text:
User talk:Dino

My main page is dino. Old talk pages are archived, on the right.

Proposed deletion of File:Non solvable quintic.jpg

The file File:Non solvable quintic.jpg has been proposed for deletion because of the following concern: "Unused photo. An svg version is available."

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WikiProject Colorado Zoom meeting 05/12/2021
WikiProject Colorado will hold a Zoom meeting at 7:30 PM MDT on Wednesday, May 12, 2021, for those interested in working on Colorado Wikipedia articles. Your suggestions and comments are appreciated. Information about some of the things we need to do is located at and

Topic: WikiProject Colorado May 2021 Time: May 12, 2021 07:30 PM MDT

Join Zoom Meeting https://us04web.zoom.us/j/78055623422?pwd=VUtPQVZrZzU1ZWVhZ0F1MExIeUQ2UT09

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Happy First Edit Day!
 Happy First Edit Day! Have a very happy first edit anniversary!

From the Birthday Committee, --Ferien (talk) 15:18, 21 June 2021 (UTC)

Happy First Edit Day!
 Happy First Edit Day! Have a very happy first edit anniversary!

From the Birthday Committee, CAPTAIN RAJU (T) 20:34, 21 June 2021 (UTC)

Proposed deletion of SLAMD Server

The article SLAMD Server has been proposed for deletion because of the following concern: "Unsourced since creation, no indication of significance, likely parent article SLAMD was deleted at AfD in 2012 (Articles for deletion/SLAMD)."

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WikiProject Colorado Summer Zoom Meeting
WikiProject Colorado will hold a brief online meeting at 7:30 PM MDT on Tuesday, August 10, 2021. See what your fellow users have been up to and share your interests and suggestions. Some requests are listed at and

Topic: WikiProject Colorado Summer Zoom Meeting Time: August 10, 2021 07:30 PM MDT

Join Zoom Meeting https://us04web.zoom.us/j/74506020308?pwd=eTFPSlkzOUg0bTE2SVdXUnl2SVY4Zz09

Meeting ID: 745 0602 0308 Passcode: Colorado

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2020 United States Census for Colorado
I've posted the results of the 2020 United States Census for Colorado at WikiProject Colorado/2020 Census. You may wish to update your existing Colorado articles with this data.

Yours aye, Buaidh  talk e-mail 04:53, 31 August 2021 (UTC)

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Orphaned non-free image File:Chagan nuclear test.jpg
Thanks for uploading File:Chagan nuclear test.jpg. The image description page currently specifies that the image is non-free and may only be used on Wikipedia under a claim of fair use. However, the image is currently not used in any articles on Wikipedia. If the image was previously in an article, please go to the article and see why it was removed. You may add it back if you think that that will be useful. However, please note that images for which a replacement could be created are not acceptable for use on Wikipedia (see our policy for non-free media).

Note that any non-free images not used in any articles will be deleted after seven days, as described in section F5 of the criteria for speedy deletion. Thank you. --B-bot (talk) 19:32, 21 September 2021 (UTC)

Brief online meeting of WikiProject Colorado
What's up with Wikipedia and WikiProjectColorado? Join us for a brief online meeting at 7:30 PM MDT Tuesday evening, November 9, 2021 at https://meet.google.com/wyz-dfek-fdp

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Administrators will no longer be autopatrolled
A recently closed Request for Comment (RFC) reached consensus to remove Autopatrolled from the administrator user group. You may, similarly as with Edit Filter Manager, choose to self-assign this permission to yourself. This will be implemented the week of December 13th, but if you wish to self-assign you may do so now. To find out when the change has gone live or if you have any questions please visit the Administrator's Noticeboard. 20:05, 7 December 2021 (UTC)

How we will see unregistered users
Hi!

You get this message because you are an admin on a Wikimedia wiki.

When someone edits a Wikimedia wiki without being logged in today, we show their IP address. As you may already know, we will not be able to do this in the future. This is a decision by the Wikimedia Foundation Legal department, because norms and regulations for privacy online have changed.

Instead of the IP we will show a masked identity. You as an admin will still be able to access the IP. There will also be a new user right for those who need to see the full IPs of unregistered users to fight vandalism, harassment and spam without being admins. Patrollers will also see part of the IP even without this user right. We are also working on better tools to help.

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We have two suggested ways this identity could work. We would appreciate your feedback on which way you think would work best for you and your wiki, now and in the future. You can let us know on the talk page. You can write in your language. The suggestions were posted in October and we will decide after 17 January.

Thank you. /Johan (WMF)

18:12, 4 January 2022 (UTC)

WikiProject Colorado online meeting 02/08/2022
What's up with Wikipedia and WikiProject Colorado? Join us for an online meeting from 7:30 to 8:30 PM MST, Tuesday evening, February 8, 2022, at meet.google.com/ksx-wksh-eba

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Disambiguation link notification for March 5
An automated process has detected that when you recently edited Moro Rock, you added a link pointing to the disambiguation page Three Rivers.

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Rejuvenate WikiProject Skepticism
Hello - my name is Susan Gerbic (Sgerbic) and I'm writing to you because at some point you joined WikiProject Skepticism. This might have been months ago - or even years ago. With the best of intentions the project was created years ago, and sadly like many WikiProjects has started to go dormant. A group of us are attempting to revitalize the Skepticism project, already we have begun to clean up the main page and I've just redone the participant page. No one is in charge of this project, it is member directed, which might have been the reason it almost went dormant. We are attempting to bring back conversations on the talk page and have two subprojects as well, in the hopes that it might spark involvement and a way of getting to know each other better. One was created several years ago but is very well organized and a lot of progress was made, WikiProject Skepticism/Skeptical organisations in Europe. The other I created a couple weeks ago, it is very simple and has a silly name WikiProject Skepticism/Skepticism Stub Sub-Project Project (SSSPP). This sub-project runs from March 1 to June 1, 2022. We are attempting to rewrite skepticism stubs and add them to this list. As you can see we have already made progress.

The reason I'm writing to you now is because we would love to have you come back to the project and become involved, either by working on one of the sub-projects, proposing your own (and managing it), or just hanging out on the talk page getting to know the other editors and maybe donate some of your wisdom to some of the conversations. As I said, no one is in charge, so if you have something in mind you would like to see done, please suggest it on the talk page and hopefully others will agree. Please add the project to your watchlist, update your personal user page showing you are a proud member of WikiProject Skepticism. And DIVE in, this is what the work list looks like frightening at first glance, but we have already started chipping away at it.

The WikiProject Skepticism/Participants page has gone though a giant change - you may want to update your information. And of course if this project no longer interests you, please remove your name from the participant list, we would hate to see you go, but completely understand.

Thank you for your time, I hope to edit with you in the future.Sgerbic (talk) 06:59, 17 March 2022 (UTC)

New administrator activity requirement
22:52, 15 April 2022 (UTC)

WikiProject Colorado online meeting 05/17/2022
WikiProject Colorado will hold a short online meeting from 7:30 to 8:30 PM MDT, Tuesday evening, May 17, 2022, at meet.google.com/zwd-ojag-enp

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Orphaned non-free image File:Andrei Sakharov and Igor Kurchatov.jpeg
Thanks for uploading File:Andrei Sakharov and Igor Kurchatov.jpeg. The image description page currently specifies that the image is non-free and may only be used on Wikipedia under a claim of fair use. However, the image is currently not used in any articles on Wikipedia. If the image was previously in an article, please go to the article and see why it was removed. You may add it back if you think that that will be useful. However, please note that images for which a replacement could be created are not acceptable for use on Wikipedia (see our policy for non-free media).

Note that any non-free images not used in any articles will be deleted after seven days, as described in section F5 of the criteria for speedy deletion. Thank you. --B-bot (talk) 17:04, 1 June 2022 (UTC)

WikiProject Colorado online meeting 08/16/2022
WikiProject Colorado will hold an online meeting from 8:00 to 9:00 PM MDT, Tuesday evening, August 16, 2022, at meet.google.com/bqn-jhaw-ewc. Anyone interested in Colorado is encouraged to attend.

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Please vote in the 2022 Wikimedia Foundation Inc. Board of Trustees election
Hello hello. I hope this message finds you well.

The Wikimedia Foundation Inc. Board of Trustees election ends soon, please vote. At least one of the candidates is worthy of support. --MZMcBride (talk) 14:39, 5 September 2022 (UTC)

Proposed deletion of Exoteric

The article Exoteric has been proposed for deletion because of the following concern: "Wikipedia is not a dictionary"

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Please consider improving the page to address the issues raised. Removing will stop the proposed deletion process, but other deletion processes exist. In particular, the speedy deletion process can result in deletion without discussion, and articles for deletion allows discussion to reach consensus for deletion.  - car chasm (talk) 16:17, 7 September 2022 (UTC)

"Beehive home" listed at Redirects for discussion
An editor has identified a potential problem with the redirect Beehive home and has thus listed it for discussion. This discussion will occur at Redirects for discussion/Log/2022 October 10 until a consensus is reached, and anyone, including you, is welcome to contribute to the discussion. Steel1943 (talk) 18:29, 10 October 2022 (UTC)

Let Us Break Bread Together moved to draftspace
An article you recently created, Let Us Break Bread Together, is not suitable as written to remain published. It needs more in-depth coverage about the subject itself, with citations from reliable, independent sources in order to show it meets WP:GNG. (?) Information that can't be referenced should be removed (verifiability is of central importance on Wikipedia). I've moved your draft to draftspace (with a prefix of " " before the article title) where you can incubate the article with minimal disruption. When you feel the article meets Wikipedia's general notability guideline and thus is ready for mainspace, please click on the "Submit your draft for review!" button at the top of the page. Onel 5969  TT me 11:31, 12 October 2022 (UTC)

 * Hello, Dino,
 * I hope this article gets moved back eventually to main space. It's a beautiful spiritual. Liz Read! Talk! 17:36, 12 October 2022 (UTC)

Your submission at Articles for creation: Let us break bread together has been accepted
 Let us break bread together, which you submitted to Articles for creation, has been created.

Congratulations, and thank you for helping expand the scope of Wikipedia! We hope you will continue making quality contributions.

The article has been assessed as Start-Class, which is recorded on its talk page. Most new articles start out as Stub-Class or Start-Class and then attain higher grades as they develop over time. You may like to take a look at the grading scheme to see how you can improve the article.

Since you have made at least 10 edits over more than four days, you can now create articles yourself without posting a request. However, you may continue submitting work to Articles for creation if you prefer.

If you have any questions, you are welcome to ask at the  [//en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Wikipedia:WikiProject_Articles_for_creation/Help_desk&action=edit&section=new&nosummary=1&preload=Template:AfC_talk/HD_preload&preloadparams%5B%5D=Let_us_break_bread_together help desk] . Once you have made at least 10 edits and had an account for at least four days, you will have the option to create articles yourself without posting a request to Articles for creation.

If you would like to help us improve this process, please consider.

Thanks again, and happy editing! — Ingenuity (talk • contribs) 01:56, 27 October 2022 (UTC)

I have sent you a note about a page you started
Hello, Dino. Thank you for your work on Let us break bread together. User:SunDawn, while examining this page as a part of our page curation process, had the following comments:

To reply, leave a comment here and begin it with. Please remember to sign your reply with ~. (Message delivered via the Page Curation tool, on behalf of the reviewer.)

✠ SunDawn ✠    (contact)   02:25, 27 October 2022 (UTC)

WikiProject Colorado online meeting 11/15/2022
WikiProject Colorado will hold an online meeting from 8:00 to 9:00 PM MST, Tuesday evening, November 15, 2022, at meet.google.com/yoe-aphc-wey. Anyone interested in Colorado articles, history, or photographs is encouraged to attend.

Question About Reverted Edit
Hello I was wondering the reason for reverting my edit on Climax, Colorado Akamaikai (talk) 16:40, 2 November 2022 (UTC)

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I have sent you a note about a page you started
Hello, Dino. Thank you for your work on Witch Hill (The Salem Martyr). User:Onel5969, while examining this page as a part of our page curation process, had the following comments:

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 Onel 5969  TT me 14:06, 7 November 2022 (UTC)

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I have sent you a note about a page you started
Hello, Dino. Thank you for your work on Oregon Buttes. User:SunDawn, while examining this page as a part of our page curation process, had the following comments:

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Wikimedia US Mountain West online meeting
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Colorado Collaboration invitation
WikiProject Colorado invites you to participate in our current collaboration to locate and document the following two original 1861 Colorado Territory county seats: If you have any questions, please contact User:Buaidh (talk or e-mail).
 * Parkville, Colorado, the original county seat of Summit County, Colorado.
 * San Miguel, Colorado, the original county seat of Costilla County, Colorado.

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Colorado collaboration
We wish to thank everyone who contributed to our two prior Colorado collaborations to document the Amache National Historic Site and our three lost original county seats of Parkville, St. Vrain, and San Miguel. We invite you to help with our new collaboration to document the seven following former county seats: If you have any questions, please contact Buaidh  talk e-mail
 * California Ranch, Colorado near Franktown – Douglas County seat 1864 to 1874
 * Dayton, Colorado near Twin Lakes – Lake County seat 1866 to 1868
 * Hahns Peak, Colorado – Routt County seat 1878 to 1912
 * Lourette, Colorado – Lake County seat 1863 to 1866
 * San Juan City, Colorado – Hinsdale County seat February 10, 1874 to 1875
 * Ula, Colorado at 38.15°N, -105.5019°W – Custer County seat March 9, 1877 to 1878
 * Wason, Colorado near 37.8931°N, -106.8428°W – Mineral County seat March 27, 1893 to 1893

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Wikimedia US Mountain West online meeting 05/09/2023
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Minor mistake in a file
Hi Dino - In the file File:Graph of sliding derivative line.gif, the coordinates 0,0 are shown. This is incorrect, and should be 0,1. Could you do this small update to the gif and repost? Otherwise, the gif is a wonderful representation of the sliding derivative. RSStockdale (talk) 12:30, 10 May 2023 (UTC)

 * You're right. I made it a long time ago, and SAGE has changed so much, my original code fails, completely. Am not sure there is hope.
 * dino (talk) 12:48, 10 May 2023 (UTC)

Wikimedia US Mountain West online meeting 08/08/2023
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Disambiguation link notification for September 28
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US Mountain West online meeting November 14
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Denver gathering
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U.S. Mountain West Online Meeting
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"Actions Prior to Grant's Landing" listed at Redirects for discussion
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Orphaned non-free image File:Joe one.jpg
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Wikimedia U.S. Mountain West Online Meeting
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Rescheduled online meeting of the Wikimedians of the U.S. Mountain West 05/21/2024
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Happy First Edit Day!
Apollogetticax (talk) 03:34, 22 June 2024 (UTC)

title: User talk:Dino


text:
Aufidius

Aufidius may refer to:

 * the nomen (family name) of any Roman man of the gens Aufidia (see for a list)
 * Attius Tullus Aufidius, a leader of the Volsci and a character from Shakespeare's play Coriolanus

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Aufidius


text:
Mass media in China

The mass media in the People's Republic of China primarily consists of television, newspapers, radio, and magazines. Since the start of the 21st century, the Internet has also emerged as an important form of mass media and is under the direct supervision and control of the Chinese government and ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Media in China is strictly controlled and censored by the CCP, with the main agency that oversees the nation's media being the Central Propaganda Department of the CCP. The largest media organizations, including the China Media Group, the People's Daily, and the Xinhua News Agency, are all controlled by the CCP.

Since the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1949 and until the 1980s, almost all media outlets in mainland China have been state-run. Privately owned media outlets only began to emerge at the onset of the Chinese economic reform, although state media continue to hold significant market share. All media continues to follow regulations imposed by the Central Propaganda Department of the CCP on subjects considered taboo by the CCP, including but not limited to the legitimacy of the party, pro-democracy movements, human rights in Tibet, the persecution of Uyghur people, pornography, and the banned religious topics, such as the Dalai Lama and Falun Gong. All journalists are required to study Xi Jinping Thought to maintain their press credentials. Hong Kong, which has maintained a separate media ecosystem than mainland China, is also witnessing increasing self-censorship.

Reporters Without Borders consistently ranks China very poorly on media freedoms in their annual releases of the World Press Freedom Index, labeling the Chinese government as having "the sorry distinction of leading the world in repression of the Internet". , China ranked 179 out of 180 nations on the World Press Freedom Index.

Under Mao
In both the Yan'an era of the 1930s and the early 1950s, the CCP encouraged grassroots journalism in the form "worker-peasant correspondents," an idea originating from the Soviet Union.

During the early period (1966–1968) of the Cultural Revolution, freedom of the press in China was at its peak. Independent political groups could publish broadsheets and handbills, as well as leaders' speeches and meeting transcripts which would normally have been considered highly classified. During those years, several Red Guard organizations operated independent printing presses to publish newspapers, articles, speeches, and big-character posters.

Mobile film units brought Chinese cinema to the countryside and were crucial to the standardization and popularization of cultural during this period, particularly including revolutionary model operas. During the Cultural Revolution's early years, mobile film teams traveled to rural areas with news reels of Mao meeting with Red Guards and Tiananmen Square parades, where they were welcomed ceremoniously. These news reels became known as hong bao pian ("red treasure films"), analogous to how the Little Red Books were dubbed hong bao shu ("red treasure books").

Reforms and opening up
Media controls were most relaxed during the 1980s under paramount leader Deng Xiaoping, until they were tightened in the aftermath of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre. Journalists were active participants in the 1989 demonstrations that culminated in the massacre, which made it all but impossible to reconcile the growing desire of mainland Chinese journalists for control over their own profession with the CCP's interest in not letting that happen. There have even been occasional acts of open, outright defiance of the CCP, though these acts remain rare.

Media controls were relaxed again under CCP general secretary Jiang Zemin in the late 1990s, but the growing influence of the Internet and its potential to encourage dissent led to heavier regulations again under CCP general secretary Hu Jintao. Non-governmental media outlets that were allowed to operate within China (excluding Hong Kong and Macau, which have separate media regulatory bodies) were no longer required to strictly follow every journalistic guideline set by the CCP.

In 1998, the State Administration of Radio, Film, and Television (SARFT) began the Connecting Every Village with Radio and TV Project, which extended radio and television broadcasting to every village in China.

In the 1990s and early 2000s, the ways in which the CCP operated—especially the introduction of reforms aimed at decentralizing power—spurred a period of greater media autonomy in several ways:

 * The growth of "peripheral"—local and some regional—media. This trend decentralized and dampened CCP oversight. In general, the greater the distance is between reporters and media outlets, and Beijing and important provincial capitals, the greater their leeway.
 * A shift toward administrative and legal regulation of the media and away from more fluid and personal oversight. CCP efforts to rely on regulations rather than whim to try to control the media—as evidenced by the dozens of directives set forth when the State Press and Publications Administration was created in 1987, and by new regulations in 1990 and 1994—probably were intended to tighten CCP control, making it a matter of law rather than personal relationships. In fact, however, these regulations came at a time when official resources were being stretched more thinly and individual officials were becoming less willing—and less able—to enforce regulations.
 * Vicissitudes of media acceptability. Since the early 1990s, the types of media coverage deemed acceptable by the regime have risen sharply. Growing uncertainties about what is permissible and what is out of bounds sometimes work to the media's interests. Often, however, these uncertainties encourage greater self-censorship among Chinese journalists and work to the benefit of the CCP's media control apparatus.

As state resources have become stretched more thinly, the media have found it far easier than before to print and broadcast material that falls within vaguely defined grey areas, though again, this uncertainty can also work to the advantage of the CCP.

In preparation of the 17th National Party Congress in 2007, new restrictions were placed on all sectors of the press, Internet-users, bloggers, website managers, foreign journalist, more than 30 of which have been arrested since the start of the year. In addition, a thousand discussion forums and websites have been shut down, and "a score of dissidents" have been imprisoned since July 2007.

In efforts to stem growing unrest in China, the propaganda chief of the State Council, Hua Qing, announced in the People's Daily that the government was drafting a new press law that would lessen government involvement in the news media. In the editorial, Hu Jintao was said to have visited the People's Daily offices and said that large scale public incidents should be "accurately, objectively and uniformly reported, with no tardiness, deception, incompleteness or distortion". Reports by Chinese media at the time indicated a gradual release from CCP control. For example, the detention of anti-government petitioners placed in mental institutions was reported in a state newspaper, later criticized in an editorial by the English-language China Daily. At the time, scholars and journalists believed that such reports were a small sign of opening up in the media.

Under Xi Jinping
Since Xi Jinping became in 2012 the CCP general secretary, censorship has been significantly stepped up. During a 2016 visit to Chinese state media, Xi stated that "party-owned media must hold the family name of the party" and that the state media "must embody the party's will, safeguard the party's authority". Under Xi, investigative journalism has been driven almost to extinction within China. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, in 2023, China ranks as the "worst jailer of journalists," with Uyghurs making up almost half of all imprisoned journalists.

In 2018, as part of an overhaul of CCP and government bodies, the State Administration of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television (SAPPRFT) was renamed into the National Radio and Television Administration (NRTA) with its film, news media and publications being transferred to the Central Propaganda Department. Additionally, the control of China Central Television (CCTV, including its international edition, China Global Television), China National Radio (CNR) and China Radio International (CRI) were transferred to the newly established China Media Group (CMG) under the control of the Central Propaganda Department.

In 2019, All-China Journalists Association updated its code of ethics and mandatory exam requiring journalists to be guided by Xi Jinping Thought. In October 2021, the National Development and Reform Commission published rules restricting private capital in "news-gathering, editing, broadcasting, and distribution."

In 2020, the Foreign Correspondents' Club of China stated that China used coronavirus prevention measures, intimidation and visa curbs to limit foreign reporting. According to Radio Free Asia, in December 2022, the National Press and Publication Administration issued a directive stating that in order to obtain credentials as a professional journalist, they must pass a national exam and "...must support the leadership of the Communist Party of China, conscientiously study, publicize and implement Xi Jinping's thoughts on the new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, resolutely implement the party's theory, line, principles and policies, and adhere to the correct political direction and public opinion guidance."

Domestically, all journalists must study Xi Jinping Thought through the Xuexi Qiangguo app in order for them to renew their press credentials. Journalists are instructed to "correctly guide public opinion."

Newspapers and journals
During the early period of the Cultural Revolution, the number of newspapers declined while independent publications by mass political organizations grew. Mao encouraged these independent publications. According to China's National Bureau of Statistics, the number of newspapers dropped from 343 in 1965, to 49 in 1966, and then to a 20th-century low of 43 in 1967. At the same time, the number of publications by mass organizations such as Red Guards grew to an estimated number as high as 10,000.

The number of newspapers in mainland China has increased from 43—virtually all CCP newspapers—in 1968 to 382 in 1980 and more than 2,200 today. By one official estimate, there are now more than 7,000 magazines and journals in the country. The number of copies of daily and weekly newspapers and magazines in circulation grew fourfold between the mid-1960s and the mid-to-late 1980s, reaching 310 million by 1987.

These figures, moreover, underreport actual circulation, because many publishers use their own distribution networks rather than official dissemination channels and also deliberately understate figures to circumvent taxation. In addition, some 25,000 printing houses and hundreds of individual bookstores produce and sell unofficial material—mostly romance literature and pornography but also political and intellectual journals. China has many newspapers but the front runners are all State-run: the People's Daily, Beijing Daily, Guangming Daily and the Liberation Daily. The two primary news agencies in China are Xinhua News Agency and the China News Service. Xinhua was authorized to censor and edit the news of the foreign agencies in 2007. Some saw the power of Xinhua as making the press freedom weak and it allowed Xinhua to control the news market fully.

The diversity in mainland Chinese media is partly because most state media outlets no longer receive heavy subsidies from the government, and are expected to cover their expenses through commercial advertising. State-owned newspapers which are "commercialized" or "market-oriented" (meaning that they rely on advertising revenues and retail sales) also have greater latitude in their content.

Senior executives in local media are appointed by local governments.

Talk radio
As of 1997 there were over 100 talk radio stations throughout the Shanghai area.

Internet
China has the largest number of internet users in the world, as of at least 2022. The internet in China is heavily censored with limitations on public access to international media and non-sanctioned Chinese media. The main bodies for internet control are the Central Cyberspace Affairs Commission, a CCP body established in 2014, and the Cyberspace Administration of China, which is under the Cyberspace Affairs Commission. Additionally, the Ministry of Public Security's Cyber Police force is responsible for internal security, regulating online content, and investigation of Internet fraud, scams, pornography, separatism, and extremism.

Satellite receivers
The administration of satellite receivers falls under the jurisdiction of the National Radio and Television Administration, which stipulates that foreign satellite televisions channels may only be received at high-end hotels and the homes and workplaces of foreigners. Foreign satellite televisions channels may seek approval to broadcast, but must be "friendly toward China." Foreign television news channels are, in theory, ineligible for distribution in China.

Home satellite dishes are officially illegal. Black market satellite dishes are nonetheless prolific, numbering well into the tens of millions. Chinese authorities engage in regular crackdowns to confiscate and dismantle illicit dishes, expressing concerns both over the potential for copyright infringements and over their ability receive "reactionary propaganda."

CCP internal media
Much of the information collected by the Chinese mainstream media is published in neicans (internal, limited circulation reports prepared for the high-ranking government officials), not in the public outlets. He Qinglian documents in Media Control in China that there are many grades and types of internal documents [neibu wenjian 内部文件]. Many are restricted to a certain level of official – such as county level, provincial level or down to a certain level of official in a ministry. Some Chinese journalists, including Xinhua correspondents in foreign countries, write for both the mass media and the internal media. The level of classification is tied to the administrative levels of CCP and government in China. The higher the administrative level of the issuing office, generally the more secret the document is. In local government the issuing grades are province [sheng 省], region (or city directly subordinate to a province) [diqu 地区or shengzhixiashi 省直辖市] and county [xian 县]; grades within government organs are ministry [bu 部], bureau [ju 局] and office [chu 处]; in the military corps [jun 军], division [shi 师], and regiment [tuan 团]. The most authoritative documents are drafted by the CCP Central Committee to convey instructions from CCP leaders. Documents with Chinese Communist Party Central Committee Document [Zhonggong Zhongyang Wenjian 中共中央文件] at the top in red letters are the most authoritative.

Foreign media and journalists
In 2012, China banned Al Jazeera English and expelled their foreign staff due to an unfavorable report about forced labor. This was the first time since 1998 that China had expelled a major foreign media organization.

Reporting in China has become more difficult with the Chinese government increasingly interfering in the work of foreign journalists and discouraging Chinese citizens from giving interviews to the foreign press. The Chinese government increasingly uses restrictions and harassment of foreign journalists as a way to punish their home country or the home country of the media organization they report for. Since 2018 none of the 150 correspondents and bureau chiefs surveyed annually by the Foreign Correspondents' Club of China (FCCC) have reported an improvement in their working conditions.

In 2020, the Chinese government expelled or forced the departure of at least 20 journalists. The Committee to Protect Journalists said of the behavior "It's very disreputable for China, and it also shows that they have a lot to hide."

To foreign journalists working in China, the ruling CCP has threatened and punished them by failing to renew their credentials when they criticize the CCP's policies and human rights abuses. In March 2020, Chinese officials expelled almost all American journalists from China, accusing them and the US of trying to "impose American values" in China.

In August 2020, China detained Cheng Lei, an Australian journalist working for China Global Television Network, a Chinese state-run English television news channel, amid souring relations with Australia. Following her arrest the only other two Australian journalists in China were placed under exit bans and only managed to leave the country with their families after the Australian authorities interceded on their behalf.

In December 2020, Chinese authorities detained Haze Fan, who works for the Bloomberg News bureau in Beijing, on suspicion of "endangering national security".

In April 2021, BBC journalist John Sudworth and his family were forced to flee mainland China for the island of Taiwan after personal attacks and disinformation from the Chinese government put them in danger. His wife is a journalist with the Irish RTÉ. The Chinese government had been angered by reporting he did on the internment camps in Xinjiang as well as a larger BBC story about forced labor in Xinjiang's cotton industry.

Communist Party control
The media and communications industry in mainland China is controlled by the Central Propaganda Department of the CCP. The principal mechanism to force media outlets to comply with the CCP's requests is the vertically organized nomenklatura system of cadre appointments, and includes those in charge of the media industry. The CCP utilizes a wide variety of tools to maintain control over news reporting including "direct ownership, accreditation of journalists, harsh penalties for online criticism, and daily directives to media outlets and websites that guide coverage of breaking news stories." National Radio and Television Administration oversees the administration of state-owned enterprises involved in the radio and television, reporting directly to the Central Propaganda Department.

The Central Propaganda Department directly controls the China Media Group, which includes the China Central Television (including China Global Television), China National Radio (CNR) and China Radio International (CRI). The department also owns China Daily, as well as controlling many other media-related organizations such as the China International Publishing Group. China News Service, another large media outlet, is run by the CCP Central Committee's United Front Work Department. Xinhua News Agency is a ministry-level institution directly under the State Council, while People's Daily is the official newspaper of the CCP Central Committee.

The government uses a variety of approaches to retain some control over the media:
 * It requires that newspapers be registered and attached to a government ministry, institute, research facility, labor group, or other State-sanctioned entity. Entrepreneurs cannot establish newspapers or magazines under their own names, although they reportedly have had some success in setting up research institutes and then creating publications attached to those bodies.
 * It still occasionally jails or fines journalists for unfavorable reporting.
 * It imposes other punishments when it deems that criticism has gone too far. For example, it shut down the magazine Future and Development in 1993 for publishing two articles calling for greater democracy in mainland China, and it forced the firing of the Beijing Youth Daily's editor for aggressively covering misdeeds and acts of poor judgment by CCP cadres.
 * It continues to make clear that criticism of certain fundamental policies—such as those on PRC sovereignty over territories under Republic of China administration and Tibet and on Hong Kong's future in the wake of the transfer of Hong Kong sovereignty on July 1, 1997 —are off limits.
 * It has set up numerous official journalists' associations—the largest is the All-China Journalist Federation, with more than 400,000 members—so that no single entity can develop major autonomous power.
 * It holds weekly meetings with top newspaper editors to direct them as to what news items they want focused upon and which stories they want to go unreported. The controversial closure of the Freezing Point journal was generally unreported in mainland China due to government orders.
 * It has maintained a system of uncertainty surrounding the boundaries of acceptable reporting, encouraging self-censorship. One media researcher has written that "it is the very arbitrariness of this control regime that cows most journalists into more conservative coverage."

Provincial and local media
Local investigative reporting is sometimes viewed favorably by central authorities because of its use in identifying local problems or administrative missteps. Provincial media generally have greater latitude in investigative reporting in areas other than the province where they are based, as local authorities lack direct leverage.

In June 2024, the 2007 Emergency Response Law was amended, stating that local governments must "guide news media organisations and support them in reporting and control of discussions" regarding reporting on accidents and disasters.

International operations
As of 2012 CCTV and Xinhua had greatly expanded international coverage and operations particularly in Africa.

In 2021, the United Kingdom expelled three Ministry of State Security (MSS) officers who had been posing as journalists with Chinese media agencies.

Chinese media in Africa
Already in 1948, the Xinhua News Agency established its first overseas bureau in sub-Saharan Africa. Initially, the Chinese media presence sought to promote Sino-African relations and "played an important role in assisting the government in developing diplomatic relations with newly independent African countries". Africa-China media relations became more sophisticated when the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) was founded in 2000. In 2006 during the first FOCAC Summit in Beijing, the Chinese government presented its vision on media cooperation with Africa. Media exchange should "enhance mutual understanding and enable objective and balanced media coverage of each other". Through FOCAC, the Chinese influence on the African mediasphere has increased. In 2006, China Radio International (CRI) was established in Nairobi followed by the launch of the Chinese state-run CGTN Africa and the establishment of an African edition of China Daily in 2012. Additionally, China offers workshops and exchange programs to African journalists to introduce them to Chinese politics, culture, and economy as well as the Chinese media system. China does not only invest in African media outlets and journalists but also their digital infrastructure. The Chinese government grants financial and technical aid to African countries to expand their communications structure.

Scholars argue that through increased media presence and investments, the Chinese government tries to dominate the public sphere in Africa and expand its soft power. Research shows that Chinese news media in Africa portray China-Africa relations in an extremely positive light with little space for criticism. Hence, China tries to shape African narratives in its favor. However, Chinese media influence in Africa is still relatively new and therefore the consequences of Chinese media engagement in Africa remain unclear. Despite China's efforts to support the African media infrastructure and promote China-Africa relations, African perceptions of China vary significantly and are complex. In general, a case study of South Africa shows that China is perceived as a powerful trading nation and economic investments result in a positive Chinese image. Yet, South African journalists are critical of Chinese media intervention and concerned about practices of Chinese journalism. Likewise, a study about Uganda reveals that journalists are worried about media cooperation with China because it poses a threat to the Freedom of the press. To conclude, the success of Chinese media influence in Africa depends on whether they can prevail in the African market and control the narrative in their favor.

Overseas Chinese media
In 2001, the Jamestown Foundation reported that China was buying into Chinese-language media in the U.S., offering free content, and leveraging advertising dollars—all to manipulate coverage. The Guardian reported in 2018 that the China Watch newspaper supplement was being carried by The Telegraph along with other newspapers of record such as The New York Times, The Wall Street Journal and Le Figaro.

International rankings
, China ranks second-to-last in terms of press freedoms in the world, according to Reporters Without Borders' World Press Freedom Index. Reporters Without Borders called China "world's largest prison for journalists, and its regime conducts a campaign of repression against journalism and the right to information worldwide."

title: Mass media in China


text:
Talk:Nikos Kazantzakis

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment
This article is or was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): Paxiwiki. Peer reviewers: Marlinagtz.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 05:18, 17 January 2022 (UTC)

Comments
Greek text formerly encoded in ISO-8859-7 has now been turned into Unicode entities. This sucks for editing Greek, but rocks for viewing it in browsers that are not preset to ISO-8859-7 -- Anon.

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Should his flag and place of birth be switched to "ottoman empire" instead of Greece? --Paolorausch (talk) 05:33, 5 December 2007 (UTC)

I noticed someone commented on my talk page, the reason I said this was because he was technical born in the Ottoman Empire, as Crete was still a Ottoman Territory! But I see that the flags have been removed. --Paolorausch (talk) 02:15, 16 June 2008 (UTC)

I may be wrong about this, but I understood that the really revolutionary thing about the book Osyssey: A Sequel is that it is written in demotic Greek. Until this book, Greek literature was written in Athenian Greek from the time of Theseus, even as this language became more and more separated from the way the Greek people spoke.

Perhaps I am wrong about this. I will investigate further. RayKiddy 05:30, 20 Feb 2004 (UTC)

 * Not wrong at all - more of "he stirred so many hornets when he assaulted the nest of tradition, it was unclear which sting hurt most" (my phrasing just now, in his spirit.)You mentioned the simplification & modernization of Greek. He discarded the traditional meter and used is own extremely rare one. His theology itself first passed ancient Olympian, and then passed modern Christianity to work toward a collaborative theology. See Kimon Friar's Introduction to the Odyssey sequel. TaoPhoenix (talk) 17:05, 12 April 2009 (UTC)

by Athenian Greek you probably mean Katharevousa. Optim 05:58, 20 Feb 2004 (UTC)

The really revolutionary things about Kazantzakis were the things he wrote and not how he wrote them. He did too writte in demotic being one of the first to do so but it was not that the reason he is remembered today. It was the power of his spirit which he succesfully communicated to his readers. Because of this he was aphorized by the Greek church. The latter has not been mentioned in the article.
 * If you mention Church's aphorism, make sure to have facts, I wouldn't be surprised if the case can not be investigated clearly today. I recall from a couple biographies of Kazantzakis that the aphorism came as a result of destain some church leaders felt specifically for the book "Captain Michael" (the one written based on his father, secondary title "Freedom or Death"). It could also be mentioned that not all greek priests see him as a negative influence today. I know personally of a priest in Crete, Greece, that openly admits he likes reading Kazantzakis' books. (In Crete he had always more acceptance and was normally burried by the orthodox christian church (which is independed from the church of greece), Kazantzakis was born in crete's current capital). --Fs 09:27, 23 January 2006 (UTC)
 * IIRC, he gave a response to the church of the type "Παπάδες με καταραστήκατε, εγώ σας δίνω την ευλογία μου" (priests, you cursed me, I give you my benediction), or sth like that. There are a couple of biographies in english that should include that, the kazantakis museum in crete (in his birth place, a village), should have lots of information around those details. --Fs 17:39, 10 April 2006 (UTC)

 * Actually the fact about his excommunication is a bit ironic. Although many christian clergymen did condemn him, according to the research of a Greek journalist, typically, his aphorism was never officially applied, because the Ecumenical Patriarch never signed it. The Last Temptation was also included in Index Librorum Prohibitorum. -- D a d a 18:26, 10 April 2006 (UTC)

 * I included his response to the greek orthodox church and the Vatican in the article. -- D a d a 18:49, 10 April 2006 (UTC)
 * "movie banned from greek theaters" this sounds like a total ban. I know personally of people that watched it in a theater there. I'll changed it to 'some theaters' and btw, some references on the matter would be better. --161.76.99.106 08:47, 16 April 2006 (UTC)

Gerasimos

When using English to name Kazantzakis's novels, we should use the titles as they are published in Britain, Canada, and the United States, for instance Zorba the Greek instead of The Life of Alexis Zorbas. Wikipedia probably has a standard to use when the British and American titles differ. Acjelen 22:44, 9 Mar 2005 (UTC)

-- I think there may need to be some clairification on the last paragraph of the Literary Work section: "In Kazantzakis's day, the market for material published in modern Greek was quite small. Kazantzakis also wrote in modern (demotic) Greek, which made his writings all the more controversial."

These sentences suggest a difference between modern Greek and demotic Greek. I do not know if there is one or not. If there is no difference, perhaps the parens should go in the first sentence. The "also" is troublesome. Suggest striking it. Finally, there is no explanation given for why writing in demotic Greek is controversial. I feel that I do not know enough about the subject to edit without destroying meaning, but I believe that someone with a bit more knowledge should attend to this. Cavebutter 18:21, 19 January 2007 (UTC)

Cavebutter is right, there is no difference between modern and demotic Greek, the "also" should not be there. Writing in demotic was controversial (but not too much so) in the beginning of the 20th century, where writing in Katharevousa was the norm. I will also leave editing to someone else though. (Zizikos 00:18, 20 January 2007 (UTC))

Philosopher?
Are there any sources that specifically call Kazantzakis a philosopher? There is little in the article that suggests this term applies to him, and The Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy and The Oxford Companion to Philosophy, both standard reference works, don't include him. UserVOBO (talk) 22:34, 6 March 2010 (UTC)

is his agnosticism cited at all? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 184.98.6.50 (talk) 06:55, 10 July 2010 (UTC)

Religion
I thought he was a Greek Orthodox, but this source claims that he was indeed a agnostic, without a belief in God or afterlife. I am not sure if it is totally accurate anyway.Mistico (talk) 14:46, 15 August 2012 (UTC)

 * I think he would have to be considered an agnostic even if he wrote to the Greek Orthodox Church when he was excommunicated: "The Church of Greece condemned Kazantzakis' work. His reply was: "You gave me a curse, Holy fathers, I give you a blessing: may your conscience be as clear as mine and may you be as moral and religious as I", like its stated in the entry.Mistico (talk) 14:49, 15 August 2012 (UTC)

 * A regular religious practice or his agnosticism would just need a strong reliable source. Adherents.com is not that. Span (talk) 15:28, 15 August 2012 (UTC)

 * I'll ask someone to please provide that RS then.Mistico (talk) 16:24, 15 August 2012 (UTC)

 * This link might be of interest; in it, a Greek Orthodox monk says that Kazantzakis' view of Christ was essentially Nestorian and that is why he was condemned. That does seem to make sense. It'd be interesting to read about the Assyrian Church of the East's reaction to him, and to see if they defended him while so many other Christian groups were condemning him. FiredanceThroughTheNight (talk) 15:55, 28 April 2015 (UTC)

Spelling/register of epitaph
Unless I'm misreading it, the in-entry transcription of his epitaph is spelled differently from what's actually in the picture. Any reason? The Crab Who Played With The Sea (talk) 21:05, 28 August 2012 (UTC)
 * The epitaph reads: Δεν ελπίζω τίποτα. Δε φοβούμαι τίποτα. Είμαι λέφτερος. The fifth word is wrtten with ou ligature. Wassermaus (talk) 16:57, 19 March 2016 (UTC)

Too much 'zorba the greek' to be honest.
Intro text makes him sound like he wrote a movie script. It was not his only work, and the actual book is not just like the movie. For the The Last Temptation I agree, it does show on screen a more close resemblance of the mood of his actual writing. -- f s  20:04, 7 May 2013 (UTC)

Date of birth issues
This source says he was born 2 December 1885, and refers to the fact that some sources give an alternative date of 18 February 1883. That is, it is explicitly denying the February 1883 date. The December 1885 date appears elsewhere in sources.

So, why are there two dates in the literature, and which one is correct, and how do we know? Also, is either of these dates as per the Julian calendar in force in Greece at the time of his birth, or have they been converted to their Gregorian counterparts? --  Jack of Oz   [pleasantries]  22:42, 28 May 2015 (UTC)

Note 1 here says that 18 February 1883 was by the Julian calendar, and it equates to 3 March in the Gregorian. But that's inaccurate. In 1883, there was a 12-day gap between the calendars, so 18 Feb + 12 days = 2 March 1883. Confuseder and confuseder. --  Jack of Oz   [pleasantries]  23:06, 28 May 2015 (UTC)

 * This seems to shed some light on it. For many years he thought he was born in 1885, but he was mistaken, it was 18 February 1883 (OS). Despite what the above source says, that date equates to 2 March 1883 (not 3 March), and I will be making that change to the article. --   Jack of Oz   [pleasantries]  01:15, 20 July 2021 (UTC)

Peer review
Peer Review: Digital Humanities Class '''# 1 First, what does the article do well? Is there anything from your review that impressed you? Any turn of phrase that described the subject in a clear way?''' I really appreciate how much background information is given on the pieces he wrote. For example, when it is mentioned that "The figure of Jesus was ever-present in his thoughts" it shows a bit about why he wrote what he did. I like that. That's cool. I also like how the criticism he received is well noted, because that stuff is important.

This article is really dope, I knew nothing about Mr. Kazantzakis and after reading this article I feel confident that I have a good idea on who he is and what he was about. However, one thing I did notice was the lack of in text citations. I could read on for two or three paragraphs without any in text citations. So, your article is already really cool, doing a lil' more citationing will make it even cooler. These changes would be an improvement because the wikipedia tutorials we did said that in text citations should be included in every couple of sentences. Don't quote me on that but I think I remember something like that being in there.
 * 1) 2 What changes would you suggest the author apply to the article? Why would those changes be an improvement?

Maybe adding a separate section for criticism would be helpful, but I think the citations are the most important thing.
 * 1) 3 What's the most important thing the author could do to improve the article?

Yes I noticed a lot about this article that would be applicable to my own article. To be honest this article is so good it made me realize how shitty my article is. I also did a page on an author, and after reading this article I would like to go back to my page and add more background information on the his novels and his reasoning when writing them.
 * 1) 4 Did you notice anything about the article you reviewed that could be applicable to your own article? Let them know!

Year 1954 or 1955?
Here we read:

"1954. The Pope places "The Last Temptation " on the Roman Catholic Index of Forbidden Books. Kazantzakis telegraphs the Vatican a phrase from the Christian apologist Tertullian: "Ad tuum, Domine, tribunal appello" (I lodge my appeal at your tribunal, Lord)."

New York Times, April 29 1954 reported: "VATICAN FORBIDS NOVEL; Volume by Kazantzakis, Greek Author, Is Put on Index"

The article writing about the same event uses 1955. What is the correct year/date?--Њонгарфан (talk) 08:44, 22 December 2021 (UTC)

Translations & eBooks
Making translations and ebooks more widely available. 70.180.131.7 (talk) 17:46, 1 July 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Nikos Kazantzakis


text:
Knute Nelson

Knute Nelson (born Knud Evanger; February 2, 1843 – April 28, 1923) was a Norwegian-born American attorney and politician active in Wisconsin and Minnesota. A Republican, he served in state and national positions: he was elected to the Wisconsin and Minnesota legislatures and to the U.S. House of Representatives and the United States Senate from Minnesota, and served as the 12th governor of Minnesota from 1893 to 1895. Having served in the Senate for 28 years, 55 days, he is the longest-serving Senator in Minnesota's history.

Nelson is known for promoting the Nelson Act of 1889 to consolidate Minnesota's Ojibwe/Chippewa on a reservation in western Minnesota and break up their communal land by allotting it to individual households, with sales of the remainder to anyone, including non-natives. This was similar to the Dawes Act of 1887, which applied to Native American lands in the Indian Territory.

Early life and education
Knute Nelson was born out of wedlock in Evanger, near Voss, Norway, to Ingebjørg Haldorsdatter Kvilekval, who named him Knud Evanger. He was baptized by his uncle on their farm of Kvilekval, who recorded his father as Helge Knudsen Styve. This is unconfirmed. Various theories persist about Knud's paternity, including one involving Gjest Baardsen, a famous outlaw.

In 1843, Ingebjørg's brother Jon Haldorsson sold the farm where she and Knud lived, as he could not make a living, and emigrated to Chicago. Ingebjørg took Knud with her to Bergen, where she worked as a domestic servant. Having borrowed money for the passage, she and six-year-old Knud emigrated to the United States, arriving in Castle Garden in New York City on July 4, 1849. The holiday fireworks made a lasting impression on Knud, who was listed in immigration records as "Knud Helgeson Kvilekval". Ingebjørg Haldorsdatter claimed to be a widow (a story she stuck to until 1923). She and Knud traveled by the Hudson River to Albany, New York, and then via the Erie Canal to Buffalo.

They continued across the Great Lakes to Chicago. There her brother Jon, now working as a carpenter, took them in. While with him, Ingebjørg worked as a domestic servant and paid off her debt for passage in less than a year. Knud also worked, first as a house servant, then as a paperboy for the Chicago Free Press, which gave him an early education, both because he read the paper and because he learned street profanity.

In the fall of 1850, Ingebjørg married Nils Olson Grotland, also from Voss. The family of three moved to Skoponong, a Norwegian settlement in Palmyra, Wisconsin. Knud was given the surname Nelson after his stepfather, which eliminated the stigma of being fatherless.

By then 17 years old, Nelson was street-smart and rebellious, with a proclivity for profanity. He was accepted to the school held by Mary Blackwell Dillon, an Irish immigrant with linguistic talents. Nelson proved himself an apt though undisciplined student; he later recalled being whipped up to three times a day.

Still in his teens, Nelson joined the Democratic Party out of admiration for Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois. The family moved to the Koshkonong Settlement, which by 1850 had more than half of Wisconsin's Norwegian population of 5,000. Nils Olson had bad luck with land purchases and became sickly. Nelson picked up most of the work of the farm, but maintained his commitment to education. Olson was not supportive and Nelson often had to scrounge to find money for schoolbooks.

Nelson's academic interests led him to enroll in Albion Academy in Albion, Dane County, Wisconsin, in the fall of 1858. The school was founded by the Seventh-day Adventist Church to provide education to children who could not afford private school; Nelson was deemed "very deserving." To earn his keep he did various jobs around the school.

After two years, Nelson took a job as a country teacher in Pleasant Springs, near Stoughton. Teaching mostly other Norwegian immigrants, he was an agent of Americanization.

Military service

Nelson returned to Albion in the spring of 1861, when the American Civil War had started. By then, he had developed his position as a "low-tariff, anti-slavery, pro-Union Democrat," but was in the minority in a pro-Abraham Lincoln region. In May 1861, he and 18 other Albion students enlisted in a state militia company known as the Black Hawk Rifles of Racine, to fight with the Union Army in the war. Appalled by its debauchery, the young men refused to be sworn into the army under this militia, and eventually succeeded in being transferred to the 4th Wisconsin Infantry Regiment. This was an "all-American" regiment, made up generally of native-born men.

Nelson's parents opposed his volunteering, but he saw it as his duty. He sent half his soldier's pay to his parents to help retire the debt on the farm. He seems to have enjoyed army life, noting that the food was better than at home. He shared his fellow soldiers' frustration at not being put into battle soon enough. His unit moved from Racine to Camp Dix near Baltimore, Maryland. From there they moved to combat operations in Louisiana.

On May 27, 1863, after the 4th Wisconsin became a cavalry unit, Nelson was wounded in the Battle of Port Hudson, captured and made a prisoner of war. He was released when the siege ended. He served as an adjutant, was promoted to corporal, and briefly considered applying for a lieutenant's commission.

Military service sharpened Nelson's identity as an American and his patriotism. He was deeply concerned about what he considered the ambivalent attitude among Norwegian-American Lutheran clergy toward slavery, and thought that too few of his fellow Norwegian Americans from Koshkonong had volunteered. He read the Norwegian translation of Esaias Tegnér's Friðþjófs saga ins frœkna and found it enthralling. Its unsentimental depiction of character and virtue he found to be a synthesis of his Norwegian heritage and American home.

Within two years after he mustered out, Nelson acquired his United States citizenship. His disdain for the Copperheads contributed to his becoming a Republican after the war.

Local politics in Wisconsin
Nelson returned to Albion and completed his studies as one of the oldest students, graduating at the top of his class. He gave his first campaign speech of record on behalf of Lincoln, and drew praise from the faculty.

Deciding to become a lawyer, Nelson moved to Madison, where he studied law in the office of William F. Vilas, one of the few academically trained attorneys in the area. In the spring of 1867, Judge Philip L. Spooner admitted him to the Wisconsin bar.

Nelson opened his law practice in Madison, where he appealed to the Norwegian immigrant community, advertising in the Norwegian language newspaper Emigranten. He also became Madison's unofficial representative of the Norwegian community. With Eli A. Spencer's help, he successfully ran for Dane County's seat in the Wisconsin State Assembly, starting its session on January 8, 1868.

He was reelected to a second term in the Assembly, as he had quickly learned how to get things done in politics. He got involved in a divisive debate about public and parochial schools in Norwegian communities, taking the "liberal" side that promoted public, non-sectarian schools rather than those run by Lutheran clergy. After his second term in the Assembly, Nelson decided not to run for a third.

Marriage and family
After being elected the first time, Nelson married Nicholina Jacobsen, originally from Toten, Norway, in 1868. She was five months pregnant by the time of their marriage and, because of Nelson's poor relations with local Lutheran clergy, they were married by Justice of the Peace Lars Erdall in a private home.

A national recession limited the couple's financial success. While Nelson slept in his office in Madison during his legislative and professional career, Nicholina and the newborn Ida stayed with her family in Koshkonong.

Minnesota frontier

Nelson was already interested in moving further west when in 1870 he was invited by Lars K. Aaker to set up a practice in Alexandria, Minnesota, in Douglas County, part of the state's "Upper Country." Nelson was attracted by the possibilities afforded by the opening frontier, especially the prospect of the railroad. After also visiting Fergus Falls, he moved his wife and newborn son Henry to Alexandria in August 1871.

He was admitted to the Minnesota bar in October and set up a legal practice primarily around land cases referred to him by Aaker, the land agent. He also bought a 120 acre homestead in Alexandria, a claim that was contested but which he won. He also became an accomplished trial lawyer, was elected the Douglas County attorney, and acted as the county attorney for Pope County. As was typically the case at that time, Nelson's legal work on land issues got him involved in political issues. He became a champion for the economic development of the Upper Country through the introduction of the railroad.

Minnesota state senator
The so-called "Aaker faction" within the Upper County Republican party found in Nelson a capable politician, with connections to the immigrant community, experience in land-office issues, and political background in Wisconsin. He was put forward as a Republican candidate for the Minnesota Senate in 1874, running against banker Francis Bennett Van Hoesen, who was aligned with the Grange movement and state Anti-Monopoly Party. Though Nelson did not get unanimous support from his Norwegian-American constituency, he carried 59% of the vote and four out of five counties in his constituency.

Nelson's first challenge in the state senate, whether to reelect Alexander Ramsey to a third term in the United States Senate, was contentious, as it was against Governor Cushman Davis's wishes. Nelson was caught between his allegiance to the Douglas County Republicans, who were staunch Davis supporters, and his land office constituency, who favored Ramsey. Nelson voted for Ramsey, the dark-horse candidate William D. Washburn, and finally for the victor, Samuel J. R. McMillan.

Nelson spent more time on the issue of extending the railroad infrastructure into the Upper Country. His constituents elected him in large part to resolve the gridlock that prevented the completion of the railroad extension from St. Cloud west to Alexandria and beyond. The railroad company, St. Paul and Pacific Railroad (SP&P), had run out of funds to complete the St. Vincent extension, and the bondholders were unwilling to invest further. The Minnesota legislature agreed on the need for the railroad but were not in a position to pay for its completion.

In 1875, Nelson introduced the Upper Country bill, which gave SP&P added incentives in the form of land to complete the line, but also imposed a deadline after which the rights to build the railroad were forfeited, presumably in favor of Northern Pacific, whose plans would bypass Alexandria. The bill met with controversy from both sides of the issue and was ultimately amended to the point that Nelson first sought to table it and then abstained from voting on it. The bill was enacted and was considered a success in its time, with most of the credit going to Nelson.

It took several years for the various financial and political matters to be sorted out for the railroad, and Nelson played an active role throughout, both as an elected official, attorney, and businessman. He secured rights-of-way for virtually the entire line from Alexandria to Fergus Falls, negotiating with many stakeholders for every tract of land. This proved to be an all-consuming effort for several years, though he ran unsuccessfully for lieutenant governor of Minnesota in 1879.

In May 1877, three of Nelson's five children died during a diphtheria epidemic. The two oldest, Ida and Henry, survived.

In November 1878, the railroad finally reached Alexandria, thanks in large part to Nelson's close working relationship with James J. Hill. Several Minnesota towns were founded as a result of these efforts, including Nelson and Ashby.

National politics
Nelson was invited to deliver the "oration of the day" at the United States Centennial on July 4, 1876, in Alexandria, exactly 27 years after he had immigrated to the United States. The "unimpassioned" speech sought to reinforce an American identity and made no mention of his Norwegian roots. It coincided with his campaign for U.S. representative from Minnesota's third district.

By then, Nelson had developed the strategy of orchestrating a "bottoms-up" campaign in which he would quietly enlist supporters to publicly encourage him to run, while appearing reluctant. His constituency in the Upper Country frontier put him at a disadvantage with respect to the rivaling Twin Cities. After having flexed his political muscle by "bolting" from the campaign for a few weeks, he supported the Republican nomination of Jacob Stewart, a medical doctor from St. Paul, who won the election against Democrat William McNair. This endorsement was not backed by the Norwegian-American community, who were concerned about Stewart's association with the Know Nothing Party and the apparent rise of a ruling class in society.

The battle for the "Bloody Fifth"
As a result of the 1880 census, the United States Congress decided to allocate a new congressional seat to the Upper Country, creating the Fifth Minnesota District. Nelson quietly entered the race for this seat. First he secured a seat on the Board of Regents at the University of Minnesota, where he managed to establish a Department of Scandinavian Studies.

The campaign opened in 1882 and quickly devolved into one of the most contentious elections in history at that point. The contest between Nelson and Charles F. Kindred for the "Bloody Fifth", as it became known, involved widespread graft, intimidation, and election fraud. The Republican convention on July 12 in Detroit Lakes was compared to the historic Battle of the Boyne in Ireland. 150 delegates fought over 80 seats, and after a scuffle in the main conference center, the Kindred and Nelson campaigns nominated their candidates.

The rivalry between Kindred and Nelson centered to a large extent on the two competing railroads in the Upper Country, the Northern Pacific in Kindred's corner and the Great Northern in Nelson's. Kindred spent between $150,000 and $200,000, but Nelson won handily, overcoming massive election fraud in Northern Pacific counties.

U.S. House of Representatives, 1883–1889
Nelson served in the United States House of Representatives from March 4, 1883, to March 4, 1889, in the 48th, 49th, and 50th congresses. In keeping with practices of the Gilded Age, his first agenda item in Congress was to ensure patronage for his supporters in Minnesota by doling out the limited number of federal appointments available. Most were made through Paul C. Sletten, the Receiver of the U.S. Land Office in Crookston. In addition to rewarding political support, he replaced pro-Kindred appointees in the forested counties around the Northern Pacific Railroad, the so-called "Pineries." Particularly publicized was the firing of Søren Listoe as Register of the U.S. Land Office in Fergus Falls.

Nelson did not always follow the orthodox Republican line in the House. In 1886, he abandoned the Republican caucus to vote for the Morrison Tariff Bill of 1886, which sought to reduce the tariffs on some imported items. Two years later, he and three other Republicans voted for the more aggressive tariff reductions in the Mills Tariff Bill of 1888. Although passed by the House on July 21, 1888, the Mills Bill was so heavily amended by the high-tariff Republicans in the Senate that the House found the result unacceptable, and no changes to the tariff were made in 1888.

Nelson was frustrated by what he perceived as the House's lack of effectiveness. He got involved in long debates about pension issues for Civil War veterans. His most notable legacy as a representative was passing the Nelson Act of 1889. It created the White Earth Indian Reservation in western Minnesota as a place to consolidate Native Americans from other reservations in the state, allocated communal land to heads of households, and opened up sale of the remaining thousands of acres of land to immigrants, at Native Americans' expense.

Considering his time in the House a "personal failure", Nelson decided not to seek reelection in 1888. Some suspect that a narrow escape from a drowning accident on October 11, 1886, also played a role in increasing his ambition.

Governor of Minnesota, 1893–1895
Though Nelson claimed to retire from politics, he remained an active insider in Minnesota Republican politics. In 1890 he started showing interest in running for governor. Meanwhile, he resumed an active law practice from Alexandria, continued running his farm, and opened a hardware store.

Increasing pressure on the Minnesotan agricultural economy gave rise to the Farmers' Alliance, which became a formidable political force in both parties, but especially the Republican Party. In 1890, the alliance voted to run its own candidates, and suggested nominating Nelson. In the Minnesota alliance convention in July 1890, Nelson did not acknowledge interest from the delegates, who ended up nominating Sidney M. Owen. But after the Alliance made a strong showing in the 1890 legislative election, Republicans saw Nelson as a strong alternative to the Alliance in the Upper Country.

Nelson worked to strengthen his candidacy for governor, though historians suggest that his ultimate goal was the U.S. Senate. He arranged to be drafted as a candidate rather than actively pursuing office. Appointed officeholders, fearing the loss of patronage to Alliance political victories, were glad to support him. Appealing to the Republican need for unity at the convention, Nelson maneuvered to gain the support of rivals such as Davis and Washburn, or at least avoid their opposition. He was unanimously nominated by 709 delegates as the Republican candidate for governor on July 28, 1892, at the St. Paul People's Church. His acceptance speech was a libertarian broadside against both Democrats and Populists; it emboldened the delegates for the campaign.

The ensuing campaign against Democratic nominee Daniel Lawler and Populist Ignatius Donnelly centered on allegations of undue influence by railroad interests, tariffs, and ethnicity and patriotism. When Nelson took the campaign to northwestern Minnesota, he had a minor physical altercation with Tobias Sawby, a local populist. After a grueling campaign, he carried 51 of 80 counties with 42.6% of the vote to Lawler's 37% and Donnelly's 15.6%. He gave a short victory speech in Alexandria, saying, "I go in without having made any promises to any combine, corporation, or person, and shall endeavor to do right, because it is right, and I endeavor to give an administration for the people, for the people, and by the people."

There were significant limitations on Governor Nelson's ability to pursue his agenda. The balance of power in Minnesota was shared among five independently elected officials, the state legislature, and the governor. In his inaugural speech on January 4, 1893, he presented himself as a fiscal conservative with an affinity for education and dwelled on statistics related to various state services and for solutions.

Nelson used his governorship as a bully pulpit for modest Republican reforms intended to provide moderate alternatives to the radical Populist actions. He promoted the "Governor's Grain Bill" as a way to regulate trade in grain, specifically by giving the Railroad and Warehouse Commission the authority to license, inspect, and regulate country grain elevators. Republican members of the legislature supported it as well, going so far as making it a party measure. Opposition to the bill from Democrats and Populists was based on suspicion of the railroad commission. The bill went through two rounds of voting with considerable horse-trading but in the end won narrowly, giving Nelson credibility as a political force.

Nelson also ended up cooperating with his former adversary Donnelly on the "timber ring" investigation; it sought to end land claim fraud in lumber areas. Nelson convened an interstate antitrust Conference in Chicago on June 5, 1893, where he spoke against the lumber trust and in favor of strengthening the Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890.

The Panic of 1893 created a crisis for the railroad companies. After a series of wage cuts by the Great Northern, the American Railway Union went on strike on April 13. Nelson suggested the parties engage in arbitration while demanding law and order from the strikers. He left enforcement to federal marshals and arbitration to private business leaders. The strike was resolved largely in favor of the workers, and Nelson survived untarnished.

Nelson was handily renominated in 1894, and ran against Populist Sidney Owen and Democrat George Becker. He projected the image of a systematic and scientific reformer compared to such populist speakers as Mary Ellen Lease and Jerry Simpson. He demonstrated hands-on leadership in the dry summer of 1894, when the Great Hinckley Fire spread across east-central Minnesota on September 1. Although the state did not have the financial means to provide direct support, Nelson used his office to encourage private relief efforts. He won the election with 60,000 more votes than Owen.

Nelson vs. Washburn

Nelson's campaign for election to the United States Senate was reported to have begun early in 1894. It was conducted quietly and behind the scenes, to avoid the appearance that his bid for governorship was less than genuine, and to avoid an internal Republican feud with incumbent U.S. Senator William D. Washburn. Before the 17th Amendment went into effect in 1914, state legislatures elected their U.S. senators. Nelson's campaign for Senate was a "still hunt," consisting of building support among incoming legislators while letting Washburn think he was running unopposed for the Republican nomination.

Sensing Nelson's rising star in the Republican establishment, Washburn tried to obtain Nelson's unequivocal assurance that he was not running for Senate, while solidifying his own standing as the Minneapolis candidate. On September 21, 1894, the two candidates met at the Freeborn county fair in Albert Lea, where Nelson was asked directly whether he supported Washburn's candidacy or had his own designs on the seat. He reportedly advised the state legislature to "elect your Republican legislative ticket, so as to send my friend Washburn back the United States senate, or if you do not like him, send some other good Republican."

Nelson's strategy was to prevent Washburn from gaining a straightforward majority in either the nomination or the election in the Republican caucus, and to appear as a unifying choice for the Republicans. He had to strike a fine balance between appealing to Scandinavian ethnic pride on the one hand and affirming himself a true American on the other, and between the appearance of treachery against Washburn and maintaining an honest impression.

The campaign came to a head in the so-called "Three Week War" or "Hotel Campaign", which was in full force by January 5, 1895. The confrontations, lobbying, cajoling, and alleged bribery centered on St. Paul's Windsor and Merchants hotels. Legislators were unnerved by the campaign, and the outcome remained uncertain. Return visits to their constituencies in mid-January did little to clarify public opinion. Public meetings with "wirepullers" had similarly little effect.

Nelson's strength became apparent but was not yet decisive on January 18 when the Republicans caucused. Washburn fell well short of reaching the necessary 72 votes, and a number of erstwhile supporters fell to Nelson on the second ballot. By the time the election went to the full legislature, it was clear that Washburn had lost. On January 23 Nelson was elected to the United States Senate, the first Scandinavian-born American to reach this post. Exhausted from the campaign, Washburn called for direct, popular elections of senators. It is remembered as one of the bitterest elections in Minnesota political history.

Washburn was perceived as a wealthy, urban, aristocratic native Yankee from Maine, and Nelson as a hard-working immigrant from the Upper Country. Nelson's victory reinforced the growing influence of areas of Minnesota outside the Twin Cities, and strengthened political awareness among ethnic Scandinavians in the region. Nelson decided early to make this image his platform, asking his constituency to call him "Uncle Knute."

First Senate term
The 54th United States Congress did not convene until December 1895, and though Nelson was eager to get to work, he spent the recess traveling and working on his farm. He also translated the Constitution of Norway to English and studied the Free Silver issue. This was the subject of his first Senate speech, on December 31, 1895, when he advocated a paper currency.

Nelson maintained—as he did throughout his career—a strong anti-Populist, though pragmatic, profile. His most important first-term accomplishment was probably the Nelson Bankruptcy Law, intended to give farmers the means to enter into voluntary, as opposed to forced, bankruptcy by creditors. He positioned this as an alternative to the Judiciary Committee that was much harsher to debtors. Although he championed the bill on its own merits, it also gave him an opportunity both to disassociate himself from his background as an attorney and to build favor with his agricultural constituency. After 18 months of painstaking negotiations, Nelson managed to get the bill passed by Congress on June 24, 1898. Filing bankruptcy would be known for some time afterwards as "taking the Nelson cure."

If Nelson showed independence in the bankruptcy law, he toed the party line on the Spanish–American War, enthusiastically supporting the war effort. He got embroiled in a bitter debate on the Senate floor on the issue of annexing the Philippines and Hawaii. He and one of the authors of the treaty, senior Minnesota senator Cushman Davis, voted with the majority in ratifying the Treaty of Paris. He is often quoted as saying:

"Providence has given the United States the duty of extending Christian civilization. We come as ministering angels, not despots."

Return to Norway
Nelson always took care in public to define himself first and foremost as an American, with no conflicted loyalty to his birth country. But in the background he supported Norway in various ways, notably by inviting Norwegian officers to observe and learn from American tactics in Cuba. He had been planning a trip to Norway for some time, but made sure he would also visit Sweden and Denmark, emphasizing his Scandinavian-American background.

He traveled alone and made his home town of Evanger one of the first stops. He arrived at the village in a horse-drawn buggy with only his luggage and was received as an honored guest. He spoke in his native dialect of Vossemål, slipping into Riksmål only when he felt it necessary to make an important political point. His hosts quickly started addressing him in the familiar "du Knut," which he appeared to enjoy.

From Evanger, Nelson traveled to Kristiania, where he refused official honors, and to Stockholm, where he made even less fuss. He spent a week in Copenhagen, visiting with his own patronage appointees Laurits S. Swenson, U.S. ambassador to Denmark, and Søren Listoe, consul to Rotterdam. He had an audience with King Christian IX and a formal dinner hosted by Swenson. He traveled through the contentious area of Schleswig-Holstein and the site of the Battle of Waterloo.

Nelson traveled home via England and happened to be in the visitors' gallery in the British parliament on October 17 when Queen Victoria convened an extraordinary session to debate the Second Boer War.

1900–1902 reelection campaign
Owing, once again, to his being elected by the state legislature, Nelson's campaign for reelection in 1902 started with the Minnesota state legislature elections of 1900. His strategy was to align himself with celebrated national leaders, especially Theodore Roosevelt and Robert M. La Follette Sr., as they swung through the state campaigning for William McKinley. Nelson was known more for thoroughness than charisma in his campaigns, but contributed significantly to the Republican success that year. Nelson's son Henry Knute Nelson was elected to the Minnesota state legislature that year.

Nelson's reelection to a second Senate term was assured for all practical purposes. The campaign continued into 1902, when Nelson made a name for himself by commandeering a handcar when his train broke down east of Hibbing, Minnesota. He made his own way to Wolf Junction, Minnesota at a brisk pace.

Until that point, Nelson's political career was largely based on the issues of an unfolding economic frontier, with land development, immigration, and Gilded Age dynamics. With the birth of the Progressive Era, the winds of reform started blowing more from the east than the west, and urban issues came more to the forefront. As a result, Nelson had to reinvent his political strategy.

In the crosswinds of the political movements of the time, Nelson chose a largely "moderate progressive" profile, accepting government intervention on some issues (such as antitrust matters) but opposing anything that smacked of socialism. He eased up on patronage as a political tool and focused instead on helping his constituents in matters small and large, often invoking the image of himself as a "drayhorse"—a hard-working, persistent advocate for the things and people he believed in.

Territories and statehood
In the Senate, Nelson was involved in creating the Department of Commerce and Labor and the 1898 passage of the Nelson Bankruptcy Act, and served on the Overman Committee from 1918 to 1919. Serving from 1895 to 1923, he was a senator from the 54th through the 67th congresses. He was an active senator until his death in 1923 en route by train from Washington, D.C., to his hometown of Alexandria, where he was buried.

title: Knute Nelson


text:
Dingolfing-Landau

Dingolfing-Landau is a Landkreis (district) in Bavaria, Germany. It is bounded by (from the north and clockwise) the districts of Straubing-Bogen, Deggendorf, Rottal-Inn and Landshut.

History
The district was established in 1972 by merging the former districts of Dingolfing and Landau (Isar). Its original name was Untere Isar ("Lower Isar"), but in 1973 it was renamed and got its present name.

Geography
The region is characterised by very plain countryside and several rivers running from southwest to northeast (towards the Danube). Most important rivers of the district are the Isar and the Vils.

Economy
The whole region depends on the automobile industry. At Dingolfing, you can find the largest BMW-Industry complex in the world.

Coat of arms
The coat of arms displays:
 * The blue and white checkered pattern of Bavaria
 * The lion from the arms of the county of Leonberg (once ruling in Landau)
 * The red and white bars are from the arms of the county of Frontenhausen (once ruling in Dingolfing)

title: Dingolfing-Landau