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Mike Harris

Michael Deane Harris (born January 23, 1945) is a retired Canadian politician who served as the 22nd premier of Ontario from 1995 to 2002 and leader of the Progressive Conservative Party of Ontario (PC Party) from 1990 to 2002. During his time as party leader, he guided the Ontario PC Party toward Blue Toryism, advocating for the "Common Sense Revolution", his government's program of deficit reduction in combination with lower taxes and budget cuts.

Born in Toronto, Harris grew up in North Bay and worked as a ski instructor and schoolteacher before becoming a school board trustee in 1974. In 1981, he became a member of Provincial Parliament (MPP) for the riding of Nipissing. He became leader of the Progressive Conservative Party in the 1990 leadership election. That same year, a provincial election was called in which Harris carried the PCs to a modest boost in support, though they still remained in third place. However, five years later, he led the PCs to a strong majority government in the 1995 provincial election. He later led the party to a second majority in 1999.

During his tenure as premier, Harris emphasized the Common Sense Revolution. Although his policy of lower taxes grew the deficit, his deep cuts to social services, health care, education, and infrastructure spending were enough to eliminate the deficit and balance the budget in 1999. The Harris Government also faced the 1997 Ontario teachers' strike and gained criticism for its handling of the Walkerton E. coli outbreak and the Ipperwash crisis.

In 2002, Harris retired as premier and PC leader, and was succeeded by Ernie Eves in both capacities. After leaving office, Harris went into the private sector and became a fellow at the Fraser Institute, a conservative think tank. Despite speculation about a potential foray into federal politics, Harris declined to run in the 2004 Conservative Party leadership election.

Background
Harris was born in Toronto, Ontario, the son of Hope Gooding (born Robinson) and Sidney Deane Harris. He grew up in North Bay, where his father operated the Wasi Falls Resort fishing camp. Harris attended Waterloo Lutheran University (now Wilfrid Laurier University) but left after a year.

At the age of 21, following his father's purchase of a ski hill, Harris moved for two years to Sainte-Adèle, Quebec, where he became a ski instructor. After the end of his first marriage, he enrolled at Laurentian University and North Bay Teacher's College where he received his teaching certificate. He was employed as an elementary school teacher at W. J. Fricker Public School in North Bay where he taught grade seven and eight mathematics for several years in a new open-concept class of 120 students. He continued in his previous occupation as a ski-instructor at Nipissing Ridge on weekends as well as working at his father's fishing camp during the summer season. He eventually left the teaching profession as the success of the ski resort escalated. After his father sold his ski-hill operation, Harris was hired to manage North Bay's Pinewood Golf Club.

Early political career
Harris was elected to public office as a school board trustee in 1974. He entered provincial politics in the 1981 election, and defeated Mike Bolan, the incumbent Liberal MPP in Nipissing. Harris later suggested that he was motivated to enter politics by an opposition to the policies of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau.

Harris sat as a backbencher in Bill Davis's PC government from 1981 to 1985. He supported Frank Miller's successful bid to succeed Davis as party leader in 1985 and took the role of rival candidate Dennis Timbrell to prepare Miller for the party's all-candidate debates. Miller was sworn in as premier of Ontario on February 8, 1985, and appointed Harris as minister of natural resources.

The Tories were reduced to a minority government in the 1985 provincial election, although Harris was personally re-elected without difficulty. He kept the natural resources portfolio after the election, and was also named minister of energy on May 17, 1985. The Miller government was soon defeated on a motion of no confidence by David Peterson's Liberals and Bob Rae's New Democratic Party (NDP).

An agreement between the Liberals and the NDP allowed a Liberal minority government to govern for two years in exchange for the implementation of certain NDP policies. This decision consigned the Tories to opposition for the first time in 42 years. Miller resigned and was replaced by Larry Grossman, who led the party to a disastrous showing in the 1987 election and announced his resignation shortly thereafter. Harris was again re-elected in Nipissing without difficulty.

Leadership (1990)
Grossman, who had lost his legislative seat, remained the leader of the party until 1990, while Sarnia MPP Andy Brandt served as "interim leader" in the legislature. Harris was chosen as PC house leader, and had become the party's dominant voice in the legislature by 1989. Harris entered the 1990 leadership race, and defeated Dianne Cunningham in a province-wide vote to replace Grossman as the party's official leader.

The 1990 provincial election was called soon after Harris became party leader. With help from past leader Larry Grossman, Harris managed to rally his party's core supporters with pledges of tax cuts and spending reductions. Due to his teaching background, Harris was personally endorsed by several local members of the Ontario Secondary School Teachers' Federation (OSSTF). The election was won by Bob Rae's NDP. The Conservatives increased their seat total from 17 to 20 out of 130. Despite some early concerns, Harris was again able to retain his own seat.

1995 election
On 3 May 1994, Harris unveiled his "Common Sense Revolution" platform. It called for significant spending and tax cuts, as well as elimination of the province's record $11 billion deficit.

By the 1995 election, the governing New Democratic Party and incumbent Premier Bob Rae had become unpopular with the electorate, partly due to the state of the Ontario economy and its record debt and deficit amidst a Canada-wide recession. Lyn McLeod's Liberals were leading in pre-election polls and were expected to benefit from the swing in support away from the NDP, but they began losing support due to several controversial policy reversals and what was generally regarded as an uninspiring campaign. The turning point in the election is often considered to be Harris's performance in the televised leaders' debate. Harris used his camera time to speak directly to the camera to convey his party's Common Sense Revolution platform. The Rae government had previously lost much of its base in organized labour, due in part to the unpopularity of its "Social Contract" legislation in 1993 (which Harris, after some initial vacillations, eventually voted against). Harris's opposition to Rae's affirmative action measures helped him to capture some unionized-worker support during the election, particularly among male workers.

Although there were regional variations, many union voters shifted from the NDP to the PCs in 1995 (instead of to the Liberals as expected pre-campaign), enabling the PCs to win a number of new ridings, such as Cambridge and Oshawa, which had long supported the NDP. In addition roughly half of the PCs seats came from the suburban belt surrounding Metro Toronto, often called the '905' for its telephone area code. The PCs' growth from 20 to 82 seats in the 130 seat legislature vaulted them from third place to a large majority government.

Common Sense Revolution
Upon election, the Harris government immediately began to implement a far-reaching reform agenda to cut the large provincial deficit accumulated under the previous Rae government. One of its first major policy decisions in 1995 was to cut social assistance rates by 21.6%. The government argued that too many people were taking advantage of the program, and that it acted as a disincentive for seeking employment. The government also introduced "Ontario Works", frequently referred to as "workfare", a program that required able-bodied welfare recipients to participate in either training or job placements.

Provincial income taxes were cut by 30% to pre-1990 levels. In addition, a new Fair Share Health Levy was established and charged to high-income earners to help pay for mounting health care costs.

Shortly after assuming office, the Harris government announced that several hundred nurses would be laid off to cut costs in the health sector. The government also implemented a series of hospital closures and amalgamations on the recommendations of a Health Services Restructuring Commission. Harris compared the laid off hospital workers to the people who lost their jobs after the hula hoop fad died down in the early 1960s, commenting "Just as Hula-Hoops went out and those workers had to have a factory and a company that would manufacture something else that's in, it's the same in government, and you know, governments have put off these decisions for so many years that restructuring sometimes is painful". The Harris government cut funding of major urban infrastructure projects upon assuming office. Though construction had already begun on the Eglinton West subway in Toronto, a proposed rapid transit line to ultimately link the main north–south subway line of the city with the suburbs and airport, funding was cancelled shortly after Harris's election.

Harris's government also cut health spending to counter the $30 billion cut in transfer payments from the Liberal federal government. It also introduced Telehealth Ontario, a 24-hour toll-free telephone help line with live connection to registered nurses. Harris also announced funding vehicles such as the Ontario R&D Challenge Fund, the Ontario Innovation Trust and the Premier's Research Excellence Awards.

One part of the Common Sense Revolution was to sell off various government-owned enterprises, the largest of which were to be Ontario Hydro and the Liquor Control Board of Ontario. Neither was actually sold off, but Ontario Hydro was split into five successor companies (the two largest being Ontario Power Generation and Hydro One, representing generation and distribution of power respectively) with the plan of eventually selling them off. Public opposition to the sale of these money-making government enterprises postponed the government's plans. In 1999, Highway 407 was leased to a private consortium.

Harris reduced the number of MPPs from 130 to 103 by redrawing riding boundaries to correspond to federal electoral districts.

The Harris government passed Bill 26, the Savings and Restructuring Act, which undertook an extensive program of municipal mergers between 1996 and 2002. The province had 815 municipalities in 1996; by 2002, this had been reduced to 447. In the largest and most widely covered of these moves, the individual cities that made up Metro Toronto were merged into a single city (called the "megacity" by the media and citizens); the amalgamation was not part of their pre-election policy platform. The Conservatives argued that the move would eliminate duplication of services and increase efficiency. Opposition parties were strongly opposed to the move; the NDP took the unusual step of attempting to filibuster against the bill by reading out the name of every street in Toronto. In order to further reduce provincial commitments, financial responsibility for provincial income assistance programs was transferred or "downloaded" to municipalities, increasing the burden on municipal tax bases. The list of municipalities in Ontario was updated by the Municipal Act, 2001, which is the legislation that enables incorporation and stipulates governance of Ontario's municipalities, excluding the City of Toronto, which is now subject to the City of Toronto Act, 2006. The Municipal Act, 2001 provides lower and single-tier municipalities with the authority to incorporate as cities, towns, villages, townships, or generically as municipalities.

The Harris government also passed the Public Sector Salary Disclosure Act in 1996, publishing so-called Sunshine lists annually to disclose wages and benefits of public employees earning over $100,000 per year, to increase accountability.

Education
The Harris government introduced several education reforms. The fifth year of high school in Ontario, (known as the OAC year), was eliminated. This created a double graduating class in 2003 (known as the "double cohort"). Harris introduced Bill 160, (the Education Quality Improvement Act), which mandated a standardized curriculum and province-wide testing for students. This included Grade 3 and 6 EQAO (numeracy and literacy) testing, as well as a Grade 10 Literacy test. Harris introduced a requirement for High School students to complete a mandatory 40 hours of volunteering in community service in order to graduate.

In 1999, it introduced a policy of "teacher testing", requiring teachers to take examinations on a regular basis. Principals and vice-principals were removed from the [OTF].

1995 referendum on the separation of Quebec
Harris, along with Stephen Harper, was appointed negotiator by Prime Minister Jean Chrétien to face Quebec negotiators nominated by the separatist leaders of Quebec: Lucien Bouchard and Mario Dumont. At the time of the referendum campaign, Harris affirmed that "a separate Quebec would be a foreign country. Final point."

Ipperwash crisis
Shortly after being sworn in, Harris faced his first crisis as premier. Protesters fighting land claim issues took over a provincial park 200 kilometres west of Toronto. During a confrontation with the demonstrators, Ontario Provincial Police acting Sergeant Kenneth Deane fired on First Nations demonstrators who had occupied the park, killing a protester named Dudley George. Members of the Stoney Point Ojibway band occupied Ipperwash Provincial Park outside of Grand Bend, protesting a protracted land claims process. The Ipperwash Inquiry would later be called by the Liberal government of Dalton McGuinty, due to recalcitrance on Harris's part.

Second term (1999–2002)
In 1999, the Harris government was re-elected for a second term with a majority government, helped largely by its political base in the suburban areas around Toronto.

The Harris government balanced the provincial budget in 1999. Harris supporters pointed to the fact that government revenues rose from $48 billion in 1995 to $64 billion by 2001, when the budget was balanced.

In 1999 Harris also announced a program called Ontario's Living Legacy. The initiative added 378 new parks and protected areas, bringing the total in Ontario to 650 and increasing Ontario's protected areas to more than 95000 km2.

Controversy arose in 2000 when the town water supply of Walkerton became infected by E. coli. Seven people died and hundreds became ill. Provincial water testing had been privatized in October 1996 by Harris's first government. It was later discovered the local official responsible for water quality, Stan Koebel, had lied, falsified records, failed to test water quality regularly, and when the outbreak occurred had failed to promptly notify the local medical officer of health. In late 2004, Koebel pleaded guilty to a minor charge in relation to the offence and was sentenced to one year in jail.

The Walkerton tragedy had serious ramifications for Harris's government. Harris blamed the previous NDP government for loosening water standards. Harris called a public inquiry, headed by Justice Dennis O'Connor, which later noted that in addition to Stan Koebel's failure to properly monitor and treat the water supply, deregulation of water quality testing and cuts to the Ministry of the Environment were contributing factors. The inquest into the tragedy found that the government cuts to inspection services and their privatization had created a situation in which future water safety could not be guaranteed. The Ontario government was also blamed for not regulating water quality and not enforcing the guidelines that had been in place.

A riot developed at Queen's Park, the site of the Ontario Legislature, on June 15, 2000. The Ontario Coalition Against Poverty and other activists who included George Smitherman, lobbed molotov cocktails, bricks, and bottles.

Harris's government reduced Ontario welfare rolls by 500,000 people; critics contend these cuts led to a rise in homelessness and poverty. Supporters argued that high welfare rates had created disincentives to find entry-level jobs, and that poverty levels remained relatively unchanged between 1995 and 2005. Employment rates increased significantly during the late 1990s. The government rewrote labour laws to require secret ballot votes before workplaces could unionize. The previous NDP government's law outlawing the hiring of replacement workers during strikes was repealed.

Other changes brought in by the Harris government include standardized math and literacy student tests, known as EQAO. EQAO testing is conducted in Grade 3 and 6 (for math and literacy) and 9 (for math only). Teachers are not allowed to preview the tests ahead of time, eliminating the risk of 'teaching to the test'. School principals are required to discuss EQAO results during staff meetings, and plan their focus accordingly. In Grade 10, high school students are required to pass a literacy test in order to graduate. A new provincial funding formula for school boards stripped the local boards of their taxation powers.

In 2001, the Harris government introduced a plan to give a tax credit for parents who send their children to private and denominational schools (despite having campaigned against such an initiative in 1999). Supporters claimed it was fair given the public funding of Catholic schools, while opponents were concerned about a potential diversion of resources and students from the public system. Harris also broke with tradition to place backbench MPPs on Cabinet committees.

Harris resigned as premier and MPP on April 14, 2002 and was succeeded as PC leader and premier by his long-time friend and minister of finance, Ernie Eves.

After politics (2002–present)
Soon after leaving office, Harris joined the Toronto law firm Goodmans LLP, where he served as an advisor until 2010.

Later in 2002, Harris also joined the Fraser Institute, a right-of-centre libertarian think tank, as a senior fellow. It was there that he became involved with the ideals of Preston Manning, becoming a major influence in federal politics as well as Alberta. Harris served on the board of directors of the Manning Centre.

In January 2003, Harris was named to the board of directors of Magna International. More recently in 2011, he was criticized for accepting re-election to the board of Magna despite receiving only 38% of shareholder support. This was possible since shareholder votes in Canada are either counted as "for" a director or else considered as "withheld", meaning that they are not counted. In 2012, Harris indicated that he would step down from the board of directors at Magna International after completing a process to collapse the company's dual-class share structure that he helped begin in 2010.

He was later involved in a minor controversy, yelling and repeatedly swearing at a party official who asked him for his identification as he voted in the 2004 Ontario Progressive Conservative Party leadership election.

In late May 2010, Nipissing University confirmed that Harris would receive an honorary doctorate. In response, the Ontario Teachers' Federation threatened to discourage, or even prevent, their members from acting as associate teachers for students in Nipissing University's Bachelor of Education program, which requires students to complete 12 weeks of practice teaching in a classroom. Nipissing University's $25 million Harris Learning Library, which opened in 2011, is named after the former premier.

In 2012, Harris started a local Nurse Next Door Home Care franchise in Toronto with wife Laura. In May 2014, Harris co-led an independent Canadian mission to observe the Ukrainian presidential election.

In 2018 Ontario general election, his son Mike Harris Jr. was elected as MPP for Kitchener-Conestoga, also a member of the Progressive Conservative Party. Today, Harris serves as the Chair of the Board for Chartwell Retirement Residences. During the COVID-19 pandemic in Canada, Chartwell and other for-profit facilities had "far worse COVID-19 outcomes than public facilities" after paying hundreds of millions to shareholders over the last decade. Since joining the board, Mike Harris has been compensated roughly $3.5-million for his services.

Ipperwash Inquest (2005–2007)
In the inquiry following the Ipperwash Crisis, it was determined that while some protesters were carrying rocks, sticks and baseball bats, none were carrying firearms. The confrontation that led to the shooting began when police clashed with a protester armed with a steel pipe. The government and the OPP maintained that there was no political involvement in the shooting, but inside the Legislature where parliamentary privilege outweighs any civil claims, several opposition politicians suggested that the attack may have been ordered by the premier's office, and called for an independent judicial inquiry. In a court case that went to the Supreme Court of Canada, Deane maintained that he was not under orders to shoot and was convicted of criminal negligence causing death. An inquiry, headed by commissioner Justice Sidney Linden, was called after the government of Dalton McGuinty was elected in 2003.

On November 28, 2005, former-attorney general Charles Harnick testified before the Ipperwash Inquiry that Harris had shouted "I want the fucking Indians out of the park" at a meeting with Ontario Provincial Police officer Ron Fox, hours before the shooting occurred (Canadian Press, 28 November 2005). Other witnesses have disputed this account, and Harris himself denied it in his testimony on 14 February 2006 at the inquiry.

According to the Ontario Court of Justice history project, the Ipperwash Inquiry "found that the OPP, the provincial government led by Premier Mike Harris, and the federal government all bore responsibility for the events that led to George's death. The report also called on the federal government to issue a public apology and return Camp Ipperwash – along with compensation – to the Kettle and Stoney Point First Nation." In Volume 1 of the report it was noted that, Premier Harris's "comments" and "generally the speed at which he wished to end the occupation of Ipperwash Park, created an atmosphere that unduly narrowed the scope of the government's response to the Aboriginal occupation."

The Premier's determination to seek a quick resolution closed off many options endorsed by civil servants in the Ontario government, including process negotiations, the appointment of mediators, and opening up communication with the First Nations people. His narrow approach to the occupation did not enable the situation to stabilize at the park.

In spite of his denials, the inquiry found that Harris did say "I want the fucking Indians out of the park." This finding was based on not being able to find an existing animosity from Harnick towards Harris and the fact that Harnick was reversing previous statements that he had made in the legislature which would not be of any benefit to himself.

Federal politics speculation
During his time as premier, Harris was frequently cited as someone who could "unite the right" in Canada, and lead a merged party of federal Progressive Conservatives and Reform/Canadian Alliance supporters. He made serious steps toward a career in federal politics after stepping down as Premier, weighing in on issues such as the 2003 invasion of Iraq (which he supported) and the value of the Canadian dollar (which he wanted to see increase in relation to the American dollar).

In late 2003, he made a speech in Halifax which many believed was the unofficial launch of a campaign to lead the new Conservative Party of Canada. In the end, Harris decided to stand aside. He later endorsed former Magna International president and CEO Belinda Stronach in the 2004 leadership election. Harris was reportedly active in helping Stornach fundraise for her campaign.

After the federal Conservatives' loss in the 2021 Canadian federal election, Harris urged the party to "unite behind" the leader, Erin O'Toole, through a column of his in the newspaper, Toronto Sun.

Distinctions

 * Honorary doctorate, Nipissing University (2010)
 * Member of the Order of Ontario (2020)

title: Mike Harris


text:
QRL

QRL is a three letter acronym that can stand for several things:
 * Qingdao Red Lions F.C., a Chinese association football club
 * Quantum Resistant Ledger, a blockchain solution utilizing Post-Quantum Cryptography (PQC)
 * The Queen's Royal Lancers, an armoured regiment of the British Army
 * Queensland Rugby League, the governing body of rugby league football in the Australian state of Queensland
 * QRL, one of the Q codes used in radiocommunication, meaning "I am busy"
 * A QR Code with a URL (web site address) encoded within it

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: QRL


text:
Chuck Schuldiner

Charles Michael Schuldiner (May 13, 1967 – December 13, 2001) was an American musician. He founded the pioneering death metal band Death in 1983, in which he was the lead vocalist, guitarist, primary songwriter and only continuous member until his death in 2001. His obituary in the January 5, 2002, issue of Kerrang! described him as "one of the most significant figures in the history of metal." Schuldiner was ranked No. 10 in Joel McIver's book The 100 Greatest Metal Guitarists in 2009 and No. 20 in March 2004 Guitar World's "The 100 Greatest Metal Guitarists". In 1987, Schuldiner founded the publishing company Mutilation Music, affiliated with performance rights organization BMI. Schuldiner died in 2001 of a brain tumor.

Schuldiner is often referred to as "The Godfather of death metal", though he was not fond of the nickname, remarking that "I don't think I should take the credits for this death metal stuff. I'm just a guy from a band, and I think Death is a metal band."

Early life
Charles Michael Schuldiner was born on May 13, 1967, on Long Island, New York. His father Mal Schuldiner was Jewish and the son of Austrian immigrants, and his mother Jane Schuldiner was from the American South and had converted to Judaism. In 1968, his family moved to Florida. He started playing guitar at the age of nine.

Schuldiner was originally inspired by Black Sabbath, Judas Priest, and classical jazz, among others. He was particularly interested in the metal movement known as NWOBHM – New Wave of British Heavy Metal – and cited bands of that genre among his favorites. He frequently cited French band Sortilège as his personal favorite metal group. Schuldiner cited progressive metal bands such as Watchtower, and Queensrÿche as influences in a 1991 interview, as well as Kiss and Coroner. Metallica, Slayer, Iron Maiden, Mercyful Fate and Raven were among the bands that he claimed as influences in a 1993 interview. The official Schuldiner website, Empty Words, quotes Schuldiner's mother making the claim that he enjoyed all forms of music except country and rap.

Schuldiner performed well in school before becoming bored with education and eventually dropping out. He later regretted this decision. He has stated that if he had not become a musician, he would have liked to have become a veterinarian or a cook.

Career
Taking inspiration from Nasty Savage, Schuldiner formed Mantas (which he later renamed Death) in 1983 when he was 16 years old. He played guitar in the band, while Rick Rozz was on guitar and Kam Lee played the drums and performed the vocals. In January 1986, Schuldiner moved to Toronto and temporarily joined the Canadian band Slaughter. However, he quickly returned to continue the formation of Death.

Death underwent many lineup changes. With Chris Reifert, Schuldiner eventually released the first Death album, titled Scream Bloody Gore, in 1987. He continued with 1988's Leprosy with the line-up of former Mantas guitarist Rick Rozz and rhythm section Terry Butler on bass and Bill Andrews on drums, and 1990's Spiritual Healing, where guitarist James Murphy had replaced the fired Rozz in 1989. After Spiritual Healing, Schuldiner stopped working with full-time band members, preferring to work with studio and live venue musicians, due to bad relationships with Death's previous rhythm section and guitarists. This earned Schuldiner something of a 'perfectionist' reputation in the metal community. Schuldiner had also fired his manager Eric Greif but settled and re-hired him before the recording of his next, influential release.

Death's breakthrough album, Human saw the band evolving to a more technical and progressive style, in which Schuldiner displayed his guitar skills more than ever. He continued in this style (and continued the success of the band) with 1993's Individual Thought Patterns, 1995's Symbolic. He announced the following year that he had broken up Death and would focus on his new progressive metal band, Control Denied.

Schuldiner also played guitar in the supergroup Voodoocult on the album Jesus Killing Machine in 1994 and played a guest solo on Naphobia's 1995 release, Of Hell on the track "As Ancients Evolve" as a favor to the band's bassist at the time who was a friend of Schuldiner's. Schuldiner played lead guitar on a tribute track to Randy Rhoads called Hardly A Day Goes By with his Control Denied bandmates Chris Williams on drums, and Scott Clendenin on bass, as well as Craig Sease on vocals.

He secured a record deal with Nuclear Blast in 1997, but the label required that he release another Death album before Control Denied. As a result, The Sound of Perseverance was released in 1998, followed by the Control Denied album The Fragile Art of Existence the next year. Control Denied also had other players from the latest Death album but featured Tim Aymar, a melodic metal vocalist. In a 1999 interview, Schuldiner spoke about why he didn't sing on the Control Denied album The Fragile Art of Existence "...these vocals are all I ever wanted to do in Death but couldn't. I've had this dream of recording like that for years, and it seems like a dream come true. Tim Aymar is an amazing singer and this is the main difference."

Schuldiner was also asked to be one of the many guest vocalists on Dave Grohl's 2001 Probot. Grohl, Napalm Death, Ozzy Osbourne, and Anthrax all increased efforts to raise funds for Schuldiner's medical bills.

Illness and death
Schuldiner had experienced "extreme neck pain" in 1999 and was diagnosed with pontine glioma that May, on his 32nd birthday. He had surgery in New York City in January 2000, which successfully removed the tumor. He continued his work with Control Denied. In May 2001, it was announced that Schuldiner's cancer had reappeared. He was at first unable to afford the surgery that he needed immediately. A press release called for support from everyone, including fellow artists. Jane Schuldiner urged all who read the statements about Schuldiner and his illness to go out and get insurance, stating her frustration in the American healthcare system. Schuldiner had taken out medical insurance after his first surgery, but the insurer had refused to pay because the cancer pre-dated insurance being taken out. Many artists, including Kid Rock, Korn and Red Hot Chili Peppers, got together during the summer of 2001 to auction off personal items, with the funds assisting Schuldiner's medical expenses, an effort covered by MTV. The auction was poorly managed and only a small amount of money was received by the Schuldiners. Matt Heafy, vocalist and guitarist for Trivium, has stated that at the age of 15 his band had played a benefit show for Schuldiner while he was in the hospital in their days as a local band.

By December 2001, Tim Aymar stated that "Chuck is in very bad shape." On December 13, 2001, Schuldiner died at the age of 34 and was cremated.

Legacy
With the assistance of Schuldiner's family, former manager Eric Greif handled his legacy as President of Perseverance Holdings Ltd. Schuldiner's mother Jane and sister Beth Schuldiner frequently interact with his fans and both have stated many times that they enjoy his music. Greif kept track of his recordings and handled Schuldiner's intellectual property. Beth Schuldiner has a son named Christopher Steele, who also plays guitar and has all of Schuldiner's guitars. BC Rich also released a statement in their 2008 catalog stating that Schuldiner's signature model Stealth will be available for purchase, and that endorsement is overseen by Steele.

A legal battle began from the time of Schuldiner's death on the settlement of the rights to the partially completed second Control Denied album, When Man and Machine Collide, which was recorded in 2000–2001. Demos of these unreleased Control Denied songs, as well as early Death demos and live Death recordings from 1990, were released in the Zero Tolerance two-part compilation bootlegs by the Dutch Hammerheart Holdings company. The matter was settled in November 2009. There was a meeting held by guitarist Shannon Hamm and producer Jim Morris at Morrisound in 2012. By 2016, former Death manager Eric Greif indicated that the album would not be completed.

Tribute concerts have been coordinated or funded by Schuldiner's mother and family and various Death tribute groups internationally. Former CKY frontman, Deron Miller, who considers Schuldiner an idol of his, got the idea, while working on various projects with former Death guitarist (and pituitary tumor survivor) James Murphy, to do a tribute album. Murphy announced he would release a Chuck Schuldiner tribute album to commemorate his lasting mark on the metal community and Schuldiner's family publicly offered support for Murphy's effort, though it has never materialized. In December 2022, Murphy talked about the reasoning why the project was placed on hold. Schuldiner's sister Beth confirmed via her YouTube channel that Death: Live in Japan, a behind the scenes Death video, as well as a potential boxset containing all of Schuldiner's works including some exclusive copies of handwritten notes by Schuldiner are in the works via Relapse Records. The Live in Japan release was cancelled as it was planned without the "knowledge" of Chuck's estate. Schuldiner estate lawyer Eric Greif held a charity Chuck Schuldiner Birthday Bash in Calgary, Alberta, May 13, 2011, featuring speeches by Greif and former Death guitarist Paul Masvidal, as well as bands performing Schuldiner's music.

Book
In January 2001, Mahyar Dean, an Iranian metal guitarist/musician, wrote Death, a book about Death and Schuldiner's poems. The book includes bilingual lyrics and many articles about the band. The book was sent through the site keepers of emptywords.org to Schuldiner, who in his words was "truly blown away and honored by the obvious work and devotion he put into bringing the book to life".

Beliefs
Schuldiner designed the Death logo and its various incarnations during the length of his career. In 1991, before the release of Human, he cleaned up the logo taking out more intricate details and the "T" in the logo was swapped from an inverted cross to a more regular looking "T", one reason being to quash any implication of religion.

Schuldiner was also openly against hard drugs; he is quoted as saying, "I've tripped several times. That's all because I don't like the hard drugs. And my only drugs are alcohol and grass."

Despite the grim nature of his band, Schuldiner has been quoted as saying he's "a lover of life... friendship, and animals" and that "I would like to live forever if it were possible".

Musical style
Schuldiner was mostly self-taught as a guitarist. In 1993, he expressed a disinterest in music theory: "I know enough about what I'm playing to memorize the scales and things, but I have no idea how you would label them. As long as I can play it, memorize it and apply it, I don't need to know what you call it."

In the early days of Death, Schuldiner used a "deep, raspy" death growl vocal technique. He said in 1993 that "it takes a lot of energy and a lot of throat abuse to get through a show." By 1999, he emphasized that he would retire Death if Control Denied "took off", stating that "I hate screaming. I just don't like it any more."

Equipment
Schuldiner used a simple setup. For most of his career, his main guitar was a B.C. Rich Stealth fitted with a single DiMarzio X2N bridge pickup. For his amplification, Schuldiner used a Marshall Valvestate 8100 head played through a Marshall Valvestate VS412 cabinet. He used 10-46 gauge GHS Boomers strings, and Dunlop Tortex Standard .88mm picks. Schuldiner used very little effects except for a chorus effect during his solos.

with Death

 * Scream Bloody Gore (1987)
 * Leprosy (1988)
 * Spiritual Healing (1990)
 * Human (1991)
 * Individual Thought Patterns (1993)
 * Symbolic (1995)
 * The Sound of Perseverance (1998)

with Voodoocult

 * Jesus Killing Machine (1994)

with Control Denied

 * The Fragile Art of Existence (1999)

title: Chuck Schuldiner


text:
QRM

QRM may refer to:

 * Amateur radio Q code for "I have interference"
 * Quick Response Manufacturing
 * US Quevilly-Rouen Métropole (QRM), a French football club
 * Qormi, Malta, postal code

title: QRM


text:
Rum (endonym)

Rūm (روم, collective; singulative: رومي Rūmī ; plural: أروام Arwām ; Rum or رومیان Rumiyān, singular رومی Rumi; Rûm or Rûmîler, singular Rûmî), also romanized as Roum, is a derivative of Parthian (frwm) terms, ultimately derived from Greek Ῥωμαῖοι (Rhomaioi, literally 'Romans'). Both terms are endonyms of the pre-Islamic inhabitants of Anatolia, the Middle East and the Balkans and date to when those regions were parts of the Eastern Roman Empire.

The term Rūm is now used to describe:

 * The city of Rome in Italy, and the people living in it.
 * Remaining pre-Islamic ethnocultural Christian minorities living in the Near East and their descendants, notably the Antiochian Greek Christians who are members of the Greek Orthodox Church of Antioch and the Melkite Greek Catholic Church of Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Israel, Palestine, and the Hatay Province in Southern Turkey whose liturgy is still based on Koine Greek.
 * Orthodox Christian citizens of modern Turkey originating in the pre-Islamic peoples of the country, including Pontians from the Black Sea mountains in the north, Cappadocians from Turkey's central plateau, and Hayhurum from eastern Turkey.
 * Topographical names within Anatolia (e.g. Erzurum and Rumiye-i Suğra) and the Balkans (Rumelia) stemming from the legacy of the Eastern Roman Empire in those areas, or of the Seljuk Sultanate of Rûm, a medieval Muslim state that ruled over recently conquered Byzantines (Rûm) in central Asia Minor from 1077 to 1308.

Origins
The term Rūm in Arabic and New Persian was derived from Middle Persian hrōm, which had in turn derived from Parthian frwm, which was used to label "Rome" and the "Roman Empire" and was derived from the Greek Ῥώμη. The Armenian and Georgian forms of the name were also derived from Aramaic and Parthian. According to the Encyclopedia of Islam, Rūm is a Persian and Turkish word used to refer to the Byzantine Empire.

Inscriptions
The Greek (Ῥώμη), Middle Persian (hrōm), Parthian (frwm) versions of Rūm are found on the Ka'ba-ye Zartosht, a monument declaring Shapur I's victory over Marcus Antonius Gordianus. The inscriptions on the Ka'ba-ye Zartosht date from around 262 AD.

Rûm is found in the pre-Islamic Namara inscription and later in the Quran (7th century) in which it is used to refer to the contemporary Eastern Roman Empire under its Greek-speaking emperors (the Heraclian dynasty). The empire was the most prominent Christian state during the period of Muhammad's life and during the composition of the Quran, the Western Roman Empire having fallen two centuries earlier, during the 5th century.

The Qur'an includes Ar-Rum, the sura dealing with "the Romans", which is sometimes translated as "The Byzantines" to reflect a term that is now used in the West. The Romans of the 7th century, who are referred to as Byzantines in modern Western scholarship, were the inhabitants of the surviving Eastern Roman Empire. Since all ethnic groups in the Roman empire had been granted citizenship by 212 AD, the eastern peoples had come to label themselves Ρωμιοί or Ῥωμαῖοι (Romioi or Romaioi, Romans) by using the word for Roman citizen in the eastern lingua franca of Koine Greek. The citizenship label became روم Rūm in Arabic. To designate the inhabitants of the western city of Rome, the Arabs use instead the word رومان Rūmān or sometimes لاتينيون Lātīniyyūn (Latins), and to designate European Greek speakers, the term يونانيون Yūnāniyyūn is used (from يونان Yūnān (Ionia), the name for Greece). The word "Byzantine", which is now used by Western historians to describe the Eastern Roman Empire and its Greek lingua franca, was not used anywhere at the time.

The Roman and later Eastern Roman (Byzantine) state encompassed the entirety of the eastern Mediterranean for six centuries, but after the advent of Islam in Arabia in the 7th century and during the subsequent Islamic conquest of what is now Syria, Egypt and Libya in the 7th and the 8th centuries AD, the Byzantine state shrank to consist only of Anatolia and the Balkans in the Middle Ages. The Seljuks of the Sultanate of Rum took their name from ar-Rum, the word for the Romans in the Qu'ran. During the early Renaissance (15th century) the Byzantine state finally fell to the Muslim Turkic conquerors, who had begun migrating into what is now Turkey from Central Asia from the 12th to the 14th centuries. Thus, during the Middle Ages, the Arabs called the native inhabitants of what is now Turkey, the Balkans, Syria, Lebanon and Palestine "Rûm" (literally Romans but in modern historiography often called Byzantines), called what is now Turkey and the Balkans "the land of the Rûm" and referred to the Mediterranean as "the Sea of the Rûm".

After the fall of Constantinople in 1453, the Ottoman Turkish conqueror Sultan Mehmed II declared himself to have replaced the Byzantine (Eastern Roman) ruler as the new Kayser-i Rum, literally "Caesar of the Romans". In the Ottoman millet system, the conquered natives of Turkey and the Balkans were now categorized as the "Rum Millet" (Millet-i Rum) for taxation purposes and were allowed to continue practicing Orthodox Christianity, the religion that had been promulgated by the former Byzantine state. In modern Turkey Rum is still used to denote the Orthodox Christian native minority of Turkey, together with its pre-conquest remnant institutions such as the Rum Ortodoks Patrikhanesi, the Turkish designation of the Istanbul-based Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, the figurehead for all of Orthodox Christianity and former religious leader of the Eastern Roman state.

In geography
Muslim contact with the Byzantine Empire most often took place in Asia Minor, the bulk of which is now in Turkey, since it was the heartland of the Byzantine state from the early Middle Ages onward and so the term Rûm became fixed there geographically. The term remained even after the conquest of what is now central Turkey in the late Middle Ages by Seljuk Turks, who were migrating from Central Asia. Thus, the Turks called their new state the Sultanate of Rûm, the "Sultanate of the Rome."

After the Ottoman conquest of the Balkans, the area was called Rumelia (Roman lands) as it was predominantly inhabited by the newly conquered-nation, which the Ottomans called Rûm.

As a name
Al-Rūmī is a nisbah that designates people originating in the Eastern Roman Empire or lands that formerly belonged to it, especially those that are now called Turkey. Historical people so designated include the following:
 * Suhayb ar-Rumi, a companion of Muhammad
 * Harithah bint al-Muammil (Zunairah al-Rumiya), a companion of Muhammad
 * Rumi a moniker for Mawlānā Jalāl-ad-Dīn Muhammad Balkhī, the 13th-century Persian poet who lived most of his life amongst the conquered Rûm (Byzantines) of Konya (Byzantine Greek: Ἰκόνιον or Ikonio) in the Sultanate of Rûm
 * Qāḍī Zāda al-Rūmī, 14th-century mathematician
 * Tadj ol-Molouk Ayrumlu, Former Queen of Iran

The Greek surname Roumeliotis stems from the word Rûm borrowed by Ottomans.

Other uses
During the 16th century, the Portuguese used rume and rumes (plural) as a generic term to refer to the Mamluk-Ottoman forces that they faced in the Indian Ocean.

The term Urums, also derived from the same origin, is still used in contemporary ethnography to denote Turkic-speaking Greek populations. "Rumeika" is a Greek dialect identified mainly with the Ottoman Greeks.

The Chinese during the Ming dynasty referred to the Ottomans as Lumi (魯迷), derived from Rum or Rumi. The Chinese also referred to Rum as Wulumu 務魯木 during the Qing dynasty. The modern Mandarin Chinese name for the city of Rome is Luoma (羅馬).

Among the Muslim aristocracy of South Asia, the fez is known as the Rumi Topi (which means "hat of Rome or Byzantium").

Non-Ottoman Muslims in the classical period called the Ottomans Rumis because of the Byzantine legacy that was inherited by the Ottoman Empire.

In the Sassanian period (pre-Islamic Persia), the word Hrōmāy-īg (Middle Persian) meant "Roman" or "Byzantine" and was derived from the Byzantine Greek word Rhomaioi.

The Latin alphabet used for Malay is endonymically called tulisan Rumi (lit. 'Roman writing').

title: Rum (endonym)


text:
Talk:Poult

Why the heck does this merit a separate article? This info can easily be in turkey (bird). This is not even a goo dictionary definition and should be deleted. --mav 22:53, 10 Aug 2003 (UTC)

The word "poult"
The word "poult" apparently doesn't merit a separate article because there is not an article available. I may be the only person in the world who would like to know the etymology and usage of the word. I believe there may be some confusion when referring to young chickens - as opposed to turkeys - regarding the sex of the chicken. I hear folks referring to chicken poults as if they were all young hen chickens. Perhaps I need to use a good dictionary rather than Wikipedia to get a better understanding of current usage of the word. 173.3.188.72 (talk) 15:07, 17 February 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Poult


text:
House of Representatives of the Philippines

The House of Representatives of the Philippines (Kapulungan ng mga Kinatawan ng Pilipinas; Kamara from the Spanish word cámara, meaning "chamber") is the lower house of Congress, the bicameral legislature of the Philippines, with the Senate of the Philippines as the upper house. The lower house is commonly referred to as Congress, although the term collectively refers to both houses.

Members of the House are officially styled as representatives (mga kinatawan) and are sometimes informally called congressmen or congresswomen (mga kongresista). They are elected to a three-year term and can be re-elected, but cannot serve more than three consecutive terms without an interruption of one term (e.g. serving one term in the Senate ad interim). Around 80% of congressmen are district representatives, representing specific geographical areas. The 19th Congress has 253 congressional districts. Party-list representatives, who make up not more than twenty percent of the total number of representatives, are elected through the party-list system.

Aside from needing its agreement to every bill before it is sent to the president for signature to become law, the House of Representatives has the power to impeach certain officials and all franchise and money bills must originate from the lower house.

The House of Representatives is headed by the House speaker (ispiker). The position is currently held by Martin Romualdez. The speaker of the House is third in the Philippine presidential line of succession, after the vice president and the Senate president. The official headquarters of the House of Representatives is at the Batasang Pambansa (literally "national legislature") located in Batasan Hills, Quezon City. The building is often simply called Batasan, and the word has also become a metonym to refer to the House of Representatives.

Malolos Congress
The Philippine legislative system began in a unicameral form of government in 1898 when then President Emilio Aguinaldo established the Malolos Congress of the short-lived 1st Republic of the Philippines from 1898 to 1901. The Congress’ notable achievement was the ratification of Philippine Independence when it was declared on June 12, 1898, in Kawit, Cavite.

The Malolos Congress’ convened at the Barasoain church during the subsequent inauguration of Emilio Aguinaldo and the inauguration of the Malolos Constitution in 1898. A year prior to the establishment of the republic, the Congress approved the motion to declare war on the United States, thus beginning the Philippine-American War which lasted from 1899 to 1901. The Malolos Congress was dissolved on April 1, 1901, following Aguinaldo's declaration of allegiance to the United States when he was captured.

Philippine Assembly
At the beginning of American colonial rule, from March 16, 1900, the sole national legislative body was the Philippine Commission with all members appointed by the President of the United States. Headed by the Governor-General of the Philippines the body exercised all legislative authority given to it by the President and the United States Congress until October 1907 when it was joined by the Philippine Assembly. William Howard Taft was chosen to be the first American civilian Governor-General and the first leader of this Philippine Commission, which subsequently became known as the Taft Commission.

The Philippine Bill of 1902, a basic law, or organic act, of the Insular Government, mandated that once certain conditions were met a bicameral, or two-chamber, Philippine Legislature would be created with the previously existing, all-appointed Philippine Commission as the upper house and the Philippine Assembly as the lower house. This bicameral legislature was inaugurated in October 1907. Under the leadership of Speaker Sergio Osmeña and Floor Leader Manuel L. Quezon, the Rules of the 59th United States Congress was substantially adopted as the Rules of the Philippine Legislature. Osmeña and Quezon led the Nacionalista Party, with a platform of independence from the United States, into successive electoral victories against the Progresista Party and later the Democrata Party, which first advocated United States statehood, then opposed immediate independence.

It is this body, founded as the Philippine Assembly, that would continue in one form or another, and with a few different names, up until the present day.

Jones Act of 1916
In 1916, the Jones Act, officially the Philippine Autonomy Act, changed the legislative system. The Philippine Commission was abolished and a new fully elected, bicameral Philippine Legislature consisting of a House of Representatives and a Senate was established. The Nacionalistas continued their electoral dominance at this point, although they were split into two factions led by Osmeña and Quezon; the two reconciled in 1924, and controlled the Assembly via a virtual dominant-party system.

Commonwealth and the Third Republic
The legislative system was changed again in 1935. The 1935 Constitution established a unicameral National Assembly. But in 1940, through an amendment to the 1935 Constitution, a bicameral Congress of the Philippines consisting of a House of Representatives and a Senate was adopted.

Upon the inauguration of the Republic of the Philippines in 1946, Republic Act No. 6 was enacted providing that on the date of the proclamation of the Republic of the Philippines, the existing Congress would be known as the First Congress of the Republic. The "Liberal bloc" of the Nacionalistas permanently split from their ranks, creating the Liberal Party. These two will contest all of the elections in what appeared to be a two-party system. The party of the ruling president wins the elections in the House of Representatives; in cases where the party of the president and the majority of the members of the House of Representatives are different, a sufficient enough number will break away and join the party of the president, thereby ensuring that the president will have control of the House of Representatives.

Martial Law
This set up continued until President Ferdinand Marcos declared martial law and abolished Congress. He would rule by decree even after the 1973 Constitution abolished the bicameral Congress and created a unicameral Batasang Pambansa parliamentary system of government, as parliamentary election would not occur in 1978. Marcos' Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL; New Society Movement) won all of the seats except those from the Central Visayas ushering in an era of KBL dominance, which continued until the People Power Revolution overthrew Marcos in 1986.

1987 Constitution
The 1987 Constitution restored the presidential system of government together with a bicameral Congress of the Philippines. One deviation from the previous setup was the introduction of the mid-term election; however, the dynamics of the House of Representatives resumed its pre-1972 state, with the party of the president controlling the chamber, although political pluralism ensued that prevented the restoration of the old Nacionalista-Liberal two-party system. Instead, a multi-party system evolved.

Corazon Aquino who nominally had no party, supported the Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP; Struggle of the Democratic Filipinos). With the victory of Fidel V. Ramos in the 1992 presidential election, many representatives defected to his Lakas-NUCD party; the same would happen with Joseph Estrada's victory in 1998, but he lost support when he was ousted after the 2001 EDSA Revolution that brought his vice president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo to power. This also meant the restoration of Lakas-NUCD as the top party in the chamber. The same would happen when Benigno Aquino III won in 2010, which returned the Liberals into power.

The presiding officer is the Speaker. Unlike the Senate President, the Speaker usually serves the entire term of Congress, although there had been instances when the Speaker left office due to conflict with the president: examples include Jose de Venecia Jr.'s resignation as speaker in 2008 when his son Joey de Venecia exposed alleged corrupt practices by First Gentleman Mike Arroyo, and Manny Villar's ouster occurred after he allowed the impeachment of President Estrada in 2000.

Electoral system
The Philippines uses parallel voting for its lower house elections. For the 2022 elections, there will be 316 seats in the House; 253 of these are district representatives, and 63 are party-list representatives. The number of seats to be disputed may change depending on the creation of new congressional districts.

Philippine law mandates that there should be one party-list representative for every four district representatives. District representatives are elected under the plurality voting system from single-member districts. Party-list representatives are elected via the nationwide vote with a 2% election threshold, with a party winning not more than three seats. The party with the most votes usually wins three seats, then the other parties with more than 2% of the vote two seats. At this point, if all of the party-list seats are not filled up, the parties with less than 2% of the vote will win one seat each until all party-list seats are filled up.

Political parties competing in the party-list election are barred from participating district elections, and vice versa, unless permitted by the Commission on Elections. Party-lists and political parties participating in the district elections may forge coalition deals with one another.

Campaigning for elections from congressional districts seats are decidedly local; the candidates are most likely a part of an election slate that includes candidates for other positions in the locality, and slates may comprise different parties. The political parties contesting the election make no attempt to create a national campaign.

Party-list campaigning, on the other hand, is done on a national scale. Parties usually attempt to appeal to a specific demographic. Polling is usually conducted for the party-list election, while pollsters may release polls on specific district races. In district elections, pollsters do not attempt to make forecasts on how many votes a party would achieve, nor the number of seats a party would win; they do attempt to do that in party-list elections, though.

Officers
The members of the House of Representatives who are also its officers are also ex officio members of all of the committees and have a vote.

The leadership positions, except for the Secretary General and Sergeant-at-Arms, are currently vacant. The terms of office of the officers elected during the 18th Congress ended on June 30, 2022. On July 25, 2022, the 19th Congress of the Philippines shall elect among themselves their leaders.

Speaker
The speaker is the head of the House of Representatives. He presides over the session; decides on all questions of order, subject to appeal by any member; signs all acts, resolutions, memorials, writs, warrants, and subpoenas issued by or upon order of the House; appoints, suspends, dismisses, or disciplines House personnel; and exercise administrative functions.

The speaker is elected by a majority of all the members of the House, including vacant seats. The speaker is traditionally elected at the convening of each congress. Before a speaker is elected, the House's sergeant-at-arms sits as the "Presiding Officer" until a speaker is elected. Compared to the Senate President, the unseating of an incumbent speaker is rarer.

The incumbent Speaker of the House is Congressman Martin Romualdez who represents Leyte's 1st Congressional district and the first cousin of incumbent president Bongbong Marcos.

Deputy Speakers
There was a position of speaker pro tempore for congresses prior the reorganization of the officers of the House of Representatives during the 10th Congress in 1995. The speaker pro tempore was the next highest position in the House after the speaker.

The position was replaced by deputy speakers in 1995. Originally, there was one Deputy Speaker for each island group of Luzon, Visayas and Mindanao. Then, in 2001 during the 12th Congress, a Deputy Speaker "at large" was created. In the next Congress, another "at large" deputy speakership was created, along with a Deputy Speaker for women. In the 15th Congress starting in 2010, all six deputy speakers are "at large".

In the 16th Congress, the deputy speakers represent the chamber at-large. Starting in the 17th Congress, each region is represented by a Deputy Speaker, with additional deputy speakers from the party-list ranks.

The deputy speakers perform the speaker's role when the speaker is absent. In case in the resignation of the speaker, the deputy speakers shall elect from among themselves an acting speaker, until a speaker is elected.

The outgoing deputy speakers of the House are former president and speaker Gloria Macapagal Arroyo, Congressman Raymond Democrito Mendoza, Congressman Roberto Puno, Congresswoman Kristine Singson-Meehan, Congressman Isidro Ungab, Congresswoman Camille Villar, former Senator and outgoing Congressman Ralph Recto, Congressman Aurelio Gonzales Jr., and Congressman Vincent Franco-Frasco.

Majority Floor Leader
The majority leader, aside from being the spokesman of the majority party, is to direct the deliberations on the floor. The Majority Leader is also concurrently the Chairman of the Committee on Rules. The majority leader is elected in a party caucus of the ruling majority party.

The incumbent House Majority Floor Leader is Congressman Manuel Jose Dalipe, a member of the Lakas–CMD party and is representing Zamboanga City's second congressional district.

Minority Floor Leader
The minority leader is the spokesman of the minority party in the House and is an ex-officio member of all standing Committees. The minority leader is elected in party caucus of all Members of the House in the minority party, although by tradition, the losing candidate for speaker is named the minority leader.

The incumbent House Minority Leader is Congressman Marcelino Libanan, a party-list member for 4PS.

Secretary General
The secretary general enforces orders and decisions of the House; keeps the Journal of each session; notes all questions of order, among other things. The secretary general presides over the chamber at the first legislative session after an election, and is elected by a majority of the members.

At present, Reginald S. Velasco is the Secretary General of the House of Representatives.

Sergeant-at-Arms
The Sergeant-at-Arms is responsible for the maintenance of public order in the House of Representatives, among other things. Like the Secretary General, the Sergeant-at-Arms is elected by a majority of the members.

At present, retired Police Major General Napoleon C. Taas is the Sergeant-at-Arms of the House of Representatives.

Qualifications
The qualifications for membership in the House are expressly stated in Section 6, Art. VI of the 1987 Philippine Constitution as follows:

 * No person shall be a Representative unless he/she is a natural-born citizen of the Philippines, and on the day of the election, is at least 25 years of age, able to read and write, a registered voter except for a party-list representative, and a resident of the country for not less than one year immediately preceding the day of the election.
 * The age is fixed at 25 and must be possessed on the day of the elections, that is, when the polls are opened and the votes cast, and not on the day of the proclamation of the winners by the board of canvassers.
 * With regard to the residence requirements, it was ruled in the case of Lim v. Pelaez that it must be the place where one habitually resides and to which he, after absence, has the intention of returning.
 * The enumeration laid down by the 1987 Constitution is exclusive under the Latin principle of expressio unius est exclusio alterius. This means that Congress cannot anymore add additional qualifications other than those provided by the Constitution.

Membership
There are two types of congressmen: those who represent geographic districts, and those who represent party-lists. The first-past-the-post (simple plurality voting) method is used to determine who represents each of the 243 geographic districts. The party-list representatives are elected via the party-list system. The party-list representatives should always comprise 20% of the seats.

Originally set at 200 in the ordinance of the 1987 constitution, the number of districts has grown to 243. All of the new districts are via created via piecemeal redistricting of the then existing 200 districts, and via the creation of new provinces and cities. The constitution gave Congress to nationally redistrict the country after the release of every census, but this has not been done.

The original 200 districts meant that there should have been 50 party-list representatives. However, the constitution did not give the specifics on how party-list congressmen should have been elected. This led to presidents appointing sectoral representatives, which were then approved by the Commission on Appointments; only a handful of sectoral representatives were seated in this way. With the enactment of the Party-List System Act, the first party-list election was in 1998; with the 2% election threshold, a 3-seat cap and tens of parties participating, this led to only about a fraction of the party-list seats being distributed. Eventually, there had been several Supreme Court decisions changing the way the winning seats are distributed, ensuring that all party-list seats are filled up.

There were supposed to be 245 congressional districts that were to be disputed in the 2019 election, so there were 61 party-list seats contested in the party-list election. Elections in two of these districts were delayed due to its creation right before campaigning. The Supreme Court ruled that one district be contested in the next (2022) election, then the Commission on Elections applied the court's ruling to the other district, bringing the number of districts to 243, while still keeping the 61 party-list representatives, for a total of 304 seats.

Vacancies from representatives elected via districts are dealt with special elections, which may be done if the vacancy occurred less than a year before the next regularly-scheduled election. Special elections are infrequently done; despite several vacancies, the last special election was in 2023. For party-list representatives, the nominee next on the list is asked to replace the outgoing representative; if the nominee agrees, then that person would be sworn in as a member, if the nominee doesn't agree, then the nominee after that person is asked, and the process is repeated. Vacating party-list representatives have always been replaced this way.

Congressional district representation
Eighty percent of representatives shall come from congressional districts, with each district returning one representative. The constitution mandates that every province and every city with a population of 250,000 must have at least one representative. Each legislative district, regardless of population, has one congressman. For provinces that have more than one legislative district, the provincial districts are identical to the corresponding legislative district, with the exclusion of cities that do not vote for provincial officials. If cities are divided into multiple districts for city hall representation purposes, these are also used for congressional representation.

The representatives from the districts comprise at most 80% of the members of the House; therefore, for a party to have a majority of seats in the House, the party needs to win a larger majority of district seats. No party since the approval of the 1987 constitution has been able to win a majority of seats, hence coalitions are not uncommon.

Legislative districts in provinces

 * Abra (1)
 * Agusan del Norte (2)
 * Agusan del Sur (2)
 * Aklan (2)
 * Albay (3)
 * Antique (1)
 * Apayao (1)
 * Aurora (1)
 * Basilan (1)
 * Bataan (3)
 * Batanes (1)
 * Batangas (6)
 * Benguet (1)
 * Biliran (1)
 * Bohol (3)
 * Bukidnon (4)
 * Bulacan (6)
 * Cagayan (3)
 * Camarines Norte (2)
 * Camarines Sur (5)
 * Camiguin (1)
 * Capiz (2)
 * Catanduanes (1)
 * Cavite (8)
 * Cebu (7)
 * Cotabato (3)
 * Davao de Oro (2)
 * Davao del Norte (2)
 * Davao Occidental (1)
 * Davao Oriental (2)
 * Davao del Sur (1)
 * Dinagat Islands (1)
 * Eastern Samar (1)
 * Guimaras (1)
 * Ifugao (1)
 * Ilocos Norte (2)
 * Ilocos Sur (2)
 * Iloilo (5)
 * Isabela (6)
 * Kalinga (1)
 * La Union (2)
 * Laguna (4)
 * Lanao del Norte (2)
 * Lanao del Sur (2)
 * Leyte (5)
 * Maguindanao (2)
 * Marinduque (1)
 * Masbate (3)
 * Misamis Occidental (2)
 * Misamis Oriental (2)
 * Mountain Province (1)
 * Negros Occidental (6)
 * Negros Oriental (3)
 * Northern Samar (2)
 * Nueva Ecija (4)
 * Nueva Vizcaya (1)
 * Occidental Mindoro (1)
 * Oriental Mindoro (2)
 * Palawan (3)
 * Pampanga (4)
 * Pangasinan (6)
 * Quezon (4)
 * Quirino (1)
 * Rizal (4)
 * Romblon (1)
 * Samar (2)
 * Sarangani (1)
 * Siquijor (1)
 * Sorsogon (2)
 * South Cotabato (2)
 * Southern Leyte (2)
 * Sultan Kudarat (2)
 * Sulu (2)
 * Surigao del Norte (2)
 * Surigao del Sur (2)
 * Tarlac (3)
 * Tawi-Tawi (1)
 * Zambales (2)
 * Zamboanga del Norte (3)
 * Zamboanga del Sur (2)
 * Zamboanga Sibugay (2)

Legislative districts in cities

 * Antipolo (2)
 * Bacolod (1)
 * Baguio (1)
 * Biñan (1)
 * Butuan (1)
 * Cagayan de Oro (2)
 * Calamba (1)
 * Caloocan (3)
 * Cebu City (2)
 * Davao City (3)
 * Iligan (1)
 * General Santos (1)
 * Iloilo City (1)
 * Lapu-Lapu (1)
 * Las Piñas (1)
 * Makati (2)
 * Malabon (1)
 * Mandaluyong (1)
 * Mandaue (1)
 * Manila (6)
 * Marikina (2)
 * Muntinlupa (1)
 * Navotas (1)
 * Parañaque (2)
 * Pasay (1)
 * Pasig (1)
 * Pateros and Taguig (1)
 * Quezon City (6)
 * San Jose del Monte (1)
 * San Juan (1)
 * Santa Rosa (1)
 * Taguig (1)
 * Valenzuela (2)
 * Zamboanga City (2)

Party-list representation
The party-list system is the name designated for party-list representation. Under the 1987 Constitution, the electorate can vote for certain party-list organizations in order to give voice to significant minorities of society that would otherwise not be adequately represented through geographical district. From 1987 to 1998, party-list representatives were appointed by the President.

Since 1998, each voter votes for a single party-list organization. Organizations that garner at least 2% of the total number of votes are awarded one representative for every 2% up to a maximum of three representatives. Thus, there can be at most 50 party-list representatives in Congress, though usually no more than 20 are elected because many organizations do not reach the required 2% minimum number of votes.

After the 2007 election, in a controversial decision, the Supreme Court ordered the COMELEC to change how it allocates the party-list seats. Under the new formula only one party will have the maximum 3 seats. It based its decision on a formula contained in the VFP vs. COMELEC decision. In 2009, in the BANAT vs. COMELEC decision, it was changed anew in which parties with less than 2% of the vote were given seats to fulfill the 20% quota as set forth in the constitution.

Aside from determining which party won and allocating the number of seats won per party, another point of contention was whether the nominees should be a member of the marginalized group they are supposed to represent; in the Ang Bagong Bayani vs. COMELEC decision, the Supreme Court not only ruled that the nominees should be a member of the marginalized sector, but it also disallowed major political parties from participating in the party-list election. However, on the BANAT decision, the court ruled that since the law didn't specify who belongs to a marginalized sector, the court allowed anyone to be a nominee as long as the nominee as a member of the party (not necessarily the marginalized group the party is supposed to represent).

Sectoral representation
Prior to the enactment of the Party-list Act, the president, with the advice and consent of the Commission on Appointments, nominated sectoral representatives. These represented various sectors, from labor, peasants, urban poor, the youth, women and cultural communities. Their numbers grew from 15 members in the 8th Congress, to 32 in the 10th Congress.

In the Interim Batasang Pambansa, a sectoral election was held to fill up the sectoral seats of parliament.

Legislative caretakers
Under the Republic Act No. 6645 or "An Act Prescribing the Manner of Filling a Vacancy in the Congress of the Philippines", if a seat was vacated with at most 18 months prior to an election the House of Representatives could request the Commission on Elections to hold a special election to fill in the vacancy. The law does not specify for a mechanism if the seat was vacated within 18 months prior to an election. The House of Representatives through its Speaker customarily appoints a caretaker or legislative liaison officer to fill in the vacancy. The caretaker cannot vote in the name of the district that is being taken care of.

Redistricting
Congress is mandated to reapportion the legislative districts within three years following the return of every census. Since its restoration in 1987, Congress has not passed any general apportionment law, despite the publication of six censuses in 1990, 1995, 2000, 2007, 2010 and 2015. The increase in the number of representative districts since 1987 were mostly due to the creation of new provinces, cities, and piecemeal redistricting of certain provinces and cities.

The apportionment of congressional districts is not dependent upon a specially-mandated independent government body, but rather through Republic Acts which are drafted by members of Congress. Therefore, apportionment often can be influenced by political motivations. Incumbent representatives who are not permitted by law to serve after three consecutive terms sometimes resort to dividing their district, or even creating a new province which will be guaranteed a seat, just so that their allies be able to run, while "switching offices" with them. Likewise, politicians whose political fortunes are likely to be jeopardized by any change in district boundaries may delay or even ignore the need for reapportionment.

Since 1987, the creation of some new congressional districts have been met with controversy, especially due to incumbent political clans and their allies benefiting from the new district arrangements. Some of these new congressional districts are tied to the creation of a new province, because such an act necessarily entails the creation of a new congressional district.
 * Creation of Davao Occidental, 2013: The rival Cagas and Bautista clans dominate politics in the province of Davao del Sur; their members have been elected as congressional representatives for the first and second districts of the province since 1987. However, the province's governorship has been in contest between the two clans in recent years: Claude Bautista, the current governor, was elected in 2013; before that Douglas Cagas served as governor from 2007 to 2013, after succeeding Benjamin Bautista Jr. who served from 2002 to 2007. Supporters of both clans have been subjected to political violence, prompting the police to put the province of Davao del Sur in the election watchlist. The law which created Davao Occidental, Republic Act No. 10360, was co-authored by House Representatives Marc Douglas Cagas IV and Franklin Bautista as House Bill 4451; the creation of the new province is seen as a way to halt the "often violent" political rivalry between the clans by ensuring that the Cagas and Bautista clans have separate domains.
 * Reapportionment of Camarines Sur, 2009: A new congressional district was created within Camarines Sur under Republic Act No. 9716, which resulted in the reduction of the population of the province's first district to below the Constitutional ideal of 250,000 inhabitants. The move was seen as a form of political accommodation that would (and ultimately did) prevent two allies of then-President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo from running in the same district. Rolando Andaya, who was on his third term as congressman for the first district, was appointed Budget Secretary in 2006; his plans to run as representative of the same district in 2010 put him in direct competition with Diosdado Macapagal-Arroyo, the president's youngest son, who was also seeking re-election. Then-Senator Noynoy Aquino challenged the constitutionality of the law but the Supreme Court of the Philippines ultimately ruled that the creation of the new district was constitutional.
 * Creation of Dinagat Islands, 2007: The separation of Dinagat Islands from Surigao del Norte has further solidified the hold of the Ecleo clan over the impoverished and typhoon-prone area, which remains among the poorest provinces in the country.

Most populous legislative districts
Currently the district with the lowest population is the lone district of Batanes, with only 18,831 inhabitants in 2020. The most populous congressional district, the 1st District of Rizal, has around 69 times more inhabitants. Data below reflect the district boundaries for the 2019 elections, and the population counts from the 2020 census.

Underrepresentation
Because of the lack of a nationwide reapportionment after the publication of every census since the Constitution was promulgated in 1987, faster-growing provinces and cities have become severely underrepresented. Each legislative district is ideally supposed to encompass a population of 250,000.

Powers
The House of Representatives is modeled after the United States House of Representatives; the two chambers of Congress have roughly equal powers, and every bill or resolution that has to go through both houses needs the consent of both chambers before being passed for the president's signature. Once a bill is defeated in the House of Representatives, it is lost. Once a bill is approved by the House of Representatives on third reading, the bill is passed to the Senate, unless an exact identical bill has also been passed by the upper house. When a counterpart bill in the Senate is different from the one passed by the House of Representatives, either a bicameral conference committee is created consisting of members from both chambers of Congress to reconcile the differences, or either chamber may instead approve the other chamber's version.

Just like most lower houses, franchise and money bills originate in the House of Representatives, but the Senate may still propose or concur with amendments, same with bills of local application and private bills. The House of Representatives has the sole power to initiate impeachment proceedings, and may impeach an official by a vote of one-third of its members. Once an official is impeached, the Senate tries that official.

Seat

The Batasang Pambansa Complex (National Legislature) at Quezon City is the seat of the House of Representatives since its restoration in 1987; it took its name from the Batasang Pambansa, the national parliament which convened there from 1978 to 1986.

The Philippine Legislature was inaugurated at the Manila Grand Opera House at 1907, then it conducted business at the Ayuntamiento in Intramuros. Governor-General Leonard Wood summoned the 2nd Philippine Legislature at Baguio and convened at The Mansion in Baguio for three weeks. The legislature returned to the Ayutamiento, as the Legislative Building was being constructed; it first convened there on July 26, 1926. The House of Representatives continued to occupy the second floor until 1945 when the area was shelled during the Battle of Manila. The building was damaged beyond repair and Congress convened at the Old Japanese Schoolhouse at Lepanto (modern-day S. H. Loyola) Street, Manila until the Legislative Building can be occupied again in 1949. Congress stayed at the Legislative Building, by now called the Congress Building, until President Marcos shut Congress and ruled by decree starting in 1972.

Marcos then oversaw the construction of the new home of parliament at Quezon City, which convened in 1978. The parliament, called the Batasang Pambansa continued to sit there until the passage of the 1986 Freedom Constitution. The House of Representatives inherited the Batasang Pambansa Complex in 1987.

Batasang Pambansa Complex
The Batasang Pambansa Complex, now officially called the House of Representatives Building Complex, is at the National Government Center, Constitution Hills, Quezon City. Accessible via Commonwealth Avenue, the complex consists of four buildings. The Main Building hosts the session hall; the North and South wings, inaugurated in December 1977, are attached to it. The newest building, the Ramon Mitra, Jr. Building, was completed in 2001. It houses the Legislative Library, the Committee offices, the Reference and Research Bureau, and the Conference Rooms.

Current composition
The members of the House of Representatives, aside from being grouped into political parties, are also grouped into the "majority bloc", "minority bloc" and "independents" (different from the independent in the sense that they are not affiliated into a political party). Originally, members who voted for the winning Speaker belong to the majority and members who voted for the opponent are the minority. The majority and minority bloc are to elect amongst themselves a floor leader. While members are allowed to switch blocs, they must do so in writing. Also, the bloc where they intend to transfer shall accept their application through writing. When the bloc the member ought to transfer refuses to accept the transferring member, or a member does not want to be a member of either bloc, that member becomes an independent member. A member that transfers to a new bloc forfeits one's committee chairmanships and memberships, until the bloc the member transfers to elects the member to committees.

The membership in each committee should be in proportion to the size of each bloc, with each bloc deciding who amongst them who will go to each committee, upon a motion by the floor leader concerned to the House of Representatives in plenary. The Speaker, Deputy Speakers, floor leaders, deputy floor leaders and the chairperson of the Committee on Accounts can vote in committees; the committee chairperson can only vote to break a tie.

To ensure that the representatives each get their pork barrel, most of them will join the majority bloc, or even to the president's party, as basis of patronage politics (known as the Padrino System locally); thus, the House of Representatives always aligns itself with the party of the sitting president.

The majority bloc sits at the right side of the speaker, facing the House of Representatives.

Leadership

 * House Speaker: Rep. Martin Romualdez
 * Deputy Speakers:
 * Rep. Gloria Macapagal Arroyo
 * Rep. Isidro Ungab
 * Rep. Roberto V. Puno
 * Rep. Kristine Singson-Meehan
 * Rep. Camille Villar
 * Rep. Raymond Democrito C. Mendoza
 * Rep. David Suarez
 * Rep. Aurelio "Dong" D. Gonzales Jr.
 * Rep. Vincent Franco "Duke" D. Frasco
 * Majority Floor Leader: Rep. Manuel Jose "Mannix" M. Dalipe
 * Minority Floor Leader: Rep. Marcelino Libanan
 * Secretary-General: Reginald S. Velasco


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Graph paper

Graph paper, coordinate paper, grid paper, or squared paper is writing paper that is printed with fine lines making up a regular grid. The lines are often used as guides for plotting graphs of functions or experimental data and drawing curves. It is commonly found in mathematics and engineering education settings and in laboratory notebooks. Graph paper is available either as loose leaf paper or bound in notebooks.

History
The Metropolitan Museum of Art owns a pattern book dated to around 1596 in which each page bears a grid printed with a woodblock. The owner has used these grids to create block pictures in black and white and in colour.

The first commercially published "coordinate paper" is usually attributed to a Dr. Buxton of England, who patented paper, printed with a rectangular coordinate grid, in 1794. A century later, E. H. Moore, a distinguished mathematician at the University of Chicago, advocated usage of paper with "squared lines" by students of high schools and universities. The 1906 edition of Algebra for Beginners by H. S. Hall and S. R. Knight included a strong statement that "the squared paper should be of good quality and accurately ruled to inches and tenths of an inch. Experience shows that anything on a smaller scale (such as 'millimeter' paper) is practically worthless in the hands of beginners."

The term "graph paper" did not catch on quickly in American usage. A School Arithmetic (1919) by H. S. Hall and F. H. Stevens had a chapter on graphing with "squared paper". Analytic Geometry (1937) by W. A. Wilson and J. A. Tracey used the phrase "coordinate paper". The term "squared paper" remained in British usage for longer; for example it was used in Public School Arithmetic (2023) by W. M. Baker and A. A. Bourne published in London.

Formats

 * Quad paper, sometimes referred to as quadrille paper from French quadrillé, 'large square', is a common form of graph paper with a sparse grid printed in light blue or gray and right to the edge of the paper. In the U.S. and Canada, it often has two, four or five squares per inch for work not needing too much detail. In Europe, it usually has 5 mm by 5 mm squares.
 * Dot grid paper uses dots at intersections instead of gridlines. It is often used for bullet journalling.
 * Engineering paper, or an Engineer's Pad, is traditionally printed on light green or tan translucent paper. It may have four, five or ten squares per inch. The grid lines are printed on the back side of each page and show through faintly to the front side. Each page has an unprinted margin.  When photocopied or scanned, the grid lines typically do not show up in the resulting copy, which often gives the work a neat, uncluttered appearance.  In the U.S. and Canada, some engineering professors require student homework to be completed on engineering paper.
 * Millimeter paper has ten squares per centimeter and is used for technical drawings.
 * Hexagonal paper shows regular hexagons instead of squares. These can be used to map geometric tiled or tesselated designs among other uses.
 * Isometric graph paper or 3D graph paper is a triangular graph paper which uses a series of three guidelines forming a 60° grid of small triangles. The triangles are arranged in groups of six to make hexagons. The name suggests the use for isometric views or pseudo-three-dimensional views. Among other functions, they can be used in the design of trianglepoint embroidery. It can be used to draw angles accurately.
 * Logarithmic paper has rectangles drawn in varying widths corresponding to logarithmic scales for semi-log plots or log-log plots.
 * Normal probability paper is another graph paper with rectangles of variable widths. It is designed so that "the graph of the normal distribution function is represented on it by a straight line", i.e. it can be used for a normal probability plot.
 * Polar coordinate paper has concentric circles divided into small arcs or 'pie wedges' to allow plotting in polar coordinates.
 * Ternary (Triangular) graph paper has an equilateral triangle, divided into smaller equilateral triangles with usually 10 or more divisions per edge. It is used to plot compositional percentages of in systems that have three constituents or three dimensions. (see ternary plot)

In general, graphs showing grids are sometimes called Cartesian graphs because the square can be used to map measurements onto a Cartesian (x vs. y) coordinate system.

title: Graph paper


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Weyerhaeuser

The Weyerhaeuser Company is an American timberland company which owns nearly 12400000 acres of timberlands in the U.S., and manages an additional 14000000 acres of timberlands under long-term licenses in Canada. The company has manufactured wood products for over a century. It operates as a real estate investment trust (REIT).

History
In 1900, after years of successful Mississippi River-based lumber and mill operations with Frederick Denkmann and others, Frederick Weyerhäuser moved west to fresh timber areas and founded the Weyerhäuser Timber Company. Fifteen partners and 900000 acres of Washington timberland were involved in the founding, and the land was purchased from James J. Hill of the Great Northern Railway. In 1929, the company built what was then the world's largest sawmill in Longview, Washington. Weyerhaeuser's pulp mill in Longview, which began production in 1931, sustained the company financially during the Great Depression. In 1959, the company eliminated the word "Timber" from its name to better reflect its operations. In 1965, Weyerhaeuser built its first bleached kraft pulp mill in Canada. Weyerhaeuser implemented its High Yield Forestry Plan in 1967 which drew upon 30 years of forestry research and field experience. It called for the planting of seedlings within one year of a harvest, soil fertilization, thinning, rehabilitation of brushlands, and, eventually, genetic improvement of trees. In 1975 the company bought the 3,200 acres of land of the Northwest Landing and developed the town of DuPont, Washington using a New Urbanism model.

Weyerhaeuser consolidated its core businesses in the late 1990s and ended its services in mortgage banking, personal care products, financial services, and information systems consulting. Weyerhaeuser also expanded into South America, Australia, and Asia. In 1999, Weyerhaeuser purchased MacMillan Bloedel Limited, a large Canadian forestry company. Then in 2002 after a protracted hostile buyout, the company acquired Willamette Industries, Inc. of Portland, Oregon. On August 23, 2006, Weyerhaeuser announced a deal which spun off its fine paper business to be combined with Domtar, a $3.3 billion cash and stock deal leaving Weyerhaeuser stockholders with 55 percent ownership of the new Domtar company.

In March 2008, Weyerhaeuser Company announced the sale of its containerboard packaging and recycling business to International Paper for $6 billion in cash, subject to post closing adjustments. The transaction included nine containerboard mills, 72 packaging locations, 10 specialty packaging plants, four craft bag and sack locations and 19 recycling facilities. The transaction affected approximately 14,300 employees. The deal closed on August 4, 2008.

Weyerhaeuser converted into a REIT when it filed its 2010 tax return.

In 2013, Weyerhaeuser purchased Longview Timber for $2.65 billion including debt from Brookfield Asset Management. The acquisition added 645000 acres of timberland to Weyerhaeuser's holdings in Oregon and Washington.

In 2014, Weyerhaeuser spun off its home building unit to TRI Pointe Homes in a $2.8 billion transaction. The company also announced its intention to sell its corporate headquarters in Federal Way and relocate to Seattle's Pioneer Square in 2016. The sale and move were completed in 2016.

On November 8, 2015, it was announced that Weyerhaeuser would buy Plum Creek Timber for $8.4 billion, forming the largest private owner of timberland in the United States. The transaction closed on February 19, 2016. At the time of the merger the combined companies own about 13000000 acres of timberlands.

In 2018, it won the Weyerhaeuser Company v. United States Fish and Wildlife Service case in the U.S. Supreme Court regarding whether private land can be classified as critical habitat if the land is not currently suitable as habitat for the protected species.

Operations
The company's operations are divided into three major business segments:

 * Timberlands—growing and harvesting trees in renewable cycles.
 * Wood products—manufacturing and distribution of building materials for homes and other structures.
 * Real estate, energy and natural resources —all surface and subsurface resources in timberlands that are worth more than the timber itself.

Corporate governance
Devin Stockfish is the CEO and president of Weyerhaeuser Company. The Weyerhaeuser board of directors consists of: Mark Emmert, Sara Grootwassink Lewis, Rick Holley, Deidra "Dee" Merriwether, Al Monaco, Nicole Piasecki, Marc Racicot, Lawrence Selzer, D. Michael Steuert, Devin Stockfish, Kim Williams and Charles Williamson.

President
Friedrich Weyerhäuser, 1900–1914 John Philip Weyerhaeuser Sr., 1914–1928 Frederick S. Bell, 1928–1934 Frederick Edward Weyerhaeuser, 1934–1945 Horace H. Irvine, 1946–1947 John Philip Weyerhaeuser Jr., 1947–1956 Frederick King Weyerhaeuser, 1956–1960 M. Norton Clapp, 1960–1966 George Hunt Weyerhaeuser, 1966–1991 John W. Creighton Jr., 1991–1997 Steven R. Rogel, 1997–2008 Daniel S. Fulton, 2008–2013 Doyle R. Simons, 2013–2018 Devin W. Stockfish, 2019–

Chairman of the Board
Frederick S. Bell, 1934–1938 Laird Bell, 1947–1955 Frederick King Weyerhaeuser, 1955–1957 M. Norton Clapp, 1957–1960 Frederick King Weyerhaeuser, 1960–1966 M. Norton Clapp, 1966–1976 Robert B. Wilson, 1976–1988 George Hunt Weyerhaeuser, 1988–1999 Steven R. Rogel, 1999–2009 Charles R. Williamson, 2009–2016 Rick R. Holley, 2016–

title: Weyerhaeuser