text:
Trump

Trump most commonly refers to:
 * Donald Trump (born 1946), President of the United States from 2017 to 2021
 * Trump (card games), any playing card given an ad-hoc high rank

Trump may also refer to:

Film

 * Trump: The Kremlin Candidate?, a 2017 British television film
 * Trump: What's the Deal?, an American documentary first screened in 1991

Gaming

 * Court piece or trumps, a trick-taking card game related to whist
 * Top Trumps, a card game series
 * Trump: The Game, a board game
 * Major Arcana, special cards in a cartomantic Tarot pack, similar to trumps in a normal Tarot pack

Literature

 * Trump (magazine), a 1957 American humor magazine
 * Trump (series), a Japanese series of plays and manga from 2009
 * Trump: The Art of the Deal, a 1987 book by Donald Trump and Tony Schwartz
 * Trump: The Deals and the Downfall, a 1992 biography by Wayne Barrett
 * Trump: The Art of the Comeback, a 1997 book by Donald Trump and Kate Bohner
 * Trump: Surviving at the Top, a 1990 book by Donald Trump and Charles Leerhsen

Businesses and organizations

 * Donald J. Trump Foundation, a charity (1988–2018)
 * The Trump Organization, a business conglomerate founded in 1928
 * Trump Shuttle, an airline (1989–1992; callsign: TRUMP)

People

 * Trump (surname), including a list of people and fictional characters with the name
 * Family of Donald Trump, the family of the 45th U.S. president
 * Trump (gamer), or Jeffrey Shih (born 1987), streamer-competitor in Hearthstone
 * Judd Trump professional world champion snooker player

Places

 * Trump, Colorado, U.S.
 * Trump, Maryland, U.S.
 * Trump Islands, Antarctica
 * Trump Islands (Newfoundland and Labrador), Canada
 * Trump Street, City of London, U.K.

Other uses

 * Trump (dog), a pug owned by English painter William Hogarth
 * Trump, colloquialism for flatulence
 * HMS Trump (P333), a British submarine 1944–1969
 * USCGC William Trump, a U.S. Coast Guard cutter, launched 2014
 * The Trump (horse), an Australian racehorse

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Trump


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Talk:Burali-Forti paradox

Paradox about sets containing themselves?
Does this paradox rely on the fact that sets cannot contain themselves? If so, somebody should note that it does not apply to some of the post-ZFC theories which are consistent in the presence of self-containing sets; for example [Positive set theory] Megacz 03:21, 28 Sep 2004 (UTC)

I'm a little concerned about the definition of ordinal numbers as those which can be defined as "the set of all their predecessors". In formal set theory, the "predecessor" relation is often taken by definition to be just another name for the membership relation. So, "a is a predecessor of b" is just another way of saying "a is an element of b". In this case, to say that an ordinal number is one which is "the set of all its predecessors" would make every set an ordinal number, and this is clearly wrong.

One common definition for ordinal number is the following. A set A is element-transitive (or e-trans) if x in y in A (i.e. (x in y) and (y in A)) imply x in A. Then an ordinal number is an e-trans set, each of whose elements is also e-trans. From here, one can show that the empty set is an ordinal number, and that the successor of an ordinal number is an ordinal, and so on. This isn't the only possible definintion. You can also say an ordinal is a set that's totally ordered and every element is a subset.

Also, the paradox isn't quite the way it's stated, "if the ordinal numbers formed a set, that set would then be an ordinal number greater than any number in the set". The paradox is NOT so much that the set of all ordinals would be "greater" than any ordinal number it contains, but rather that the set of all ordinals would have to be a member of itself, and this ultimately violates the axiom of regularity, which implies that for all sets A, A is not in A.

 * I'm 90% certain that the paradox doesn't rely on the axiom of regularity, since it was formulated in the 19th century before this rather obscure axiom was an issue. Indeed, Frege's system patently denied the axiom of regularity, but the paradoxes that caused so much consternation (of which this was the first) were true contradictions only in Frege's system (the first formal system proposed in those days). -- Toby Bartels 04:15, 10 Mar 2004 (UTC)

 * The axiom of regularity is indeed a red herring here. Since we have an inherent antinomy, we can derive a contradiction to anything, be it true, false, axiom or not. Also as Toby says, the axiom of regularity was only introduced later. -- Mellum 12:03, 10 Mar 2004 (UTC)

The method of using classes, and then defining sets as those classes which are contained as an element of some other class is one way of skirting the paradox. I'm not an expert on mathematical logic, but I don't think the class-set way of doing things is the only acceptable alternative (although probably the most popular). If others know more about these alternatives, that would be good to know. Revolver

the basis of the paradox
The paradox does not depend on anything about membership per se. It depends on the supposed possibility of assigning an order type to every isomorphism type of well-orderings, combined with the observation that the order types are then naturally ordered, and each order type (ordinal number) is the order type of the segment it determines in the natural order on order types. See the generalization of the argument that I inserted.

Randall Holmes 20:46, 16 December 2005 (UTC)

Article could be improved
I am a mathematician (but not a set theorist) who has just been reading up on cardinals, ordinals and in particular the Burali-Forti paradox, and I find the current article to be a bit obscure and also a bit anemic. On the one hand, I can't figure out why the paradox is initially stated in terms of von Neumann ordinals -- as mentioned later, it was not the way Burali-Forti expressed it, and it tempts one to think that issues of "foundation" are involved in the paradox. (In fact, I had thought about this material a little while ago and written up notes. When I looked back at my notes, I saw that I had derived the claim o \in o, noted its suspectness, and then constructed von Neumann ordinals to show that for them "o \in o" is not "paradoxical" but just false.  But this is unnecessary and misses the spirit of it, it seems to me now.)  I wonder why the section "Stated more generally" does not appear first, written up slightly more carefully. For instance, it says that the association of an order-type to a well-ordered set is done in an "unspecified" way, but we should at least specify the key point: we assign the same order-type to two well-ordered sets iff they are order-isomorphic!

Also the paradox is not even given a careful statement, which is strange. I think the statement should be something like: "The order-isomorphism types of well-ordered sets do not themselves form a set; equivalently, there is no single set S of well-ordered sets such that every well-ordered set is order-isomorphic to at least one element of S." (The equivalence should be explained.) Then the proof can be given, which basically consists of unpacking the statement and citing the known theorem that no well-ordered set is order-isomorphic to one of its initial segments. (This is of course referred to in the current draft, but it could be made even more clear.) Saying that the proof "can be carried out in naive set theory" seems to raise unnecessary questions (i.e., what is naive set theory, exactly).

I also think that it should be pointed out that just like Cantor's "paradox" is really an important theorem about cardinalities, Burali-Forti's paradox proves the following important fact: the collection of order-isomorphism types of well-ordered sets whose cardinalities are at most \kappa (for any cardinality \kappa) itself does not have cardinality at most \kappa. In particular, this shows the existence of uncountable well-ordered sets. The point here (as I understand it -- I hope I will be corrected if I am wrong!) is that this fact is true _without the axiom of choice_, whereas the fact that there is a well-ordered set of every cardinality is of course equivalent to AC. To those who would say that one should not worry about the use of AC in "naive set theory", I can only say that I myself am not especially interested in doing deductions from the ZF/C axioms, but I find it very interesting to know which of the theorems I know in set theory (and other areas of mathematics) are equivalent to AC. And anyway isn't this exactly the sort of thing you would want to know if you were trying to decide whether you wanted to work in ZFC? -- P.L. Clark

May not be due to Burali-Forti
In his talk 1999 talk at UMass-Lowell, Gregory Chaitin said that "if you look at the paper by Burali-Forti, you don't see the paradox". (http://www.umcs.maine.edu/~chaitin/lowell.html) (https://web.archive.org/web/20110928163805/http://www.umcs.maine.edu/~chaitin/lowell.html) Apparently the paradox occurred to Russell while reading the paper.Scorwin (talk) 01:18, 15 January 2011 (UTC)
 * Perfectly true. My understanding has for many years been that Burali-Forti was unaware of any paradox, and I have just checked his paper, and confirmed that it makes no mention of any paradox. Burali-Forti merely proved a theorem which contradicted a pre-existing theorem unknown to him. I shall edit the article accordingly. The editor who uses the pseudonym "JamesBWatson" (talk) 14:29, 10 May 2014 (UTC)
 * Maybe we should say what Burali-Forti proved, and what the pre-existing theorem was, and which of the two (if either) is still a theorem in ZFC? Is that easily doable?  Joule36e5 (talk) 03:05, 24 January 2015 (UTC)

title: Talk:Burali-Forti paradox


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A. S. Hornby

Albert Sidney (or Sydney ) Hornby, usually just A. S. Hornby (1898–1978), was an English grammarian, lexicographer, and pioneer in the field of English language learning and teaching (ELT).

Hornby was born in Chester and educated at University College London. In April 1924 he went to Japan to teach English at Oita University (Oita Higher Commercial School at the time). He joined Harold E. Palmer in his programme of vocabulary research at the Institute for Research in English Teaching (IRET). Palmer invited him to Tokyo in April 1933 as an assistant; in 1936, Hornby became the technical adviser and editor of IRET's Bulletin.

He began to work the following year with E. V. Gatenby and H. Wakefield on a new type of dictionary that was aimed at foreign learners of English, the first monolingual learners' dictionary. It was completed in 1940 and published by Kaitakusha two years later in Tokyo as The Idiomatic and Syntactic English Dictionary. After leaving Japan in 1942, Hornby joined the British Council and later became the first editor of the journal English Language Teaching, launched in October 1946.

In 1948 his dictionary was reissued by Oxford University Press as A Learner's Dictionary of Current English. The subsequent editions of the dictionary were (1963 second, 1974 third) and continue to be a great commercial success in ELT publishing. It is now in its tenth edition and is known as the Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary.

The A.S. Hornby Educational Trust was established in 1961. The Trust supports ELT practitioners from low and lower-middle income countries. The Trust has supported over 480 ELT professionals from around the world via Hornby Scholarships, and thousands more via regional schools, a scholar alumni network and Teacher Association project awards. The Trust also supports dictionary-related research and research into the history of ELT.

title: A. S. Hornby


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Varieties of Chinese

There are hundreds of local Chinese language varieties forming a branch of the Sino-Tibetan language family, many of which are not mutually intelligible. Variation is particularly strong in the more mountainous southeast part of mainland China. The varieties are typically classified into several groups: Mandarin, Wu, Min, Xiang, Gan, Jin, Hakka and Yue, though some varieties remain unclassified. These groups are neither clades nor individual languages defined by mutual intelligibility, but reflect common phonological developments from Middle Chinese.

Chinese varieties have the greatest differences in their phonology, and to a lesser extent in vocabulary and syntax. Southern varieties tend to have fewer initial consonants than northern and central varieties, but more often preserve the Middle Chinese final consonants. All have phonemic tones, with northern varieties tending to have fewer distinctions than southern ones. Many have tone sandhi, with the most complex patterns in the coastal area from Zhejiang to eastern Guangdong.

Standard Chinese takes its phonology from the Beijing dialect, with vocabulary from the Mandarin group and grammar based on literature in the modern written vernacular. It is one of the official languages of China and one of the four official languages of Singapore. It has become a pluricentric language, with differences in pronunciation and vocabulary between the three forms. It is also one of the six official languages of the United Nations.

History
At the end of the 2nd millennium BC, a form of Chinese was spoken in a compact area along the lower Wei River and middle Yellow River. Use of this language expanded eastwards across the North China Plain into Shandong, and then southwards into the Yangtze River valley and the hills of south China. Chinese eventually replaced many of the languages previously dominant in these areas, and forms of the language spoken in different regions began to diverge. During periods of political unity there was a tendency for states to promote the use of a standard language across the territory they controlled, in order to facilitate communication between people from different regions.

The first evidence of dialectal variation is found in the texts of the Spring and Autumn period (771–476 BC). Although the Zhou royal domain was no longer politically powerful, its speech still represented a model for communication across China. The Fangyan (early 1st century AD) is devoted to differences in vocabulary between regions. Commentaries from the Eastern Han (25–220 AD) provide significant evidence of local differences in pronunciation. The Qieyun, a rime dictionary published in 601, noted wide variations in pronunciation between regions, and was created with the goal of defining a standard system of pronunciation for reading the classics. This standard is known as Middle Chinese, and is believed to be a diasystem, based on a compromise between the reading traditions of the northern and southern capitals.

The North China Plain provided few barriers to migration, which resulted in relative linguistic homogeneity over a wide area. Contrastingly, the mountains and rivers of southern China contain all six of the other major Chinese dialect groups, with each in turn featuring great internal diversity, particularly in Fujian.

Standard Chinese
Until the mid-20th century, most Chinese people spoke only their local language. As a practical measure, officials of the Ming and Qing dynasties carried out the administration of the empire using a common language based on Mandarin varieties, known as (官話/官话 'officer speech'). While never formally defined, knowledge of this language was essential for a career in the imperial bureaucracy.

In the early years of the Republic of China, Literary Chinese was replaced as the written standard by written vernacular Chinese, which was based on northern dialects. In the 1930s, a standard national language with pronunciation based on the Beijing dialect was adopted, but with vocabulary drawn from a range of Mandarin varieties, and grammar based on literature in the modern written vernacular. Standard Chinese is the official spoken language of the People's Republic of China and Taiwan, and is one of the official languages of Singapore. It has become a pluricentric language, with differences in pronunciation and vocabulary between the three forms.

Standard Chinese is much more widely studied than any other variety of Chinese, and its use is now dominant in public life on the mainland. Outside of China and Taiwan, the only varieties of Chinese commonly taught in university courses are Standard Chinese and Cantonese.

Comparison with Romance
Chinese has been likened to the Romance languages that descended from Latin. In both cases, the ancestral language was spread by imperial expansion over substrate languages 2000 years ago, by the Qin and Han empires in China, and the Roman Empire in Europe. Medieval Latin remained the standard for scholarly and administrative writing in Western Europe for centuries, influencing local varieties much like Literary Chinese did in China. In both cases, local forms of speech diverged from both the literary standard and each other, producing dialect continua with mutually unintelligible varieties separated by long distances.

However, a major difference between China and Western Europe is the historical reestablishment of political unity in 6th century China by the Sui dynasty, a unity that has persisted with relatively brief interludes until the present day. Meanwhile, Europe remained politically decentralized, and developed numerous independent states. Vernacular writing using the Latin alphabet supplanted Latin itself, and states eventually developed their own standard languages. In China, Literary Chinese was predominantly used in formal writing until the early 20th century. Written Chinese, read with different local pronunciations, continued to serve as a source of vocabulary for the local varieties. The new standard written vernacular Chinese, the counterpart of spoken Standard Chinese, is similarly used as a literary form by speakers of all varieties.

Classification
Dialectologist Jerry Norman estimated that there are hundreds of mutually unintelligible varieties of Chinese. These varieties form a dialect continuum, in which differences in speech generally become more pronounced as distances increase, although there are also some sharp boundaries.

However, the rate of change in mutual intelligibility varies immensely depending on region. For example, the varieties of Mandarin spoken in all three northeastern Chinese provinces are mutually intelligible, but in the province of Fujian, where Min varieties predominate, the speech of neighbouring counties or even villages may be mutually unintelligible.

Dialect groups
Classifications of Chinese varieties in the late 19th century and early 20th century were based on impressionistic criteria. They often followed river systems, which were historically the main routes of migration and communication in southern China. The first scientific classifications, based primarily on the evolution of Middle Chinese voiced initials, were produced by Wang Li in 1936 and Li Fang-Kuei in 1937, with minor modifications by other linguists since. The conventionally accepted set of seven dialect groups first appeared in the second edition (1980) of Yuan Jiahua's dialectology handbook:

 * Mandarin
 * This is the group spoken in northern and southwestern China and has by far the most speakers. This group includes the Beijing dialect, which forms the basis for Standard Chinese, called Putonghua or Guoyu in Chinese, and often also translated as "Mandarin" or simply "Chinese". In addition, the Dungan language of Kyrgyzstan and Kazakhstan is a Mandarin variety written in the Cyrillic script.

 * Wu
 * These varieties are spoken in Shanghai, most of Zhejiang and the southern parts of Jiangsu and Anhui. The group comprises hundreds of distinct spoken forms, many of which are not mutually intelligible. The Suzhou dialect is usually taken as representative, because Shanghainese features several atypical innovations. Wu varieties are distinguished by their retention of voiced or murmured obstruent initials (stops, affricates and fricatives).

 * Gan
 * These varieties are spoken in Jiangxi and neighbouring areas. The Nanchang dialect is taken as representative. In the past, Gan was viewed as closely related to Hakka because of the way Middle Chinese voiced initials became voiceless aspirated initials as in Hakka, and were hence called by the umbrella term "Hakka–Gan dialects".

 * Xiang
 * The Xiang varieties are spoken in Hunan and southern Hubei. The New Xiang varieties, represented by the Changsha dialect, have been significantly influenced by Southwest Mandarin, whereas Old Xiang varieties, represented by the Shuangfeng dialect, retain features such as voiced initials.

 * Min
 * These varieties originated in the mountainous terrain of Fujian and eastern Guangdong, and form the only branch of Chinese that cannot be directly derived from Middle Chinese. It is also the most diverse, with many of the varieties used in neighbouring counties—and, in the mountains of western Fujian, even in adjacent villages—being mutually unintelligible. Early classifications divided Min into Northern and Southern subgroups, but a survey in the early 1960s found that the primary split was between inland and coastal groups. Varieties from the coastal region around Xiamen have spread to Southeast Asia, where they are known as Hokkien (named from a dialectical pronunciation of "Fujian"), and Taiwan, where they are known as Taiwanese. Other offshoots of Min are found in Hainan and the Leizhou Peninsula, with smaller communities throughout southern China.

 * Hakka
 * The Hakka (literally "guest families") are a group of Han Chinese living in the hills of northeastern Guangdong, southwestern Fujian and many other parts of southern China, as well as Taiwan and parts of Southeast Asia such as Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia. The Meixian dialect is the prestige form. Most Hakka varieties retain the full complement of nasal endings, and stop endings, though there is a tendency for Middle Chinese velar codas -ŋ and -k to yield dental codas -n and -t after front vowels.

 * Yue
 * These varieties are spoken in Guangdong, Guangxi, Hong Kong and Macau, and have been carried by immigrants to Southeast Asia and many other parts of the world. The prestige variety and by far most commonly spoken variety is Cantonese, from the city of Guangzhou (historically called "Canton"), which is also the native language of the majority in Hong Kong and Macau. Taishanese, from the coastal area of Jiangmen southwest of Guangzhou, was historically the most common Yue variety among overseas communities in the West until the late 20th century. Not all Yue varieties are mutually intelligible. Most Yue varieties retain the full complement of Middle Chinese word-final consonants and have rich inventories of tones.

The Language Atlas of China (1987) follows a classification of Li Rong, distinguishing three further groups:
 * Jin
 * These varieties, spoken in Shanxi and adjacent areas, were formerly included in Mandarin. They are distinguished by their retention of the Middle Chinese entering tone category.

 * Huizhou
 * The Hui dialects, spoken in southern Anhui, share different features with Wu, Gan and Mandarin, making them difficult to classify. Earlier scholars had assigned to them one or other of these groups, or to a group of their own.

 * Pinghua
 * These varieties are descended from the speech of the earliest Chinese migrants to Guangxi, predating the later influx of Yue and Southwest Mandarin speakers. Some linguists treat them as a mixture of Yue and Xiang.

Some varieties remain unclassified, including the Danzhou dialect (northwestern Hainan), Mai (southern Hainan), Waxiang (northwestern Hunan), Xiangnan Tuhua (southern Hunan), Shaozhou Tuhua (northern Guangdong), and the forms of Chinese spoken by the She people (She Chinese) and the Miao people. She Chinese, Xiangnan Tuhua, Shaozhou Tuhua and unclassified varieties of southwest Jiangxi appear to be related to Hakka.

Most of the vocabulary of the Bai language of Yunnan appears to be related to Chinese words, though many are clearly loans from the last few centuries. Some scholars have suggested that it represents a very early branching from Chinese, while others argue that it is a more distantly related Sino-Tibetan language overlaid with two millennia of loans.

Dialect geography
Jerry Norman classified the traditional seven dialect groups into three zones: Northern (Mandarin), Central (Wu, Gan, and Xiang) and Southern (Hakka, Yue, and Min). He argued that the dialects of the Southern zone are derived from a standard used in the Yangtze valley during the Han dynasty (206 BC – 220 AD), which he called Old Southern Chinese, while the Central zone was a transitional area of dialects that were originally of southern type, but overlain with centuries of Northern influence. Hilary Chappell proposed a refined model, dividing Norman's Northern zone into Northern and Southwestern areas, and his Southern zone into Southeastern (Min) and Far Southern (Yue and Hakka) areas, with Pinghua transitional between Southwestern and Far Southern areas.

The long history of migration of peoples and interaction between speakers of different dialects makes it difficult to apply the tree model to Chinese. Scholars account for the transitional nature of the central varieties in terms of wave models. Iwata argues that innovations have been transmitted from the north across the Huai River to the Lower Yangtze Mandarin area and from there southeast to the Wu area and westwards along the Yangtze River valley and thence to southwestern areas, leaving the hills of the southeast largely untouched.

Some dialect boundaries, such as between Wu and Min, are particularly abrupt, while others, such as between Mandarin and Xiang or between Min and Hakka, are much less clearly defined. Several east-west isoglosses run along the Huai and Yangtze Rivers. A north-south barrier is formed by the Tianmu and Wuyi Mountains.

Intelligibility testing
Most assessments of mutual intelligibility of varieties of Chinese in the literature are impressionistic. Functional intelligibility testing is time-consuming in any language family, and usually not done when more than 10 varieties are to be compared. However, one 2009 study aimed to measure intelligibility between 15 Chinese provinces. In each province, 15 university students were recruited as speakers and 15 older rural inhabitants recruited as listeners. The listeners were then tested on their comprehension of isolated words and of particular words in the context of sentences spoken by speakers from all 15 of the provinces surveyed. The results demonstrated significant levels of unintelligibility between areas, even within the Mandarin group. In a few cases, listeners understood fewer than 70% of words spoken by speakers from the same province, indicating significant differences between urban and rural varieties. As expected from the wide use of Standard Chinese, speakers from Beijing were understood more than speakers from elsewhere. The scores supported a primary division between northern groups (Mandarin and Jin) and all others, with Min as an identifiable branch.

Terminology
Local varieties from different areas of China are often mutually unintelligible, differing at least as much as different Romance languages and perhaps even as much as Indo-European languages as a whole. These varieties form the Sinitic branch of the Sino-Tibetan language family (with Bai sometimes being included in this grouping). Because speakers share a standard written form, and have a common cultural heritage with long periods of political unity, the varieties are popularly perceived among native speakers as variants of a single Chinese language, and this is also the official position. Conventional English-language usage in Chinese linguistics is to use dialect for the speech of a particular place (regardless of status) while regional groupings like Mandarin and Wu are called dialect groups. Other linguists choose to refer to the major groups as languages. However, each of these groups contains mutually unintelligible varieties. ISO 639-3 and the Ethnologue assign language codes to each of the top-level groups listed above except Min and Pinghua, whose subdivisions are assigned five and two codes respectively.

The Chinese term, composed of characters meaning 'place' and 'speech', was the title of the first work of Chinese dialectology in the Han dynasty, and has had a range of meanings in the millennia since. It is used for any regional subdivision of Chinese, from the speech of a village to major branches such as Mandarin and Wu. Linguists writing in Chinese often qualify the term to distinguish different levels of classification. All these terms have customarily been translated into English as dialect, a practice that has been criticized as confusing. The neologisms regionalect and topolect have been proposed as alternative renderings of fangyan.

Phonology
The usual unit of analysis is the syllable, traditionally analysed as consisting of an initial consonant, a final and a tone. In general, southern varieties have fewer initial consonants than northern and central varieties, but more often preserve the Middle Chinese final consonants. Some varieties, such as Cantonese, Hokkien and Shanghainese, include syllabic nasals as independent syllables.

Initials
In the 42 varieties surveyed in the Great Dictionary of Modern Chinese Dialects, the number of initials (including a zero initial) ranges from 15 in some southern dialects to a high of 35 in Chongming dialect, spoken in Chongming Island, Shanghai.

The initial system of the Fuzhou dialect of northern Fujian is a minimal example. With the exception of, which is often merged with the zero initial, the initials of this dialect are present in all Chinese varieties, although several varieties do not distinguish from. However, most varieties have additional initials, due to a combination of innovations and retention of distinctions from Middle Chinese:
 * Most non-Min varieties have a labiodental fricative, which developed from Middle Chinese bilabial stops in certain environments.
 * The voiced initials of Middle Chinese are retained in Wu dialects such as Suzhou and Shanghai, as well as Old Xiang dialects and a few Gan dialects, but have merged with voiceless initials elsewhere. Southern Min varieties have an unrelated series of voiced initials resulting from devoicing of nasal initials in syllables without nasal finals.
 * The Middle Chinese retroflex initials are retained in many Mandarin dialects, including Beijing but not southwestern and southeastern Mandarin varieties.
 * In many northern and central varieties there is palatalization of dental affricates, velars (as in Suzhou), or both. In many places, including Beijing, palatalized dental affricates and palatalized velars have merged to form a new palatal series.

Finals
Chinese finals may be analysed as an optional medial glide, a main vowel and an optional coda.

Conservative vowel systems, such as those of Gan dialects, have high vowels, and , which also function as medials, mid vowels  and , and a low -like vowel. In other dialects, including Mandarin dialects, has merged with, leaving a single mid vowel with a wide range of allophones. Many dialects, particularly in northern and central China, have apical or retroflex vowels, which are syllabic fricatives derived from high vowels following sibilant initials. In many Wu dialects, vowels and final glides have monophthongized, producing a rich inventory of vowels in open syllables. Reduction of medials is common in Yue dialects.

The Middle Chinese codas, consisting of glides and, nasals ,  and , and stops ,  and , are best preserved in southern dialects, particularly Yue dialects such as Cantonese. In some Min dialects, nasals and stops following open vowels have shifted to nasalization and glottal stops respectively. In Jin, Lower Yangtze Mandarin and Wu dialects, the stops have merged as a final glottal stop, while in most northern varieties they have disappeared. In Mandarin dialects final has merged with, while some central dialects have a single nasal coda, in some cases realized as a nasalization of the vowel.

Tones
All varieties of Chinese, like neighbouring languages in the Mainland Southeast Asia linguistic area, have phonemic tones. Each syllable may be pronounced with between three and seven distinct pitch contours, denoting different morphemes. For example, the Beijing dialect distinguishes (妈/媽 'mother'),  (麻 'hemp'),  (马/馬 'horse) and  (骂/罵 'to scold'). The number of tonal contrasts varies between dialects, with Northern dialects tending to have fewer distinctions than Southern ones. Many dialects have tone sandhi, in which the pitch contour of a syllable is affected by the tones of adjacent syllables in a compound word or phrase. This process is so extensive in Shanghainese that the tone system is reduced to a pitch accent system much like modern Japanese.

The tonal categories of modern varieties can be related by considering their derivation from the four tones of Middle Chinese, though cognate tonal categories in different dialects are often realized as quite different pitch contours. Middle Chinese had a three-way tonal contrast in syllables with vocalic or nasal endings. The traditional names of the tonal categories are 'level'/'even' (平 ), 'rising' (上 ) and 'departing'/'going' (去 ). Syllables ending in a stop consonant, or  (checked syllables) had no tonal contrasts but were traditionally treated as a fourth tone category, 'entering' (入 ), corresponding to syllables ending in nasals , , or.

The tones of Middle Chinese, as well as similar systems in neighbouring languages, experienced a tone split conditioned by syllabic onsets. Syllables with voiced initials tended to be pronounced with a lower pitch, and by the late Tang dynasty, each of the tones had split into two registers conditioned by the initials, known as "upper" (阴/陰 ) and "lower" (阳/陽 ). When voicing was lost in all dialects except in the Wu and Old Xiang groups, this distinction became phonemic, yielding eight tonal categories, with a six-way contrast in unchecked syllables and a two-way contrast in checked syllables. Cantonese maintains these eight tonal categories and has developed an additional distinction in checked syllables. (The latter distinction has disappeared again in many varieties.)

However, most Chinese varieties have reduced the number of tonal distinctions. For example, in Mandarin, the tones resulting from the split of Middle Chinese rising and departing tones merged, leaving four tones. Furthermore, final stop consonants disappeared in most Mandarin dialects, and such syllables were distributed amongst the four remaining tones in a manner that is only partially predictable.

In Wu, voiced obstruents were retained, and the tone split never became phonemic: the higher-pitched allophones occur with initial voiceless consonants, and the lower-pitched allophones occur with initial voiced consonants. (Traditional Chinese classification nonetheless counts these as different tones.) Most Wu dialects retain the tone categories of Middle Chinese, but in Shanghainese several of these have merged.

Many Chinese varieties exhibit tone sandhi, in which the realization of a tone varies depending on the context of the syllable. For example, in Standard Chinese a third tone changes to a second tone when followed by another third tone. Particularly complex sandhi patterns are found in Wu dialects and coastal Min dialects. In Shanghainese, the tone of all syllables in a word is determined by the tone of the first, so that Shanghainese has word rather than syllable tone.

In northern varieties, many particles or suffixes are weakly stressed or atonic syllables. These are much rarer in southern varieties. Such syllables have a reduced pitch range that is determined by the preceding syllable.

Vocabulary
Most morphemes in Chinese varieties are monosyllables descended from Old Chinese words, and have cognates in all varieties:

Southern varieties also include distinctive substrata of vocabulary of non-Chinese origin. Some of these words may have come from Tai–Kadai and Austroasiatic languages.

Grammar
Chinese varieties generally lack inflectional morphology and instead express grammatical categories using analytic means such as particles and prepositions. There are major differences between northern and southern varieties, but often some northern areas share features found in the south, and vice versa.

Constituent order
The usual unmarked word order in Chinese varieties is subject–verb–object, with other orders used for emphasis or contrast. Modifiers usually precede the word they modify, so that adjectives precede nouns. Instances in which the modifier follows the head are mainly found in the south, and are attributed to substrate influences from languages formerly dominant in the area, especially Kra–Dai languages.
 * Adverbs generally precede verbs, but in some southern varieties certain kinds of adverb follow the verb.
 * In the north, animal gender markers are prefixed to the noun, as in Beijing (母鸡/) 'hen' and  (公鸡/) 'rooster', but most southern varieties use the reverse order, while others use different orders for different words.
 * Compounds consisting of an attributive following a noun are less common, but some are found in the south as well as a few northern areas.

Nominals
Nouns in Chinese varieties are generally not marked for number. As in languages of the Mainland Southeast Asia linguistic area, Chinese varieties require an intervening classifier when a noun is preceded by a demonstrative or numeral. The inventory of classifiers tends to be larger in the south than in the north, where some varieties use only the general classifier cognate with 个/.

First- and second-person pronouns are cognate across all varieties. For third-person pronouns, Jin, Mandarin, and Xiang varieties have cognate forms, but other varieties generally use forms that originally had a velar or glottal initial:

Plural personal pronouns may be marked with a suffix, noun or phrase in different varieties. The suffix 们/ is common in the north, but several different suffixes are use elsewhere. In some varieties, especially in the Wu area, different suffixes are used for first, second and third person pronouns. Case is not marked, except in varieties in the Qinghai–Gansu sprachbund.

The forms of demonstratives vary greatly, with few cognates between different areas. A two-way distinction between proximal and distal is most common, but some varieties have a single neutral demonstrative, while others distinguish three or more on the basis of distance, visibility or other properties. An extreme example is found in a variety spoken in Yongxin County, Jiangxi, where five grades of distance are distinguished.

Attributive constructions typically have the form NP/VP + ATTR + NP, where the last noun phrase is the head and the attributive marker is usually a cognate of  in the north or a classifier in the south. The latter pattern is also common in the languages of Southeast Asia. A few varieties in the Jiang–Huai, Wu, southern Min and Yue areas feature the old southern pattern of a zero attributive marker. Nominalization of verb phrases or predicates is achieved by following them with a marker, usually the same as the attributive marker, though some varieties use a different marker.

Major sentence types
All varieties have transitive and intransitive verbs. Instead of adjectives, Chinese varieties use stative verbs, which can function as predicates but differ from intransitive verbs in being modifiable by degree adverbs. Ditransitive sentences vary, with northern varieties placing the indirect object before the direct object and southern varieties using the reverse order.

All varieties have copular sentences of the form NP1 + COP + NP2, though the copula varies. Most Yue and Hakka varieties use a form cognate with  'to connect'. All other varieties use a form cognate with, which was a demonstrative in Classical Chinese but began to be used as a copula from the Han period.

All varieties form existential sentences with a verb cognate with, which can also be used as a transitive verb indicating possession. Most varieties use a locative verb cognate to, but Min, Wu and Yue varieties use several different forms.

All varieties allow sentences of the form NP + VP1 + COMP + VP2, with a verbal complement VP2 containing a stative verb describing the manner or extent of the main verb. In northern varieties, the marker is a cognate of, but many southern varieties distinguish between manner and extent complements using different markers. Standard Chinese does not allow an object to co-occur with a verbal complement, but other varieties permit an object between the marker and the complement.

A characteristic feature of Chinese varieties is in situ questions: This particle is a cognate of 吗/ in the north, but varies between other varieties. Other question forms are also common:
 * Open questions are formed by replacing the desired information with an interrogative word, though the words vary between different areas.
 * Yes–no questions are formed by appending a particle to the sentence.
 * Most varieties have neutral questions employing the form V + NEG + V, repeating the same verb. When the verb takes an object, some northwestern Mandarin varieties tend to place it after the first occurrence of the verb, while other Mandarin varieties and most southern varieties place it after the second occurrence.
 * Most varieties form disjunctive questions by placing a conjunction between the alternatives, though some also use particles to mark the disjuncts. Standard Chinese is unusual in allowing a form with no conjunction.

Verb phrases
A sentence is negated by placing a marker before the verb. Old Chinese had two families of negation markers starting with and, respectively. Northern and Central varieties tend to use a word from the first family, cognate with Beijing, as the ordinary negator. A word from the second family is used as an existential negator 'have not', as in Beijing  and Shanghai. In Mandarin varieties this word is also used for 'not yet', whereas in Wu and other groups a different form is typically used. In Southern varieties, negators tend to come from the second family. The ordinary negators in these varieties are all derived from a syllabic nasal, though it has a level tone in Hakka and Yue and a rising tone in Min. Existential negators derive from a proto-form , though again the tonal category varies between groups.

Chinese varieties generally indicate the roles of nouns with respect to verbs using prepositions derived from grammaticalized verbs. Varieties differ in the set of prepositions used, with northern varieties tending to use a substantially larger inventory, including disyllabic and trisyllabic prepositions. In northern varieties, the preposition  may be used to move the object before the verb (the "disposal" construction). Similar structures using several different prepositions are used in the south, but tend to be avoided in more colloquial speech. Comparative constructions are expressed with a prepositional phrase before the stative verb in most northern and central varieties, as well as Northern Min and Hakka, while other southern varieties retain the older form in which the prepositional phrase follows the stative verb. The preposition is usually  in the north, with other forms used elsewhere.

Chinese varieties tend to indicate aspect using markers following the main verb. The markers, usually derived from verbs, vary widely in both their forms and their degree of grammaticalization, from independent verbs, through complements to bound suffixes. Southern varieties tend to have richer aspect systems making more distinctions than northern ones.

Bilingualism and code-switching
In southern China (not including Hong Kong and Macau), where the difference between Standard Chinese and local dialects is particularly pronounced, well-educated Chinese are generally fluent in Standard Chinese, and most people have at least a good passive knowledge of it, in addition to being native speakers of the local dialect. The choice of dialect varies based on the social situation. Standard Chinese is usually considered more formal and is required when speaking to a person who does not understand the local dialect. The local dialect (be it non-Standard Chinese or non-Mandarin altogether) is generally considered more intimate and is used among close family members and friends and in everyday conversation within the local area. Chinese speakers will frequently code switch between Standard Chinese and the local dialect. Parents will generally speak to their children in the local variety, and the relationship between dialect and Mandarin appears to be mostly stable, even a diglossia. Local dialects are valued as symbols of regional cultures.

People generally are tied to the hometown and therefore the hometown dialect, instead of a broad linguistic classification. For example, a person from Wuxi may claim that he speaks Wuxi dialect, even though it is similar to Shanghainese (another Wu dialect). Likewise, a person from Xiaogan may claim that he speaks Xiaogan dialect. Linguistically, Xiaogan dialect is a dialect of Mandarin, but the pronunciation and diction are quite different from spoken Standard Chinese.

Knowing the local dialect is of considerable social benefit, and most Chinese who permanently move to a new area will attempt to pick up the local dialect. Learning a new dialect is usually done informally through a process of immersion and recognizing sound shifts. Generally the differences are more pronounced lexically than grammatically. Typically, a speaker of one dialect of Chinese will need about a year of immersion to understand the local dialect and about three to five years to become fluent in speaking it. Because of the variety of dialects spoken, there are usually few formal methods for learning a local dialect.

Due to the variety in Chinese speech, Mandarin speakers from each area of China are very often prone to fuse or "translate" words from their local language into their Mandarin conversations. In addition, each area of China has its recognizable accents while speaking Mandarin. Generally, the nationalized standard form of Mandarin pronunciation is only heard on news and radio broadcasts. Even in the streets of Beijing, the flavor of Mandarin varies in pronunciation from the Mandarin heard on the media.

Mainland China
Within mainland China, there has been a persistent Promotion of Putonghua drive; for instance, the education system is entirely Mandarin-medium from the second year onward. However, usage of local dialect is tolerated and socially preferred in many informal situations. In Hong Kong, written Cantonese is not used in formal documents, and within the PRC a character set closer to Mandarin tends to be used. At the national level, differences in dialect generally do not correspond to political divisions or categories, and this has for the most part prevented dialect from becoming the basis of identity politics.

Historically, many of the people who promoted Chinese nationalism were from southern China and did not natively speak Mandarin, and even leaders from northern China rarely spoke with the standard accent. Chiang Kai-shek and Sun Yat-sen were also from southern China, and this is reflected in their conventional English names reflecting Cantonese pronunciations for their given names, and differing from their pinyin spellings and. One consequence of this is that China does not have a well-developed tradition of spoken political rhetoric, and most Chinese political works are intended primarily as written works rather than spoken works. Another factor that limits the political implications of dialect is that it is very common within an extended family for different people to know and use different dialects.

Taiwan
Before 1945, other than a small Japanese-speaking population, most of the population of Taiwan were Han Chinese, who spoke Taiwanese Hokkien or Hakka, with a minority of Taiwanese aborigines, who spoke Formosan languages. When the Kuomintang retreated to the island after losing the Chinese Civil War in 1949, they brought a substantial influx of speakers of Northern Chinese (and other dialects from across China), and viewed the use of Mandarin as part of their claim to be a legitimate government of the whole of China. Education policy promoted the use of Mandarin over the local languages, and was implemented especially rigidly in elementary schools, with punishments and public humiliation for children using other languages at school.

From the 1970s, the government promoted adult education in Mandarin, required Mandarin for official purposes, and encouraged its increased use in broadcasting. Over a 40-year period, these policies succeeded in spreading the use and prestige of Mandarin through society at the expense of the other languages. They also aggravated social divisions, as Mandarin speakers found it difficult to find jobs in private companies but were favored for government positions. From the 1990s, Taiwanese native languages (Taiwanese Hokkien, Taiwanese Hakka and the Formosan languages) were offered in elementary and middle schools, first in Yilan county, then in other areas governed by elected Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) politicians, and finally throughout the island.

Singapore
In 1966, the Singaporean government implemented a policy of bilingual education, where Singaporean students learn both English and their designated native language, which was Mandarin for Chinese Singaporeans (even though Singaporean Hokkien had previously been their lingua franca). The Goh Report, an evaluation of Singapore's education system by Goh Keng Swee, showed that less than 40% of the student population managed to attain minimum levels of competency in two languages. It was later determined that the learning of Mandarin among Singaporean Chinese was hindered by home use of other Chinese varieties, such as Hokkien, Teochew, Cantonese, and Hakka. Hence, the government decided to rectify problems facing implementation of the bilingual education policy, by launching a campaign to promote Mandarin as a common language among the Chinese population, and to discourage use of other Chinese varieties.

Launched in 1979 by then Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, the campaign aimed to simplify the language environment for Chinese Singaporeans, improve communication between them, and create a Mandarin-speaking environment conducive to the successful implementation of the bilingual education program. The initial goal of the campaign was for all young Chinese to stop speaking dialects in five years, and to establish Mandarin as the language of choice in public places within 10 years. According to the government, for the bilingual policy to be effective, Mandarin should be spoken at home and should serve as the lingua franca among Chinese Singaporeans. They also argued that Mandarin was more economically valuable, and speaking Mandarin would help Chinese Singaporeans retain their heritage, as Mandarin contains a cultural repository of values and traditions that are identifiable to all Chinese, regardless of dialect group.

title: Varieties of Chinese


text:
Millie Corretjer

Milagros Ninette Corretjer Maldonado, known as Millie Corretjer (born April 18, 1974), is a Puerto Rican singer and actress. She was married to former professional boxer Oscar De La Hoya. She is the granddaughter of influential poet and one-time Secretary General of the pro-independence Puerto Rican Nationalist Party, Juan Antonio Corretjer.

Early life
Corretjer was born on April 18, 1974, in San Juan, Puerto Rico, to Jesús Francisco Corretjer and Milagros Maldonado. Her paternal grandfather was poet and activist Juan Antonio Corretjer Montes, with her paternal great-great grandfather Antoni Corretjer Caire originally from Pineda de Mar, Province of Barcelona, Spain.

At the age of 15, Corretjer hosted the Puerto Rican television show La Ola Nueva ("The New Wave").

Musical career
In 1995, she released the album Sola ("Alone"), which sent three of her songs to the Billboard lists. The album featured Spanish versions of Selena songs, "Where Did the Feeling Go?", which was called "Donde te has ido amor", and "Only Love", called "Solo tu", and received a nomination for a Lo Nuestro Award for Best New Artist.

In 1997, Corretjer released her second album, Emociones ("Emotions").

Her third album, 1999's Amar es un Juego, earned her a gold album in Puerto Rico; her song "De Hoy en Adelante" ("From Today On") ranked number one on the Billboard charts for more than six weeks.

Corretjer and her music became well known in Puerto Rico, Mexico, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil (where she lived for six months) and other Latin American countries, as well as in the United States.

Corretjer re-took her singing career in 2020, recording a video of one of her new songs, called "Si yo Fuera Tu" ("If I Were You") by herself and by using an iPhone.

Marriage and children
In 2000, Oscar De La Hoya recorded his first music album. In the studio, while trying to record songs for his album, he was finding it difficult to sing with more passion. To demonstrate passionate singing, his producer Rudy Perez showed him "Una Voz en el Alma", one of Corretjer's music videos from the previous album, which he had produced. De La Hoya asked for the name of the singer in the video, and the producer replied that she was a singer and actress named Millie Corretjer, who had previously worked with him.

De La Hoya asked that Corretjer be the model in his next music video. After meeting each other on an EMI convention in Texas, the two fell in love and began dating. They were married on October 5, 2001, in a secret ceremony in San Juan.

Corretjer made an appearance in De La Hoya's video "Para Que", and years later he did the same for Corretjer's video "En Cuerpo y Alma".

Corretjer has three children, a son, Oscar Gabriel De La Hoya (born December 29, 2005) and two daughters, Nina Lauren Nenitte De La Hoya (born December 29, 2007) and Victoria Lauren Rose De La Hoya (born January 14, 2014). She also has three former stepchildren through De La Hoya, all from his previous relationships: two ex-stepsons, Jacob De La Hoya (born February 18, 1998) and Devon De La Hoya (born November 30, 1998), and an ex-stepdaughter, Atiana Cecilia De La Hoya (born March 29, 1999).

In 2016, Corretjer and De La Hoya split.

title: Millie Corretjer


text:
Mayberry

Mayberry is a fictional community that was the setting for two popular American television sitcoms, The Andy Griffith Show (1960–1968) and Mayberry R.F.D. (1968–1971); Mayberry was also the setting for a 1986 reunion television film titled Return to Mayberry. Mayberry is said to be based on Andy Griffith's hometown of Mount Airy, North Carolina. Mount Airy is also known as Mayberry and called by both names by its residents.

The name "Mayberry"
According to show episodes, the community of Mayberry was named for fictional founder John Mayberry. In the 1964 episode “The Pageant,” Mayberry celebrates its centennial, implying its founding was in 1864. Purportedly, Andy Griffith himself chose the name of the fictional community. Griffith, however, told Larry King in 2003 that Artie Stander is the person who thought of the name Mayberry; Stander was one of the show's creators and writers.

"Mayberry" is mentioned many times in television shows such as Cheers, House, Criminal Minds, Supernatural, How I Met Your Mother, FROM, Buffy the Vampire Slayer, and Scrubs. According to the episode "The Battle of Mayberry," the town was almost named Taylortown in honor of Colonel Carleton Taylor, who was one of the first settlers in the town.

Specific features
Mayberry had one traffic light and little in the way of indigenous crime with the exception perhaps of moonshining and bootlegging. Speeding was also mentioned in the area, like that on Highway 6 in the fourth season episode "Barney's Sidecar." Out-of-town bank robbers, scam artists, escaped convicts, and vagrants occasionally found their way to Mayberry. The county and the town share the same name and jurisdiction. In episode 44 "Sheriff Barney," the mayor of nearby Greendale relates that Mayberry County has had the lowest crime rate in the state for two years in a row under Sheriff Taylor. The town only had one long-distance telephone line, as referenced in the episode "Man in a Hurry," that two old ladies shared each Sunday preventing others from using the telephone.

In the opening scene of season 8, episode 30 (the last episode), a sign at the railroad station lists the population and elevation of Mayberry:
 * Population: 5,360
 * Elevation: 671

However, this conflicts with the comment made by choir director John Masters to Andy Taylor, that "there's got to be a decent tenor in a town of two-thousand people" in the episode The Song Festers – season 4, episode 20. And, in season 7, episode 23 ("The Statue"), Howard Sprague refers to a population of 1,800.

Mayberrites

 * Nettie Albright (Alberta Nelson), classmate who had a crush on Barney
 * Amanda (Janet Waldo), local prospect Barney selected to be Andy's future wife
 * Big Jack Anderson (Nestor Paiva), area moonshiner who ran a still in the Rimshaw House
 * Teena Andrews (Diahn Williams), local citizen named Irene Phlogg who went on to become a famous movie star
 * Ramona Ankrum (Jackie Joseph), quiet young woman from the family that owns the Ancrum Charcoal Company and love interest of Ernest T. Bass
 * Arnold Bailey (Sheldon Collins), friend of Opie
 * Dr. Lou Bailey (James McCallion), father of Arnold Bailey
 * Barbara Sue (Gail Lucas), local citizen who wants to win "The Beauty Contest"
 * Ralph Barton (Charles Lampkin), friend of Sam Jones (RFD)
 * Ernest T. Bass (Howard Morris), bothersome troublemaker who is fond of throwing rocks through windows
 * Charlie Beasley (Ray Lanier), local citizen with attractive muscles
 * Juanita Beasley, never seen waitress at the Bluebird Diner who flirts with Barney over the phone (originally the character named Juanita was portrayed as the Mayor's daughter in season one)
 * Sam Becker (William Schallert), farmer and Korea War veteran who Barney suspects of growing marijuana
 * Tom Bedlow (Sam Edwards), local citizen who tried out for the barbershop quartet
 * Mrs. Beggs (Virginia Sale), local citizen
 * Dr. Bennett (George Selk), physician
 * Henry Bennett (John Qualen), local citizen accused by Barney of being a jinx
 * Billy (Tim Stevenson, John Reilly) friend of Opie
 * Erma Bishop (Lillian Bronson) crowned Miss Mayberry in beauty contest for her kind and helpful nature
 * Leonard Blush (Howard Morris), never seen local celebrity and former pupil of voice teacher Eleanora Poultice; "The Voice of Mount Pilot" on Mount Pilot radio station WMPD
 * Fred Boone (Jesse White), local citizen who loves bickering with his wife
 * Jennie Boone (Claudia Bryar), wife of Fred Boone
 * Trey Bowden (David Alan Bailey), friend of Opie
 * Nate Bracey (Frank Behrens), former classmate of Andy and Barney who attended the "Class Reunion"
 * Emma Brand-Watson (Cheerio Meredith), serial jaywalker and hypochondriac
 * Asa Breeney (Charles P. Thompson), security guard
 * George Bricker (Doodles Weaver), postman
 * Ellen Brown (Barbara Eden), manicurist who came to Mayberry in search of a friendly town
 * Karen Burgess (Ronda Jeter), Opie's classmate and girlfriend
 * Otis Campbell (Hal Smith), town drunk and descendant of a Revolutionary War hero
 * Rita Campbell (Dorothy Neumann), wife of Otis Campbell
 * Ella Carson (Ruth Thom), local citizen seen in three episodes
 * Mary Alice Carter (Morgan Brittany), Opie's first love
 * Emmett Clark (Paul Hartman), fix-it shop owner
 * Martha Clark (Mary Lansing), wife of Emmett Clark
 * Miss Clark (Luana Anders), local citizen seen in two episodes
 * Flip Conroy (Rockne Tarkington), football coach at Opie's school
 * The Country Boys (Billy Ray Latham on banjo, Leroy Mack and Clarence White on guitar, Eric White on bass, and Roland White on mandolin), five member bluegrass band (The Country Boys are a real-life band who appear in two episodes)
 * Mr. Crawford (Robert F. Simon), pharmacist
 * Billy Crenshaw (Johnny Bangert), Opie's rival for a delivery boy job
 * Glen Cripe (Delos Jewkes), bass singer in the Mayberry town choir
 * Lydia Crosswaith (Josie Lloyd), romantic interest of Goober Pyle
 * Art Crowley (Frank Warren), grocer
 * Old Man Crowley (Burt Mustin), local citizen
 * Helen Crump (Aneta Corsaut), Kansas transplant, Opie's teacher, and Andy's girlfriend (later appearing as his wife in Mayberry R.F.D.)
 * The Darlings (Denver Pyle as Briscoe Darling Jr., Maggie Peterson as Charlene Darling, and The Dillards as the Darling Boys), hillbilly family that plays bluegrass music with Andy in several episodes
 * Sharon DeSpain (Peggy McCay), Andy's high school flame who returned to Mayberry for the "Class Reunion"
 * Fletch Dilbeck (Jon Lormer), local farmer who sells crops from the bed of his Chevrolet truck
 * Mr. Doakes (Norris Goff), grocer
 * Clara Edwards (Hope Summers), Aunt Bee's best friend (also called Clara Johnson or Bertha Edwards in early episodes)
 * Ella (Ann Morgan Guilbert), resident who writes a society column for The Mayberry Gazette
 * Elmo (Vince Barnett), local citizen
 * Warren Ferguson (Jack Burns), Boston transplant and replacement deputy even more inept than Fife
 * Barney Fife (Don Knotts), Andy's lifelong friend (originally portrayed as his cousin in the pilot episode and through the first season) and deputy sheriff; later a detective with the Raleigh, North Carolina Police Department
 * Judd Fletcher (Burt Mustin), elderly local citizen
 * Charles 'Charley' Foley (Stanley Farrar, Frank Ferguson), proprietor of Foley's Grocery
 * Jubal Foster (Everett Sloane), local farmer and moonshiner
 * Mrs. Foster (Irene Tedrow), neighbor of the Taylor family whose chicken a-la-king tasted like "wallpaper paste"
 * Mr. Frisby (Charles Lane), local farmer and egg man
 * The Fun Girls (Joyce Jameson as Skippy and Jean Carson as Daphne), Andy and Barney's dates
 * Fred Goss (Fred Sherman), runs Mayberry's dry cleaning establishment
 * Billy Gray (Kim Tyler), friend of Opie
 * Sue Grigsby (Vici Raaf), wife of Harold Grigsby
 * Mr. Hampton (Leon Ames), principal at Mayberry Union High School
 * Ralph Hanes (Don Haggerty), former classmate of Barney and Andy's who attended the "Class Reunion"
 * Harold Grigsby (Kelly Thordsen), saw mill owner
 * Harvey (Anthony Jochim), local citizen seen in two episodes
 * Evan Hendricks (Bobby Diamond), wild-driving son of Orville, known to break an egg or two
 * Orville Hendricks (Woodrow Chambliss), butter and egg man from Mount Pilot
 * Hilda Mae (Florence MacMichael), Barney's girlfriend in season one (replaced by Thelma Lou)
 * George Hollander (Sandy Kenyon), high school history teacher
 * Martha Hollister (Kay Stewart), wife of Rafe Hollister
 * Rafe Hollister (Jack Prince), local farmer and moonshiner
 * Cy Hudgins (Forrest Lewis), local farmer who owns a goat named Jimmy that eats almost anything
 * Millie Hutchins (Arlene Golonka), girlfriend of Sam Jones
 * Jason (Phil Chambers), clerk at the Mayberry Hotel
 * Johnny Paul Jason (Richard Keith), best friend of Opie; nephew of Charley Foley
 * Joe (Rob Reiner), printer's apprentice
 * Mike Jones (Buddy Foster), son of Sam Jones (RFD)
 * Sam Jones (Ken Berry), farmer, single parent, and widower (like Andy); head of the Mayberry town council in Mayberry R.F.D.
 * Tillie Kincaid (Maxine Semon), friend of Clara Edwards and Aunt Bee
 * Edna Larch (Maudie Prickett), local citizen seen in four episodes
 * Floyd Lawson (Howard McNear), barber at Floyd's Barber Shop; father of Norman and Randall Lawson
 * Leon (Clint Howard), toddler in a cowboy outfit who wanders the streets of Mayberry
 * Clara Lindsey (Mary Treen), wife of Sam Lindsey
 * Jim Lindsey (James Best), talented guitarist who joins Bobby Fleet and His Band with a Beat
 * Sam Lindsey (Frank Ferguson), husband of Clara Lindsey
 * Flora Malherbe (Alberta Nelson), waitress at the Mayberry Diner; becomes Goober's girlfriend
 * John Masters (Olan Soule), hotel clerk and director of the town's singing choir
 * Mr. McBeevee (Karl Swenson), lineman, who according to Opie, walks in the trees, wears a silver hat, jingles when he walks, and has twelve extra hands
 * Peggy McMillan (Joanna Moore), nurse and Andy's girlfriend
 * Mr. Meldrim (Warren Parker), president of Mayberry Security Bank
 * Mrs. Mendelbright (Enid Markey), Barney's landlady
 * Merle (Sherwood Keith), town councilman
 * Malcolm Merriweather (Bernard Fox), English valet
 * Bert Miller (Sterling Holloway), peddler
 * Orville Monroe (Jonathan Hole), undertaker and TV repairman
 * Jimmy Morgan (Pat Colby), mechanic at Wally's accused of being a thief
 * Morrison Sisters (Gladys Hurlbut as Clarabelle Morrison and Charity Grace as Jennifer Morrison), moonshiners who runs the local flower shop
 * Sam Muggins (Sam Edwards), moonshiner accused of stealing business from the department store, incarcerated at the Mayberry Jail on Christmas Eve with his family (Margaret Kerry as wife, Bess; Joy Ellison as daughter, Effie; and Kelly Flynn as Billy Muggins)
 * Frank Myers (Andy Clyde), elderly resident evicted for not paying taxes
 * Mavis Neff (Elaine Joyce), employee at Walker's Drugstore who went on a date with Andy
 * Charlie O'Malley (Willis Bouchey), wealthy resident who also owns a cabin outside of town
 * Mrs. Pendleton (Ruth McDevitt), head of the Mayberry school board and good friend of Martha Clark and Aunt Bee
 * Pete (George Dunn), local citizen frequently seen in Floyd's Barbershop
 * Burly Peters (Thom Carney), local citizen who plays the drums in the Mayberry Band
 * Dr. Thomas Peterson (William Christopher), physician who replaced the retiring Dr. Bennett
 * Whitey Porter (Joey Scott), friend of Opie
 * Josephine Pike (Josie Lloyd), daughter of Mayor Pike
 * Mayor Pike (Dick Elliott) mayor in the first two seasons (1960–61)
 * Whitey Porter (Joey Scott), friend of Opie
 * Howie Pruitt (Dennis Rush), good friend of Opie
 * Jeff Pruitt (Alan Hale) farmer who came to Mayberry to find a wife
 * Gomer Pyle (Jim Nabors), service station attendant at Wally's Filling Station for three seasons (1962–64) (left Mayberry to join the Marine Corps in Gomer Pyle, U.S.M.C.)
 * Goober Pyle (George Lindsey), auto mechanic at Wally's Garage and Filling Station (later service station owner)
 * Dr. Roberts (Charles P. Thompson), local physician
 * Mrs. Rodenbach (Mary Lansing), local citizen seen in three episodes
 * Rose (Mary Treen), Andy's housekeeper who got married and moved away, replaced by Aunt Bee
 * Rosemary (Rachel Ames), local prospect Barney selected to be Andy's future wife
 * Sam (Sherwood Keith), local citizen often seen in Floyd's Barber Shop
 * Sandy (Sherman Sanders), square dance caller
 * Sarah, often spoken to, but never seen, telephone operator
 * Ed Sawyer (William Lanteau), mysterious stranger who moves to Mayberry and disrupts the lives of the townspeople because he appears to know startling facts about them
 * Mr. Schwamp, (portrayed by unknown) local citizen seen in at least 26 episodes of The Andy Griffith Show; also appeared in Gomer Pyle U.S.M.C. and Mayberry R.F.D.
 * Ben Sewell (Jack Prince), moonshiner who was ratted out by the Morrison sisters
 * Sharon (Barbara Griffith), part of the Mayberry choir (portrayed by Andy Griffith's real life wife, Barbara Edwards)
 * Sheldon (Terry Dickinson), local bully who extorts Opie for his milk money
 * Annabelle Silby (Lurene Tuttle), local do-gooder and wife of Tom Silby
 * Tom Silby (Stuart Erwin), local citizen who returns to town after being declared dead
 * Mr. Simmons (Richard Collier), proprietor of company called Simmons Seeds
 * Minnie 'Mary' Simpson (Julie Adams, Sue Ane Langdon), county nurse
 * Rube Sloane (Thom Carney), moonshiner who was ratted out by the Morrison sisters
 * Howard Sprague (Jack Dodson), county clerk
 * Mrs. Sprague (Mabel Albertson), overbearing mother of Howard Sprague
 * Fred Stevens (Pat Coghlan), owner of Sterling Jewelry Store
 * Roy Stoner (Parley Baer), mayor of Mayberry for three seasons (1962–64), replacing Mayor Pike
 * Henrietta Swanson (Elvia Allman), local citizen whose daughter, Darlene, wants to enter "The Beauty Contest"
 * Millie Swanson (Arlene Golonka), bakery clerk and girlfriend of Sam Jones (RFD)
 * Billy Ray Talbot (Dub Taylor), postmaster
 * Cyrus Tankersley (George Cisar), local citizen
 * Andy Taylor (Andy Griffith), sheriff and widowed father
 * Beatrice Taylor (Frances Bavier), Andy's aunt and housekeeper, known as Aunt Bee
 * Opie Taylor (Ronny Howard), son of Andy
 * Thelma Lou (Betty Lynn), Barney's sweetheart
 * Farley Thurston (Lyle Latell), butter and egg man
 * Tommy (Dennis Holmes), friend of Opie
 * Rev. Hobart M. Tucker (William Keene), Pastor of the All Souls Church
 * Myra Tucker (Amzie Strickland), local citizen seen in two episodes
 * Farley Upchurch (Frank Cady, Clinton Sundberg), local citizen seen in two episodes
 * Ellie Walker (Elinor Donahue), pharmacist and one-time love interest of Andy
 * Fred Walker (Harry Antrim), proprietor of Walker's Drug Store; uncle of Ellis Walker
 * Gilly Walker (Larry Hovis), high-strung friend of Goober Pyle
 * Wally (Norman Leavitt, Trevor Bardette, Cliff Norton, Blackie Hunt), proprietor and principal mechanic of Wally's Filling Station (no last name is ever given for Wally)
 * Dudley A. 'Dud' Wash (Hoke Howell, Bob Denver), fiancée and eventual husband of Charlene Darling; father of Andelina Wash.
 * Joe Waters (Bob McQuain), local citizen seen in five episodes
 * Ben Weaver (Will Wright, Tol Avery, Jason Johnson), flint-hearted proprietor of Weaver's Department Store and local landlord
 * Mary Wiggins (Joy Ellison), classmate of Opie
 * Mrs. Wiley (Doris Packer), genealogy researcher who called Ernest T. Bass "a creature"
 * Ramona Wiley-Becktoris (Virginia Eiler), one-time resident who dated Barney Fife and returned to Mayberry for the "Class Reunion"
 * Arnold Winkler (Ronnie Dapo), friend of Opie

Real-life models
Many assume Mayberry was loosely based on Andy Griffith's hometown of Mount Airy, North Carolina, but actually, Griffith has indicated that nearby Pilot Mountain, also in Surry County, North Carolina, inspired him in creating the town. Pilot Mountain likely was the inspiration for the fictional town of "Mount Pilot," a nearby larger town in relation to Mayberry, often referred to and occasionally visited by the characters in The Andy Griffith Show. The county seat of Surry County is in Dobson; thus, this is the location of the nearest courthouse to Mount Airy. One episode has a fictional nearby location – "Pierce County." Another episode has Barney Fife referring to Sheriff Taylor and himself as "the law west of Mount Pilot".

Other place names used in the show refer to actual places in North Carolina, such as Raleigh—which was also often called "Capital City" – Siler City, Greensboro, Winston-Salem, Chapel Hill, Stokes County, Elm City and Charlotte. One of the stars of the show, Frances Bavier (who played Aunt Bee) retired to Siler City in real life. (Betty Lynn who played Thelma Lou retired to Mount Airy).

In episode 248 "A Girl For Goober," the towns of Manteo and Toast are mentioned. Andy Griffith owned a home in Manteo (on North Carolina's Atlantic coast), and Toast is about two miles outside of Mt. Airy in Surry County. Stokes County, which borders Surry County to the east, is mentioned as the location of Myers Lake in episode 140 "Andy And Helen Have Their Day."

In episode 62 "Cousin Virgil," the bus picks up Barney's cousin in Currituck. A Currituck County is located in eastern North Carolina.

In episode 17 "Alcohol And Old Lace" while looking for moonshine stills, Barney suggests looking into Fancy Gap, Virginia, a town just across the state line from Mt. Airy.

In episode 60 "Bookie Barber," Aunt Bee states that Floyd's Barber Shop has received phone calls from as far away as Morehead City.

In episode 136 "Opie's Fortune," a man from Bannertown lost $50. Bannertown is a few miles from Mt. Airy in Surry County.

In episode 68 "Barney Mends a Broken Heart," the towns of Harnett and Yancey are mentioned. Both a Harnett County and a Yancey County are in North Carolina. In episode 3 "The Guitar Player" played by James Best, who later played Sheriff Rosco P. Coltrane on The Dukes of Hazzard, Best's character Jim Lindsey buys his guitar picks in Winston-Salem, which is actually the nearest big city to Mount Airy (37 miles).

In Season 4, Episode 3 of Gomer Pyle, U.S.M.C., (“Corporal Carol”) Gomer tells the corporal (played by Carol Burnett) that he is from Mayberry, North Carolina, “just a little bitty town about 30 miles outside of Raleigh.“

Origins and expansion
Mayberry originated in an episode of The Danny Thomas Show and was the setting for The Andy Griffith Show, Mayberry RFD, and the 1986 reunion film Return to Mayberry.

Eponymous real life community
Mayberry is the name of a real community in Patrick County, Virginia; located 22 miles northeast of Andy Griffith's hometown of Mount Airy, North Carolina. The Mayberry Trading Post, home of the Mayberry, Virginia post office until it closed in 1922, told local TV station WGHP that Griffith and his father made many trips to the Mayberry Trading Post.

Public buildings

 * The Mayberry Courthouse – Was where Sheriff Andy Taylor and Deputy Barney Fife maintained law and order. It also contained the county jail—two cells, a back room, and the mayor's office upstairs. No inside stairs are seen, although there is an outside fire escape. Aside from Andy Taylor's home, this was the main setting for The Andy Griffith Show.
 * Mayberry Security Bank – The town's only bank, was often subject to robberies. It contains a large vault, and its only security guard is a senile man named Asa, who is constantly sleeping and whose fall-apart dilapidated gun is filled with moldy bullets. An interesting plot hole about the vault: in one episode, the vault combination was lost so an extra door was put in the vault. But in another episode, Barney Fife gets himself locked in the safe and only escapes by breaking the wall between the vault and the next-door beauty parlor.
 * Mayberry Union High School – The high school from which Andy and Barney graduated in 1948. In the episode "The Return of Barney Fife", which originally aired 01/10/1966, Barney and Andy attend their high school reunion. Behind the small orchestra playing during the dance hangs a banner that reads "Welcome Class of '48". However, in the episode "Class Reunion", which originally aired 02/04/1963 Andy and Barney organize a class reunion in which the banner reads "Class of '45".
 * U.S. Post Office – The town's only post office.

Houses

 * Taylor House – Humble, yet handsome, two-story frame house at 332 Maple Road (though once noted by Barney to be on Elm St.), a short walk from the courthouse. Notable features include a front porch perfect for conversation and guitar playing, a back porch with an extra freezer, and a living room with a high ceiling and rough-hewn (rusticated ashlar) stone fireplace.
 * Mrs. Mendalbright's Rooming House – Barney Fife boards upstairs and his landlady is Mrs. Mendalbright.
 * Thelma Lou's House – The home of Thelma Lou, Barney's girlfriend.
 * Helen Crump's House – The home of Helen Crump, Andy's girlfriend and Opie's teacher.
 * Mrs. Wiley's House – The home of Mrs. Wiley, which is frequently subject to parties, two of which were crashed by Ernest T. Bass.
 * The Rimshaw House – The "haunted" house of the deceased Old Man Rimshaw where Otis Campbell and Big Jack Anderson were running a still.

Entertainment/religious venues

 * All Souls Church – also known as Community Church – Was the non-denominational Protestant church the Taylors and other townspeople attended in Mayberry. It could seat around 40 people and a choir. The church hosted an annual picnic and an annual bazaar.
 * The Grand Theatre – The movie theater where Andy and Barney often took their girlfriends (Helen Crump and Thelma Lou, respectively) on dates.

Commercial establishments

 * Emmett's Fix-it Shop – Handyman Emmett Clark's business replaced Floyd's when Howard McNear left the show.
 * Fleur De Lis Beauty Salon – Located just down Main Street from the Mayberry Courthouse and Walker's Drugstore.
 * Floyd's Barber Shop – Run by the scatterbrained Floyd Lawson, it was the main center of action in Mayberry. On any given day, it was not unusual to see many of the town's important figures, including the mayor and the sheriff, gathered here.
 * H. Goss, Tailor - Owned by Fred Goss, a tailor who also does dry cleaning.
 * Monroe's Funeral Parlor – Owned by city councilman Orville Monroe who also repairs TV's at Monroe's TV Repair when the funeral business is slow.
 * Simmons Seeds – Run by Mr. Simmons.
 * F. Wakefield Beauty Salon – Located on Main Street across Luken's, where Aunt Bee and Clara Johnson get their hair done.
 * Walker's Drug Store – This was the town drug store and soda shop owned by Fred Walker. His niece Ellie (Elinor Donahue), also a pharmacist, worked there for a while and was Andy's first girlfriend on the show. In the early episodes, characters often talked about "going to Walker's for an ice cream soda."
 * Wally's Filling Station – The town's only known gas station, it employed cousins Gomer and Goober Pyle. It also served as the town's auto repair garage.

Places to shop

 * Foley's Grocery – also known as Crowley's Market – The main grocery store in Mayberry frequented by many of the ladies in town. It was located across from the Mayberry Hotel. Mr. Foley is the owner of the store, but apparently tasks Art Crowley with running day-to-day operations.
 * Luken's Style Shop – Small boutique located on Main Street operated by Mrs. Lukens.
 * Morrison Sisters Flower Shop – Owned by sisters Clarabelle and Jennifer Morrison who also run a moonshine still.
 * Mort's Clothing Store – Located next to the Fleur De Lis Beauty Salon.
 * Nelson's Hardware Store – Barney took Thelma Lou there to see a new window-display of bicycle accessories.
 * Sterling Jewelry Store – Fred Sterling, the owner, sells jewelry and silver, and does re-sizings and watch repairs.
 * Weaver's Department Store – Run by the miserly Ben Weaver.
 * Willick's Shoe Store – Shoe Store in Mayberry owned by Harvey Willick.

Places to eat

 * Bluebird Diner – This was the restaurant where Barney was often seen calling to talk to his secret love, the enigmatic waitress "Juanita". A man named Frank owns the diner. It is located on the outskirts of Mayberry, near Myer's Lake. Mount Airy has a family-owned restaurant called the Bluebird Diner.
 * Mayberry Diner – The main restaurant in Mayberry that Barney and Andy frequent for its inexpensive daily specials.
 * Morelli's – A more upscale restaurant outside of town. Known for its special dinner, the pounded steak supper, "pounded on the premises."
 * Snappy Lunch – Diner named after a real eatery that still serves lunch in Mount Airy, North Carolina.

Lodging

 * Mayberry Hotel – Where out-of-towners often stayed, the Mayberry Hotel was also where choir director John Masters was employed.

Physical landmarks

 * Myer's Lake – As seen in the opening credits of The Andy Griffith Show, it was the place Andy and Opie Taylor went fishing, and where Barney often drove with Thelma Lou for their "romantic getaways". The fictional lake was mentioned on the show as being located in Stokes County, North Carolina.  Stokes County is a real county next to Surry County where Andy Griffith was born and raised. Franklin Canyon Park was used for filming.

In popular culture
Due to the success and fame of the television show, "Mayberry" has been used as a term for both idyllic small-town life and for rural simplicity (for both good and ill).

In a song by Rascal Flatts titled "Mayberry", the town is mentioned: "Well I miss Mayberry sitting on the porch drinking ice cold Cherry Coke where everything is black and white."

In the Lynyrd Skynyrd song “Simple Life” (from the album God & Guns), there’s a line in the lyrics: “…put my feet up, watch a rerun on TV, Laughing with Ole Barney, Andy and Aunt Bee…”.

In the song called "Grandpa's Interview" on the Neil Young album Greendale: "Shows with love and affection, Like mama used to say, A little Mayberry livin', Can go a long way."

"Home", the second episode of the fourth season of the television show The X-Files, makes frequent references to Mayberry because of the size of the town in which the investigation takes place.

In the song "High-Tech Redneck" on the George Jones album of the same name, the town is mentioned: "He's a high-tech redneck, Mayberry meets Startrek."

In the fifth episode of the seventh season of Desperate Housewives, Doug refers to Wisteria Lane as ‘Mayberry’ due to the apparent idyllic suburbs where the show is set.

title: Mayberry