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Felipe González

Felipe González Márquez (born 5 March 1942) is a Spanish lawyer, professor, and politician, who was the Secretary-General of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) from 1974 to 1997, and the 3rd Prime Minister of Spain since the restoration of democracy, from 1982 to 1996. He remains the longest-serving Prime Minister of Spain to be freely elected.

González joined the PSOE in 1964 when it was banned under the Francoist regime. He obtained a law degree from the University of Seville in 1965. In 1974, the PSOE elected González as its Secretary-General after a split in its 26th Congress. After Franco's death and the beginning of the Spanish transition to democracy, González obtained a seat in the Congress of Deputies after he led the PSOE candidacy in the 1977 general election, but lost to Adolfo Suárez.

After the PSOE victory in the 1982 general election, González formed his first majority government, backed by 202 out of the 350 deputies at the Congress of Deputies, and led the Government of Spain for thirteen and a half years after three additional victories in the 1986, 1989 and 1993 general elections. In 1996, González lost the election to José María Aznar and the People's Party and was elected to the Congress of Deputies for the last time in the 2000 general election, from Seville.

Early life
González was born in Bellavista, Seville, the son of a small dairy farmer. He has a sister called Lola González Márquez, married to Francisco Germán Palomino Romera, by whom she has two sons, Felipe and Germán Palomino González. He studied law at Seville University and started his career as attorney specialising in labor law. While at the university he met members of the clandestine socialist trade union Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT). He also contacted members of the PSOE and started taking part in the party's clandestine activity, necessary under the dictatorship of Franco. During that time he adopted the alias Isidoro and moved to Madrid. He was elected Secretary General of the Party at the Suresnes Congress, in France.

By the time of Franco's death, González had become the most prominent figure among the left-wing of the democratic opposition to the regime, and played a critical role, along with then serving Prime Minister Adolfo Suárez, in the Spanish transition to democracy. During the Suárez government, General and Deputy Prime Minister Manuel Gutiérrez Mellado asked González not to raise the debate of the Civil War and Francoist repression until the death of those of his generation.

In the first democratic general election after Franco's death, held in 1977, the PSOE became the second most-voted for party, and this served González to appear as a young, active and promising leader. However, he did not win the 1979 election and had to wait for 1982 and the dissolution of the Union of the Democratic Centre party to come into office.

Prime Minister of Spain
In the 1982 general election held on 28 October 1982, the PSOE gained 48.3% of the vote and 202 deputies (out of 350). On 2 December González became President of the Government of Spain, with Alfonso Guerra as his deputy. He was the first socialist to hold the post since the Spanish Civil War, and his government was the first since then in which none of its members had served under Francoism.

With a large majority in the Congress of Deputies, popularly known as "the roller" (Spanish: el rodillo), González's election was met with tremendous expectation of change amongst Spaniards. Under his government universal and free education provision was extended from age 14 to age 16, university education was reformed and expanded, the social security system was extended and a partial legalisation of abortion became law for the first time, despite opposition from the Roman Catholic Church. González pushed for reforms and a restructuring of the economy.

On 23 February 1983, the Government passed a law nationalising the company Rumasa, a private business that included merchant banking interests, on the grounds that it was at the point of bankruptcy and the government needed to protect the savings of depositors and the jobs of its 60,000 employees, a decision that aroused considerable criticism and a judicial conflict over the law that was only resolved, in favour of the government, in December 1986.

In the 1986 general election held on 22 June 1986, the PSOE gained 44.1% of the vote and 184 deputies in Parliament. González was elected prime minister for the second time. During this second term, Spain joined the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1986. González supported Spain remaining in NATO that same year in a referendum reversing his and the party's earlier anti-NATO position.

On 29 October 1989, he won the 1989 general election with 39.6% of the vote and 175 seats, his third successive mandate.

On 6 June 1993, González won the 1993 general election with 38.8% of the vote and 159 deputies. His fourth victory was marred by the fact he was forced to form a pact with nationalist political parties from Catalonia and Basque country in order to form a new government.

Towards the end of 1995 there was a debate about whether González should lead the PSOE in the forthcoming general elections. The People's Party intensified its campaign to associate his period in office with a poor economic situation (although unemployment had begun to decline and the economic reforms of the previous decade initiated a lasting period of economic growth) and with accusations of corruption and state terrorism scandals, including allegations of waging a dirty war against the terrorist group ETA by means of the GAL. There was speculation in the press about Javier Solana as a possible replacement, but Solana was appointed Secretary General of NATO in December 1995.

In June 2020, the CIA declassified information confirming that Felipe González had authorised the creation of the GAL.

Left with no other suitable candidate, the party was again led by González and in the 1996 general election held on 3 March 1996, they gained 37.4% of the vote and 141 deputies. They lost the election to the People's Party whose leader José María Aznar replaced González as prime minister (presidente in Spanish, not to be confused with the English use of the term) on 4 or 5 May 1996.

The Gonzalez government left behind a deep impact on the Spanish real economy, such as the expansion of the networks of highways and airports and the creation of new infrastructures, including high-speed rail in Spain. Gonzalez-led cabinets were the first to implement a national, comprehensive infrastructure program that included not only public works but theatres, museums, and secondary schools. In addition, a comprehensive welfare state was established, while improvements were made to social programmes such as pensions and unemployment benefits. A 40-hour workweek was introduced, while entitlement to paid holidays was extended to up to 30 days per year. Pension funds were also established, together with provisions for social tourism. In addition, the school-leaving age was raised from 14 to 16, while the number of educational grants was multiplied by eight.

Unemployment protection was expanded and a national education system for children under the age of six was established. Cash benefits in social housing, universal healthcare and education were introduced, along with earnings-based benefits for widowhood, sickness, disability and retirement. A Ministry of Social Affairs was also set up, allowing for social services to be decentralised in the early Nineties and to be available to all citizens, rather than only to those with social security.

The pension system was extended to needy people, universal public schooling was expanded from all children under the age of 16, and new universities were established. Healthcare was reformed, with Gonzalez creating the National Health Service and accelerating the development of primary care medicine based on health centres, where integral primary care for adults, pregnant women and paediatric patients was provided. Gonzalez presided over an increase of youth and women's participation in government. State run Televisión Española reached a high level of quality under the direction of Pilar Miró. Private television channels were also permitted in 1990, ending the state monopoly.

Felipe González also secured Spain's entry into the EEC, which the country joined in 1986, and consolidated democratic government. Together with François Mitterrand and Helmut Kohl, he revitalized efforts to push for European integration and extension of state power. He was a supporter of Kohl's drive for a united Germany, counteracting British and French hostility. He also started diplomatic relations with Israel, which had never been established by Franco because of antisemitism. Due to his prestige, Spain also hosted the Madrid Conference of 1991 peace talks between Palestinians and Israelis; these were chaired by President George H. W. Bush of the United States and Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev. The bilateral Israeli–Palestinian negotiations eventually led to the exchange of letters and the subsequent signing of the Oslo I Accord, on the lawn of the White House on 13 September 1993. The negotiations that emanated from the Madrid conference, led to the Israel–Jordan peace treaty in 1994. The Israeli–Syrian negotiations included a series of follow-on meetings, which according to some reports, came quite close, but failed to result in a peace treaty.

In the fight against terrorism, an intense police campaign secured several victories that left the terrorist organisation ETA severely debilitated. In his earlier years ETA killings totalled dozens per year (the 1987 Hipercor bombing attack in Barcelona alone killed more than 10 people), while in his latter years ETA killed far fewer. During his time as Prime Minister a group called GAL was active as a gangster-style force targeting etarras (ETA members). Several innocent people were killed and the subsequent investigations ended with some police officers and the Minister of Internal Affairs, José Barrionuevo, condemned to jail. The Constitutional Court later ratified the sentence. Among successful operations were the capture of the ETA central arsenal and archives in Sokoa (France) and the capture of the organisation's ruling body in 1992.

However, in the final years of his mandate several cases of corruption, the most notable of which were the scandals involving Civil Guard Director Luis Roldán, further eroded popular support for the PSOE. Nonetheless González and most of his ministers generally managed to leave office with their reputations intact, although they had performed poor oversight of some lower ranking public servants, according to María Antonia Iglesias (La memoria recuperada. Lo que nunca han contado Felipe González y los dirigentes socialistas, 2003); Iglesias is very close, though, to the PSOE official line, as she served as head of the public TV broadcaster Televisión Española after appointment to the post by one of Gonzalez's cabinets.

After the premiership
González ended his fourth term on 4 May 1996. Since September 1996 he has headed the Madrid-based Global Progress Foundation (FPG). At the beginning of the 34th PSOE National Congress on 20 June 1997 he surprisingly resigned as leader of the party. He also resigned from the federal executive committee, though retaining his seat in the Congress. With no clear successor he continued to exert an enormous influence over the party. He was only replaced at the 35th party Congress in July 2000 when José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero became the leader.

In 1996, González was the head of the OSCE delegation which was sent to Federal Republic of Yugoslavia as a mediator in the dialogue between Serbian government and the opposition, following the mass protests which have started over the alleged electoral fraud at the 1996 Serbian local elections.

In 1997 he was considered a leading candidate to take over the position of President of the European Commission after Jacques Santer. The position ultimately went to Italy's Romano Prodi. In 1999 González was put in charge of the party's Global Progress Commission in response to globalisation. The commission's report formed the basis of the closing declaration of the 21st Socialist International Congress on 8–9 November 1999.

He stood down as a deputy in the Spanish Parliament in March 2004.

On 27 July 2007 the Spanish Government appointed him plenipotentiary and extraordinary ambassador for the bicentenary celebrations in commemoration of the independence of Latin America. The celebrations will begin in September 2010 in Mexico.

At a summit held in Brussels on 14 December 2007, heads of state and government of European Union member states appointed González chairman of a think tank on the future of Europe. The group, consisting of up to nine prestigious personalities commissioned to drawing up a report, by June 2010, on the challenges facing the European Union from 2020 to 2030, will also look at how to achieve a closer understanding between citizens and the Union.

In December 2014, Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos granted González Colombian nationality.

From 2010 to 2015, González was appointed independent director in Gas Natural-Fenosa, one of the leading energy companies in Spain, being one of the best known high-profile cases of revolving doors in Spanish politics.

Since 2015 he has taken an active role in criticising the emerging party Podemos, which he considers a populist threat, and have actively lobbied the PSOE against approaching Podemos for any possible government coalition. González supported PSOE candidate Pedro Sánchez in the 2015 and 2016 general elections, but in the aftermath Sánchez announced talks with Podemos and Catalan separatist parties. González then supported Susana Diaz faction in a bitter internal struggle which ended with PSOE facilitating the investiture of the conservative government and the dismissal of Pedro Sánchez.

In 2015 González traveled to Venezuela to support Leopoldo López and other imprisoned opposition leaders. His involvement came at the same time mainstream media and political parties were accusing emerging Podemos of having links with the Venezuelan government.

González is a member of the Club of Madrid, an independent non-profit organisation composed of 81 democratic former Presidents and Prime Ministers from 57 different countries.

In 2015, González was awarded the Distinguished Leadership Award for Public Service in the Americas Award by the Inter-American Dialogue for his tireless, effective, and ongoing public service and commitment to democracy in Latin America.

Personal life
González married María del Carmen Julia Romero y López in Seville on 16 July 1969 and has three children: Pablo González Romero, David González Romero and María González Romero (lawyer). He divorced Carmen Romero in 2008. In 2012 he married Mar García Vaquero.

One of his hobbies is tending bonsai trees. During his tenure at Moncloa, he received and cultivated several of them, mostly Mediterranean species, that he later donated to the Royal Botanic Garden of Madrid.

His wife Mar García Vaquero is named in the Panama Papers scandal in 2016.

Published works

 * "Un discurso ético" (co-authorship with Víctor Márquez Reviriego, 1982).
 * "El Socialismo" (1997).
 * "El futuro no es lo que era" (co-authorship with Juan Luis Cebrián, 2002).
 * "Memorias del futuro" (2003).
 * "Mi idea de Europa" (2011).

title: Felipe González


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Chester, Nova Scotia

Chester is a village on the Chester Peninsula, Mahone Bay, Nova Scotia, Canada.

History
The French had been present in Acadia since the early 1600s, but when the British expanded into the area in the 1700s, Acadian settlements on the South Shore were few and tiny. After the Expulsion of the Acadians the British wanted to repopulate vacated lands, and offered land grants to colonists from New England, which was experiencing a population explosion. In 1761, led by founders Timothy Houghton and Rev. John Seccombe, New England Planters were granted lands in the Chester area, then called Shoreham.

During the American Revolution, Nova Scotia was invaded regularly by American Revolutionary forces and privateers, including the 1782 Raid on Chester. During this time some of the New England immigrants proved to be neither neutral nor loyal in the conflict, including founders Timothy Houghton and John Seccombe against whom criminal charges were brought for sedition. Military officer Jonathan Prescott was also suspected of being an American Patriot sympathizer.

During the 1800s Chester was an important site for coastal commerce, with economic activities including lumbering, shipbuilding, shipping, and fishing. During the War of 1812, the American privateer Young Teazer was trapped off the shores of Chester. To avoid capture, a crew member scuttled the ship, killing most of the crew.

In 1922 a statue was erected in memory of 54 soldiers from the area who were killed in World War I, cast by Scottish sculptor J. Massey Rhind. After the war the Women's Institute of Nova Scotia established the Zoé Vallé Memorial Library.

In 2002 it was proposed to incorporate Chester as a town, thereby leaving the Chester Municipal District. Many residents fought the motion and won the right to a plebiscite, which led to the defeat of the motion in February 2003.

Schools
Chester has an elementary school, Chester District School (grades Primary–5) and a middle school, Chester Area Middle School or CAMS as it is known (grades 6–8). Forest Heights Community School brings together students from all of the Municipality of the District of Chester and Tancook Islands for grades 9–12.

Culture
The Chester Playhouse, is a charitable organization for the promotion of performing arts. The building is a cinema built in 1939 and converted in 1963. In 1987 the building was purchased by Christopher Ondaatje, who donated it to the Theatre Council. Its capacity is 176. The theatre has a year-round program with a variety of performance types, including local folk musician Old Man Luedecke.

The Chester and Area Family Resource Centre provides support to new parents.

Chester was a filming site for the TV series Haven and for parts of The Curse of Oak Island.

Founded in 1873 and incorporated in 1906, the Chester Brass Band is a British-style brass ensemble based in Chester, Nova Scotia. The band is a non-profit volunteer organization, funded wholly by its membership, concert series, and local patrons. The Chester Brass Band's repertoire includes classical works, marches, hymns, popular melodies and original works written or arranged specifically for brass band. The band also includes smaller subgroups: a Dixieland band, stage band and small brass ensembles. The band has performed around Nova Scotia and across the world, often accompanying guest choirs, vocalists and instrumental soloists of distinction. On five occasions, Chester Brass was a top-three finisher at the International Brass Band Championships.

Attractions and recreation

There are a number of public boat launch sites around Mahone Bay. The waters are fine for kayaking and sailing. The Chester Yacht Club hosts Chester Race Week, where keelboats from all over the eastern coast of North America compete during the second week of August.

For walkers and cyclists there is also the Chester Connector which is a municipal operated section of the previous rail line and which is shared with motorized recreational vehicles. In the last weekend of July there is the annual Chester Garden Show and the House and Garden Tour along with harbour tours. Also that weekend is the Bonnie Lea Lobster benefit.

The Chester Municipal Heritage Society operates the Lordly House Museum and children's playground, they host an annual Antique Auction in early July, and an Annual House and Boat Tour after Race week, a Christmas Craft Fair and at the Train Station circa 1905 is an Oak Island Display and Visitors Information office. Winter is a time for events including "Sing! Choirs" in December and February's "Coldest Day of the Year", the Chester Drama Society fundraiser.

Chester Golf Club on the eastern side of the front harbour has 18 holes and views of the harbour.

"The Park" The Church Memorial Park is home to the Chester Tennis Club, Eleanor Pew Memorial Rink and Chester Curling Club, home club of curler Mary Fay (2016 Youth Olympic Gold Medal Winner and 2016 World Junior Curling Champion).

Notable people

 * Desmond Piers: (1913–2005) naval officer, retired to Chester
 * Donald Hebb: (1904–1985) psychologist, born and lived in Chester until age 16
 * Summer or secondary residents are businessmen Christopher Ondaatje and John Risley
 * Old Man Luedecke, folk musician
 * John Seccombe

title: Chester, Nova Scotia


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Manuel Azaña

Manuel Azaña Díaz (10 January 1880 – 3 November 1940) was a Spanish politician who served as Prime Minister of the Second Spanish Republic (1931–1933 and 1936), organizer of the Popular Front in 1935 and the last President of the Republic (1936–1939). He was the most prominent leader of the Republican cause during the Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939.

A published author in the 1910s, he stood out in the pro-Allies camp during World War I. He was sharply critical towards the Generation of '98, the reimagination of the Spanish Middle Ages, Imperial Spain and the 20th century yearnings for a praetorian refurbishment of the country. Azaña followed instead the examples of the French Enlightenment and the Third French Republic, and took a political quest for democracy in the 1920s while defending the notion of homeland as the "democratic equality of all citizens towards the law" that made him embrace republicanism.

After the Proclamation of the Second Spanish Republic in April 1931, Azaña became Minister of War of the Provisional Government and enacted military reform, looking to develop a modern armed forces with fewer army officers. He later became Prime Minister in October 1931. The Spanish Civil War broke out while he was President of Spain. With the defeat of the Republic in 1939, he fled to France, resigned from office, and died in exile only a year later at age 60.

Early career

Born into a wealthy family, Manuel Azaña Díaz was orphaned at a very young age. He studied in the Universidad Complutense, the Cisneros Institute and the Agustinos of El Escorial. He was awarded a Lawyer's licence by the University of Zaragoza in 1897, and a doctorate by the Universidad Complutense in 1900.

In 1909, he achieved a position at the Main Directorate of the Registries and practised the profession of civil law notary, and travelled to Paris in 1911. He became involved in politics and in 1914 joined the Reformist Republican Party led by Melquíades Álvarez. He collaborated in the production of various newspapers, such as El Imparcial and El Sol. He also joined the Freemasons.

During World War I, he covered operations on the Western Front for various newspapers. His treatment was very sympathetic to the French, and he may have been sponsored by French military intelligence. Afterwards he edited the magazines Pluma and España between 1920 and 1924, founding the former with his brother-in-law Cipriano Rivas Cherif. He was secretary of the Ateneo de Madrid (1913–1920), becoming its president in 1930. He was a candidate for the province of Toledo in 1918 and 1923, but lost on both occasions. In 1926 he founded the Acción Republicana ("Republican Action") party with José Giral.

A strong critic of the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, Azaña published a stirring manifesto against the dictator and King Alfonso XIII in 1924. In 1930, he was a signatory of the "Pact of San Sebastián", which united all the republican and regionalist parties in Spain against Primo de Rivera and the King.

On 12 April 1931, republican candidates swept the municipal elections. This was seen as repudiation of Primo de Rivera and the monarchy. Two days later, the Second Spanish Republic was proclaimed and the King forced into exile.

In the government
Niceto Alcalá-Zamora, prime minister of the provisional government of the Republic, named Azaña Minister of War on 14 April. Alcalá-Zamora resigned in October, and Azaña replaced him as prime minister. When the new constitution was adopted on 9 December, Azaña continued as prime minister, leading a coalition of left-wing parties, including his own Acción Republicana and the Socialists (PSOE), while Alcalá-Zamora became President of the Republic.

Azaña pursued some of the major reforms anticipated by the republican program. He introduced work accident insurance, reduced the size of the Spanish Army, and removed some monarchist officers. He also moved to reduce the power and influence of the Roman Catholic Church, abolishing Church-operated schools and charities, and greatly expanding state-operated secular schools.

He defended these measures by saying "Do not tell me that this is contrary to freedom. It is a matter of public health".

The Spanish legislature, the Cortes, also enacted an agrarian reform program, under which large private landholdings (latifundia) were to be confiscated and distributed among the rural poor. However, Azaña was a "middle-class republican", not a socialist. He and his followers were not enthusiastic for this program. The agrarian law did not include state-funded collective farms, as the Socialists wanted, and was not enacted until late 1932. It was also clumsily written, and threatened many relatively small landholders more than the latifundists. The Azaña government also did very little to carry it out: only 12,000 families received land in the first two years.

In addition, Azaña did little to reform the taxation system to shift the burden of government onto the wealthy. Also, the government continued to support the owners of industry against wildcat strikes or attempted takeovers by militant workers, especially the anarcho-syndicalists of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (National Confederation of Labour or CNT). Confrontation with the CNT erupted in bloody violence at Casas Viejas (now Benalup) and Alt-Llobregat. Violence against protesters also occurred against non CNT-affiliated workers during Castilblanco and Arnedo events.

Meanwhile, Azaña's extreme anti-clerical program alienated many moderates. In local elections held in early 1933, most of the seats went to conservative and centrist parties. Elections to the "Tribunal of Constitutional Guarantees" (the Republic's "Supreme Court") followed this pattern.

Thus Azaña came into conflict with both the right and far left. He called a vote of confidence, but two-thirds of the Cortes abstained, and Alcalá-Zamora ordered Azaña's resignation on 8 September 1933. New elections were held on 19 November 1933.

These elections were won by the right-wing Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas (CEDA) and the centrist Radical Republican Party. Radical leader Alejandro Lerroux became prime minister. Azaña temporarily withdrew from politics and returned to literary activity.

Azaña's self-imposed political retreat lasted only a short while; in 1934 he founded the Republican Left party, the fusion of Acción Republicana with the Radical Socialist Republican Party, led by Marcelino Domingo, and the Organización Republicana Gallega Autónoma (ORGA) of Santiago Casares Quiroga.

On 5 October 1934, the PSOE and Communists attempted a general left-wing rebellion. The rebellion had a temporary success in Asturias and Barcelona, but was over in two weeks. Azaña was in Barcelona that day, and the Lerroux-CEDA government tried to implicate him. He was arrested and charged with complicity in the rebellion.

In fact, Azaña had no connection with the rebellion, and the attempt to convict him on spurious charges soon collapsed, giving him the prestige of a martyr. He was released from prison in January 1935. Azaña then helped organize the Frente Popular ("Popular Front"), a coalition of all the major left-wing parties for the elections of 16 February 1936.

The Front won the election, and Azaña became prime minister again on 19 February. His parliamentary coalition included the PSOE and Communists. This alarmed conservatives, who remembered their attempt to seize power only 17 months earlier. The Azaña government proclaimed an immediate amnesty for all prisoners from the rebellion, which increased conservative concerns. Socialists and Communists were appointed to important positions in the Assault Guard and Civil Guard.

Also, with the Popular Front victory, radicalized peasants led by the Socialists began seizing land on 25 March. Azaña chose to legitimize these actions rather than challenge them. Radical Socialists vied with Communists in calling for violent revolution and forcible suppression of the Right. Political assassinations by Communists, Socialists, and anarchosyndicalists were frequent, as were retaliations by increasingly radicalized conservatives.

Azaña insisted that the danger to the Republic was from the Right and on 11 March, the government suppressed the Falange.

Azaña was a man of very strong convictions. Stanley G. Payne tentatively described him as "the last great figure of traditional Castilian arrogance in the history of Spain." As a "middle class republican", he was implacably hostile to the monarchy and the Church. The CEDA, which was pro-Catholic, he therefore regarded as illegitimate, and also any and all monarchists, even those who supported parliamentary democracy.

In the view of Paul Preston, nothing indicates more directly the value of the services provided by Azaña to the Republic than the hatred felt towards him by the ideologues and propagandists of the Francoist cause.

Presidency

When the Cortes met in April, it removed President Alcalá-Zamora from office. On 7 April 1936, Azaña was elected President of the Republic; Quiroga succeeded him as prime minister. Azaña by this time was profoundly depressed by the increasing disorder, but could see no way to counter it.

Azaña repeatedly warned his fellow Republicans that the lack of unity within the government was a serious threat to the Republic's stability. Political violence continued: there were over 200 assassinations in February through early July.

By July, the military conspiracy to overthrow the Republic was well underway, but nothing definite had been planned. Then on 13 July, José Calvo Sotelo, leader of a small monarchist grouping in the Cortes, was arrested and murdered by a mixed group of Socialist gunmen and Assault Guards. Azaña and Quiroga did not act effectively against the killers.

On 17 July, right-wing, Falangist, and monarchist elements in the Republican army proclaimed the overthrow of the Republic. The rebellion failed in Madrid, however. Azaña replaced Quiroga as Prime Minister with his ally Diego Martínez Barrio, and the government attempted a compromise with the rebels, which was rejected by General Mola.

On 13 September, Azaña authorized Minister of Finance Juan Negrín to move the nation's gold reserve to wherever Negrin thought it would be secure. Negrin shipped it to the Soviet Union, which claimed it in payment for arms supplied to the Republic.

In 1938, Azaña moved to Barcelona with the rest of the Republican government, and was cut off there when the monarchist forces drove to the sea between Barcelona and Valencia.

La Barata
Since February 1938 Azaña resided in La Barata, an isolated mansion at the outskirts of Matadepera near Terrassa. Built by Lliga politician Francesc Salvans, killed by the Republicans, between late 1937 and early 1938 it was undergoing preparation works to host the head of state. The place was some 30 km away from Barcelona and some 80 km from the French frontier. Already on January 13, 1939 general Saravia advised the president to leave the place given rapid advance of Nationalist troops, the suggestion repeated by Negrin on January 17. On January 19 Saravia insisted the president evacuates; Azaña commenced preparations.

Llavaneras
The president, his family and his entourage, including secretaries and military AdCs, left La Barata on January 21 (Nationalist troops would seize the place on January 24). Following some 50 km of drive east in the afternoon hours the column of cars reached the town of Llavaneras (now San Andreu de Llavaneres), north of Mataró, some 30 km from Barcelona and some 100 km from the French frontier. It turned out that the premises, supposed to host Azaña, were unsuitable; they spent the night in a randomly selected and hastily prepared house in a park.

Caldetas
The following day, on January 22, some members of Azaña’s family left to France. The president proceeded to the coastal town of Caldetas (now Caldes d’Estrac), some 4 km away, where in another makeshift premises he spent the following one or two nights, while remainings of his belongings were being fetched from La Barata. During these few days he was almost entirely isolated and with no contact either with the government or the military command; at the time evacuation of Barcelona has just commenced.

Peralada
The presidential column departed north from Caldetas on January 23 or 24 (the city would be seized by the Nationalists on January 28), and following some 90-km drive during evening hours they reached the castle in Peralada, some 120 km from Barcelona, only 15 km from the French frontier and already with the Pyrenees clearly visible. It was in Peralada that the contact with the government, Cortes representatives, military and foreign envoys has been re-established. Castillo de Peralada remained Azaña’s residence for around a week; during this period Barcelona fell to the Nationalists. On January 30 Negrín visited the president and offered to have an aircraft ready for Azaña, to take him to France should immediate evacuation be necessary; the president declined the proposal, fearing that Negrín would rather forcibly take him to the central zone, Valencia or Madrid.

Agullana
Some time at the turn of January and February (exact day unclear, January 31 earliest and February 2 latest) the president left Peralada and moved some 20 km north-west, to Agullana. It was a village already in the Pyrennees some 4 km from the French frontier, located by a secondary drive and away from main roads, which were crammed with refugees who tried to flee Barcelona and Catalonia. Agullana was at the time hosting staff of general Rojo. The president spent one night there.

La Vajol
The following day, probably either on February 2 or February 3, Azaña left Agullana and drove some 5 km up the road, to the last Spanish settlement some 2 km from the French frontier, a hamlet of La Vajol. It is there he met last foreign diplomatic representatives. On February 4 Negrín visited Azaña in La Vajol and suggested that in view of Nationalist advance, the president crosses to France as soon as possible.

French frontier
On February 5, at 6 AM, when it was still dark, Azaña, his wife, his entourage and some state officials departed La Vajol (which would be seized by the Nationalists on February 9) to France. What should have been few-minute-drive turned into a slightly longer journey. The leading police car broke down and blocked the narrow, windy mountainous road. All passengers had to leave their cars and proceeded on foot, struggling on slippery, iced surface. They saw the French gendarmes already after dawn.

Last days
On 3 March, he resigned as President of the Republic, rather than return to Madrid with the rest of the government. Both Nationalist and Republican commentators have condemned this decision as "desertion".

Azaña lived in exile in France for more than a year after the war, eventually being trapped by the invasion of France by Germany and institution of the Vichy regime. Even then, his safety was ensured due to the intervention of the Mexican government, which had refused to extend diplomatic recognition to Franco's regime (Mexico would not resume relations with Spain until 1977, two years after Franco's death). To prevent his arrest and extradition, Azaña was vested with Mexican citizenship and named Honorary Ambassador, thus granting him diplomatic immunity. His residence was officially an extension of the Mexican Embassy and therefore under Mexican jurisdiction, and was closely monitored by elite Mexican military personnel.

Azaña died of natural causes on 3 November 1940, in Montauban, France. He received the last rites of Catholicism before his death. The Vichy authorities refused to allow his coffin to be covered with the Spanish Republican flag. The coffin was covered instead with the flag of Mexico.

Writings
In his diaries and memoirs, on which he worked meticulously, Azaña vividly describes the various personality and ideological conflicts between himself and various Republican leaders, such as Largo Caballero and Negrín. Azaña's writings during the Civil War have been resources for study by scholars of the workings of the Republican government during the conflict. Along with his extensive memoirs and diaries, Azaña also wrote a number of well-known speeches. His speech on 18 July 1938 is one of the best known in which he implores his fellow Spaniards to seek reconciliation after the fighting ends and emphasizes the need for "Peace, Pity, and Pardon."

Azaña wrote a play during the Civil War, La velada en Benicarló ("Vigil in Benicarló"). Having worked on the play during the previous weeks, Azaña dictated the final version while he was trapped in Barcelona during the "Days of May" violence. In the play, Azaña uses various characters to espouse the various ideological, political and social perspectives present within the Republic during the war. He portrayed and explored the rivalries and conflicts that were damaging the political cohesion of the Republic.

Azaña was aware of General Franco and Sanjurjo's firm determination to overthrow the Republic, which would culminate in the Law of Political Responsibilities (Ley de Responsabilidades Políticas) at the end of the war. Saddened, he reflected:

"A policy should never be based on the extermination of the adversary; not only because—and that is a lot to say—it is morally an abomination, but because it is materially unfeasible. And the blood unjustly spilled by the hatred that seeks to exterminate will be reborn, sprouting and giving accursed fruits; a curse that will not be restricted, unfortunately, to those who spilled the blood, but which will be over the very country which—to compound its misfortune—absorbed it."

During the many years of his political activity, Azaña kept diaries. His work Diarios completos: monarquía, república, Guerra Civil was published posthumously in Spanish in 2003.

Political legacy
According to British historian Piers Brendon, Manuel Azaña was the leading Republican politician. He was a well-educated would-be writer who "plotted to rid Spain of the yoke of church and king". A brilliant speaker, Azaña was graceful in word, but clumsy in action. "He was a polemical bullfighter but a political bulldozer.". Although he preached a lofty form of liberalism, he had a mixed record as prime minister. He wanted to introduce a welfare state with minimum-wage, sickness benefits and paid holidays, but he never attempted to deal with the overwhelming problem of peasant poverty. He was so concerned to balance the budget that he cut back on land redistribution. He worked more effectively to establish a secular state, breaking the Catholic church’s hold on education, legalizing civil marriage, seizing Catholic properties, expelling the Jesuit order, and tolerating the burning of church buildings such as convents for nuns. "All the convents in Spain are not worth a single Republican life," he proclaimed. As opposition mounted, he censored the press, exiled his enemies to North Africa, and formed a private militia force of Assault Guards. Meanwhile, his allies the anarchists were assassinating priests and nuns, and burning convents. Azaña tried to reform the army, by replacing outmoded equipment and closing its military academy. In the process he demoted its most promising general—young Francisco Franco. Azaña was defeated in the elections of November 1933, having antagonized extremists and alienated the moderates. He made a comeback in 1936 but could not hold his coalition together in the face of a civil war. In recent decades he has become a hero of the left in Spain.

Other languages

 * Lagarrigue, Max. "Manuel Azaña en Montauban. La ultima morada del presidente de la República española, Manuel Azaña", in.

title: Manuel Azaña


text:
Talk:Ostracism

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment
This article was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment, between 29 March 2021 and 11 June 2021. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): Steeldanguy788. Peer reviewers: MinervaNix, Floccinaucinihilipilification1.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 05:53, 17 January 2022 (UTC)

Dead Links
In the references section, the links to the Pereus Digital Library are incorrect and go to no document. For example,

http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text?doc=Plut.+Cim.+17.1&fromdoc=Perseus%3Atext%3A2008.01.0017

goes to Ch 17 of Plutarch's Life of Cimon, but the article has

http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/text.jsp?doc=Perseus:text:1999.01.0182:text=Cim.:chapter=17

Presumably PDL changed their url format at some point. I don't know how to edit the references section (it's just {reflist} ), but presumably a more experienced Wikipedian can.128.220.159.7 (talk) 04:27, 22 July 2016 (UTC)

Untitled
Which month for ostracism? January, according to

http://hrsbstaff.ednet.ns.ca/waymac/History%20A/A%20Term%202/3.%20%20Ancient%20Classical%20Greece/Greece_supplemental_notes.htm

user:djnjwd

Moved from main page->

To be added: Aristides and the ostracism anecdote evidence for potential ostracism fraud (more) Barnaby dawson 13:56, 28 Jun 2004 (UTC)

also, one source said that these debates took place 40 times a year. another said every 10 days. I think every month may be wrong.

Reference for the cache of 190 ostraca against Themistocles, apparently the work of merely 14 hands: O. Broneer, Hesperia vii (1938), 228-243. Egbame (talk) 18:59, 10 May 2008 (UTC)

expansion of article
I Completely rewrote the entry below. Have I formatted ok? Flounderer 12:50, 1 October 2005 (UTC) You did fine. you're most probably an over achiever! keep up the good work/effort! "In modern parlance, to ostracize means to exclude someone from society or from a community, by not communicating with or even noticing them, similar to shunning. In a historical context, the term refers to ostracism, which was a legal process during the Athenian democratic period in the Ancient Greek city-state of Athens. Under this procedure, a single citizen was exiled for a ten-year period without other loss of rights. The word "ostracism" comes from the Greek word ostrakon (ὄστρακον) meaning "pottery fragment" or "potshard." Because papyrus was an expensive import from Egypt, the ancient Greeks used fragments of pottery for casual sketches, note-taking, and voting. In January of each year, the assembly took a vote on ostracism. If at the designated assembly meeting there were at least 6,000 ballots cast, whichever citizen received a simple majority of the votes was exiled for ten years, under which he could not return to Attica under penalty of death. The citizen lost the right to participate in politics by virtue of his absence, but his property was not confiscated, and he could appoint a manager to deal with his affairs and forward any income. The minimum figure of 6,000 ballots required has been interpreted by historians to mean that an attendance of 6,000 citizens at an assembly may have been a high number, rather than a regularly expected monthly number. Many well-known politicians of democracy were ostracized at one time or another, and periodically the democracy passed special laws recalling an ostracized person to deal with special circumstances. Aristides returned to the service of Athens in the recall during the Persian Wars and materially aided the state at the Battle of Salamis. Evidence exists that there was electoral fraud on occasion. Ostraca have been found with the same name on them, obviously written by the same person (all of them had the same misspelling). The analysis of this evidence is that the pre-written ostraca were designed to be handed out to random citizens to help oust a certain person. Notable individuals that were ostracized include Aristides (480s BC), Cimon (late 460s BC), and Themistocles (late 470s BC)."

I'm probably not formatting this correctly. Actually, I know I'm not. However, throughout the article the authors seem to say the exile period was 10 years (in the front bit) and then only one year (in the disuse section). Consistency is good. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 160.39.68.57 (talk • contribs).

 * The exile was ten years — 1 person was chosen each year to go into exile. Elle vécut heureuse à jamais  (Be eudaimonic!) 02:13, 15 June 2006 (UTC)

 * "Excile" vs "ostracism" — From reading other things, it seems to me that perhaps there was a different sanction, "excile", available through the democracy's laws? Excile being a permanent "don't come back" deal. If someone more knowlegeable could expand the "Excile" article with a paragraph or two on Exile in Ancient Greece, and post a "See also" here, I think people would be glad of the information. I would, anyway!

Tkbwik (talk) 10:41, 2 November 2009 (UTC)

Death?
"The person nominated had ten days to leave the city — if he attempted to return, the penalty was death"

What is the source of this? I know for a fact that Aristotle says nothing about this.

I see it as it was meant to be used im assuming for the good of all mankind as in used in a political way ...i see it more in a common today version as clicks....less complex but used to controll who you choose to associate with or disassociate ...or as in churches i see common things like used in church memembership ...suggesting you to become a memember as a Church Family, it sounds so nice...Family...but when you decide for whatever reason to maybe just out of meeting others in the faith step out of that church so called Family into another Church so called Family you are Ostracised...so if its a thing where your not part of this family we disown you...sounds almost like a gang...a click...a cult. Same as with friends a friend can have a conflict of interst with another friends friend...next thing you know sides are being taken and stead of two conflicts you have group conflict then back in the Ostracism game again......

For me to define Ostracism id say its a head game that should have been life back in high school long ago...we can all agree to disagree but the problem is there is no love...love never fails ...so i think we have failed as mankind to communicate as well as do things with the right motives so we instead harbor feelings and instead of dealing with it we run....ok im done : P —Preceding unsigned comment added by 68.226.214.74 (talk) 16:39, 20 May 2010 (UTC)

Australians
I removed this sentence:

A social anthropological example of ostracism is the pre-colonial Australian Aboriginal social expulsion of tribe members, sometimes even resulting in death.A social anthropological example of ostracism is the pre-colonial Australian Aboriginal social expulsion of tribe members, sometimes even resulting in death.

because first is unsourced, secondly assumes that there is an unified "aboriginal culture" and that doesn't seem the case (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Australian_Aboriginal_culture) and last but not least has very little to do with the content of article. If someone have any serious source for the statement and feels it belong in the lead section, can undo my changes. --Dia^ (talk) 10:14, 5 November 2010 (UTC)

Faulty link
In the list of ostracisms in ancient times (in the "Period of Operation" section), the hyper-link to Hipparchus takes you to the page of the Greek mathematician of the second century BC instead of to the page of the Hipparchus who was the relative of the tyrant Peisistratus. Could this please be fixed? This would involve creating a whole new page specifically for this person. Reference: Aristotle's Athenian Constitution (22.4) Orelius (talk) 12:35, 24 May 2011 (UTC)

-

I had never heard the word Ostracism before. First time I´ve saw it was in this wikepedia article:

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Minamata_disease

So, I assume that the "Minimata Disease" would be a good referense under "Modern References"(?) OppnaOgonen

supposed ostracism of Kallixenos
A number of queries, here:
 * What is the source for Kallixenos having been head of the Alcaemonid family? I can't find anything.
 * What is the source of the date? All the sources I can find say that the Kallixenos ostraka date to 483 or 482 BC (e.g. Stamires & Vanderpool, 1950; Lewis, 1974)
 * Calling it a "known ostracism" is a little bit strong. The most comprehensive discussion of Kallixenos I can find is Stamires & Vanderpool, who say "Whether or not this campaign resulted in his ostracism, it is not possible at present to say".

Caeciliusinhorto (talk) 20:21, 21 August 2017 (UTC)

Oyster shells
Plutarch has an anecdote about an ostracism, where an illiterate rustic asks a superior citizen to write the name, on his behalf, 'on an oyster shell' - the irony being that the citizen he asks is the subject of the ostracism. 2001:44B8:3102:BB00:44:B51C:7976:E255 (talk) 10:15, 5 November 2017 (UTC)

Split proposal
I propose that this article be split into Ostracism (ancient Greece) and Ostracism (social behavior), leaving a disambiguation page at Ostracism. Apart from having the same name, it is not clear to me that these topics share the same subject. Essentially, I propose that the entire Modern usage section become the Ostracism (social behavior) article. Daask (talk) 15:14, 13 March 2022 (UTC)
 * I agree that the discussion of "modern usage" isn't really in scope for an article on the Athenian practice of ostracism. I'm not sure that we need a new article for ostracism (social behaviour), though: I suspect that the content currently in that section can be moved into existing articles, such as shunning or silent treatment. Caeciliusinhorto-public (talk) 14:15, 14 March 2022 (UTC)
 * I'd support a split if there is enough coverage to show it can be separate article from shunning.★Trekker (talk) 12:45, 24 March 2022 (UTC)

Quorum
Both say 6000 for Plutarch and Philocrus (or something like that). Yet people said Plutarch's was better. 1q9w (talk) 01:37, 14 May 2024 (UTC)
 * Plutarch says 6,000 votes total; Philochorus says 6,000 had to vote for the person being banished. So, for example, if 3,500 voted for Plutarch to be banished and 3,000 for Philochorus to be banished, under Plutarch's rule he would have been banished but under Philochorus' he would not. Caeciliusinhorto-public (talk) 08:24, 14 May 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Ostracism


text:
Adam Cadre

Adam Cadre (born February 5, 1974, in Silver Spring, Maryland ) is an American writer active in a number of forms—novels, screenplays, webcomics, essays—but best known for his work in interactive fiction.

Biography
Cadre's 1998 piece Photopia pioneered a new direction in interactive fiction, removing the puzzle and resource-management elements that had previously been dominant; it has been cited as "hugely influential to IF development" and "important to video games as a whole, to the advancement of our understanding of the interactive medium." His next IF work, 1999's Varicella, won several XYZZY Awards and became the subject of academic study. His game 9:05 is commonly seen as a solid entry point for people wanting to engage with interactive fiction.

Chief among his non-interactive work is a novel, Ready, Okay! (2000).

Lyttle Lytton Contest
The Lyttle Lytton Contest, run by Adam Cadre, is a diminutive derivative of the Bulwer-Lytton Fiction Contest, and was first awarded in the year 2001. Both are tongue-in-cheek contests that take place annually and in which entrants are invited "to compose the opening sentence to the worst of all possible novels." The Lyttle Lytton Contest varies from the Bulwer-Lytton in favoring shorter first sentences, initially limited to 25 words or fewer. For the 2008 competition, the maximum combined word count of an entrant's submission was increased to 30 words, and an individual entry could consist of multiple sentences. For 2011, the limit was raised to 33 words, and for 2012, a limit of 200 characters was established instead.

 * Top winners
 * 2023 — The sorrowful sun sank into the tears that were the waves, and Sammy too began to cry a bit. (W. Oakley)
 * 2022 – Jason and Laura may have loved each other, but they were as sharply different as Pacific and Atlantic. (Elle Spohrer)
 * 2021 – “Clang! Clang!” protested the knights’ swords, as they were each stopped by the metal wall of the other. (Bianca M.)
 * 2020 – Marilyn Kingsley, whose nationality could only be described as “vaguely Armenian and about one-third Mesoamerican,” was unfairly rich, not only in Aztec gold but also in Caucasian beauty. (Jacob Franzmeier)
 * 2019 – “Are you okay?” asks my sister Tlaloc.  “You’re as green as the parrots that inhabit this part of the continent.” (Lachlan Redfern)
 * 2018 – As I felt the vampire sexily drinking the blood from my neck, the warmth between my legs grew both in wetness and in fear for my life. (Cole Borsch)
 * 2017 – 1.  YOU, the Anagramancer, stare down the invading MANTICORE: Will you ROMANCE IT (turn to 123), give it CREMATION (turn to 213), or summon EROTIC MAN (turn to 312)? (Stephen Wort)
 * 2016 – It all started when my topaz eyes looked up into his soft emerald ones. (Will McGill)
 * 2015 – I drew my customized Kimber 1911 .45, with the Pachmayr grips and skeletonized trigger, and leveled it coolly at the African-Americans. (Brad Hanon)
 * 2014 – 'Together, we will beat them all,' she whispered, caressing the circlet-girt fontanelles of her #royalbaby. (Alex Thorpe)
 * 2013 – The men greeted each other, wearing various smiles on their faces. (Noah MacAulay)
 * 2012 – Agent Jeffrey's trained eyes rolled carefully around the room, taking in the sights and sounds. (Davian Aw)
 * 2011 – The red hot sun rose in the cold blue sky. (Judy Dean)
 * 2010 – “I shouldn't be saying this, but I think I'll love you always, baby, always,” Adam cried into the email. (Shexmus Amed)
 * 2009 – The mighty frigate Indestructible rounded the Horn of Africa and lurched east'ard. (Pete Wirtala)
 * 2008 – Because they had not repented, the angel stabbed the unrepentant couple thirteen times, with its sword. (Graham Swanson)
 * 2007 – It clawed its way out of Katie, bit through the cord and started clearing. (Gunther Schmidl)
 * 2006 – This is the cipher key for all that follows: |||||| || |!" (P. Scott Hamilton)
 * 2005 – John, surfing, said to his mother, surfing beside him, “How do you like surfing?” (Eric Davis)
 * 2004 – This is the story of your mom's life. (Rachel Lambert)
 * 2003 – For centuries, man had watched the clouds; now, they were watching him. (Stephen Sachs)
 * 2002 – The pain wouldn't stop, and Vern still had three cats left. (Andrew Davis)
 * 2001 – Turning, I mentally digested all of what you, the reader, are about to find out heartbreakingly. (Top Changwatchai)

In addition to the main contest, others are offered from year to year. The winners of those are:
 * Other winners
 * Freeform contest, 2007 – Scaling Everest was, by far, the most amazing and transformative experience of my life. Unfortunately, this is a thesis on context-free grammars. (Jonathan Blum)
 * Screenplay contest, 2007 -

 * Paragraph contest, 2006 – The evil Intergalactic Emperor surveyed the destruction he wrought. “Booyah!” he cried with glee. “I'm in ur base! I'm killing all ur mans!”  (James Wall)
 * Political speech contest, 2004 – While my opponents fellate the Satan of special interests, I go down on Reform's compassionate angel. (anonymous)
 * Paul Clifford contest, 2003 – It was a dark and stormy night; the rain fell in torrents – except at occasional intervals, when it was checked by a violent gust of wind which swept up the streets (for it is in London that our scene lies), rattling along the housetops, and fiercely agitating the scanty flame of the lamps that struggled against the darkness. Steeling himself for battle, Fyandor, the oldest and bravest of the lamps, proclaimed, “Nay, foul wind, this will not be the night of our extinguishment!”  (anonymous)
 * Last line contest, 2002 – “Lawd a'mighty,” howled Caleb, to the consternation of those few who still remained in the helpless, drifting lifeboat, “some of y'all are lookin' mighty tasty!” (Mark Silcox)

Awards

 * Winner of the XYZZY Award for Best Game in 1997 for I-0 and in 1999 for Varicella
 * Winner of the XYZZY Award for Best Individual Player Character in 1997 for Tracy Valencia in I-0 and in 1999 for Primo Varicella in Varicella
 * Winner of the 1998 Interactive Fiction Competition with Photopia
 * Winner of the XYZZY Award for Best Writing in 1998 for Photopia and in 2003 for Narcolepsy
 * Winner of the XYZZY Award for Best Non-Player Characters in 1999 for Varicella and in 2002 for Lock & Key
 * Winner of the XYZZY Award for Best Individual Non-Player Character in 1999 for Miss Sierra in Varicella and in 2002 for Boldo in Lock & Key
 * Winner of the XYZZY Award for Best Use of Medium in 2000 for Shrapnel
 * Winner of the XYZZY Award for Best Individual Puzzle in 2002 for the traps in Lock & Key

title: Adam Cadre


text:
Henry Ford Company

The Henry Ford Company was an automobile manufacturer active from 1901 to 1902. Named after Henry Ford, it was his second company after the Detroit Automobile Company, which had been founded in 1899. The Henry Ford Company was founded November 1901 from the reorganization of the Detroit Automobile Company. The company, much like the Detroit Automobile Company, was plagued by disputes between Ford and his investors, and Ford left in 1902. Later that year, the company was reorganized as the Cadillac Automobile Company under the suggestion of Henry M. Leland. Cadillac, whose early vehicles were identical in design to those of Ford's later Ford Motor Company except for the engine, would develop a reputation for precision engineering and was acquired by the nascent General Motors (GM) in 1909, becoming GM's luxury marque. Ford would eventually find success with the Ford Motor Company, and is considered one of the primary pioneers of the automobile.

Background
The Detroit Automobile Company was founded in 1899 and made its first vehicle in January 1900.

Collapse and reorganization
In March 1902, Ford left the company following a dispute with his financial backers, William Murphy and Lemuel Bowen, as Ford was devoting considerable time to the sport of auto racing and his Ford 999 race car. In a final settlement, Ford left with his name and $900; he went on to start the Ford Motor Company in 1903 at the Ford Mack Avenue Plant.

In August 1902, Henry M. Leland, a local manufacturer of precision gears and engines, was brought in by the investors to appraise the plant and equipment prior to selling them. Instead, Leland persuaded them to continue in the automobile business, showing them an engine he had designed a year earlier for Olds Motor Works that was not adopted due to a fire at the latter's premises. The Henry Ford Company reorganized that year as the Cadillac Automobile Company, named in honor of Antoine de la Mothe Cadillac, the founder of Detroit.

Cadillac
Cadillac's first car, the Cadillac Runabout and Tonneau, was completed on October 17, 1902, the 10 hp Cadillac. Based on Henry Ford's design (except for the engine, designed by Leland & Faulconer), it was practically identical to the 1903 Ford Model A.

Located in Detroit at 450 Amsterdam Street, at the intersection of Cass Avenue and Amsterdam Street, the original manufacturing plant was designed by architectural firm George C. Mason & Son, and remained in operation under Cadillac until 1921, when the Detroit Assembly factory was built at Clark Street. The factory after Leland made some improvements, was 275,000 square feet, with its own forge, a machine shop, and a foundry for both iron and brass. The factory ran 24 hours a day, producing 40 Cadillacs in that time period. The original location is approximately 2 miles east of the current Detroit/Hamtramck Assembly, where Cadillacs are currently built. It is approximately half a mile southwest from Cadillac Place, GM's headquarters from 1922 until 2001, when GM moved to the GM Renaissance Center next to the Detroit River.

Ford
Henry Ford founded the Ford Motor Company in 1903 and began producing the Model A that year. The Model A was successful, returning a profit for the Ford Motor Company and securing its financial well-being. Ford expanded with the Model B and Model C in 1904, expanding its lineup to seven models by 1907. Ford adopted mass production with a new model, the Model T, which it introduced in 1908. It proved wildly successful, and by 1914 Ford had produced almost 90 percent of the world's automobiles. By the time it ended production in 1927, more than 15 million had been sold. In 1999, a panel of 126 automotive experts, combined with the votes of the general public, named the Model T as the Car of the Century.

External sources

 * Henry Ford Company Amsterdam Avenue factory
 * Henry Ford Company
 * Henry Ford's first car company

title: Henry Ford Company


text:
Julio Anguita

Julio Anguita González (21 November 1941 –16 May 2020) was a Spanish politician. He was Mayor of Córdoba from 1979 to 1986, coordinator of United Left (IU) between 1989 and 1999, and Secretary-General of the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) from 1988 to 1998. Due to his enormous influence and his absolute majorities in the Córdoba city council, he was nicknamed el califa rojo (the red Caliph).

Biography
Anguita was born in Fuengirola, Málaga, on 21 November 1941, into a family with a military background, son of an army sergeant and grandson of a guardia civil. He took teaching studies (magisterio) and later earned a degree in history at the University of Barcelona. Anguita, who had been a militant in Christian grassroots movements, joined the clandestine Communist Party of Spain (PCE) in 1972, when he already had obtained a post as teacher. Five years later he became a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Andalusia (PCA).

Mayor of Córdoba
In 1979, he was elected as Mayor of Córdoba with a clear majority in the first municipal elections of the current democracy, which thus acquired the distinction of being the first provincial capital governed by Communists since the Second Republic. His administration overcame the misgivings felt by many, contributing to the establishment of democratic normality and earning him appreciation as a leader in his party, as well as the tensions with the councilors of the PSOE and UCD. He was reelected in 1983 with an overwhelming absolute majority, earning the nickname the Red Caliph. It was in this second term when he requested UNESCO for the declaration of the Mosque–Cathedral of Córdoba as World Heritage Site, which was finally achieved in 1984.

In 1986 he resigned and announced that he will not seek for reelection. However, shortly afterwards he would jump into the Andalusian political sphere when he became a candidate of the United Left (IU) for the President of the Regional Government of Andalusia in the 1986 regional election in which he obtained 19 seats and the third political force in Parliament of Andalusia.

Secretary General of the PCE and leader of IU
In February 1988 he was elected as secretary general of the Communist Party, and the following year he became the leader of United Left, becoming the candidate to Prime Minister in the 1989 general election gaining 17 seats in the Congress of Deputies. He was also candidate in the 1993 and 1996 elections, the years when IU had better than average electoral results.

He was famously accused multiple times of making a "pincer" against the PSOE teaming up with the People's Party. Anguita later declared that "the pincer" (la pinza) had been a fabrication of the media and disgruntled IU members such as Diego López Garrido and Cristina Almeida who ultimately formed the Democratic Party of the New Left.

He left the general secretariat on 5 December 1998 during the XV Congress of the PCE, asking communist militants to demand the principles of anti-capitalism, anti-system and the fight for an egalitarian society. He politically equated the PSOE and the PP and called on the militancy to regain the fight on the street.

After a third cardiovascular problem at the end of 1999 he relinquished his candidacy for chairman in the 2000 general election to Francisco Frutos on health issues. Likewise, he was relieved as general secretary of the PCE by Francisco Frutos on 7 December 1998. In the 6th Assembly of IU, on 29 October 2000, he was replaced as General Coordinator by Gaspar Llamazares.

Later years
After his political career, he returned to his job as History teacher and renounced written the life pay as a former deputy. On 1 June 2005, at the XVII Congress of the PCE, he presented a document calling for the re-founding of the party, reflecting on the International Communist Movement. He pointed out the negative impact brought by the fall of the Soviet Union and the uncriticalness and submission of the unions and the Left to the established capitalist order. On 22 April 2008, he sent the Federal Committee of the PCE a document in which he defended the need for a 'refounding' of IU. In his letter, he attributed the electoral debacle to the "lack of a clear line", and the absence of a coherent program. He defended radical democracy, the fight for the Third Republic and federalism, both for the coalition's organizational model and for the defended state model. In his opinion, the debate should open at the next federal assembly of IU.

In 2012, in the midst of the Spanish economic crisis, he promoted and became the figurehead of the Frente Cívico "Somos Mayoría" ("Civic Front 'We are Majority'"), a social movement vowing to gather and mobilise the social majority who was suffering the effects of the crisis and the imposed austerity.

It was usual for him to be interviewed on political talk shows, especially on the show La sexta noche. His last interview was on 8 May 2020, a day before being admitted to the hospital for the Todo es mentira program, being interviewed by presenter Risto Mejide and where he stated "let's reflect on how we are going to live so that everyone lives well" during pandemic in Spain.

Death
On 16 May 2020 he died after being hospitalized on 9 May at Hospital Universitario Reina Sofía, Córdoba, after suffering a heart attack at his home. His death shocked Spanish politics; Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez deeply regretted his death, leader of the conservative People's Party Pablo Casado remembered his passionate defense of his ideals, while president of Andalusia Juan Manuel Moreno Bonilla recognized the respect and recognition that he had for his "ability to reach necessary agreements despite the discrepancies". Second Deputy Prime Minister Pablo Iglesias, who mourned the death of "our best political reference", as well as President of Cuba Miguel Díaz-Canel called him an "historic leader".

Positions
He advocated a political program for United Left based on the two shores theory, consisting of the establishment of differences between, on the one hand, the People's Party (PP) and the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE), and, on the other, the United Left. He also said that pacts with PSOE should be established under programmatic single agreements, not systematically (a conception expressed in his well-known motto "programa, programa, programa").

A firm opponent at the time of the signing of the Treaty of Maastricht in 1992, he later blamed the treaty for "that big crazy idea that [the] Euro is", "a mix of very different economies in which Germany, as the banker, takes it all". In 2018 he co-authored along with Manolo Monereo and Héctor Illueca a series of provocative articles defending specific measures taken by the Italian government of alliance between the 5 Star Movement and the Northern League while feeding a discourse against the European Union.

The deep Catholic convictions he professed in his youth marked him to the point he opposed the idea of abortion rights when he was Mayor of Córdoba. Back then he also expressed to journalist Pedro J. Ramírez his admiration for the validity of the political thought of José Antonio Primo de Rivera. His critics within IU resented his main political handicap as leader as an alleged lack of "[political] party culture". He declared Vox to be not Fascist, but "representative of an extreme right [that would be a] daughter of a capitalism in crisis", unlike some Falanges that were "anti-capitalist" and "talked about the nationalization of banks".

In 2018, as embryonic plans for a new movement to promote the third Spanish Republic (with Anguita, Illueca and Monereo reportedly on board) were announced in the media, Anguita, a staunch republican, declared to El Español that the new Republic "needs to be transversal", "Neither Right nor Left".

He criticized the provisional imprisonment of the Catalan independence leaders and deemed them political prisoners, denying the existence of a crime of rebellion. He rejected a unilateral declaration of independence, as well as the application of article 155 of the Constitution, considering that a consultation with the population was the solution.

Personal life
Anguita married Antonia Rojas Parrado in 1969. They had two children, Ana Anguita Parrado and Julio Anguita Parrado. They divorced in 1977. In 2007 he wed María Agustina Martín Caño.

Julio Anguita Parrado, a journalist, died on 7 April 2003, while embedded as a foreign reporter to the US 3rd Infantry Division in the Iraq War, when the Headquarters of the 2nd Brigade were hit by an Iraqi ballistic missile south of Baghdad. Julio Anguita senior was attending a meeting promoting a Spanish Third Republic at the time. When he heard of the circumstances of his son's death, he told the audience "Damn wars and the scoundrels who wage them" (Malditas sean las guerras y los canallas que las hacen), phrase that ended up being an anti-war emblem.

Publications
After his first book Corazón Rojo (Red Heart, 2005) where he testifies over his life after the cardiovascular problems, he published in 2007 the Prologue of the book La Globalización Neoliberal y sus repercusiones en la educación (The Neoliberal Globalization and its impact in the education) from the University teacher and researcher Enrique Díez, and in 2008 he published El Tiempo y la Memoria (Time and Memory), written in collaboration with the Cordoban journalist and writer Rafael Martínez Simancas where he manifests his will to keep fighting.

title: Julio Anguita


text:
Patriarch of Antioch

The Patriarch of Antioch is a traditional title held by the bishop of Antioch (modern-day Antakya, Turkey). As the traditional "overseer" (ἐπίσκοπος,, from which the word bishop is derived) of the first gentile Christian community, the position has been of prime importance in Pauline Christianity from its earliest period. This diocese is one of the few for which the names of its bishops from the apostolic beginnings have been preserved. Today five churches use the title of patriarch of Antioch: one Oriental Orthodox (the Syriac Orthodox Church); three Eastern Catholic (the Maronite, Syriac Catholic, and Melkite Greek Catholic Churches); and one Eastern Orthodox (the Greek Orthodox Church of Antioch).

According to the pre-congregation church tradition, this ancient patriarchate was founded by the Apostle Saint Peter. The patriarchal succession was disputed at the time of the Meletian schism in 362 and again after the Council of Chalcedon in 451, when there were rival Melkite and non-Chalcedonian claimants to the see. After a 7th-century succession dispute in the Melkite church, the Maronites began appointing a Maronite patriarch as well. After the First Crusade, the Catholic Church began appointing a Latin Church patriarch of Antioch, though this became strictly titular after the Fall of Antioch in 1268, and was abolished completely in 1964. In the 18th century, succession disputes in the Greek Orthodox and Syriac Orthodox Churches of Antioch led to factions of those churches entering into communion with Rome under claimants to the patriarchate: respectively the Melkite Greek Catholic patriarch of Antioch and the Syriac Catholic patriarch of Antioch. Their respective Orthodox counterparts are the Greek Orthodox patriarch of Antioch and the Syriac Orthodox patriarch of Antioch.

First Christians
In Roman times, Antioch was the principal city of the Roman Province of Syria, and the fourth largest city of the Roman Empire, after Rome, Ephesus and Alexandria.

The church in Antioch was the first to be called "Christian," according to Acts. According to tradition, Saint Peter established the church in Antioch which was the first major Christian area before the 4th century and was the city's first bishop, before going to Rome to found the Church there. Ignatius of Antioch (died c. 107), counted as the third bishop of the city, was a prominent apostolic father. By the fourth century, the bishop of Antioch had become the most senior bishop in a region covering modern-day eastern Turkey, Lebanon, Israel, Palestine, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, and Iran. His hierarchy served the largest number of Christians in the known world at that time. The synods of Antioch met at a basilica named for Julian the Martyr, whose relics it contained.

Despite being overshadowed in ecclesiastical authority by the patriarch of Constantinople in the later years of the Eastern Roman Empire, the Antiochene Patriarch remained the most independent, powerful, and trusted of the eastern patriarchs. The Antiochene church was a centre of Christian learning, second only to Alexandria. In contrast to the Hellenistic-influenced Christology of Alexandria, Rome, and Constantinople, Antiochene theology was greatly influenced by Rabbinic Judaism and other modes of West Asian monotheistic thought—emphasizing the single, transcendent divine substance (οὐσία), which in turn led to adoptionism in certain extremes, and to the clear distinction of two natures of Christ (δύο φύσεις: dyophysitism): one human, the other divine. Lastly, compared to the Patriarchates in Constantinople, Rome, and Alexandria which for various reasons became mired in the theology of imperial state religion, many of its Patriarchs managed to straddle the divide between the controversies of Christology and imperial unity through its piety and straightforward grasp of early Christian thought which was rooted in its primitive Church beginnings.

Chalcedonian split
The Christological controversies that followed the Council of Chalcedon in 451 resulted in a long struggle for the Patriarchate between those who accepted and those who rejected the Council. The issue came to a head in 512, when a synod was convened in Sidon by the non-Chalcedonians, which resulted in Flavian II (a Chalcedonian) being replaced as Patriarch by Severus (a non-Chalcedonian). The non-Chalcedonians under Severus eventually came to be called the Syriac Orthodox Church (which is a part of the Oriental Orthodox Church), which has continued to appoint its own Syriac patriarchs of Antioch. The Chalcedonians refused to recognise the dismissal and continued to recognise Flavian as Patriarch forming a rival church. From 518, on the death of Flavian and the appointment of his successor, the Chalcedonian Church became known as the Byzantines' (Rūm) Church of Antioch. In the Middle Ages, as the Byzantine Church of Antioch became more and more dependent on Constantinople, it began to use the Byzantine rite.

The internal schisms such as that over Monophysitism were followed by the Islamic conquests which began in the late 7th century, resulting in the patriarch's ecclesiastical authority becoming entangled in the politics of imperial authority and later Islamic hegemony. Being considered independent of both Byzantine and Arab Muslim power but in essence occupied by both, the de facto power of the Antiochene patriarchs faded. Additionally, the city suffered several natural disasters including major earthquakes throughout the 4th and 6th centuries and anti-Christian conquests beginning with the Zoroastrian Persians in the 6th century, then the Muslim Arabs in the seventh century before the city could be recovered by the Byzantine Empire in 969.

Maronite split
Although Aramaic-speaking followers of the 4th-century hermit Saint Maron did accept the terms of Chalcedon, they eventually came to follow another condemned heresy, Monothelitism, in the 7th century, which they would adhere to until they re-adopted the Chalcedonian doctrine in the 12th century through establishment of communion with Rome. Although the Maronites initially fought alongside the Byzantines in their struggle against the Arabs, in 685 AD, they appointed a Patriarch for themselves, St. John Maron, who became the first Patriarch of the Maronite Church. The appointing of a Patriarch made the Byzantine Emperor furious, which led to the persecution of the Maronites by the Byzantines, and their consequent retreat into the mountains of Lebanon, where they would continue to reside to this day.

Great schism
Over the centuries, differences between the Church in the East and West emerged such as the use of unleavened bread for the Eucharist in the West or the addition of the filioque to the Nicene Creed by Pope Sergius IV. The resulting schism, the Great Schism, has often been dated to the 1054 mission of Cardinal Humbert to Constantinople when Humbert excommunicated (invalidly) the Patriach of Constantinople, Michael I Cerularius, who in turn excommunicated the Pope and removed him from the diptychs. Consequently, two major Christian bodies broke communion became two fractions: One faction, now identified as the Catholic Church, represented the Latin West under the leadership of the pope; the other faction, now identified as the Eastern Orthodox Church, represented the Greek East under the collegial authority of the patriarchs of Antioch, Jerusalem, Constantinople and Alexandria. This split, however, was then most likely known only within higher clerics who either gave it little importance or expected it to be overcome soon.

As with the patriarchates of Alexandria and Jerusalem, communication between Rome and Antioch was not as easy as between Rome and Constantinople. Nevertheless, documentation between Antioch and Rome exist such as when in 1052 Patriarch Peter III send news of his appointment to Leo IX and asked him to send a profession of faith back as the popes had not been commemorated in the diptychs for 30 years. After Michael I Cerularius had excommunicated the Latin Church in 1054, informed also Peter III whose reply shows the non-importance he and many others maintained toward the events of 1054; Peter maintained the Latins were their brothers but that their thinking was prone to error and that as barbarians they should be excused from a precise understanding of orthodoxy. In 1085, the city was captured by Sultanate of Rum but it was allowed that John the Oxite, the newly appointed patriarch by emperor Alexios I Komnenos could live in the city. When the army of the First Crusade appeared before the walls of Antioch, John was imprisoned by the city's governor and subject to torture in front of the eyes of the crusaders. After the conquest of the city in June 1098, John was released and reinstated by the spiritual leader of the crusader, Adhemar of Le Puy, as patriarch of Antioch. After Adhemar's death, the Norman Bohemond of Taranto established himself as prince of Antioch and went in opposition to Alexios I in 1099/1100, forcing John to leave the patriarchate due to his suspected loyalty to the Byzantine Emperor. Bohemond selected a Frankish cleric loyal to him as new patriarch, thus starting the Latin Patriarchate of Antioch.

The Western influence in the area was finally ended by the victories of the Muslim Mamluks over the Crusader States in the 13th century. In 1268 the Principality of Antioch came to an end with the brutal conquest of the city by Mamluks which left the significance of the patriarchate, together with the ecclesiastical schisms between Rome and Constantinople and between Constantinople and Alexandria and Antioch, isolated, fractured and debased. The Latin Patriarch went into exile in 1268, and the office became titular only. The office fell vacant in 1953 and was finally abolished in 1964.

Melkite split of 1724
In 1724, Cyril VI was elected Greek patriarch of Antioch. He was considered to be pro-Rome by the patriarch of Constantinople, who refused to recognize the election and appointed another patriarch in his stead. Many Melkites continued to acknowledge Cyril's claim to the patriarchate. Thus from 1724 the Greek Church of Antioch split up in the Greek Orthodox Church of Antioch and in the Melkite Greek Catholic Church. In 1729, Pope Benedict XIII recognized Cyril as the Eastern Catholic patriarch of Antioch and welcomed him and his followers into full communion with the Catholic Church.

Current patriarchs
Today, five churches claim the title of patriarch of Antioch; three of these are autonomous Eastern Catholic particular churches in full communion with the pope of Rome. All five see themselves as part of the Antiochene heritage and claim a right to the Antiochene See through apostolic succession, although none are currently based in the city of Antakya. This multiplicity of Patriarchs of Antioch as well as their lack of location in Antioch, reflects the troubled history of Christianity in the region, which has been marked by internecine struggles and persecution, particularly since the Islamic conquest. Indeed, the Christian population in the original territories of the Antiochene patriarchs has been all but eliminated by assimilation and expulsion, with the region's current Christians forming a small minority.

The current patriarchs of Antioch are listed below in order of their accession to the post, from earliest to most recent.
 * Ignatius Aphrem II, Patriarch of Antioch and All the East. He is the Supreme Head of the Syriac Orthodox Church, which is part of the Oriental Orthodox communion and uses the Antiochene liturgy. His see is based in Damascus.
 * Ignatius Joseph III Yonan, patriarch of Antioch and all the East of the Syrians. Ignace Joseph III is the leader of the Syrian Catholic Church, an Eastern Catholic Church that is in full communion with the Roman Catholic Church's Holy See at the Vatican and uses the Antiochene liturgy. The see is based in Beirut.
 * Bechara Boutros Rahi, Maronite patriarch of Antioch and All the East. The Maronite Church is an Eastern Catholic Church that is in full communion with the Roman Catholic Church and uses the Maronite liturgy. His see is based in Bkerké, Lebanon.
 * John X of Antioch was elected Greek Orthodox patriarch of Antioch and All the East on December 17, 2012. John X is the leader of the Antiochian Orthodox Church, and thus is one of the major hierarchs in the Eastern Orthodox Church. His see is based in Damascus and uses the Byzantine liturgy.
 * Joseph Absi, Patriarch of Antioch and All the East, Alexandria, and Jerusalem of the Greek Melkites. He is the leader of the Melkite Greek Catholic Church, an Eastern Catholic Church that is in full communion with the Roman Catholic Church and uses the Byzantine liturgy. His see is based in Damascus.
 * Joseph Absi, Patriarch of Antioch and All the East, Alexandria, and Jerusalem of the Greek Melkites. He is the leader of the Melkite Greek Catholic Church, an Eastern Catholic Church that is in full communion with the Roman Catholic Church and uses the Byzantine liturgy. His see is based in Damascus.

At one point, there was at least nominally a sixth claimant to the Patriarchate. When the Western European Crusaders established the Principality of Antioch, they established a Latin Church church in the city, whose head took the title of Patriarch. After the Crusaders were expelled by the Mamluks in 1268, the pope continued to appoint a titular Latin patriarch of Antioch, whose actual seat was the Basilica di Santa Maria Maggiore in Rome. The last holder of this office was Roberto Vicentini, who died without a successor in 1953. The post itself was abolished in 1964.

Episcopal succession
One way to understand the historical interrelationships between the various churches is to examine their chain of episcopal succession—that is, the sequence of bishops that each church regards as having been the predecessors of each church's current claimant to the patriarchate. There were four points in history where a disputed succession to the patriarchate led to a lasting institutional schism, leading to the five churches that exist today.

 * All five churches recognize a single sequence of bishops until 518. In that year, Severus, who rejected the Council of Chalcedon, was deposed by the Byzantine Emperor Justin I and replaced by the Chalcedonian Paul the Jew, but Severus and his followers did not recognize his deposition. This led to two rival sequences of patriarchs: Severus and his successors, recognized by the two Syriac churches; and Paul and his successors, recognized by the Greek Orthodox, Melkite, and Maronite Churches. It was the successors of Paul who were recognized as legitimate by the Byzantine government.
 * In 685, John Maron, who recognized the legitimacy of Paul the Jew and his successors until Byzantium began to appoint titular patriarchs of Antioch ending with Theophanes (681–687), was elected Patriarch of Antioch by the Maradite army. Byzantine Emperor Justinian II sent an army to dislodge John from the see; John and his followers retreated to Lebanon, where they formed the Maronite Church, whose succession of patriarchs have continued to the present day. The Byzantines appointed Theophanes of Antioch in his stead. Thus there were now three rival patriarchs: those that recognized Severus and his successors, those that recognized John Maron and his successors, and those that recognized Theophanes and his successors. It was the successors of Theophanes who were recognized as legitimate by the Byzantine government.
 * In 1724, the church that recognized Theophanes and his successors elected Cyril VI Tanas, who supported re-establishing communion with the Catholic Church that had been broken in the Great Schism, as patriarch of Antioch. However, the ecumenical patriarch declared Cyril's election invalid, and appointed Sylvester of Antioch in his stead. Cyril and Sylvester both had followers, and both continued to claim the patriarchate. The Melkite Greek Catholic Church recognizes Cyril and his successors; the Greek Orthodox Church of Antioch recognizes Sylvester and his successors.
 * In 1783, a faction within the church that recognized Severus and his successors elected Ignatius Michael III Jarweh, a bishop who was already in communion with the Catholic Church, as patriarch of Antioch. Shortly thereafter, another faction, who rejected communion with Rome, elected Ignatius Matthew. Both had followers, and both continued to claim the patriarchate. The Syriac Orthodox Church recognizes Ignatius Mathew and his successors; the Syriac Catholic Church recognizes Ignatius Michael and his successors.

Thus, the succession recognized by each church is as follows:

 * The Syriac Orthodox Church recognizes the succession from the Apostle Peter to Severus, then recognizes Sergius of Tella as Severus's successor in 544, then recognizes Sergius's successors down to Ignatius George IV, then recognizes Ignatius Matthew as Ignatius George's successor in 1783, then recognizes Ignatius Matthew's successors down to Ignatius Aphrem II today.
 * The Greek Orthodox Church of Antioch recognizes the succession from the Apostle Peter to Severus, then recognizes that Severus was deposed in favor of Paul the Jew in 519, then recognizes Paul the Jew's successors down to Athanasius III Dabbas, then recognizes Sylvester of Antioch as Athanasius III's successor in 1724, then recognizes Sylvester's successors down to John X today.
 * The Maronite Church recognizes the succession from the Apostle Peter to Severus, then recognizes that Severus was deposed in favor of Paul the Jew in 518, then recognizes Paul the Jew's successors until Byzantium began appointing titular Patriarchs of Antioch ending with Theophanes (681–687), at which point they recognize the election of John Maron, then recognize John's successors down to Bechara Boutros al-Rahi today.
 * The Melkite Greek Catholic Church recognizes the succession from the Apostle Peter to Severus, then recognizes that Severus was deposed in favor of Paul the Jew in 518, then recognizes Paul the Jew's successors down to Peter III, then recognizes Cyril VI Tanas as Peter III's successor in 1724, then recognizes Cyril VI's successors down to Youssef Absi today.
 * The Syriac Catholic Church recognizes the succession from the Apostle Peter to Severus, then recognizes Ignatius Michael III Jarweh as Severus's successor in 1783, then recognizes Ignatius Michael III's successors down to Ignatius Joseph III Yonan today.

Lists of patriarchs of Antioch

 * List of patriarchs of Antioch, 37–518
 * List of Syriac Orthodox patriarchs of Antioch, 512–present
 * List of Syriac Catholic patriarchs of Antioch, 1662–present
 * List of Greek Orthodox patriarchs of Antioch, 518–present
 * List of Melkite Catholic patriarchs of Antioch, 1724–present
 * List of Maronite patriarchs of Antioch, 686–present
 * List of Latin patriarchs of Antioch, 1098–1964

title: Patriarch of Antioch