustworthiness became the central issue of the second half of the presidential campaign.

In January 1982, Taoiseach Garret FitzGerald had asked President Patrick Hillery, a former government colleague of Lenihan's, to dissolve the Dáil, a request which Hillery granted. If President Hillery had refused a dissolution, Charles Haughey as Leader of the Opposition, could have formed an alternative government and strengthened his own embattled position as leader of Fianna Fáil. Subsequently, it was reported in books by authors Stephen O'Byrnes and Raymond Smith, and by many political journalists in newspaper articles (some of whom had Lenihan as their source) that Lenihan had been one of the people who had made phone calls to Áras an Uachtaráin, the President's official residence, on the night in question, in order to persuade or pressure Hillery to refuse a dissolution. Lenihan himself never denied his involvement in the incident. Indeed, in May 1990, he confirmed his participation in an on-the-record interview with a postgraduate student and journalist, Jim Duffy. In September 1990, The Irish Times carried a series of articles on the presidency, one of which mentioned in passing the role of Lenihan, Sylvester Barrett, and Charles Haughey in making the calls. The article in question was sourced from Duffy's interview.

In October 1990, in the midst of the presidential election, Lenihan suddenly changed his account. In an interview in the Irish Press and on RTÉ's Questions and Answers programme, he insisted that he had had "no hand, act or part" in efforts to pressure President Hillery. The Irish Times, which was aware that Lenihan himself was Duffy's source for the original article claim, published, with Duffy's agreement, a newspaper story confirming that Lenihan had indeed made the controversial phone calls to Áras an Uachtaráin. When Lenihan's campaign manager, Bertie Ahern, named Duffy on radio as someone who had interviewed Lenihan back in May, a political storm erupted in which the journalist was put under siege by the media and Fianna Fáil, leading to his reluctant decision, after consulting with lawyers, to release the portion of the tape in which Lenihan talked about the events of January 1982.

"On mature recollection"
Lenihan's reaction severely damaged his credibility. He appeared on a live TV news bulletin, and, looking into the camera, pleaded with the Irish people to believe him, stating that "on mature recollection" he had not phoned President Hillery and his account to Duffy had been wrong. He then requested an audience with President Hillery to seek his confirmation that he made no phone calls. No audience was granted, and his campaign manager Bertie Ahern withdrew the request – though, in a sign of the chaos enveloping the campaign, Lenihan told journalist Charlie Bird that the request was still there until the journalist played back his interview with Ahern, after which Lenihan recorded a new soundbite explaining why the request had been withdrawn.

At this point, the opposition put down a motion of no confidence in the government. The Progressive Democrats, Fianna Fáil's coalition partner, told Taoiseach Charles Haughey that unless Lenihan was either dismissed or an inquiry set up into the events of January 1982, it would pull out of government, support the opposition motion and force a general election. Though insisting that he would put no pressure on Brian Lenihan, "my friend of thirty years", Haughey drew up a letter of resignation for Lenihan's signature. Lenihan refused to sign, and Haughey formally advised President Hillery to dismiss Lenihan from the government – which Hillery, as was required constitutionally, duly did, despite grave personal concerns. Many in Fianna Fáil were disgusted with what they saw as Haughey's betrayal of his old friend, and argued that the Progressive Democrats' threat to bring down the government was a mere bluff. This would be the first in a series of events generating discontent in Fianna Fáil with Haughey's leadership, culminating in his downfall in early 1992.

Pádraig Flynn's attack on Mary Robinson
Lenihan's dismissal led to an immediate collapse in his popularity (from mid 40% to 31% almost overnight), though his standing in the polls subsequently improved. A personal attack by former cabinet colleague Pádraig Flynn on Mary Robinson, in which he accused her of showing a "new-found interest" in her family, backfired and destroyed Lenihan's campaign. Women voters rallied to Robinson and abandoned the Lenihan campaign in droves.

The result
In spite of his troubled campaign, Lenihan won the largest number of first-preference votes. However, most of the votes that initially went to Austin Currie, the third-placed candidate, transferred to Mary Robinson on the second count, in what was widely seen as a pact between Fine Gael and the Labour Party. As a result, Lenihan became the first Fianna Fáil candidate to lose an Irish presidential election.

Out of government
Lenihan remained active in politics right up to his death in 1995. Bitter at what he saw as his betrayal by the Progressive Democrats, he campaigned for Fianna Fáil to go into coalition with the Labour Party instead, something which happened after the 1992 general election. He also occasionally reviewed books, which showed an intellect that he had suppressed in his public persona as a politician.

Death
Brian Lenihan's health again deteriorated and he died in 1995, at the age of 64. The resulting by-election was won by his son Brian Lenihan Jnr.

In the 1997 general election another son, Conor Lenihan, was elected to Dáil Éireann.

Brian Lenihan Memorial Lecture
A Brian Lenihan Memorial Lecture is delivered annually in the Irish Institute of European Affairs. The first guest speaker was the late Lord Jenkins of Hillhead (previously known as Roy Jenkins; formerly British Home Secretary and President of the European Commission). In 2001, the lecture was given by Chris Patten, former British Conservative Party Minister and MP, former Governor of Hong Kong and current British European Commissioner.

title: Brian Lenihan Snr


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User talk:GaladreilLight

Hello there, welcome to the 'pedia! I hope you like the place and decide to stay. If you need pointers on how we title pages visit Naming conventions or how to format them visit our manual of style. If you have any other questions about the project then check out Help or add a question to the Village pump. Cheers! --maveric149

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This Was

This Was is the debut studio album by the British rock band Jethro Tull, released in October 1968. Recorded at a cost of £1200, it is the only Jethro Tull album with guitarist Mick Abrahams, who was a major influence for the sound and music style of the band's first songs. When the album was released the band were performing regularly at the Marquee Club in London, where other successful British groups, such as the Rolling Stones and the Who, had started their careers.

Music
While vocalist Ian Anderson's creative vision largely shaped Jethro Tull's later albums, on This Was Anderson shared songwriting duties with Tull's guitarist Mick Abrahams. In part due to Abrahams' influence, the album incorporates more rhythm and blues and jazz influences than the progressive rock the band later became known for. In particular: This Was also contains the only Jethro Tull lead vocal not performed by Ian Anderson on a studio album, in "Move on Alone". Mick Abrahams, the song's author, provided vocals; Dee Palmer provided the horn arrangement. Abrahams left Jethro Tull following the album's completion.

The song "Dharma for One", a staple of Tull's early concerts (usually incorporating an extended drum solo by Clive Bunker), was later covered by Ekseption, Pesky Gee! and The Ides of March. This song featured use of the "claghorn", a hybrid instrument invented by Jeffrey Hammond which combined the body of a recorder, the bell of a toy trumpet and the mouthpiece of a saxophone. Anderson also claims to have invented the instrument.

In the documentary film Woodstock, the songs "Beggar's Farm" and "Serenade to a Cuckoo" can be heard playing over the festival's PA system.

Reception
This Was received generally favourable reviews and sold well upon its release. Record Mirror thoroughly recommended the album in 1968 for being "full of excitement and emotion" and described the band as a blues ensemble "influenced by jazz music" capable of setting "the audience on fire". Allen Evans of New Musical Express wrote in his review that the album "sounds good and has a lot of humour about it" and that the band "play jazz really, in a soft, appealing way, and have a bit of fun on the side with tone patterns and singing". American critic Robert Christgau, on the contrary, was appalled by the success of a band that combined "the worst of Roland Kirk, Arthur Brown, and your nearest G.O. blues band."

Recent reviews of the remastered edition underline the duality of Anderson and Abrahams' songwriting and stage presence, as well as the strong ties of the band to blues in their early days. Sid Smith of BBC Music wrote that "what made Tull stand out from the great-coated crowd (of touring bands) was the high-visibility of frontman Ian Anderson's on-stage Tourette's-inspired hyper-gurning and Mick Abraham's ferocious fretwork." An AllMusic reviewer remarked how Jethro Tull on their vinyl debut appeared "vaguely reminiscent of the Graham Bond Organization only more cohesive, and with greater commercial sense". David Davies of Record Collector reminds how "This Was only hints at the depth and majesty of the ensuing seven albums", but also wrote that "the direct, unfussy and predominantly blues-based" tracks of the original recordings and the extra tracks of the collector's edition "could well come as something of a surprise" and "be of the greatest interest to Tull aficionados."

The album reached number 10 on the UK Albums Chart and number 62 on the US Billboard 200. It was voted number 574 in Colin Larkin's All Time Top 1000 Albums.

Standard edition

 * 1973 cassette version has same track order, but on opposite sides.
 * Sides one and two were combined as tracks 1–10 on CD reissues.

 * The 2001 remastered CD added three bonus tracks (which had been on the 20 Years of Jethro Tull box-set) and extensive liner notes.

 * The 2018 edition CD added six bonus tracks (including four previously unreleased tracks).

40th anniversary collectors' edition (2008)
A deluxe, two-CD 40th anniversary edition was released in 2008. It contains the original mono version, a stereo version remixed from the original four-track session tapes, non-LP single tracks and the BBC sessions recorded by the band in 1968 for John Peel's "Top Gear".

Personnel
Jethro Tull

Additional musicians
 * Ian Anderson – lead vocals (all except track 4), flute, mouth organ, claghorn, piano
 * Mick Abrahams – electric guitar, nine-string guitar, lead vocals (track 4), co-lead vocals (track 2), backing vocals,
 * Glenn Cornick – bass guitar
 * Clive Bunker – drums, percussion hooter, charm bracelet
 * Dee Palmer – French horn and orchestral arrangements

Production
 * Terry Ellis – producer
 * Victor Gamm – engineer

title: This Was


text:
User talk:Colipon

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17th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China
Hi! Long time! I'm finished with the "Members" table on the 17th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.. Could you add their ranks? If so, thanks! :)

I'll be working on the alternate table as well!

Regards, --TIAYN (talk) 06:33, 18 June 2016 (UTC)
 * Thanks! I have a question for you (I'm currently adding the heads of department-level institutions); who was Head of the General Office of the Central Leading Group for Financial and Economic Affairs in the period 2007-2012? I have no bloody clue...
 * I must add, It's impressive that only two pages on full members are missing from the 17th CC. Great work! :) --TIAYN (talk) 07:09, 21 June 2016 (UTC)
 * I cannot claim full credit for the 17th CC articles - they were mostly created by another user. As for the head of the finance and economics office - that was Zhu Zhixin before Liu He. Zhu served for the entirety of the term of the 17th CC so that makes your work a bit easier. Another thing I noticed - some of your "positions held" were inaccurate. In particular, anyone who is holding an NPC or CPPCC committee position generally held another post prior to their position in those largely symbolic bodies. You should check to see what positions they held for the majority of the duration of the 17th CC ; normally this would not be a ceremonial position. Anyway, thanks for the great work. Are you going to cover the alternates also? Colipon+ (Talk) 14:50, 21 June 2016 (UTC)
 * That's the plan.. However, for the 16th CPC the plan is to have tables without offices held. The further back in time you go, the harder it is for me to find information... But yes, I'll try to fix it.

 * question, could you find out when Zhang Xiaolin (Qiushi editor-in-chief) was born? I can't seem to find it :P --TIAYN (talk) 15:19, 21 June 2016 (UTC)
 * For anything dating back to the end of the Cultural Revolution it is definitely possible to find what offices each person held. They only became more institutionalized after the 16th Congress. During the Cultural Revolution Mao basically just picked his list personally. There is no publicly available source that reviews Zhang Xiaolin's age, unfortunately. So we may have to leave that blank. Colipon+ (Talk) 15:46, 21 June 2016 (UTC)
 * I think you're being overly critical of Mao. While you may be right that that was the norm during the Cultural Revolution, I doubt it was the norm before then... In either case, even if you're right, they don't have a list anywhere as far as I know of who held which office in the, let's say, 13th CC. That's a problem for me. And even if we were to find such a list, the most important thing is the tableization of the CC lists. --TIAYN (talk) 21:40, 22 June 2016 (UTC)
 * You are right that Mao was probably far more "decentralized" and "democratic" during his earlier rule, particularly pre-PRC and pre-Great Leap Forward. It's what encouraged people like Peng Dehuai to speak out against him. 13th CC would be interesting - that was a tumultuous time during Chinese politics (Tiananmen, etc.); it may be better to work on that one next, instead of the 16th CC, which is not all that interesting. I can help you gather the data on the positions. You might be using ChinaVitae, but I know better Chinese-language sources. All you have to do is start and I will fill in the blanks. Colipon+ (Talk) 13:15, 23 June 2016 (UTC)
 * OK, I'll jump to the 13th CC after the 17th CC. --TIAYN (talk) 17:33, 24 June 2016 (UTC)
 * Could we make a deal? If I create the tables on all the CC lists, that you add the posts each individuals held in the office column and their rank? I'm sure that we would accomplish our task much faster that way.. The 17th CC "Alternate member" list has been uploaded to the 17th CC (but is missing offices and rank). Good idea? --TIAYN (talk) 06:56, 25 June 2016 (UTC)
 * Yes, that is fine. It might take me a long time to do it, but it is the most efficient way. Colipon+ (Talk) 18:15, 25 June 2016 (UTC)
 * What's the name of this guy? https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E4%B8%B9%E5%A2%9E Tenzin or Dazeng? --TIAYN (talk) 22:59, 3 July 2016 (UTC)
 * ...and this guy? 克尤木·巴吾东 --TIAYN (talk) 23:04, 3 July 2016 (UTC)
 * My best guess for the 'correct' transliteration is Kuyum Pa'ud; I have been trying to find a reliable Chinese-to-Uyghur-to-Latin script transliteration method, to no avail. As for the Tibetan, I am really not sure. I think Tenzin is a closer approximation to how the name is pronounced in Tibetan. Colipon+ (Talk) 13:06, 5 July 2016 (UTC)

Oops !
You're going to hate me :) I just pinyinified (no diacritical markings tho) Peking into Beijing in the PRC article.

My thinking is this : The name of the city has always (okay, except for when it was bei ping) been bei jing. It was even beijing in wade-giles, except almost no one knows how to correctly pronounce wade-giles ! So in effect, pinyiniffying this particular word is actually a correction of a mispronunciation.

Is that okay by you ?

We can argue about whether Taiwan is actually a separate country later :-) 210.22.142.82 (talk) 11:48, 3 July 2016 (UTC)

Oh. I've been snooping, sorry. About Falun Gong, you will never win. You are fighting the CIA. No, I don't have a tinfoil helmet. Research COINTELPRO. Don't be naive, they never quit. It works too well. 210.22.142.82 (talk) 10:45, 4 July 2016 (UTC)

Why had you deleted my adds to the outlines of pages about Chinese leaders" Apollovvv (talk) 16:09, 22 August 2017 (UTC)

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Asian 10,000 Challenge invite
Hi. The WikiProject Asia/The 10,000 Challenge has recently started, based on the UK/Ireland The 10,000 Challenge and WikiProject Africa/The 10,000 Challenge. The idea is not to record every minor edit, but to create a momentum to motivate editors to produce good content improvements and creations and inspire people to work on more countries than they might otherwise work on. There's also the possibility of establishing smaller country or regional challenges for places like South East Asia, Japan/China or India etc, much like The 1000 Challenge (Nordic). For this to really work we need diversity and exciting content and editors from a broad range of countries regularly contributing. At some stage we hope to run some contests to benefit Asian content, a destubathon perhaps, aimed at reducing the stub count would be a good place to start, based on the current WikiProject Africa/The Africa Destubathon which has produced near 200 articles in just three days. If you would like to see this happening for Asia, and see potential in this attracting more interest and editors for the country/countries you work on please sign up and being contributing to the challenge! This is a way we can target every country of Asia, and steadily vastly improve the encyclopedia. We need numbers to make this work so consider signing up as a participant! Thank you. -- Ser Amantio di Nicolao Che dicono a Signa?Lo dicono a Signa. 01:30, 20 October 2016 (UTC)

Ningbo Mazu Temple &c. &c.
You're very welcome! Thanks for your own work expanding Wiki's dearth of Chinese coverage.

If you have the time or inclination, there's still work that page needs. I think it's saying there are actually two temples or a temple and office conjoined (There's even a diagram in Chinese at Wikicommons) but I couldn't make heads or tails of the Chinglish explanation of that at the official English page. If your Chinese is better, there may be a very lucid explanation on its Chinese equivalent that could be used to improve the article. — Llywelyn II   13:35, 6 January 2017 (UTC)

Citation for Civil Service of the People's Republic of China
I'm looking for a citation for the the Levels and ranking system in Civil Service of the People's Republic of China  but cannot see any references for the table. Specifically for the field of 'Government positions' ex. "President of key universities, such as Tsinghua University". It seems that the original content is from this Hunan forum but the original poster can't be contacted. As this information does not seem to exist anywhere else, a source would be helpful for use in academic studies Panda9922 (talk) 01:02, 14 March 2017 (UTC)
 * It was a while ago so I don't recall the exact source - I believe I pulled it from the article on the Chinese Wikipedia. In any case the information is verifiable if you know how to search for it in Chinese. Colipon+ (Talk) 13:20, 14 March 2017 (UTC)

Precious anniversary
--Gerda Arendt (talk) 06:23, 17 March 2017 (UTC)

Two years now! --Gerda Arendt (talk) 08:02, 17 March 2018 (UTC)

... and three --Gerda Arendt (talk) 05:36, 17 March 2019 (UTC)

... and four --Gerda Arendt (talk) 07:15, 17 March 2020 (UTC)

Civil service of China listed at Redirects for discussion
An editor has asked for a discussion to address the redirect Civil service of China. Since you had some involvement with the Civil service of China redirect, you might want to participate in the redirect discussion if you have not already done so. George Ho (talk) 18:58, 26 April 2017 (UTC)

Hello
I don't know why you had deleted my adjusts of pages of Chinese leaders?Don't you suggest they make the outlines more comprehensive? Apollovvv (talk) 16:12, 22 August 2017 (UTC)
 * You have not achieved consensus to post those things - I would suggest discussing it first; generally we do not include Politburo or Standing Committee membership in the infobox because they make the page needlessly unwieldy - you can see how we approach these offices on pages like Hu Jintao (we break it out on the bottom). In the mean time please cease these changes until we can agree upon a method. Colipon+ (Talk) 16:40, 22 August 2017 (UTC)

Two things
Hi again.

1. I have two questions. First, should we merge the following concepts Chinese Dream, Eight Musts, Four Comprehensives, Confidence doctrine, Eight-point Regulation, One Belt, One Road, Three Stricts and Three Honests, Two Centenaries & Five-in-one general strategy into the Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era? Those concepts are now part of the New Era ideology.

2. Who elects the Presidium of the 19th National Congress?

 * Regards, --TIAYN (talk) 14:20, 21 October 2017 (UTC)
 * Probably a good first step is to summarize each of these concepts in the "New Era" ideology article, then see which ones continue to be substantial enough to deserve their standalone articles. For instance I have no doubt that One Belt One Road will retain its own article - whereas something like Four Comprehensives would probably easily fit in the "New Era" article. Colipon+ (Talk) 14:46, 21 October 2017 (UTC)
 * The Presidium is chosen by the "preparatory conference" of the party congress a day or two before the opening the congress. The procedure was formalized in 1983 and used since; before that it seems they were basically chosen on the whim of major leaders. I believe the Politburo and Secretariat will choose the Presidium in advance (the probably discuss it at the 7th plenum of the previous CC) and the preparatory conference is a mere formality, as the vote to affirm the list of names takes place by a quick show of hands. The Standing Committee of the Presidium, however, seems to be more institutionalized: it is composed of the current members of the Politburo (including Standing Committee), former members of the Politburo Standing Committee, and the current members of the Secretariat. In theory, this body could meet in the middle of a congress to change procedure or insert major items into the agenda. Not sure if this actually happens in practice. Colipon+ (Talk) 14:58, 21 October 2017 (UTC)
 * Interesting.. And the Presidium of the 19th National Congress is composed of? .. As for those election regulations that article speaks of.. I'd love to get my hands on them :P

 * It sounds like the Central Committee is "dissolved", and they turn the Central Committe inner-composition into leaders of the party congress by using the Standing Committee of the Presidium and the Presidium. Very interesting, very smart!

 * In either case, thanks! --TIAYN (talk) 08:34, 22 October 2017 (UTC)
 * I don't know where you will find the election regulations; I think the party constitution probably contains some of the details. But yes, what you said is absolutely correct - the Presidium and the Presidium SC are transition bodies that act as the highest authority within the party during the two-week or so phase where the congress is in session, when the previous CC is considered dissolved and the next CC is not yet in session. Another thing is purely aesthetic - the Presidium literally sits in the Presidium, facing the mass delegates, and the Presidium Standing Committee sits in the front row of the presidium (they fit all ~30 of them there in a single row - the ordering of the individuals is dictated by strict protocol sequence). When Xi made his speech, he bows once to the presidium, once to the mass delegates (in the opposite direction). Colipon+ (Talk) 15:30, 22 October 2017 (UTC)
 * To be honest, I'm gonna to a total rewrite of the 19th National Congress article. I'll try to model the article on 6th National Congress of the Communist Party of Vietnam, 1st Congress of the Workers' Party of North Korea and the 6th Congress of the Workers' Party of Korea. The article fails to mention the Congress and focuses only on the 1st Plenary Session of the CC which elects the leading bodies (the article actually says the 19th National Congress elects them).

 * I hope thats OK :) --TIAYN (talk) 17:54, 25 October 2017 (UTC)
 * Yes it is fine - I like the sections you put together on preparation and delegates, and I do appreciate that you give a more "internationalist" perspective on Leninist inspired parties; personally I am more fascinated by how they choose the leadership and who ends up on the PSC and PB, so I like writing those sections and have access to Chinese-language sources that are usually better than English ones. So we can collaborate. The Chinese WP splits out the 1st plenum as a separate article and lists all the personnel changes there, but in my opinion that is not very useful here at English WP - many people will go to the 19th Congress article looking specifically for the new leadership line up - and that's the reason there's so much media coverage in the first place. So we can mention that the bodies were elected at the 1st Plenum, but we don't need to split it out as a separate article. By the way did you notice that they did not make a single age-related exception on the CC, PB, PSC, or even the CCDI? Seems like this institution is here to stay, despite all the rumours that Xi would do away with it. Colipon+ (Talk) 03:34, 26 October 2017 (UTC)
 * I was going to send you an article about that, but I can't seem to find it :P Arrgh! To me, Xi Jinping seems to be the leader most keen on institution-building. You especially see it with the CCDI, the supervision and the judicial system. As for the "Chairman of Everything", most of the new bodies he is chair off, most of them existed under Hu Jintao just in different form. When he was President of the Central Party School he initiated a study on why the Soviet Union collapsed. The reasons? Ideological bankruptcy, lack of institution-building and controll, and that the party lost control over the military. He seems to be institutionalising everything so it would be strange if he decided to hang on to power... of course, power can make you mad... and as for a successor, I think a successor will be elected to the PSC at a CC Plenary Session at one point before 20th National Congress.
 * What I do find interesting however is that Zhao will be the first CCDI Secretary to serve two full terms as head since Wei Jianxing.. which is a major step in strengthening the CCDI.
 * To the point. Yes, I agree, the 1st Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee should be mentioned here and not have its own article. Two different meetings, but they are part of the same event. And, I don't think you have enough information on the plenum itself to warrant its own article - and the press seems to agree. --TIAYN (talk) 07:02, 26 October 2017 (UTC)
 * Question, would you be interested in translating the chapter titles of the Report to the 18th Central Committee for me? :P

习近平代表第十八届中央委员会向大会作的报告分13个部分：一、过去五年的工作和历史性变革；二、新时代中国共产党的历史使命；三、新时代中国特色社会主义思想和基本方略；四、决胜全面建成小康社会，开启全面建设社会主义现代化国家新征程；五、贯彻新发展理念，建设现代化经济体系；六、健全人民当家作主制度体系，发展社会主义民主政治；七、坚定文化自信，推动社会主义文化繁荣兴盛；八、提高保障和改善民生水平，加强和创新社会治理；九、加快生态文明体制改革，建设美丽中国；十、坚持走中国特色强军之路，全面推进国防和军队现代化；十一、坚持“一国两制”，推进祖国统一；十二、坚持和平发展道路，推动构建人类命运共同体；十三、坚定不移全面从严治党，不断提高党的执政能力和领导水平[4].
 * See if this helps. I could not find a good English-language translation of the report online - I think it will be published at a later date. Colipon+ (Talk) 13:28, 26 October 2017 (UTC)
 * https://qz.com/1112638/xi-jinping-title-xi-jinping-is-not-the-president-of-china/ This! Is this true? --TIAYN (talk) 14:05, 2 November 2017 (UTC)
 * There is a mistake in that article: state media does not refer to the heads of state of other communist states such as Vietnam and Laos as zongtong but rather also guojia zhuxi. However it did call Mikhail Gorbachev zongtong of the Soviet Union. Colipon+ (Talk) 15:02, 2 November 2017 (UTC)
 * But he had the title of president, the President of the Soviet Union - he dissolved the chairman position in 1990.
 * Very interesting! --TIAYN (talk) 20:04, 2 November 2017 (UTC)
 * You're right that it is translated that way because the Gorbachev himself had changed the title deliberately. It is moot anyway; they only used it on one occasion -- that of Gorbachev's visit, which took place during Tiananmen 1989. In any case, the issue always arises between a power-transition party congress at which point an incumbent steps down, and the National People's Congress in the spring, because during that time, you have a general secretary, and also a "President". Constitutionally speaking the President has the authority to declare war with the consent of the NPC, but one would think in reality this power resides in the CMC Chairman (who by the way at this point is also split between the party and state commissions and nominally run by two separate people.) This is all hypothetical anyway; in reality it is understood the party boss is the 'real' boss. Colipon+ (Talk) 20:29, 2 November 2017 (UTC)

19th
I am confused why you want to make the content lengthy. Already have this page. Or that page.--O1lI0 (talk) 22:44, 6 November 2017 (UTC)
 * When people go to that page, they are probably interested in who sits on the council as it stands today. This is in line with the practice of "cabinet" articles of democracies, as well as articles like Politburo of the Communist Party of Cuba Also the Central Committee does not have a Politburo membership list. Colipon+ (Talk) 23:32, 6 November 2017 (UTC)

Back again!
Question, if you have any suggestions to improve the lead at the socialism with Chinese characteristics article (or can rewrite the lead so that it makes more sense) please feel free to edit or makes suggestions! :)

 * And I'll continue my work on the 19th National Congress article. Do you have any articles / sources which summarises the Political Report well? There are so many BAD summaries out there :P ... On the other hand, I read the speech.. Other than the fact that Xi mentions the same things over and over again, its a pretty good speech.--TIAYN (talk) 21:18, 8 November 2017 (UTC)
 * I just read the new CPC constitution: http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/download/Constitution_of_the_Communist_Party_of_China.pdf ... Chinese Communism isn't vague anymore! --TIAYN (talk) 21:37, 8 November 2017 (UTC)
 * No unfortunately I do not know of a good source that summarizes it well, especially at the level of exegesis that you are probably looking for as a long-time scholar of international communism. Just a note on "Chinese characteristics" - technically Xi Thought, Scientific Development, Three Represents, and Deng theory, are all part of the same "system of theories of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics." That is, Xi did not theoretically depart from fundamental tenets of Dengist thought about "primary stage of socialism"; the novel contributions seem more about centralized party leadership (a departure from Dengist collective leadership and also separation of party and state) and also dropping entirely the Dengist notions of "biding time" on the global stage in favor of "showing strength". Colipon+ (Talk) 14:22, 9 November 2017 (UTC)

Jin Yuzhang
Hello! I saw your edit about how Jin Yuzhang "does not care for the claim [as heir to the Qing] nor acknowledge it". Is there a specific source that says he doesn't acknowledge himself as heir to the Qing? What is it exactly that he refuses to acknowledge? Also, I see you are a long-time editor on here. I'm doing some (what I consider) non-controversial groundwork on the subdistricts and townships of Wuhan and Hubei. I would appreciate any input you have on what I have done so far: List of township-level divisions of Hubei. Thanks!Geographyinitiative (talk) 04:13, 26 December 2017 (UTC)

 * Your article looks good. I relied on a cached article of his interview with Southern Weekend. In it he said that he doesn't recognize himself as the head of the clan, nor does he think it is possible to track down who is still in the clan and who is not. And in any case - does it really matter? There is no reliable source indicating that the Aisin-Gioro clan still exists apart from being a historical curiosity being seized on by journalists (and Wikipedia editors), rather than an organic entity that functions as a coherent organization unto itself. Therefore I think it is totally inaccurate to describe him as even the "nominal head of the Aisin Gioro clan" as such a thing no longer exists. Colipon+ (Talk) 01:52, 28 December 2017 (UTC)

好的 Geographyinitiative (talk) 10:04, 29 December 2017 (UTC)

Yang Jiechi
What's inaccurate about the job attribution? The news coverage of his visit to South Korea stresses that position among those he holds.12.144.5.2 (talk) 04:56, 5 April 2018 (UTC)
 * He is the director of the Office of Foreign Affairs (中央外事委员会办公室主任). The way you had edited implied that he was the Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Commission (中央外事委员会主任), which is not true. The chairman is Xi. Colipon+ (Talk) 11:51, 5 April 2018 (UTC)
 * My edit was to call him Director of the Commission,similar to the other Politburo members who are directors of party organizations.I gather than his full title is Director of the General Office of the Commission.12.144.5.2 (talk) 15:00, 5 April 2018 (UTC)
 * I changed it to reflect his office title; thanks for your message. Colipon+ (Talk) 17:44, 5 April 2018 (UTC)

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Invite to RfC (Request for Comment) at Reagan article on Iran-Contra
Hi,

You're invited to an RfC on the question of, "Within the section on the Iran-Contra affair, should we include the aspect of drug trafficking on the part of some Nicaraguan Contras?"

Talk:Ronald_Reagan

Thanks,

FriendlyRiverOtter (talk) 16:44, 22 June 2019 (UTC)

I copied your vote to the survey section. Hope that was ok.Rja13ww33 (talk) 13:30, 24 June 2019 (UTC)

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2015 population of Rutog County
Hello! I would like to ask what the source is for the figure you provided here: Thanks! Geographyinitiative (talk) 01:01, 24 May 2020 (UTC)
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Ruairi Quinn

Ruairi Quinn (born 2 April 1946) is an Irish former Labour Party politician who served as Minister for Education and Skills from 2011 to 2014, Leader of the Labour Party from 1997 to 2002, Deputy Leader of the Labour Party from 1989 to 1997, Minister for Finance from 1994 to 1997, Minister for Enterprise and Employment from 1993 to 1994, Minister for the Public Service from 1986 to 1987, Minister for Labour from 1983 to 1986, Minister of State for Urban Affairs and Housing from 1982 to 1983. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) for the Dublin South-East constituency from 1977 to 1981 and 1982 to 2016. He was a Senator from 1976 to 1977, after being nominated by the Taoiseach and again from 1981 to 1982 for the Industrial and Commercial Panel.

Early life
Quinn was born on 2 April 1946. His family were prominent republicans in County Down in the 1920s, taking an active part in the IRA during the War of Independence and on the anti-Treaty side during the Civil War. The Quinns were prosperous merchants in Newry, County Down, then moved to Dublin in the 1930s, where Quinn's father built a successful business career.

Quinn was educated at St Michael's College and Blackrock College, both in Dublin, where he was academically successful and an outstanding athlete and a member of Blackrock College's Senior Cup rugby team. From an early age, he was interested in art and won the all-Ireland Texaco Children's Art competition. This led him to study architecture at University College Dublin (UCD), in 1964 and later at the School of Ekistics in Athens.

In 1965, Quinn joined the Labour Party working for Michael O'Leary's successful campaign in Dublin North-Central. In the following years, Quinn was a leading student radical in UCD demanding reform of the university's structures and the old fashioned architectural course that then prevailed. This earned him the nickname "Ho Chi Quinn", after the Vietnamese leader Ho Chi Minh.

He travelled in Europe and became a europhile, which was to be a defining characteristic of his political career. He qualified as an architect in 1969 and married for the first time that year before embarking on studies in Athens. He and his first wife had a son and a daughter. He married again in 1990 and has a son with his second wife, Liz Allman, an architect, whose family came from Milltown, County Kerry. He became employed as an architect with Dublin Corporation in 1971.

Early political career
In 1972, Quinn decided he would stand for the Labour Party in the next general election and hoped he would be the running mate of the sitting Labour deputy for Dublin South-East, Noël Browne. The party organisation was largely moribund since Browne's election in 1969 as Browne had been ill and little work had been done locally. When the election was called in February 1973, Quinn found he was the only Labour Party candidate as Browne refused to stand in principled opposition to the Labour Party's decision to enter into a pre-election pact with Fine Gael to form a National Coalition. Quinn lost by 39 votes to Fergus O'Brien of Fine Gael in the final count. Following the 1973 election, Quinn began to rebuild the Labour Party in Dublin South-East with his mainly youthful supporters. He won a council seat on Dublin Corporation at the local elections in 1974 in the Pembroke-Rathmines local electoral area and took a leading role in the Labour Party group on the city council.

Quinn was a partner in an architecture firm from 1973 to 1982. In 1976, he was nominated by the Taoiseach, Liam Cosgrave, to Seanad Éireann when Brendan Halligan won a by-election in Dublin South-West and his Senate seat became vacant. He was first elected a Labour Party TD for Dublin South-East at the 1977 general election. Quinn was at this time associated with environmental issues being the first professional architect and town planner ever elected to the Dáil. He served as environment spokesperson for the Labour Party and was very close to the party leader, Frank Cluskey, whom he had voted for in the leadership contest of 1977. Quinn lost his seat at the 1981 general election but was elected to the 15th Seanad on the Industrial and Commercial Panel. Quinn was re-elected as TD at the February 1982 general election and would continue to retain his seat at each election until his retirement in 2016.

On 10 March 1991, Quinn was observed by Gardaí driving erratically in the Clontarf area. At Clontarf Garda Station, Quinn provided a urine sample, which showed him to have an 202 mg of alcohol for 100 ml of urine. He was banned from driving for a year and fined £250.

Early ministerial career
In 1982, he became Minister of State at the Department of the Environment. Between 1983 and 1987, he served as Minister for Labour. From 1986 to 1987, he was appointed Minister for the Public Service, held in addition to the Labour portfolio. He resigned as a minister when Labour left the government in January 1987. In 1989, he became deputy leader of the Labour Party. He was director of elections for Mary Robinson's successful presidential election campaign in 1990.

Minister for Enterprise and Employment
In the Fianna Fáil–Labour Party coalition government of 1993–1994, Quinn became Minister for Enterprise and Employment.

In July 1993, Quinn adopted a successful employment policy called the Back to Work Allowance, which targeted the long-term unemployed. This allowed unemployed people to retain their unemployment benefits on a sliding scale for a number of years, while setting up a business or taking up a job. He also presided over the merger of the former Department of Industry and Commerce with the former Department of Labour, with a new focus on enterprise development and the reduction of the then high level of unemployment. Quinn implemented reform of industrial strategy and reorganised the industrial development agencies. He also introduced the Community Employment Programme to provide activity and involvement for unemployed workers in 1994. This proved to be particularly successful.

Quinn was seen as a moderniser in economic terms but, despite attempts, failed to close the Irish Steel company in Haulbowline, County Cork. Nevertheless, it was in August 1994, while Quinn and Fianna Fáil's Bertie Ahern were economic ministers, that the Irish economy was first described as the "Celtic Tiger".

Quinn, along with many of his Labour cabinet colleagues, strove unsuccessfully to keep the Fianna Fáil–Labour government together during the Father Brendan Smyth crisis in November 1994. He records in his autobiography that he still cannot understand why that Government fell.

Minister for Finance
The following year he became Minister for Finance in the Rainbow coalition of Fine Gael, Labour and Democratic Left. Quinn took a relatively conservative line as finance minister, conscious of his position as the first Labour Party Minister for Finance in Ireland. He quickly proved his competence, dispelling opposition jibes and stock market fears about a social democratic minister holding the sensitive finance portfolio. The Irish economy continued to perform, while inflation and the government finances were kept under firm control. Unemployment gradually fell and public debt levels improved.

During Quinn's tenure as Minister for Finance, the overall tax burden in Ireland (the ratio of tax revenue, including pay-related social insurance levies, to gross national product) fell from 38.7% to 34.8%, of by 1.3 percentage points each year. He achieved this by limiting current government spending to grow by 6.8% in nominal terms or 4.8% in real terms, against a backdrop of improving economic fortunes, due to increasing investment in technology-intensive sectors of the Irish economy.

Under Quinn, the General Government Balance went from a deficit of 2.1% in 1995 to a surplus of 1.1% in 1997. The General Government Debt went from 81% of GNP in 1995 to 63.6% in 1997. The year before Quinn became an economic Minister in 1993, Irish economic growth was 2.5% (1992). In 1997, it was 10.3%. The unemployment rate fell from 15.7% in 1993 to 10.3% in 1997.

Quinn served as the President of the Ecofin Council of the European Union in 1996, and worked to accelerate the launch of the European Single Currency, while securing Ireland's qualification for the eurozone. Quinn, and his party leader and Tánaiste, Foreign Minister Dick Spring enjoyed a somewhat uneasy relationship during the Rainbow Coalition, as recounted in Quinn's 2005 memoir. At the 1997 general election the Labour Party returned to opposition, winning only 17 of its outgoing 33 seats. Many other ministers of the Labour Party were under significant pressure from the media (particularly the Irish Independent) concerning allegations of cronyism ("jobs for the boys") and abusing the privileges of office. In comparison, the opposition under Bertie Ahern placed heavy reliance on cutting tax rates as opposed to widening tax bands favoured by Quinn. Ahern also claimed credit for the country's improving economy was due to his earlier term in government.

Accession to leadership
In October 1997, Dick Spring resigned as leader of the Labour Party following an unsuccessful campaign by the Labour Party candidate, Adi Roche, in the 1997 Irish presidential election. Quinn defeated Brendan Howlin to become the new leader. In 1999, the Labour Party and Democratic Left merged. Proinsias De Rossa of the latter party became the largely symbolic party president, while Quinn remained as leader of the party. He used his years of leadership to develop a strong policy platform, publishing a Spatial Strategy for future development of the country, promoting universal access to health insurance, advocating reform of the Garda Síochána, and arguing for closer European integration. Fianna Fáil countered by exploiting Quinn's middle-class background, labelling him "Mr Angry from Sandymount," the middle-class district of Dublin where Quinn is a longtime resident, and was part of the constituency he represented.

2002 general election
At the 2002 general election, which saw the incumbent Fianna Fáil and Progressive Democrats government re-elected, the Labour Party returned with no net gain since the previous election, after accounting for the merger with Democratic Left. Quinn fought that election on an independent platform although he indicated a preference to enter government with Fine Gael, which he had served with in the Rainbow coalition era. Quinn's strategy was predicated on the Labour Party holding the balance of power and keeping a distance from the two bigger parties. This underestimated the attraction for the electorate of the outgoing Ahern Government which had enjoyed extraordinary economic growth and prosperity.

Realising that the choice was between a majority Fianna Fáil government on the one hand, or a government of Fianna Fáil in coalition with the Progressive Democrats, Michael McDowell, a constituency rival of Quinn's, seized the moment and put themselves forward as the guarantor of the public interest in a new Fianna Fáil government. Under the leadership of Michael Noonan, Fine Gael lost 23 seats, being reduced to 31 seats, their worst performance in decades.

Quinn was disappointed that, even though Labour had not lost seats in net numbers and Fine Gael had lost 23 seats, he had failed to increase the number of seats his party held, in an election that resulted in gains for small parties on the left end of the political spectrum, such as Sinn Féin and the Green Party. Quinn himself was re-elected on the last count by 600 votes. Accepting that he would now be in opposition for another term, Quinn announced that he would not seek re-election for another six-year term as leader of the Labour Party, at the end of August 2002.

Post-leadership
In October 2002, Quinn's term as party leader expired and he retired as Labour leader, being replaced in a leadership election by Pat Rabbitte. When Rabbitte resigned as party leader in 2007, Quinn supported the successful candidacy of Eamon Gilmore. His public support of Gilmore, where he also brought the endorsement of all the Dublin City Councillors in his area, was seen as instrumental in discouraging other candidates from entering the race. Quinn caused anger and controversy when he refused to give up his minister's pension worth €41,656 while sitting as a TD in 2009. He eventually backed down after pressure was put on him to give up the pension.

Quinn led the European Movement Ireland, a pro-EU lobby group in Ireland until late 2007, when he re-founded the Irish Alliance for Europe to campaign on the Treaty of Lisbon. Quinn is also vice-president and Treasurer of the Party of European Socialists. He is a brother of Lochlann Quinn, former Chairman of Allied Irish Banks, and a first cousin of Senator Feargal Quinn. His nephew, Oisín Quinn, was a Labour Party Dublin City Councillor between 2004 and 2014.

In 2005, his political memoir, Straight Left, was published.

2007 general election
At the 2007 general election, Quinn increased his share of the poll by some 4% and was returned to the 30th Dáil. He was nominated for the post of Ceann Comhairle but was defeated by John O'Donoghue. Quinn became Labour Party spokesperson on Education and Science as a member of Eamon Gilmore's front bench in September 2007. Quinn contributed to the successful second referendum on the Lisbon Treaty in September 2009 and continued to be an office holder with the Party of European Socialists.

2011 general election
In September 2010, Quinn was appointed the Labour Party's national director of elections for the 2011 general election by Gilmore. He had been selected along with Kevin Humphreys to be a candidate for Labour in that election. Both Quinn and Humphreys were elected to the 31st Dáil on 27 February 2011; strategic vote management saw the Labour Party in Dublin South-East secure two seats with only a quarter of the first preference vote.

Minister for Education: 2011–2014
On 9 March 2011, Quinn was appointed as Minister for Education and Skills in the Fine Gael–Labour coalition government. In May 2011, he confirmed a U-turn on a pre-election pledge that he would reverse a proposed increase in third-level student registration fees, instead providing for a €500 increase in the fee payable by students. In July 2011, Quinn had again refused to rule out the return of college fees as he acknowledged the funding crisis in the higher education sector. The Minister told a meeting of the Higher Education Authority (HEA) the funding crisis in higher education will “not go away” for many years to come. Asked if new charges were planned he said: “I honestly can't say. We are looking for efficiencies in the system at third level. ... I have said to Brendan Howlin that I will deliver.”

In October 2012, Quinn announced the phasing out of the current Junior Certificate programme over the next eight years, to be replaced by a school-based model of continuous assessment. He described his plan as "the most radical shake-up of the junior cycle programme since the ending of the Inter Cert in 1991", and claimed the scrapping of the Junior Certificate exams would help the “bottom half” of students. This reform was never implemented.

On 12 October 2012, Quinn, speaking to an audience at an anniversary celebration for St Kilian's German School, said the "demons of nationalism" and "chauvinism" embedded in our cultures would only stay under control if there was a deeper European culture. He went on to say "will only stay in the place where they belong if we have more Europe, if we have a deeper Europe, if we have a wider Europe".

On 29 January 2013, Quinn launched Ireland's first national plan to tackle bullying in schools including cyberbullying. The Action Plan on Bullying set out 12 clear actions on how to prevent and tackle bullying.

In February 2013, Quinn published legislation to replace the largely discredited state training and employment agency, FÁS, with a new statutory body named SOLAS.

On 2 July 2014, Ruairi Quinn announced his decision to resign as Minister for Education and Skills, which became effective in the cabinet reshuffle on 11 July. He also said that he would not be seeking re-election to the Dáil after the 2016 Irish general election.

Post-political activities
Since 2016 Quinn has sat on various boards, including as chairperson of the Irish Architectural Archive (2020–2023), and as a director of the Institute of International and European Affairs.

title: Ruairi Quinn


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Proposed deletion of Holdback

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