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Igbo people

The Igbo people (, ;  also spelled Ibo and historically also Iboe, Ebo, Eboe, Eboans, Heebo; natively Ṇ́dị́ Ìgbò) are an ethnic group in Nigeria. They are primarily found in Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, and Imo States. Ethnic Igbo populations are found in Cameroon, Gabon, and Equatorial Guinea, as migrants as well as outside Africa. There has been much speculation about the origins of the Igbo people, which are largely unknown. The Igbo people are one of the largest ethnic groups in Africa.

The Igbo language is part of the Niger-Congo language family. Its regional dialects are somewhat mutually intelligible amidst the larger "Igboid" cluster. The Igbo homeland straddles the lower Niger River, east and south of the Edoid and Idomoid groups, and west of the Ibibioid (Cross River) cluster.

Before the period of British colonial rule in the 20th century, the Igbo were politically fragmented by the centralized chiefdoms of Nri, Aro Confederacy, Agbor and Onitsha. Frederick Lugard introduced the Eze system of "warrant chiefs". The Igbos became overwhelmingly Christian during the evangelism of the missionaries in the colonial era in the twentieth century. In the wake of decolonisation, the Igbo developed a strong sense of ethnic identity, with Christianity being the major religion and Islamic minorities.

After ethnic tensions following the independence of Nigeria in 1960, the Igbos seceded from Nigeria and attempted to establish a new independent country called Biafra, triggering the Nigerian Civil War (1967–1970). Millions of Biafran civilians died from starvation after the Nigerian military formed a blockade around Biafra, an event that international media promoting humanitarian aid for Biafra. Biafra was eventually defeated by Nigeria and reintegrated into the country. The Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra and the now Nigerian-government proscribed Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB), two organizations formed after 1999, continue to struggle for an independent Igbo state.

Definition and subgroups
"Igbo" as an ethnic identity developed comparatively recently, in the context of decolonisation and the Nigerian Civil War. The various Igbo-speaking communities were historically fragmented and decentralised; in the opinion of Nigerian novelist Chinua Achebe, Igbo identity should be placed somewhere between a "tribe" and a "nation". Since the defeat of the Republic of Biafra in 1970, the Igbo are sometimes classed as a "stateless nation".

Etymology
Forms of the name Igbo – formerly also spelled Eboe or wrongly as Ibo – have been used at least since the 18th century. The name may originate from the verb gboo 'to protect, to shelter', meaning "a protected people or a community of peace". Other theories give it the meaning "forest dwellers", connect it to "the ancients" (Ndi-gbo), or suggest that it simply refers to "a community of people".

Prehistory
The Igboid languages form a cluster within the Volta–Niger phylum, most likely grouped with Yoruboid and Edoid. The greatest differentiation within the Igboid group is between the Ekpeye, and the rest. Williamson (2002) argues that based on this pattern, proto-Igboid migration would have moved down the Niger from a more northern area in the savannah and first settled close to the delta, with a secondary center of Igbo proper more to the north, in the Awka area. Genetic studies have shown the Igbo to cluster most closely with other Niger-Congo-speaking peoples. The predominant Y-chromosmoal haplogroup is E1b1a1-M2.

Pottery dated from around 3,000–2,500 BC showing similarities with later Igbo work was found at Nsukka, and Afikpo regions of Igboland in the 1970s, along with pottery and tools at nearby Ibagwa; the traditions of the Umueri clan have as their source the Anambra valley. In the 1970s, the Owerri, Okigwe, Orlu, Awgu, Udi and Awka divisions were determined to constitute "an Igbo heartland" from the linguistic and cultural evidence. In the Nsukka region of Igboland, evidence of early iron smelting has been excavated, dating to 750 BC at the site of Opi and 2,000 BC at the site of Lejja.

Kingdom of Nri
The Nri people of Igbo land have a creation myth which is one of the many creation myths that exist in various parts of Igbo land. The Nri and Aguleri people are in the territory of the Umueri clan who trace their lineages back to the patriarchal king-figure Eri. Eri's origins are unclear, though he has been described as a "sky being" sent by Chukwu (God). He has been characterized as having first given societal order to the people of Anambra. The historian Elizabeth Allo Isichei says "Nri and Aguleri and part of the Umueri clan, [are] a cluster of Igbo village groups which traces its origins to a sky being called Eri."

Archaeological evidence suggests that Nri influence in Igboland may go back as far as the 9th century, and royal burials at the Igbo-Ukwu sites have been unearthed dating to at least the 10th century. Eri, the god-like founder of Nri, is believed to have settled the region around 948 with other related Igbo cultures following after in the 13th century. The first Eze Nri (King of Nri) Ìfikuánim followed directly after him. According to Igbo oral tradition, his reign started in 1043. At least one historian puts Ìfikuánim's reign much later, around 1225 AD:

Each king traces his origin back to the founding ancestor, Eri. Each king is a ritual reproduction of Eri. The initiation rite of a new king shows that the ritual process of becoming Eze Nri (Nri priest-king) follows closely the path traced by the hero in establishing the Nri kingdom.
 * — E. Elochukwu Uzukwu The Kingdom of Nri was a religio-polity, a sort of theocratic state, that developed in the central heartland of the Igbo region. The Nri had seven types of taboos which included human (such as the birth of twins), animal (such as killing or eating of pythons), object, temporal, behavioral, speech and place taboos. The rules regarding these taboos were used to educate and govern Nri's subjects. This meant that, while certain Igbo may have lived under different formal administration, all followers of the Igbo religion had to abide by the rules of the faith and obey its representative on earth, the Eze Nri.

Igbo-Ukwu archaeology
Glass production: Igbo-Ukwu has one of the oldest glass productions in West Africa. The archeology of Igbo-Ukwu had over 600 prestige objects including complex cast copper-alloy sculptures and more than 165,000 glass and carnelian beads. The most common glass among the 138 analytical results for Igbo-Ukwu beads is soda-lime glass produced using plant ash.

Igbo-Ukwu is a historically significant archaeological site located in southeastern Nigeria, in what is now Anambra State. The site is renowned for its remarkable discoveries of ancient artifacts that date back to the 9th and 10th centuries AD. The archaeological findings at Igbo-Ukwu have provided valuable insights into the early history and cultural achievements of the Igbo people and their interactions with other civilizations in the region. The artifacts may be associated with the traditional Kingdom of Nri and its priest-king, the Eze Nri.

The significance of Igbo-Ukwu lies in the following aspects: Sophisticated Artifacts: The excavations at Igbo-Ukwu revealed a collection of highly sophisticated and elaborately crafted artifacts, including intricately designed bronze, copper, and iron objects. These artifacts demonstrate the advanced metallurgical skills of the ancient Igbo people and their ability to work with various metals.

The Igbo-Ukwu artifacts predate certain other well-known Nigerian bronze sculpture traditions such as those of Ife and the Benin Kingdom and have contributed to our understanding of the development of metallurgical techniques in Africa.

Cultural exchange and trade: The presence of exotic materials like glass beads and imported ceramics at the Igbo-Ukwu site suggests that the people of Igbo-Ukwu were engaged in trade and had connections with other cultures and civilizations, both within and outside of Africa.

Evidence of social complexity: The intricate and finely crafted artifacts found at Igbo-Ukwu suggest the existence of a sophisticated and socially complex society. The level of craftsmanship and the variety of artifacts indicate the presence of skilled artisans and a hierarchical social structure.

Influence on Igbo art and culture: The artifacts discovered at Igbo-Ukwu have had a profound impact on the understanding and appreciation of Igbo art and culture. They have inspired contemporary Igbo artists and craftsmen and contributed to a sense of cultural identity and heritage.

Recognition of African Achievements: The discoveries at Igbo-Ukwu challenged the outdated notion of Africa as a continent with no significant history or cultural achievements. The site's findings have demonstrated the richness and complexity of ancient African civilizations. The archaeological site of Igbo-Ukwu was first discovered in 1939 when a group of villagers accidentally came across the artifacts while digging a trench. Subsequent excavations conducted in the 1950s and 1970s uncovered a wealth of cultural treasures. The Igbo-Ukwu artifacts are now housed in various museums, including the Nigerian National Museum in Lagos.

Overall, Igbo-Ukwu remains a vital archaeological site that continues to contribute to our understanding of ancient African civilizations and their contributions to human history. Glass production: Igbo-Ukwu has one of the oldest glass productions in West Africa. The archeology of Igbo-Ukwu had over 600 prestige objects including complex cast copper-alloy sculptures and more than 165,000 glass and carnelian beads. The most common glass among the 138 analytical results for Igbo-Ukwu beads is soda-lime glass produced using plant ash.

Aro Confederacy
The Aro Confederacy (1690–1902) was a political union orchestrated by the Aro people, Igbo subgroup, centered in Arochukwu in present-day southeastern Nigeria. The Aro Confederacy kingdom was founded after the beginning of the Aro-Ibibio Wars. Their influence and presence was all over Eastern Nigeria, lower Middle Belt, and parts of present-day Cameroon and Equatorial Guinea during the 18th and 19th centuries. The Arochukwu Kingdom was an economic, political, and an oracular center as it was home of the Ibini Ukpabi oracle, High Priests, the Aro King Eze Aro, and central council (Okpankpo). The Aro Confederacy was a powerful and influential political and economic alliance of various Igbo-speaking communities in southeastern Nigeria. It emerged during the 17th century and played a significant role in the region until the late 19th century.

The exact origins of the Aro Confederacy are not precisely documented, but it is believed to have been established around the mid-17th century. The Aro people, who were part of the Igbo ethnic group, inhabited the region around present-day Arochukwu in Abia State, Nigeria. They were skilled traders and missionaries who played a pivotal role in connecting various Igbo communities. This migration and their military power, and wars with neighboring kingdoms like supported by their alliances with several related neighboring Igbo and eastern Cross River militarized states (particularly Ohafia, Edda, Abam, Abiriba, Afikpo, Ekoi, Bahumono, Amasiri etc.), quickly established the Aro Confederacy as a regional economic power. The Aro Confederacy's strength came from its well-organized network of Aro agents who were dispersed across different communities in the region. These agents acted as intermediaries in trade, diplomacy, and religious matters. They facilitated commerce, resolved disputes, and spread the worship of the Aro deity known as the "Long Juju" oracle.

The "Long Juju" oracle was the spiritual centerpiece of the Aro Confederacy. It was housed in Arochukwu and considered a potent source of political authority and religious guidance. The Aro people used the oracle to enforce their influence and control over surrounding communities. It also served as a means to administer justice and settle disputes, often attracting pilgrims seeking solutions to their problems.

The Aro Confederacy gained significant economic power through trade and commerce Their economy was primarily based on agriculture, with the cultivation of crops like palm oil, yams, and cassava. They were also involved in trade with neighboring communities and European merchants. They controlled trade routes that passed through their territories, collecting tolls and taxes from traders. The Aro also engaged in the Trans-Atlantic slave trade by capturing and selling slaves to European traders.

Aro activities on the coast helped the growth of city-states in the Niger Delta, and these city states became important centres for the export of palm oil and slaves. Such city-states included Opobo, Bonny, Nembe, Calabar, as well as other slave trading city-states controlled by the Ijaw, Efik, and Igbo. The Aros formed a strong trading network, colonies, and incorporated hundreds of communities that formed into powerful kingdoms. The Ajalli, Arondizuogu, Ndikelionwu, and Igbene Kingdoms were some of the most powerful Aro states in the Confederacy after Arochukwu. Some were founded and named after commanders and chiefs like Izuogu Mgbokpo and Iheme who led Aro/Abam forces to conquer Ikpa Ora and founded Arondizuogu. Later Aro commanders such as Okoro Idozuka (also of Arondizuogu) expanded the state's borders through warfare at the start of the 19th century. Aro migrations also played a large role in the expansion of Ozizza, Afikpo, Amasiri, Izombe, and many other city-states. For example, Aro soldiers founded at least three villages in Ozizza. The Aro Confederacy's power, however, derived mostly from its economic and religious position. With European colonists on their way at the end of the 19th century, things changed. During the 1890s, the Royal Niger Company of Britain bore friction with the Aros because of their economic dominance. The Aro resisted British penetration in the hinterland because their economic and religious influence was being threatened. The Aro and their allies launched offensives against British allies in Igboland and Ibibioland. After failed negotiations, the British attempted to conquer the Aro Confederacy in 1899. By 1901, the tensions were especially intensified when British prepared for the Aro Expedition. The invasion of Obegu (in Igboland) was the last major Aro offensive before the start of the Anglo-Aro War. In November 1901, the British launched the Aro Expedition and after strong Aro resistance, Arochukwu was captured on 28 December 1901. By early 1902, the war was over, and the Aro Confederacy collapsed. Contrary to the belief that the Ibini Ukpabi was destroyed, the shrine still exists, and is intact in Arochukwu and serves mainly as a tourist site.

Aro-Ibibio Wars
The Aro-Ibibio Wars were a series of conflicts between the Aro people (subgroup of the Igbo) and a Ibibio in present-day Southeastern Nigeria at Ibom Kingdom from 1630 to 1902. These wars led to the foundation of the Arochukwu kingdom.

Before Igbo arrival in the Aro territory, a group of proto Ibibio migrated to the area and established the Ibom Kingdom. This proto-Ibibio group originally came from Usak Edet (Isanguele), a segment of the Ejagham in present-day Southern Cameroon. The Eze Agwu clan from Abiriba, initiated Igbo migration into the region around the mid-17th century. The Ibibio clan welcomed all until some started rebelling against the ruling house. The Eze Awgu group who lead the rebellion against the ruling family aligned with several outside forces like the Priest Nnachi from the Edda group near Afikpo, was called by their king Awgu Inobia (Eze Agwu) for help. When he arrived, Nnachi and Eze Agwu allied with prince Akakpokpo Okon of the Ibibio kingdom of Ibom Kingdom. Akakpokpo Okon was the son of a marriage between an Igbo woman of the Eze Agwu clan and the King Obong Okon Ita in an attempt of a peace treaty for a war that have been fought between the Igbo subgroup and Ibibio. The Eze Agwu/Nnachi faction decided to help Akakpokpo attempt to overthrow his brother king Akpan Okon.

The coup was heavily resisted which called for even more help. Through Nnachi, an Eastern Cross river group answered the call for help. They were known as the Akpa who were living at today Akwa Akpa before the arrival of the Efik people in that region. These warriors and traders may have had European guns which were new to the territory. Being the Igbo allies, the Akpas were led by the royal Nnubi family. Osim and Akuma Nnubi led Akpa soldiers to help fight against the ruling household. Together with Igbo forces and rebels, they defeated the Ibom Kingdom forces (1690). During the final battles, Osim Nnubi was slain in Oror city state making it the capital of Arochukwu. In Obinkita the remaining Ibibio warriors became prisoners and were judged and that is why the city state is the holder of the Ikeji festival. But at the end of the war, Osim and Akakpokpo were dead. In order to honor Osim's legacy, his brother Akuma was crowned the first EzeAro (king). After his death, Nnachi's descendants took the throne starting with his first son Oke Nnachi. The Arochukwu kingdom, was founded.

After Arochukwu was formed, it began to expand because of the growing population and territorial protection. Ibibio groups who were kicked out and their allies (Obot Mme, Mako, etc.) sporadically attacked Arochukwu shortly after its formation. In order to neutralize Ibibio invasions, Aro forces formed vigilante camps which eventually grew into communities on the Arochukwu-Ibibio boundaries and repelled the invasions.

Igbo-Igala Wars
The Igbo-Igala Wars refer to a series of conflicts that took place between the Igbo people and the Igala people of Nigeria during the 18th and 19th centuries. These wars were characterized by intense military engagements, territorial disputes, and clashes over resources and political dominance. The conflicts occurred in the southeastern region of Nigeria, primarily in the areas now known as Anambra, Enugu, Ebonyi, Kogi and Delta states. These wars led to the drastic Battle of Nsukka.

Background In the 16th century a large Igala migration occurred across the Niger River following a defeat to the Kingdom of Benin. Shortly after, a Jukun migration from Wukari conquered and established a royal dynasty in Idah, bringing them into contact with Igbo speaking groups.

Conquest of Nsukka The Nsukka-Igala wars occurred in the 18th to 19th century following an Igala invasion and left most of Nsukka under Igala control. Nsukka is the most notable Igbo subgroup to be involved in these wars as the Igala people conquered and installed priest-kings to govern the district for almost a century. The Nsukka people have continuously inhabited northern Igboland since the 3rd millennium BCE as shown through archeological continuity and Glottochronology. They are considered to be one of the first Igbo subgroups by historian and archeologist Edwin Eme Okafor. During the period of the Igbo-Igala Wars, marked by a scarcity of labor and insecurity resulting from slave raiding and the Nsukka-Igala conflicts, notable changes occurred in the iron smelting practices of the Nsukka people. Due to urgency, some iron smelters resorted to using wood directly in their smelting process, bypassing the usual practice of burning it to produce charcoal. This adaptation in smelting techniques demonstrates the impact of the war on the traditional methods employed by the Nsukka community, as they incorporated wood into their process to sustain their iron production amidst the challenging conditions. The conflicts started with the arrival of a figure named Onọjọ Ogboni whose background is surrounded in mystery. One of the 18th-century conflicts was the Battle of Nsukka in 1794, which resulted in a Nsukka military victory, but with significant losses including the Eze's eldest son, and three of his wives. The battle was witnessed by Sailor, Joseph B. Hawkins.

Ebonyi conflicts During the early 19th century, the Eastern Igbo subgroups located in Ebonyi State underwent a significant migration towards the Cross River areas, this in turn manifested in boundary disputes between several Eastern Igbo groups with her neighbors such as Ikwo-Nsobo and Osopo of Cross River State, Izzi – Osopo and Yala of Cross River State and Mgbo-Igala of Benue State. A similar migration skirmish towards Abia State in the 17th century established the Aro Confederacy. As the Ezza, Izzi, Ikwo subgroups moved northward, all who are said to descend from siblings whose patriarch hailed from Afikpo, the Ezza encountered the indigenous Orri people and protected them from extinction in exchange for farming rights. The Ikwo people encountered the Okum eventually displacing them and assimilated the rest. the Okum do not exist as an identifiable group anymore but there is archeological and cultural proof of their existence, as there are non-Igbo dances and masquerades in modern Ikwo culture. The southern Ikwo displaced the indigenous Adadama group far to modern Cross River State.

Conflict with Igala As the Igala already lived in the area with the Orri they sought friendship with the Ezza and gave them land for farming. However, betrayed by the Ezza whose true intent was expansion and to address their ongoing land scarcity. It led to a conflict between the two groups, resulting in the Igala's defeat and expulsion from their occupied territory which the Ezza then took control of. The Agba community, located in Ebo Ndiagu, Ochuhu Agba, and Orie Agba Elu, faced defeat as the Ezza's territory expanded. Some rallied, but despite putting up a spirited but brief defense, the Agba were compelled to retreat southwards, leaving their abandoned lands to be later settled by Umunwagu and Ikwuate (Idembia). Seeking safety and security, the Agba people sought refuge in Ishielu Division, departing from their original mainland settlements. The Ezza met them again in 1850 and again conquered and displaced the remnants, naming the new territory Ezzagu.

Western Igbo influence The Western Igbo people consist of the Anioma people of Delta State and the riverine side of Anambra state. While specific conflicts with the Enuani and Igala people remain poorly documented, there is one Igala-speaking community in Enuaniland known as Ebu. The Idah Kingdom conquered some significant riverine trading centers, but just as quickly as they were conquered, most came under the control of Aboh, an Ukwuani kingdom, while the others were significant trading partners to both kingdoms, supplying the entirety of palm oil Aboh traded. Although some Igala dances continue to be performed in Anioma, there is no evidence of any lasting military conquests; instead, it appears that cultural traditions were exchanged mostly through trade and interactions between the neighboring communities.

King Jaja of Opobo
King Jaja of Opobo (full name: Jubo Jubogha; 1821–1891) was the first king (amanyanabo) of Opobo. He was also the founder of Opobo city-state in present day Rivers State of Nigeria. King Jaja of Opobo is listed as an African legend, because of the hardships he overcame, and persistency to rise, even despite all the odds against him. He became a merchant, and a general, becoming one of the richest and most influential Pre-colonial Africans in history. At an indeterminate date, Jaja was kidnapped and sold into slavery, most likely by a rival Igbo warring state, or by the Aro's.He was then brought to Ijawland thereafter. As was customary amongst the Ijaw, Jaja earned his way out of slavery after serving his master for a number of years. At the death of his master, he took charge of the trade and went on to head the Anna Pepple House merchant faction of Bonny. Under him, Anna Pepple absorbed other trade houses until a war with the Manilla Pepple House led by Oko Jumbo compelled Jaja to break away to form the Opobo city-state (26 miles east of Bonny) in 1869.

Opobo came to be a prominent trading post in the region's palm oil trade. Jaja barred entry to European and African middlemen, effectively monopolizing trade, and by 1870 was selling eight thousand tons of palm oil directly to the British. Opobo also shipped palm oil directly to Liverpool. Despite his trade rivalry with the Europeans, Jaja sent his children to schools in Glasgow and enlisted whites to staff the secular school he built in Opobo. He barred any missionaries from entering Opobo.

At the 1884 Berlin Conference, the Europeans designated Opobo as British territory. When Jaja refused to cease taxing the British traders, Henry Hamilton Johnston, a British vice consul, invited Jaja for negotiations in 1887. Jaja was arrested on arrival aboard a British vessel; he was tried in Accra in the Gold Coast (now Ghana) then exiled, first to London, and later to Saint Vincent and Barbados in the British West Indies. His presence in the West Indies was alleged to be the cause of civil unrest, as the people of Barbados, of African descent, were upset at the poor treatment of a King from their homeland.

In 1891, Jaja was granted permission to return to Opobo, but died en route. Following his exile and death, the power of the Opobo state rapidly declined. In 1903, the King Jaja of Opobo Memorial was erected in his honor in Opobo town centre.

Traditional society
Traditional Igbo political organization was based on a quasi-democratic republican system of government. In tight knit communities, this system guaranteed its citizens equality, as opposed to a feudalist system with a king ruling over subjects. This government system was witnessed by the Portuguese who first arrived and met with the Igbo people in the 15th century. With the exception of a few notable Igbo towns such as Onitsha, which had kings called Obi and places like the Nri Kingdom and Arochukwu, which had priest kings; Igbo communities and area governments were overwhelmingly ruled by a republican consultative assembly of the common people. Communities were usually governed and administered by a council of elders. Many Igbo towns however, were also partly governed the high council known as the Ozo society, whose titles could be both earned and inherited. And the spiritual (though not political) authority of the king of Nri was recognized all over Igboland Although title holders were respected because of their accomplishments and capabilities, they were not revered as kings but often performed special functions given to them by such assemblies. This way of governing was different from most other communities of Western Africa and only shared by the Ewe of Ghana. Umunna are a form of patrilineage maintained by the Igbo. Law starts with the Umunna which is a male line of descent from a founding ancestor (who the line is sometimes named after) with groups of compounds containing closely related families headed by the eldest male member. The Umunna can be seen as the most important pillar of Igbo society. It was also a culture in which gender was re-constructed and performed according to social need; "The flexibility of Igbo gender construction meant that gender was separate from biological sex. Daughters could become sons and consequently male."

Mathematics in indigenous Igbo society is evident in their calendar, banking system and strategic betting game called Okwe. In their indigenous calendar, a week had four days, a month consisted of seven weeks, and 13 months made a year. In the last month, an extra day was added. This calendar is still used in indigenous Igbo villages and towns to determine market days. They settled law matters via mediators, and their banking system for loans and savings, called Isusu, is also still used. The Igbo new year, starting with the month Ọ́nwạ́ M̀bụ́ (First Moon) occurs on the third week of February, although the traditional start of the year for many Igbo communities is around springtime in Ọ́nwạ́ Ágwụ́ (June).

Used as a ceremonial script by secret societies, the Igbo have an indigenous ideographic set of symbols called Nsibidi, whose origin is now generally attributed to the neighboring Ejagham people,  though in the 1900s J. K. Macgregor recorded a native tradition attributing it to the Uguakima or Uyanga section of the Igbo.

Igbo people produced bronzes from as early as the 9th century, some of which have been found at the town of Igbo Ukwu, Anambra State.

A system of indentured servitude existed among the Igbo before and after the encounter with Europeans. Indentured service in Igbo areas was described by Olaudah Equiano in his memoir. He describes the conditions of the slaves in his community of Essaka and points out the difference between the treatment of slaves under the Igbo in Essaka and those in the custody of Europeans in West Indies:

"...but how different was their condition from that of the slaves in the West Indies! With us, they do no more work than other members of the community,... even their master;... (except that they were not permitted to eat with those... free-born;) and there was scarce any other difference between them,... Some of these slaves have... slaves under them as their own property... for their own use."

Prior to European contact, Igbo trade routes stretched as far as Mecca, Medina and Jeddah on the African continent and the Middle East.

Transatlantic slave trade and diaspora
Chambers (2002) argues that many of the slaves taken from the Bight of Biafra across the Middle Passage would have been Igbo. These slaves were usually sold to Europeans by the Aro Confederacy, who kidnapped or bought slaves from Igbo villages in the hinterland. Igbo slaves may have not been victims of slave-raiding wars or expeditions but perhaps debtors or Igbo people who committed within their communities alleged crimes. With the goal for freedom, enslaved Igbo people were known to European planters as being rebellious and having a high rate of suicide to escape slavery. There is evidence that traders sought Igbo women. Igbo women were paired with Coromantee (Akan) men to subdue the men because of the belief that the women were bound to their first-born sons’ birthplace.

It is alleged that European slave traders were fairly well informed about various African ethnicities, leading to slavers targeting certain ethnic groups which plantation owners preferred. Particular desired ethnic groups consequently became fairly concentrated in certain parts of the Americas. The Igbo were dispersed to colonies such as Jamaica, Cuba, Saint-Domingue, Barbados, Colonial America, Belize and Trinidad and Tobago, among others.

Elements of Igbo culture can still be found in these places. For example, in Jamaican Patois, the Igbo word unu, meaning "you" plural, is still used. "Red Ibo" (or "red eboe") describes a black person with fair or "yellowish" skin. This term had originated from the reported prevalence of these skin tones among the Igbo, but eastern Nigerian influences may not be strictly Igbo. The word Bim, a colloquial term for Barbados, was commonly used among enslaved Barbadians (Bajans). This word is said to have derived from bém in the Igbo language meaning 'my place or people', but may have other origins (see: Barbados etymology). A section of Belize City was named Eboe Town after its Igbo inhabitants. In the United States, the Igbo were imported to the Chesapeake Bay colonies and states of Maryland and Virginia, where they constituted the largest group of Africans. Since the late 20th century, a wave of Nigerian immigrants, mostly English and Igbo-speaking, have settled in Maryland, attracted to its strong professional job market. They were also imported to the southern borders of Georgia and South Carolina considered the low country and where Gulluh culture still preserves African traditions of its ancestors. Today, there is an area called Igbo Landing, where a group of Igbo had tried to drown themselves, rather than become slaves, when they disembarked the slave ship.

Colonial period
The establishment of British colonial rule in present-day Nigeria and increased encounters between the Igbo and other ethnicities near the Niger River led to a deepening sense of a distinct Igbo ethnic identity. The Igbo proved decisive and enthusiastic in their embrace of Christianity and Western-style education. Because of the incompatibility of the Igbo decentralized style of government and the centralized system including the appointment of warrant chiefs required for British system of indirect rule, the period colonial rule was marked with numerous conflicts and tension. During the colonial era, the diversity within each of Nigeria's major ethnic groups slowly decreased, and distinctions between the Igbo and other large ethnic groups, such as the Hausa and the Yoruba, became sharper.

The establishment of British colonial rule transformed Igbo society, as portrayed in Chinua Achebe's novel Things Fall Apart. Colonial rule brought about changes in culture, such as the introduction of warrant chiefs as Eze (indigenous rulers) where there were no such monarchies. Christian missionaries introduced aspects of European ideology into Igbo society and culture, sometimes shunning parts of the culture. The rumours that the Igbo women were being assessed for taxation sparked off the 1929 Igbo Women's War in Aba (also known as the 1929 Aba Riots), a massive revolt of women never encountered before in Igbo history.

Aspects of Igbo culture such as construction of houses, education and religion changed following colonialism. The tradition of building houses out of mud walls and thatched roofs ended as the people shifted to materials such as concrete blocks for houses and metal roofs. Roads for vehicles were built. Buildings such as hospitals and schools were erected in many parts of Igboland. Along with these changes, electricity and running water were installed in the early 20th century. With electricity, new technology such as radios and televisions were adopted, and have become commonplace in most Igbo households.

A series of black and white, silent films about the Igbo people made by George Basden in the 1920s and 1930s are held in the British Empire and Commonwealth Collection at Bristol Archives (Ref. 2006/070).

Nigerian Civil War

A series of ethnic clashes between Northern Muslims and the Igbo, and other ethnic groups of Eastern Nigeria Region living in Northern Nigeria took place between 1966 and 1967. Elements in the army had assassinated the Nigerian military head of state General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi on 29 July 1966, and peace negotiations failed between the military government that deposed Ironsi and the regional government of Eastern Nigeria at the Aburi Talks in Ghana in 1967. These events led to a regional council of the peoples of Eastern Nigeria deciding that the region should secede and proclaim the Republic of Biafra on 30 May 1967. General Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu made this declaration and became the head of state of the new republic.

The resultant war, which became known as the Nigerian Civil War or the Nigerian-Biafran War, lasted from 6 July 1967 until 15 January 1970, after which the federal government re-absorbed Biafra into Nigeria. Several million Eastern Nigerians died from the pogroms against them, such as the 1966 anti-Igbo pogrom where between 10,000 and 30,000 Igbo people were killed. Many homes, schools, and hospitals were destroyed in the conflict. The federal government of Nigeria denied Igbo people access to their savings placed in Nigerian banks and provided them with little compensation. The war also led to a great deal of discrimination against the Igbo people at the hands of other ethnic groups.

In their struggle, the people of Biafra earned the respect of figures such as Jean-Paul Sartre and John Lennon, who returned his MBE, partly in protest against British support for the Nigerian government in the Biafran War. Odumegwu-Ojukwu, stated that the three years of freedom allowed his people to become the most civilized and most technologically advanced black people in the world. In July 2007, Odumegwu-Ojukwu renewed calls for the secession of the Biafran state as a sovereign entity.

Recent history (1970 to present)
Some Igbo subgroups, such as the Ikwerre, started dissociating themselves from the larger Igbo population after the war. In the post-war era, Nigeria changed the names of places to non-Igbo-sounding words. For instance, the town of Igbo-uzo was anglicized to Ibusa. Because of discrimination, many Igbo had trouble finding employment, and during the early 1970s, the Igbo became one of the poorest ethnic groups in Nigeria.

Igbo rebuilt their cities by themselves without any contribution from the federal government of Nigeria. This led to the establishment of new factories in southern Nigeria. Many Igbo people eventually took government positions, although many were engaged in private business. Since the early 21st century, there has been a wave of Nigerian Igbo immigration to other African countries, Europe, and the Americas.

Culture
Igbo culture includes various customs, practices and traditions of the Igbo people. It comprises archaic practices as well as new concepts that entered Igbo culture either through evolution or outside influences. These customs and traditions include the Igbo people's visual art, use of language, music and dance forms, as well as their attire, cuisine and language variation. Due to the various subgroupings of Igbo society, Igbo culture is quite diverse.

Traditional Igbo architecture and designs

Traditional Igbo architecture embodies the essence of the Igbo people's heritage, social structure, and cultural identity. It represents a harmonious blend of functional design and artistic expression within a communal framework. Igbo architecture predominantly uses locally sourced materials such as mud, clay, wood, bamboo, thatch, and palm fronds. These materials are abundant and well-suited to the local climate. The traditional Igbo dwelling is often organized within a compound, which includes several houses for extended family members arranged around a central courtyard. The courtyard serves as a communal space for gatherings and interactions. Igbo architecture is modular, with structures being added or expanded as family needs grow. This flexibility allows for adaptability over time. Most traditional Igbo houses feature steeply pitched thatched roofs made from palm fronds or grass. The roofs provide insulation, natural ventilation, and protection from rain. Houses may be adorned with decorative patterns and motifs, often carved into wooden beams, walls, and doors. Such designs hold cultural and symbolic significance. Some Igbo houses have elevated floors, which serve multiple purposes, including protection against flooding, improved ventilation, and storage space underneath. Verandas and raised platforms are common features, offering shaded outdoor spaces for relaxation, socializing, and various activities.

Many Igbo houses incorporate sacred spaces, such as shrines or altars, for religious practices, ancestor veneration, and community rituals. Architectural elements often carry cultural and religious symbolism, reflecting the Igbo worldview and values. Building and maintaining structures involve collective effort, highlighting the communal nature of Igbo society. Igbo architecture takes into account the region's climate and natural surroundings, using design elements that promote comfort and harmony with the environment. In some Igbo communities, wooden communication towers called "ogene" or "isiokwe" are erected for signaling and communication during events or gatherings. Towers were common, in Igbo architecture, often Two-storey buildings, which disproves the popular western myth that Africans didn't have multi-story buildings prior to Colonization. One of the unique structures of Igbo culture was the Nsude Pyramids, which was a form of Step pyramids at the town of Nsude, in modern day Enugu, northern Igboland. Ten pyramidal structures were built of clay/mud. The first base section was 60 ft in circumference and 3 ft in height. The next stack was 45 ft in circumference. Circular stacks continued, until it reached the top. The structures were temples for the god Ala/Uto, who was believed to reside at the top. A stick was placed at the top to represent the god's residence. The structures were laid in groups of five parallel to each other. Because it was built of clay/mud, time has taken its toll requiring periodic reconstruction. Igbo art is noted for Mbari architecture. Mbari houses of the Owerri-Igbo are large opened-sided square planned shelters. They house many life-sized, painted figures (sculpted in mud to appease the Alusi (deity) and Ala, the earth goddess, with other deities of thunder and water). Other sculptures are of officials, craftsmen, foreigners (mainly Europeans), animals, legendary creatures and ancestors. Mbari houses take years to build in what is regarded as a sacred process. When new ones are constructed, old ones are left to decay. Everyday houses were made of mud with thatched roofs and bare earth floors with carved design doors. Some houses had elaborate designs both in the interior and exterior. These designs could include Uli art designed by Igbo women.

Language and literature
The Igbo language was used by John Goldsmith as an example to justify deviating from the classical linear model of phonology as laid out in The Sound Pattern of English. It is written in the Roman script as well as the Nsibidi formalized ideograms, which is used by the Ekpe society and Okonko fraternity but is no longer widely used.

Nsibidi ideography existed among the Igbo before the 16th century but died out after it became popular among secret societies, who made Nsibidi a secret form of communication. Igbo language is difficult because of the huge number of dialects, its richness in prefixes and suffixes and its heavy intonation. Igbo is a tonal language, and there are hundreds of different Igbo dialects and Igboid languages, such as the Ikwerre and Ekpeye languages. In 1939, Dr. Ida C. Ward led a research expedition on Igbo dialects which could possibly be used as a basis of a standard Igbo dialect, also known as Central Igbo. This dialect included that of the Owerri and Umuahia groups, including the Ohuhu dialect. This proposed dialect was gradually accepted by missionaries, writers, publishers, and Cambridge University.

In 1789, The Interesting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah Equiano was published in London, England, written by Olaudah Equiano, a former slave. The book features 79 Igbo words. In the first and second chapter, the book illustrates various aspects of Igbo life based on Olaudah Equiano's life in his hometown of Essaka. Although the book was one of the first books published to include Igbo material, Geschichte der Mission der evangelischen Brüder auf den caraibischen Inseln St. Thomas, St. Croix und S. Jan (History of the Evangelical Brothers' Mission in the Caribbean Islands St. Thomas, St. Croix and St. John), published in 1777, written by the German missionary C. G. A. Oldendorp, was the first book to publish any Igbo material.

Perhaps the most popular and renowned novel that deals with the Igbo and their traditional life was the 1959 book by Chinua Achebe, Things Fall Apart. The novel concerns the influence of British colonial rule and Christian missionaries on a traditional Igbo community during an unspecified time in the late nineteenth or early 20th century. Most of the novel is set in Iguedo, one of nine villages on the lower Niger.

Performing arts
The Igbo people have a musical style into which they incorporate various percussion instruments: the udu, which is essentially designed from a clay jug; an ekwe, which is formed from a hollowed log; and the ogene, a hand bell designed from forged iron. Other instruments include opi, a wind instrument similar to the flute, igba, and ichaka. Another popular musical form among the Igbo is highlife. A widely popular musical genre in West Africa, highlife is a fusion of jazz and traditional music. The modern Igbo highlife is seen in the works of Dr Sir Warrior, Oliver De Coque, Bright Chimezie and Chief Osita Osadebe, who were among the most popular Igbo highlife musicians of the 20th century.

Masking is one of the most common art styles in Igboland and is linked strongly with Igbo traditional music. A mask can be made of wood or fabric, along with other materials including iron and vegetation. Masks have a variety of uses, mainly in social satires, religious rituals, secret society initiations (such as the Ekpe society) and public festivals, which now include Christmas time celebrations. Some of the best known include the Agbogho Mmuo (Maiden spirit) masks of the northern Igbo which represent the spirits of deceased maidens and their mothers with masks symbolizing beauty. Other impressive masks include northern Igbo Ijele masks. At 12 ft high, Ijele masks consist of platforms 6 ft in diameter, supporting figures made of coloured cloth and representing everyday scenes with objects such as leopards. Ijele masks are used for honoring the dead to ensure the continuity and well-being of the community and are only seen on rare occasions such as the death of a prominent figure in the community.

There are many Igbo dance styles, but perhaps, Igbo dance is best known for its atilogwu dance troops. These performances include acrobatic stunts such as high kicks and cartwheels, with each rhythm from the indigenous instruments indicating a movement to the dancer. The Egedege Dance is an Igbo traditional Royal-styled cultural dance of South Eastern Nigeria.

Religion and rites of passage
The Igbo traditional religion is known as Odinani. The supreme deity is called Chukwu ("great spirit"); Chukwu created the world and everything in it and is associated with all things in the universe. They believe the cosmos is divided into four complex parts: creation, known as Okike; supernatural forces or deities called Alusi; Mmuo, which are gods/spirits; and Uwa, the earthly world.

Chukwu is the supreme deity in Odinani and considered the creator deity, and the Igbo people believe that all things ultimately came from him, and that everything on earth, heaven and the rest of the spiritual world is under his supervision. Linguistic studies of the Igbo language suggest that the name Chukwu is a compound of the Igbo words Chi (spiritual being) and Ukwu (great in size). Each individual is born with a spiritual guide/guardian angel or guardian principle, "Chi", unique to each individual and the individual's fate and destiny is determined by their Chi. Thus, the Igbos say that the siblings may come of the same mother, but no two people have the same Chi and thus different destinies for all. Alusi, alternatively known as Arusi or Arushi (depending on dialect), are minor deities that are worshiped and served in Odinani. There are many different Alusi, each with its own purpose. When an individual deity is no longer needed, or becomes too violent, it is discarded.

The Igbo have traditionally believed in the possibility for reincarnation of individuals within the family. People are believed to be able to reincarnate into families that they were part of while alive. Before a relative dies, it is said that the soon to be deceased relative sometimes give clues of who they will reincarnate as in the family. Once a child is born, he or she is believed to give signs of who they have reincarnated from. This can be through behavior, physical traits and statements by the child. A diviner can help in detecting who the child has reincarnated from. It is considered an insult if a male is said to have reincarnated as a female.

Children are not allowed to call elders by their names without using an honorific (as this is considered disrespectful). As a sign of respect, children are required to greet elders when seeing them for the first time in the day. Children usually add the Igbo honorifics Mazi or Dede before an elder's name when addressing them.

Christianity
Christianity was introduced to the Igbo people through European colonization in 1857. The Igbo people were hesitant to convert to Christianity initially because they believed the gods of their native religion would bring disaster to them. However, Christianity gradually gained converts in Igbo land, mainly through the work of church agents. These men built schools and focused on persuading the youth to adopt Christian values. The Igbo people today are known as the ethnic group that has adopted Christianity the most in all of Africa.

The Igbo people were unaffected by the Islamic jihad waged in Nigeria in the 19th century, but a small minority converted to Islam in the 20th century. There is also a small population of Igbo Jews, some of whom merely identifying as Jews, while others having converted to Judaism. These draw their inspiration from Olaudah Equiano, a Christian-educated freed slave who remarked in his autobiography of 1789 on "the strong analogy which... appears to prevail in the manners and customs of my countrymen and those of the Jews, before they reached the Land of Promise, and particularly the patriarchs while they were yet in that pastoral state which is described in Genesis—an analogy, which alone would induce me to think that the one people had sprung from the other." Equiano's speculation has given rise to a great debate on the origins of the Igbo.

Burials
After a death, the body of a prominent member of society is placed on a stool in a sitting posture and is clothed in the deceased's finest garments. Animal sacrifices may be offered, and the dead person is well perfumed. Burial usually follows within 24 hours of death. In the 21st century, the head of a home is usually buried within the compound of his residence. Different types of deaths warrant different types of burials. This is determined by an individual's age, gender and status in society. Children are buried in hiding and out of sight; their burials usually take place in the early mornings and late nights. A simple untitled man is buried in front of his house and a simple mother is buried in her place of origin: in a garden or a farm-area that belonged to her father. In the 21st century, a majority of the Igbo bury their dead in the western way, although it is not uncommon for burials to be practiced in the traditional Igbo ways.

Marriage
The process of marrying usually involves asking the young woman's consent, introducing the woman to the man's family and the same for the man to the woman's family, testing the bride's character, checking the woman's family background, and paying the brides' wealth. Typically speaking, bride wealth is more symbolic. Nonetheless, kola nuts, wine, goats, and chickens, among other things, are listed in the proposal, as well. Negotiating the bride wealth can also take more than one day, giving both parties time for a ceremonial feast. Marriages were sometimes arranged from birth through negotiation of the two families. However, after a series of interviews conducted in the 1990s with 250 Igbo women, it was found that 94.4% of that sample population disapproved of arranged marriages.

In the past, many Igbo men practiced polygamy. The polygamous family is made up of a man and his wives and all their children. Men sometimes married multiple wives for economic reasons so as to have more people in the family, including children, to help on farms. Christian and civil marriages have changed the Igbo family since colonization. Igbo people now tend to enter monogamous courtships and create nuclear families, mainly because of Western influence. Some Western marriage customs, such as weddings in a church, take place either before or after the lgbo cultural traditional marriage.

Attire
Traditionally, the attire of the Igbo generally consisted of little clothing, as the purpose of clothing originally was simply to conceal private parts. Because of this purpose, children were often nude from birth until the beginning of their adolescence—the time they were considered to have something to hide. Uli body art was used to decorate both men and women in the form of lines forming patterns and shapes on the body.

Women traditionally carry their babies on their backs with a strip of clothing binding the two with a knot at her chest, a practice used by many ethnic groups across Africa. This method has been modernized in the form of the child carrier. Maidens usually wore a short wrapper with beads around their waist and other ornaments such as necklaces and beads. Both men and women wore wrappers. Men would wear loincloths that wrapped round their waist and between their legs to be fastened at their back, the type of clothing appropriate for the intense heat as well as jobs such as farming.

In Olaudah Equiano's narrative, Equiano describes fragrances that were used by the Igbo in the community of Essaka:

Our principal luxury is in perfumes; one sort of these is an odoriferous wood of delicious fragrance: the other a kind of earth; a small portion of which thrown into the fire diffuses a most powerful odor. We beat this wood into powder, and mix it with palm oil; with which both men and women perfume themselves.

 * — Olaudah Equiano

As colonialism became more influential, the Igbo adapted their dress customs. Clothing worn before colonialism became "traditional" and worn on cultural occasions. Modern Igbo traditional attire, for men, is generally made up of the Isiagu top, which resembles the Dashiki worn by other African groups. Isiagu (or ishi agu) is usually patterned with lions' heads embroidered over the clothing and can be a plain colour. It is worn with trousers and can be worn with either a ceremonial title holders hat or with the conventional striped men's hat known as okpu agu. For women, a puffed sleeve blouse along with two wrappers and a head tie are worn.

Cuisine

The yam is very important to the Igbo as the staple crop. It is known for its resiliency (a yam can remain fully edible for six months without refrigeration), but it can also be very versatile in terms of its incorporation into different dishes. Yams can be fried, roasted, boiled, or made into a potage with tomatoes and herbs. The cultivation of yams is most commonly carried out by men, as women tend to focus on other crops.

There are celebrations such as the New Yam festival (Iwaji) which are held for the harvesting of the yam. During the festival, yam is eaten throughout the communities as celebration. Yam tubers are shown off by individuals as a sign of success and wealth. Rice has replaced yam for many ceremonial occasions. Other indigenous foods include cassava, garri, maize and plantains. Soups or stews are included in a typical meal, prepared with a vegetable (such as okra, of which the word derives from the Igbo language, okwuru) to which pieces of fish, chicken, beef, or goat meat are added. Jollof rice is popular throughout West Africa, and palm wine is a popular alcoholic traditional beverage.

Political organization
The 1930s saw the rise of Igbo unions in the cities of Lagos and Port Harcourt. Later, the Ibo Federal Union (renamed the Ibo State Union in 1948) emerged as an umbrella pan-ethnic organization. Headed by Nnamdi Azikiwe, it was closely associated with the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons, which he co-founded with Herbert Macaulay. The aim of the organization was the improvement and advancement (such as in education) of the Igbo and their indigenous land and included an Igbo "national anthem" with a plan for an Igbo bank.

In 1978, after Olusegun Obasanjo's military regime lifted the ban on independent political activity, the Ohanaeze Ndigbo organization was formed, an elite umbrella organization which speaks on behalf of the Igbo people. Their main concerns are the marginalization of the Igbo people in Nigerian politics and the neglect of indigenous Igbo territory in social amenities and development of infrastructure. Other groups which protest the perceived marginalization of the Igbo people are the Igbo Peoples Congress. Even before the 20th century, there were numerous Igbo unions and organizations existing around the world, such as the Igbo union in Bathurst, Gambia in 1842, founded by a prominent Igbo trader and ex-soldier named Thomas Refell. Another was the union founded by the Igbo community in Freetown, Sierra Leone by 1860, of which Africanus Horton, a surgeon, scientist and soldier, was an active member.

Decades after the Nigerian-Biafran war, the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), a secessionist group, was founded in September 1999 by Ralph Uwazurike for the goal of an independent Igbo state. Since its creation, there have been several conflicts between its members and the Nigerian government, resulting in the death of members. After the 2015 Nigerian general elections a group known as the Indigenous People of Biafra became the most prominent vocal group for the agitation of the creation of an independent state of Biafra through a radio station named Radio Biafra. For the promotion of the Igbo language and culture, the Society for Promoting Igbo Language and Culture was founded in 1949 by Frederick Chidozie Ogbalu and has since created a standard dialect for Igbo.

Nigeria
The Igbo people are natively found in Abia, Anambra, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo, part of Delta, and Rivers State. The Igbo language is predominant spoken throughout the South-East, although Nigerian English is spoken as well. Prominent towns and cities in Igboland include Aba, Enugu, Nnewi, Onitsha, Owerri, and Abakaliki among others. A significant number of Igbo people have migrated to other regions of Nigeria for trades, works and investment, such as Lagos in the South West, Abuja and Kano in Northern Nigeria.

The official data on the population of ethnic groups in Nigeria continues to be controversial as a minority of these groups have claimed that the government deliberately deflates the official population of one group, to give the other numerical superiority. The CIA World Factbook puts the Igbo population of Nigeria at 15.2% of a total population of 230 million, or approximately 35 million people.

Southeastern Nigeria, which is inhabited primarily by the Igbo, is the most densely populated area in Nigeria and possibly in all of Africa. Most ethnicities that inhabit southeastern Nigeria, such as the closely related Efik and Ibibio people, are sometimes regarded as Igbo by other Nigerians and ethnographers who are not well informed about the southeast.

Diaspora
After the Nigerian Civil War, many Igbo people emigrated out of the indigenous Igbo homeland in southeastern Nigeria because of an absence of federal presence, lack of jobs, and poor infrastructure. In recent decades the Igbo region of Nigeria has suffered from frequent environmental damage mainly related to the oil industry. Igbo people have moved to both Nigerian cities such as Lagos and Abuja, and other countries such as Gabon, Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States. Prominent Igbo communities outside Africa include those of London in the United Kingdom and Houston, Baltimore, Chicago, Detroit, Seattle, Atlanta and Washington, D.C., in the United States.

About 21,000 Igbo people were recorded in Ghana in 1969, while as small number (8,680) lived on Bioko island in 2002. Small numbers live in Japan, making up the majority of the Nigerian immigrant population based in Tokyo. A large amount of the African population of Guangdong, China, is Igbo-speaking and are mainly businessmen trading between factories in China and southeastern Nigeria, particularly Enugu. Other Igbo immigrants are found in the Americas (Igbo Canadian, Igbo American and elsewhere.

title: Igbo people


text:
Clotilde Courau

Clotilde Marie Pascale di Savoia also known as Princess Clotilde of Savoy (née Clotilde Marie Pascale Courau; born 3 April 1969) is a French actress. She is married to Emanuele Filiberto di Savoia, a member of the House of Savoy and the grandson of Umberto II, the last king of Italy.

Family
Clotilde Marie Pascale Courau was born on 3 April 1969 in Levallois-Perret, Hauts-de-Seine, France, the eldest daughter of Jean-Claude Courau (b. 1942), an engineer, and French noblewoman Catherine Marie Antoinette du Pontavice des Renardières (b. 1948), a school teacher, daughter of Count Pierre François Marie Antoine du Pontavice des Renardières (b. 1926), whose family can be traced back to the 13th century. She has three sisters named Christine, Camille and Capucine Courau. She lived as a child, with her sisters, between Paris, Egypt and Benin. The Courau sisters were brought up in the Roman Catholic religion.

Acting career
In 1991, Courau was nominated for a César, for Most Promising Actress (Meilleur espoir féminin), and won a European Film Award for Best Actress, both for the film Le petit criminel (1990). She then appeared in Dusty Hughes' A Slip of the Tongue opposite John Malkovich on the stage, and in Vincent Ward's Map of the Human Heart. In 1995, she won the Prix Suzanne Bianchetti at the SACD Awards. She was nominated again for a César twice in 1996 for Best Supporting Actress (Meilleur second rôle féminin) and Most Promising Actress (Meilleur espoir féminin) both for the film Élisa. In 1998 she was named one of European cinema's "Shooting Stars" by European Film Promotion and in 2000 she won the Prix Romy Schneider. She was created a Dame of the Ordre des Arts et des Lettres of France on 7 February 2007.

Marriage
Clotilde Courau announced her engagement on 10 July 2003 and on 25 September married Emanuele Filiberto, Prince of Venice, at the Church of Santa Maria degli Angeli e dei Martiri in Rome. At the ceremony, she wore a wedding gown designed by Valentino. Six months pregnant at the time, she was seen as a controversial bride because of her left-wing views.

The couple have two daughters:
 * Princess Vittoria Chiara Cristina Adelaide Maria (born 28 December 2003 in Geneva, Switzerland),
 * Princess Luisa Giovanna Bianca Agata Gavina Maria (born 16 August 2006 in Geneva, Switzerland).

Rose
In 2009, her name was given to a rose created by the rose grower Fabien Ducher to mark the 500,000th visitor to the Jardins de l'Imaginaire, Terrasson.

Political views
In December 2023, alongside 50 other filmmakers, Courau signed an open letter published in Libération demanding a ceasefire and an end to the killing of civilians amid the 2023 Israeli invasion of the Gaza Strip, as well as the establishment of a corridor into Gaza for humanitarian aid and the release of hostages.

Filmography

 * Civilisations (1988) (TV mini-series) – Elyssa
 * The Little Gangster – (1990) – The sister, Nathalie (Stéphanie)
 * Polski Crash – (1993) – Alina Suchecka
 * Map of the Human Heart – (1993) – Rainee
 * The Pickle – (1993) – Françoise
 * Ugly Meets the People – (1995) – Girl
 * Tom est tout seul – (1995) – Marion
 * Élisa – (1995) – Solange
 * La fidèle infidèle (1995) (TV) – Cécile
 * The Bait – (1995) – Patricia
 * Les Grands Ducs – (1996) – Juliette
 * Une leçon particulière (1997) (TV) – Julie
 * Fred – (1997) – Lisa
 * Marthe – (1997) – Marthe
 * Bob le magnifique (1998) (TV) – Christine / Christina
 * Hors jeu – (1998) – Clotilde Courau
 * Le poulpe – (1998) – Cheryl
 * Milk (1999) – Ilaria
 * Deterrence (1999) – Katie
 * En face – (2000) – Michelle
 * La parenthèse enchantée – (2000) – Alice
 * Deep in the Woods – (2000) – Sophie
 * Exit – (2000) – Pearl / The journalist
 * Le nouveau Jean-Claude – (2002) – Marianna
 * Summer Things – (2002) – Julie
 * Almost Peaceful – (2002) – Simone
 * The Code – (2002) – Nina
 * Mon Idole – (2002) – Fabienne
 * Les beaux jours (2003) (TV) – Gaby
 * Nuit noire, 17 octobre 1961 (2005) (TV) – Sabine
 * La signora delle camelie (2005) (TV) – ....
 * Mafalda di Savoia (2006) (TV mini-series) – Giovanna of Italy
 * La Vie en Rose (2007) – Annetta Gassion
 * Modern Love (2008) – Marie
 * Chez Maupassant (1 episode, 2008, TV episode La chambre 11) – Clarisse / Marguerite
 * Des mots d'amour aka Words of Love (Canada, English title) (2009) (TV) – Alice Andrézy
 * Tous les soleils (2011) – Florence
 * Babysitting (2014) – Mme. Schaudel
 * In the Shadow of Women (2015) – Manon
 * Eva & Leon (2015) – Lucie
 * Heaven Will Wait (2016) – Sylvie
 * An Easy Girl (2019)
 * The Bad Poet (2020)
 * Benedetta (2021)

National honours

 * 🇫🇷 France: Member of the Order of Arts and Letters

Dynastic honour

 * Montenegrin Royal Family: Dame Grand Cross of the Order of Prince Danilo I
 * House of Savoy: Dame Grand Cordon of the Royal Order of Saints Maurice and Lazarus
 * Sovereign Military Order of Malta: Dame Grand Cross of Honour and Devotion of the Order of Saint John

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Clotilde Courau


text:
Communist Party of Germany

The Communist Party of Germany (Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands,, KPD ) was a major far-left political party in the Weimar Republic during the interwar period, an underground resistance movement in Nazi Germany, and a minor party in West Germany during the postwar period until it was banned by the Federal Constitutional Court in 1956.

Founded in the aftermath of the First World War by socialists who had opposed the war, the party joined the Spartacist uprising of January 1919, which sought to establish a soviet republic in Germany. After the defeat of the uprising, and the murder of KPD leaders Rosa Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht and Leo Jogiches, the party temporarily steered a more moderate, parliamentarian course under the leadership of Paul Levi. During the Weimar Republic period, the KPD usually polled between 10 and 15 percent of the vote and was represented in the national Reichstag and in state parliaments. Under the leadership of Ernst Thälmann from 1925 the party became thoroughly Stalinist and loyal to the leadership of the Soviet Union, and from 1928 it was largely controlled and funded by the Comintern in Moscow. Under Thälmann's leadership the party directed most of its attacks against the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), which it regarded as its main adversary and referred to as "social fascists"; the KPD considered all other parties in the Weimar Republic to be "fascists".

The KPD was banned in the Weimar Republic one day after the Nazi Party emerged triumphant in the German elections in 1933. It maintained an underground organization in Nazi Germany, and the KPD and groups associated with it led the internal resistance to the Nazi regime, with a focus on distributing anti-Nazi literature. The KPD suffered heavy losses between 1933 and 1939, with 30,000 communists executed and 150,000 sent to Nazi concentration camps.

According to historian Eric D. Weitz, 60% of German exiles in the Soviet Union had been liquidated during the Stalinist terror and a higher proportion of the KPD Politburo membership had died in the Soviet Union than in Nazi Germany. Weitz also noted that hundreds of German citizens, the majority of whom were communists, had been handed over to the Gestapo from Stalin's administration.

The party was revived in divided postwar West and East Germany and won seats in the first Bundestag (West German Parliament) elections in 1949. The KPD was banned as extremist in West Germany in 1956 by the Federal Constitutional Court. In 1969, some of its former members founded an even smaller fringe party, the German Communist Party (DKP), which remains legal, and multiple tiny splinter groups claiming to be the successor to the KPD have also subsequently been formed.

In East Germany, the party was merged, by Soviet decree, with remnants of the Social Democratic Party to form the Socialist Unity Party (SED) which ruled East Germany from 1949 until 1989–1990; the merger was opposed by many Social Democrats, many of whom fled to the western zones. After the fall of the Berlin Wall, reformists took over the SED and renamed it the Party of Democratic Socialism (PDS); in 2007 the PDS subsequently merged with the SPD splinter faction WASG to form Die Linke.

Early history

Before the First World War the Social Democratic Party (SPD) was the largest party in Germany and the world's most successful socialist party. Although still officially claiming to be a Marxist party, by 1914 it had become in practice a reformist party. In 1914 the SPD members of the Reichstag voted in favour of the war. Left-wing members of the party, led by Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg, strongly opposed the war, and the SPD soon suffered a split. From the split emerged the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany (USPD) and the more radical Spartacist League; the latter formed the core of what would become the KPD. In November 1918, revolution broke out across Germany. The KPD held its founding congress in Berlin from 30 December 1918 to 1 January 1919, in the reception hall of the City Council. Rosa Luxemburg was initially against the setting up of a new party but joined the KPD after her initial hesitation. Apart from the Spartacists, another dissident group of socialists called the International Communists of Germany (IKD), also dissenting members of the Social Democratic party but mainly located in Hamburg, Bremen and Northern Germany, joined the KPD. The Revolutionary Shop Stewards, a network of dissenting socialist trade unionists centered in Berlin, were also invited to the congress, but ultimately did not join the KPD because they deemed the founding congress too syndicalist-leaning.

There were seven main reports given at the founding congress:

 * "Economical Struggles" – by Paul Lange
 * Greeting speech – by Karl Radek
 * "International Conferences" – by Hermann Duncker
 * "Our Organization" – by Hugo Eberlein
 * "Our Program" – by Rosa Luxemburg
 * "The Crisis of the USPD" – by Karl Liebknecht
 * "The National Assembly" – by Paul Levi

These reports were given by leading figures of the Spartacist League, but members of the International Communists of Germany also took part in the discussions.

Under the leadership of Liebknecht and Luxemburg, the KPD was committed to a revolution in Germany, and attempts to bring down the interim government and create a revolutionary situation continued during 1919 and 1920. Germany's SPD leadership, which had come to power after the fall of the monarchy, was vehemently opposed to a socialist revolution. With the new regime terrified of a Bolshevik Revolution in Germany, Defense Minister Gustav Noske recruited former right-wing military officers and demobilized veterans and formed various Freikorps and anti-communist paramilitaries to violently suppress all revolutionary activity. During the failed Spartacist uprising in Berlin of January 1919, Liebknecht and Luxemburg, who had not initiated the uprising but joined once it had begun, were captured by the Freikorps and murdered. At its peak, the party had 350–400,000 members in 1920. The party split a few months later into two factions, the KPD and the much smaller Communist Workers Party of Germany (KAPD).

Following the assassination of Leo Jogiches, Paul Levi became the KPD's leader. Other prominent members included Clara Zetkin, Paul Frölich, Hugo Eberlein, Franz Mehring, Julian Marchlewski, August Thalheimer, Wilhelm Pieck and Ernst Meyer. Levi led the party away from the policy of immediate revolution, in an effort to win over SPD and USPD voters and trade union officials. These efforts were rewarded when a substantial section of the USPD joined the KPD, making it a mass party for the first time.

Weimar Republic years

Through the 1920s, the KPD was racked by internal conflict between radical and moderate factions, partly reflecting the power struggles between Joseph Stalin and Grigory Zinoviev in Moscow. Germany was seen as being of central importance to the struggle for socialism, and the failure of the German revolution was a major setback. Eventually Levi was expelled in 1921 by the Comintern for "indiscipline". Further leadership changes took place in the 1920s. Supporters of the Left or Right Opposition to the Stalinist-controlled Comintern leadership were expelled; of these, Heinrich Brandler, August Thalheimer and Paul Frölich set up a splinter Communist Party Opposition in 1928.

The leadership of the German Communist party had requested that Moscow send Leon Trotsky to Germany to direct the 1923 insurrection. However, this proposal was rejected by the Politburo which was controlled by Stalin, Zinoviev and Kamenev who decided to send a commission of lower-ranking Russian Communist party members.

During the years of the Weimar Republic, the KPD was the largest communist party in Europe and seen as the "leading party" of the communist movement outside of the Soviet Union. The party abandoned the goal of immediate revolution, and from 1924 onwards contested Reichstag elections, with some success.

Fischer and Thälmann leaderships and the united front

A new KPD leadership more favorable to the Soviet Union was elected in 1923. The party's left around Ruth Fischer, Arkadi Maslow and Werner Scholem took leadership of the KPD in 1924; Ernst Thälmann was allied to this faction and became a member of the politburo and was appointed KPD vice-chairman in January 1924. Stalin engineered the Fischer leadership's removal in August 1925, and installed Thälmann as party chairman.

From 1923 to 1928, the KPD broadly followed the united front policy developed in the early 1920s of working with other working class and socialist parties to contest elections, pursue social struggles and fight the rising right-wing militias. For example, in October 1923 the KPD formed a coalition government with the SPD in the states of Saxony and Thuringia. However, the Reichswehr legally overthrew these governments by force, through a constitutional process called Reichsexekution. In 1926 the KPD worked with the SPD on a referendum to expropriate the German nobility, together mobilising 14.4 million voters.

The party's first paramilitary wing was the Roter Frontkämpferbund (Alliance of Red Front Fighters), which was founded in 1924 but banned by the governing Social Democrats in 1929.

By 1927, the party had 130,000 members, of whom 40,000 had been members in 1920. From 1928 onwards (after Stalin reinstated Thälmann as KPD leader against the majority of the KPD central committee in the wake of an embezzlement scandal involving Thälmann's ally John Wittorf ), the party followed the Comintern line and received funding from the Comintern. Under Thälmann's leadership, the party was closely aligned with the Soviet leadership headed by Joseph Stalin; Thälmann has been described as "the driving force behind Stalinization in the mid to late 1920s" and "Stalin’s right hand in Germany". After winning control from his former leftist allies, he expelled the party's Right Opposition around Heinrich Brandler.

The Third Period and "social fascism"
After the 1928 Reichstag election, the KPD with 54 seats remained one of the largest and most politically potent Communist parties in Europe. Led now by Thälmann, who supported a close alignment with the Soviet Union and the Communist International (Comintern). At the time, the Comintern held the position that social democracy was social fascism and that it frustrated rather than helped the proletariat. As a result, the KPD under Thälmann had a hostile, confrontational attitude toward the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) as defenders of the capitalist status quo. Their perception was reinforced by the explicit anti-Communist views of numerous SPD politicians in the German and Prussian governments, including Chancellor Hermann Müller, Interior Minister Carl Severing, Prussian Minister President Otto Braun, Prussian Interior Minister Albert Grzesinski and Berlin Police chief Karl Zörgiebel.

In the lead-up to the 1929 celebration of International Workers' Day, SDP Minister Grzesinski threatened to ban the KPD and its organizations if they acted in defiance of a ban on public gatherings in Berlin ordered by the city's police chief Karl Zörgiebel of the Social Democratic Party (SPD). The attempted banning galvanized the KDP, who responded by exhorting workers to defy the ban and organize peacefully, but to be prepared to strike on May 2 "if Zörgiebel dares to spill workers' blood". The KDP proceeded with May Day marches in Berlin.

The Berlin Police responded with an immediate, harsh, and disproportionate crackdown. Often without regard to whether the persons involved were demonstrators or bystanders, they forcibly and violently dispersed the crowds that formed. As the day progressed, street battles developed between the protestors and the police, who used firearms and armoured cars. The violence lasted until the afternoon of 3 May, mostly in the working-class neighbourhoods of Wedding and Neukölln.

An estimated 33 civilians, none of whom were involved with the KPD, were killed, 200 injured, and over a thousand people taken into police custody, many of whom were also not involved in the initial KPD rallies. Only 66 of those arrested were charged and 44 convicted.

The events of Blutmai deepened the split between the SPD and KPD, the two major left-wing parties of the Weimar Republic, making a united stand against the growing strength of far-right parties more difficult.

Tensions soured, the KPD in turn began aligning with the Comintern's ultra-left Third Period, under the slogan "Class against class", the KPD turned to viewing the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD) as its main adversary. The term social fascism was introduced to the German Communist Party shortly after the Hamburg Uprising of 1923 and gradually became ever more influential in the party; by 1929 it was being propagated as a theory. The KPD regarded itself as "the only anti-fascist party" in Germany and held that all other parties in the Weimar Republic were "fascist". The Nazis achieved an electoral breakthrough in the 1930 Reichstag election.

By the early 1930s, the political situation in Weimar Germany was extremely unstable after the onset of the Great Depression. The Depression effectively destroyed the remaining legitimacy of the pro-democratic parties - such as the Social Democrats, the State Party, and the German People's Party - in favor of the anti-democratic parties. They also followed an increasingly nationalist course, trying to appeal to nationalist-leaning workers.

In 1931, the party reported a membership of 200,000.

The KPD leadership initially first criticised but then supported the 1931 Prussian Landtag referendum, an unsuccessful attempt launched by the far-right Stahlhelm to bring down the social democrat state government of Prussia by means of a plebiscite; the KPD referred to some within the SA as "working people's comrades" during this campaign.

The KPD maintained a solid electoral performance, usually polling more than 10% of the vote. It gained 100 deputies in the November 1932 elections, getting 16% of the vote and coming third. In the presidential election of the same year, its candidate Thälmann took 13.2% of the vote, compared to Hitler's 30.1%. In this period, while also opposed to the Nazis, the KPD regarded the Nazi Party as a less sophisticated and thus less dangerous fascist party than the SPD, and KPD leader Ernst Thälmann declared that "some Nazi trees must not be allowed to overshadow a forest [of social democrats]".

Critics of the KPD accused it of having pursued a sectarian policy. For example, the Social Democratic Party criticized the KPD's thesis of "social fascism", and both Leon Trotsky from the Comintern's Left Opposition and August Thalheimer of the Right Opposition continued to argue for a united front. Critics believed that the KPD's sectarianism scuttled any possibility of a united front with the SPD against the rising power of the National Socialists.

Thälmann claimed that the right-wing leadership of the SPD rejected and actively worked against the KPD's efforts to form a united front against fascism. The party itself, however, continued to publicly clash with the SPD and the General German Trade Union Federation well into 1932.

A brawl between Nazi and KPD lawmakers in the Landtag of Prussia led to the creation of Antifa – short Antifaschistische Aktion, which the party itself described as a "red united front under the leadership of the only anti-fascist party, the KPD". Thälmann, however, reiterated that there was still a ‘principal fight’ to be led against the SPD and that there would be no ‘unity at all costs’.

After Franz von Papen's government carried out a coup d'état in Prussia, the KPD issued a call for all workers to support a general strike under its own leadership, which only resulted in limited local action. The statement was addended with a short call on the GGTUF, the SPD and the General Federation of Free Employees to join in, but the KPD's belief that social democrats would have to be ‘coerced by the masses’ meant that their leaders were never approached directly. The KPD tried the same tactic again after Adolf Hitler was appointed as chancellor but was widely ignored by other organisations and individual workers this time as well.

Nazi era
On 27 February, soon after the appointment of Adolf Hitler as chancellor, the Reichstag was set on fire and Dutch council communist Marinus van der Lubbe was found near the building. The Nazis publicly blamed the fire on communist agitators in general, although in a German court in 1933, it was decided that van der Lubbe had acted alone, as he claimed to have done. The following day, Hitler persuaded Hindenburg to issue the Reichstag Fire Decree. It suspended the civil liberties enshrined in the Weimar Constitution, ostensibly to deal with Communist acts of violence.

Repression began within hours of the fire, when police arrested dozens of communists. Although Hitler could have formally banned the KPD, he did not do so right away. Not only was he reluctant to chance a violent uprising, but he believed the KPD could siphon off SPD votes and split the left. However, most judges held the KPD responsible for the fire, and took the line that KPD membership was in and of itself a treasonous act. At the March 1933 election, the KPD elected 81 deputies. However, it was an open secret that they would never be allowed to take up their seats; they were all arrested in short order. For all intents and purposes, the KPD was "outlawed" on the day the Reichstag Fire Decree was issued, and "completely banned" as of 6 March, the day after the election.

Shortly after the election, the Nazis pushed through the Enabling Act, which allowed the cabinet–in practice, Hitler–to enact laws without the involvement of the Reichstag, effectively giving Hitler dictatorial powers. Since the bill was effectively a constitutional amendment, a quorum of two-thirds of the entire Reichstag had to be present in order to formally call up the bill. Leaving nothing to chance, Reichstag President Hermann Göring did not count the KPD seats for purposes of obtaining the required quorum. This led historian Richard J. Evans to contend that the Enabling Act had been passed in a manner contrary to law. The Nazis did not need to count the KPD deputies for purposes of getting a supermajority of two-thirds of those deputies present and voting. However, Evans argued, not counting the KPD deputies for purposes of a quorum amounted to "refusing to recognize their existence", and was thus "an illegal act".

The KPD was efficiently suppressed by the Nazis. The most senior KPD leaders were Wilhelm Pieck and Walter Ulbricht, who went into exile in the Soviet Union. The KPD maintained an underground organisation in Germany throughout the Nazi period, but the loss of many core members severely weakened the Party's infrastructure.

KPD leaders purged by Stalin
A number of senior KPD leaders in exile were caught up in Joseph Stalin's Great Purge of 1937–1938 and executed, among them Hugo Eberlein, Heinz Neumann, Hermann Remmele, Fritz Schulte and Hermann Schubert, or sent to the gulag, like Margarete Buber-Neumann. Still others, like Gustav von Wangenheim and Erich Mielke (later the head of the Stasi in East Germany), denounced their fellow exiles to the NKVD.

Post-war history
In East Germany, the Soviet Military Administration in Germany forced the eastern branch of the SPD to merge with the KPD (led by Pieck and Ulbricht) to form the Socialist Unity Party (SED) in April 1946. Although nominally a union of equals, the SED quickly fell under communist domination, and most of the more recalcitrant members from the SPD side of the merger were pushed out in short order. By the time of the formal formation of the East German state in 1949, the SED was a full-fledged Communist party, and developed along lines similar to other Soviet-bloc communist parties. It was the ruling party in East Germany from its formation in 1949 until 1989. The SPD managed to preserve its independence in Berlin, forcing the SED to form a small branch in West Berlin, the Socialist Unity Party of West Berlin.

The KPD reorganised in the western part of Germany, and received 5.7 percent of the vote in the first Bundestag election in 1949. But the onset of the Cold War and the subsequent widespread repression of the far-left soon caused a collapse in the party's support. The reputation of the party had also been damaged by the conduct of the Red Army during its occupation of eastern Germany, which included looting, political repression, and mass rape. On orders from Joseph Stalin, the Communist deputies to the Parlamentarischer Rat refused to sign the BRD Basic Law to avoid recognizing the political legitimacy of West Germany. At the 1953 election the KPD only won 2.2 percent of the total votes and lost all of its seats, never to return. The party was banned in August 1956 by the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany. The decision was upheld in 1957 by the European Commission of Human Rights in Communist Party of Germany v. the Federal Republic of Germany.

After the party was declared illegal, many of its members continued to function clandestinely despite increased government surveillance. Part of its membership refounded the party in 1968 as the German Communist Party (DKP). Following German reunification many DKP members joined the new Party of Democratic Socialism, formed out of the remains of the SED. In 1968, another self-described successor to the KPD was formed, the Communist Party of Germany/Marxists–Leninists (KPD/ML), which followed Maoist and later Hoxhaist ideas. It went through multiple splits and united with a Trotskyist group in 1986 to form the Unified Socialist Party (VSP), which failed to gain any influence and dissolved in the early 1990s. However, multiple tiny splinter groups originating from the KPD/ML still exist, several of which claim the name of KPD. Another party claiming the KPD name was formed in 1990 in East Berlin by several hardline communists who had been expelled from the PDS, including Erich Honecker. The KPD (Bolshevik) split off from the East German KPD in 2005, bringing the total number of active KPDs to at least five (more or less).

The Left, formed out of a merger between the PDS and Labour and Social Justice – The Electoral Alternative in 2007, claims to be the historical successor of the KPD (by way of the PDS).

Organization
In the early 1920s, the party operated under the principle of democratic centralism, whereby the leading body of the party was the Congress, meeting at least once a year. Between Congresses, leadership of the party resided in the Central Committee, which was elected at the Congress, of one group of people who had to live where the leadership was resident and formed the Zentrale and others nominated from the districts they represented (but also elected at the Congress) who represented the wider party. Elected figures were subject to recall by the bodies that elected them.

The KPD employed around about 200 full-timers during its early years of existence, and as Broue notes "They received the pay of an average skilled worker, and had no privileges, apart from being the first to be arrested, prosecuted and sentenced, and when shooting started, to be the first to fall".

title: Communist Party of Germany


text:
Talk:New York Supreme Court

Untitled
Thanks for fixing my NYC-centrism (my father used to work in the city courts, so that's what I know best). Vicki Rosenzweig 02:09 12 Jul 2003 (UTC)

NYC is what I know best too, but I try hard not to offend the people from the rest of the state. Cjmnyc 17:16 12 Jul 2003 (UTC)

Possible suggestions for new content: Anyone?
 * Structural reform proposals for the New York State trial courts (or does that go in a new page for New York Unified Court System?);
 * The history of the court;
 * The longrunning but supposedly "temporary" system of unelected "acting Supreme Court justices";
 * Add a page for the Appellate Division;
 * Add a cross reference to something about the relationship between federal and state courts.

Cjmnyc 17:16 12 Jul 2003 (UTC)

I'd like to see an explaination of why NY uses the term "Supreme Court" whereas the rest of the country uses "Superior Court". Branciforte3241 20:26, 27 August 2006 (UTC)
 * Well, It does make a certain sense. The supreme court is the highest court of general juridsidiction so it is "supreme" in that sense. The appellate divisions and the court of appeals are higher in the sense that they can review decisions of the supreme court on appeal, but they are not courts of general jurisdiction. As for the reason for the discrepancy, let me see if I can find something out through Lexis.--Fuhghettaboutit 21:07, 27 August 2006 (UTC)
 * Outside the US, the Supreme Court (Pitcairn) is also a "supreme" court of first instance. Apokrif 13:53, 4 September 2006 (UTC)

Reference to the Appellate Division
the reference to the Appellate Division is not entirely accurate. unless there is a conflict between or among the four departments, the decision of one department is binding on all lower courts of New York State. Streamless 20:04, 30 September 2005 (UTC)

If this is the case, then the Appellate Division entry is wrong where it says, assuming no prior conflict among departments, a Department is not bound by another Department's decisions, and they are merely "pursuasive." Who's going to fix it. I'm not licensed in NY?????--Quantico781 06:12, 2 September 2006 (UTC)

 * no, that's right--one department's decision isn't bound by another department. one department's decision is binding on all lower courts until the departments disagree.  if you type in "administrative convenience" and "appellate division" in a new york state case law database in westlaw or lexis, you'll find the case that states this. Streamless 18:49, 13 September 2006 (UTC)

Only three areas?
"The Supreme Court has exclusive jurisdiction over three areas: matrimonial actions (such as for divorce or annulment), declaratory judgments, and so-called Article 78 actions" What about general equity actions, excepting those areas where the lower courts only have been granted limited equitable jurisidiction by statute (such as eviction, ejection and other L+T issues, as specifically carved out in the civil court act)? The lower courts cannot exercise subject matter jurisdiction over most causes of action sounded directly in equity. Example: You can't sue for specific performance/adverse possession/partition and sale, in the civil or county courts. --Fuhghettaboutit 06:34, 26 December 2005 (UTC)

 * you're correct that you wouldn't be able to sue for adverse possession in lower civil court, as such an action would necessarily involve a determination with respect to title to land (jurisdiction over which is exclusively vested in the supreme court), but i think that if the value of a contracted service is less than $25,000, you could sue for specific performance in lower civil. do you have any citation that states otherwise? Streamless 14:51, 28 December 2005 (UTC)

Sure, here's an excerpt of a motion I wrote:

-
 * 25.	The Housing Part of the Civil Court derives its authority from the N.Y. City Civil Court Act, §110. Under that section, the court is:

 * ...devoted to actions and proceedings involving the enforcement
 * of state and local laws for the establishment and maintenance
 * of housing standards...

 * 26.	Although CCA §110 goes on to define nine distinct areas of enforcement the housing Part is empowered to oversee, all are specific to housing code enforcement, and would not be applicable to the ownership issues presented in the case at bar.

 * 27.	Moreover, the jurisdictional powers of the Civil Court entire are limited to:

 * ...actions and proceedings for the recovery of money, actions
 * and proceedings for the recovery of chattels and actions and
 * proceedings for the foreclosure of liens on personal property where
 * the amount sought to be recovered or the value of the property
 * does not exceed $25,000. CCA §202.

 * 28.	Thus, numerous courts have stated that the civil court and its predecessor lack, or have strictly limited equitable power. See, e.g., Acker v. Hanioti, 276 A.D. 78 (1st Dept, 1949); Goldstein v. Stephens, 118 Misc. 2d 614 (App. Term, 1st Dept, 1983); European-American Banking Corp. v. Chock Full O'Nuts Corp., 109 Misc. 2d 615 (App. Term, 1st Dept, 1981); Arol Development Corp. v. Goodie Brand Packing Corp., 83 Misc. 2d 477 (Civ. Ct., Bronx Co., 1975).

 * 29.	 Housing & Development Administration v. Community Housing Impr., 90 Misc. 2d 813 (App. Term, 2nd Dept, 1977) stands for the proposition that declaratory judgments and Article 78 relief are outside the bounds of civil court jurisdiction, stating “by the clear terms of the CPLR, jurisdiction to grant either a declaratory judgment or article 78 relief is limited solely to the Supreme Court.”

 * 30.	So too, in Scott v. Dale Carpet Cleaning, Inc., 120 Misc. 2d 118 (Civ. Ct., NY Co., 1983) the court held that the civil court lacked the power to entertain a cause of action for specific performance. Similarly, in Smith v. Salomon, 184 A.D. 544 (2nd Dept. 1918) and Broder v. Amhurst Fabrics, Inc., 105 N.Y.S.2d 154 (App. Term, 1st Dept, 1951) the courts found that the civil court lacked power to hear actions for rescission of contract.

 * 31.	Finally, CCA §203(f) specifically states that the civil court lacks jurisdiction to rescind a deed “where the assessed valuation of the property...exceed[s] $25,000...” This court may take judicial notice that according to the New York City Tax Department final assessment roll for the year 2004-2005, annexed hereto at Exhibit “A”, the subject property in this action has an estimated market value of $532,125.

-

Maybe the section at issue should be modified to something like (changes boldfaced) : "By statute, the Supreme Court has exclusive jurisdiction over three areas: matrimonial actions (such as for divorce or annulment), declaratory judgments, and so-called Article 78 actions," 'but effectively'' has exclusive jurisdication over other areas sounding in equity such as... which have been defined by applicable caselaw as unsuitable for adjudication by the lower courts.''' --Fuhghettaboutit 15:28, 28 December 2005 (UTC)

Plagarized section
The portion of the article entitled "History and Evolution of the Court" is a direct copy of this webpage: http://www.nycourts.gov/supctmanh/Court%20History.htm Even the pictures used in this portion of the article, and the format of the page is a direct copy. While it seems that this addition was a good-faith edit by Drlowell, it is in violation of Wikipedia policy. It would not be a violation of the policy if the content of this section is rewritten in the author's own words. Please refer to Copyright and Plagarism. -Taco325i 15:55, 22 May 2006 (UTC)

62 Supreme Courts in New York?
The article says, that "There is a supreme court in each of New York State's 62 counties". This only means, that the New York Supreme Court runs 62 sections/branches/offices in the State of New York, but there are not 62 separate courts, right? Henning Blatt (talk) 18:23, 19 May 2011 (UTC)

A new Member of the Juryfor the Supreme Court
Why do not the supreme court accept a Tonmeister as a Jury member? There is one islamic one here on the side of all huys and his name is Mahan and he can dance too. Please consult also with the state Masschussete. - !The masked singer! 194.94.134.90 (talk) 10:30, 17 October 2023 (UTC)

Who are the current members of the New York Supreme Court?
There should be a section on who the current members are, preferably with photographs Warren Platts (talk) 15:31, 25 February 2024 (UTC)

Djt
Comment on trump:I feel something that that may effect him is giving him a verdiced of community service.puthim in an orange jumpsuit and pick up garb 65.102.177.240 (talk) 03:50, 30 May 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:New York Supreme Court


text:
National

National may refer to:

Common uses

 * Nation or country
 * Nationality – a national is a person who is subject to a nation, regardless of whether the person has full rights as a citizen

Places in the United States

 * National, Maryland, census-designated place
 * National, Nevada, ghost town
 * National, Utah, ghost town
 * National, West Virginia, unincorporated community

Commerce

 * National (brand), a brand name of electronic goods from Panasonic
 * National Benzole (or simply known as National), former petrol station chain in the UK, merged with BP
 * National Car Rental, an American rental car company
 * National Energy Systems, a former name of Eco Marine Power
 * National Entertainment Commission, a former name of the Media Rating Council
 * National Motor Vehicle Company, Indianapolis, Indiana, USA 1900–1924
 * National Radio Company, Malden, Massachusetts, USA 1914–1991
 * National Supermarkets, a defunct American grocery store chain
 * National String Instrument Corporation, a guitar company formed to manufacture the first resonator guitars
 * Their successor companies:
 * National Dobro Corporation
 * National Reso-Phonic Guitars
 * In the context of stringed instruments, the tricone and biscuit designs promoted by the National String Instrument Corporation
 * National International, a Nationwide Mutual Insurance Company-like Company

Sports

 * Championnat National (also known as National), French football league competition
 * National (curling), annual curling bonspiel
 * SK Nationalkameratene, Norwegian sports club
 * TIL National, Norwegian sports club

Other uses

 * National (Cymanfa Ganu), a Welsh festival in Wales, England and North America

title: National