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Death on the Rock

"Death on the Rock" was a British television documentary, part of Thames Television's current affairs series This Week. It was broadcast in 1988. The programme examined the killing of three Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) members in Gibraltar in March 1988 by the British Special Air Service (codenamed "Operation Flavius"). "Death on the Rock" presented evidence that the IRA members were shot without warning or with their hands up. It was condemned by the British government and denounced in the press as sensationalist. After one of its witnesses retracted his statement, "Death on the Rock" became the first individual documentary to be the subject of an independent inquiry, in which it was largely vindicated.

This Week began investigating the shootings after it emerged that IRA members were not armed or in possession of a bomb as initially reported. The documentary was broadcast on ITV on 28 April 1988, despite two attempts by the government to have it postponed. Using eyewitness statements, the documentary questioned the government's version of events, and suggested that the three IRA members may have been unlawfully killed. It concluded by putting its findings to a human rights lawyer, who suggested the government should convene a judicial inquiry. Several newspapers attacked the documentary, accusing it of sensationalism and "trial by television". They mounted a campaign against Carmen Proetta, one of the documentary's witnesses, accusing her of being a former prostitute and of being anti-British; Proetta later successfully sued several newspapers for libel. Other newspapers accused "Death on the Rock" of misrepresenting the eyewitnesses' statements and criticised the Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA) for allowing it to be broadcast.

Most of the programme's eyewitnesses repeated the statements to the inquest in Gibraltar, but one—who said he had seen a soldier stand over one of the IRA members and fire at the man while he was on the ground—retracted his evidence. As a result, Thames commissioned an independent inquiry—the first independent inquiry into an individual documentary. The Windlesham–Rampton report found that the programme sought to raise questions rather than to reach a conclusion. The authors made several criticisms of the documentary, but overall found it a "trenchant" work of journalism, made in "good faith and without ulterior motives". Thames lost its broadcasting rights and the IBA was abolished as a result of the Broadcasting Act 1990—decisions which several involved parties believed were influenced by the government's anger at "Death on the Rock".

This Week
This Week was a current affairs television series that began in 1956. In 1978, it was renamed TV Eye and took on a slightly lighter format; the title This Week was restored in 1986, after which it became steadily more journalistic. The programme was broadcast simultaneously across the ITV regions and became a mainstay of ITV's current affairs programming. By 1988, the programme had interviewed several prime ministers and leaders of the opposition, including Margaret Thatcher (the incumbent prime minister), who had been interviewed for three full episodes.

Gibraltar shootings
On 6 March 1988, three members of an IRA Active Service Unit—Daniel McCann, Mairead Farrell, and Sean Savage—were witnessed parking a car in a car park in Gibraltar; the car park was used as an assembly area for British soldiers preparing for the weekly "changing of the guard" ceremony outside the Convent (the residence of the governor of Gibraltar). The three were suspected by the British authorities of being part of a plot to detonate a car bomb in the car park while it was full of soldiers preparing for the ceremony; while the suspects were walking back towards the Spanish border, they were shot dead by British soldiers, members of the Special Air Service. In the immediate aftermath of the shootings, the British government released a statement to the effect that a large car bomb had been found in Gibraltar, and that three suspected terrorists had been shot dead by the Gibraltar Police. That evening, British television news reported the finding of the alleged car bomb, and added that the IRA members had been involved in a "shootout" with authorities. All of Britain's daily newspapers covered the shootings the following morning, several of which cited the size of the alleged car bomb as 500 lb and wrote that it was "packed with shrapnel". The same morning, Ian Stewart, Minister of State for the Armed Forces, told BBC Radio 4 that "military personnel were involved" in the shootings, and that "a car bomb was found, which has been defused".

The following day, Sir Geoffrey Howe, the British foreign secretary, made a statement to the House of Commons regarding the shootings, in which he informed the house that the IRA members were unarmed, and that the car parked in the assembly area did not contain an explosive device. Howe stated that the IRA members "made movements which led the military personnel, operating in support of the Gibraltar Police, to conclude that their own lives and the lives of others were under threat". "In light of this response", Howe continued, "they were shot" by "military personnel, operating in support of the Gibraltar Police". Subsequent inquiries led to the discovery of a large quantity of explosives in Marbella (50 mi from Gibraltar), along with detonators and timers.

Investigation
This Week editor, Roger Bolton, initially believed there was little merit in investigating the shootings. Based on the official account of events that was presented in the immediate aftermath of the shootings, Bolton believed that most people would think the IRA members "deserved what they got". Bolton's interest was piqued by Howe's statement, and the revelation in it that the deceased were unarmed and were not in possession of a bomb. Shortly afterwards, he dispatched two of This Week's journalists, Julian Manyon and Chris Oxley, to Gibraltar and Spain (respectively) to gather more information on the shootings. Bolton believed that the Milltown Cemetery attack and the corporals killings, two events in Belfast which resulted from the Gibraltar killings, provided "even more compelling reasons" to investigate the shootings; the team considered switching the focus of the programme to the effects the shootings had in Belfast, but decided to continue with the original project.

Gibraltar
Oxley was surprised to learn that the Gibraltar Police were handling the police investigation into the shootings, having been closely involved in the events leading up to them. He grew concerned that the police investigation was insufficiently rigorous when he learned that the police had not taken statements from residents whose flats overlooked the scene of Farrell's and McCann's deaths. The Gibraltar coroner, Felix Pizzarello, welcomed This Week's investigation and hoped it would uncover witnesses who could assist the inquest. Manyon travelled to Madrid to learn more about the surveillance operation. Bolton added Alison Cahn to the team on 18 March; her task was to visit the flats which overlooked the scene of the shootings and interview any eyewitnesses. The team found two eyewitnesses who were willing to speak on camera—Stephen Bullock, a local lawyer who had witnessed the events while out for a walk with his wife, and Josie Celecia, a housewife who had seen the shooting of McCann and Savage from her apartment window. Both witnesses' statements appeared to be inconsistent with the official account of the shootings.

The journalists engaged Lieutenant Colonel George Styles, GC, as a ballistics expert. Styles was a retired British Army officer who had served as a bomb-disposal officer in Northern Ireland during the Troubles. He inspected the car park where Savage had parked the car, then walked through the town along what the journalists believed was the IRA members' most likely route. When asked his opinion by the journalists, Styles cast doubt on the authorities' stated reasons for the shootings. He explained that, had Savage's car contained a substantial bomb, the weight would have been evident on the vehicle's springs. Styles also felt that a potential bomb was unlikely to have been detonated with a remote detonator on account of the buildings between the scenes of the shootings and the likelihood that it would be drowned out by other radio signals in the area. Finally, the journalists asked Styles to examine the scenes of the shootings, including ricochet marks on the pumps at the petrol station where McCann and Farrell were shot.

As Styles was examining the ricochet marks, Cahn was approached by an elderly woman, who led her to a nearby apartment building. There, the woman introduced Cahn to her daughter—Carmen Proetta—who told Cahn that she had witnessed the shooting at the petrol station; although initially reluctant, she gave her account in an affidavit. Proetta asserted that, immediately before McCann and Farrell were shot, she saw a police car travelling north on Winston Churchill Avenue with its siren activated; as she watched, the police car stopped abruptly and four men—one uniformed police officer and three men in civilian clothes—jumped out. She stated that the plain-clothed men, all carrying pistols, leapt across the central reservation barrier, at which point she saw McCann and Farrell raise their hands. She believed the three men then opened fire, while McCann and Farrell had their hands in the air, and that neither made any movements towards their clothing or Farrell's handbag. One of the men then crouched over McCann and Farrell while they were on the ground, and continued to shoot them. Proetta's account of the shooting tallied with conclusions Styles drew from bullet marks at the petrol station. Styles also found her description of the bullets striking the bodies convincing, believing that only somebody who had witnessed a shooting would be able to describe it so vividly. Proetta's account of the soldiers arriving in a police car matched some of the newspaper reports from the day after the shootings.

Cahn traced two further witnesses to the shootings—Diana Treacy, who said she had seen the soldiers shooting Savage in the back without warning and continuing to shoot him while he was on the ground, and Kenneth Asquez, who had provided a hand-written, unsigned statement, but was extremely reluctant to be filmed or named as a witness. He had come to the attention of the journalists through another witness, who provided Cahn with a video recording of the aftermath of the shootings. The journalists approached the witness through a second intermediary and received a typed but unsigned affidavit. In both documents, Asquez stated that he had been a passenger in a car that was passing the scene of Savage's shooting; he described seeing Savage lying on the ground with a soldier standing over him, and witnessing the soldier shoot Savage "two or three times at point-blank range" while the latter was on the ground. The journalists failed to persuade Asquez to sign his affidavit, but decided to incorporate it into the programme nonetheless.

Spain
Julian Manyon met with a spokesman for the Spanish interior ministry, who confirmed that the Spanish authorities had tracked the three IRA members throughout their time in Spain. The Spanish surveillance operation included multiple cars following the suspects' vehicle, periodically "leap-frogging" each other to avoid attracting attention; use of a helicopter; constant radio communication between the officers involved and police headquarters; and officers monitoring the suspects' movements at fixed observation posts. The spokesman also told the men that the Spanish authorities kept the British government constantly apprised of the IRA team's movements, and that the British were aware of Savage's arrival at the Gibraltar border, and allowed the white Renault he was driving to enter the territory.

Northern Ireland
This Week conducted some of the filming for "Death on the Rock" in Northern Ireland, including the funeral of McCann, Savage, and Farrell. Manyon interviewed Gerry Adams, leader of Sinn Féin, who refused to confirm that the three were planning a bomb attack on Gibraltar. The team decided against using Adams' interview, and only 45 seconds of the footage was used in the final cut. The journalists were keen to show the potential impact of a bomb like the one the IRA had planned to explode in Gibraltar; they initially hoped to film a controlled explosion of a bomb of similar size, but no private contractor would conduct such an experiment without government approval. Instead, This Week interviewed Noreen Hill—whose husband was left in a coma as a result of a smaller bombing in Enniskillen in November 1987—to "depict the human tragedy of IRA bombings".

Conclusion
Bolton believed his team had enough to broadcast a documentary about the Gibraltar shootings. The journalists filmed those eyewitnesses who were willing to speak on camera. They also rented a helicopter and, with the assistance of the Spanish police, reconstructed the surveillance operation.

The authorities in Britain and Gibraltar refused to provide any information or to comment on the journalists' findings. Thus, This Week were unable to present their conclusions to a member of the government and broadcast their reaction, as was the usual practice for closing such a documentary. In place of such a conclusion, Bolton approached George Carman—a leading London lawyer specialising in human rights issues—who agreed to be interviewed for the programme.

On 26 April, two days before "Death on the Rock" was due to air, the British government attempted to prevent its broadcast. Howe requested that Lord Thomson, chair of the Independent Broadcasting Authority (IBA), force a postponement on the grounds that Howe feared the documentary might prejudice the coroner's inquest. Thomson personally viewed "Death on the Rock" before making the final decision to permit its broadcast, with two alterations to the commentary. He later wrote that, "paradoxically", the decision "was not a difficult one. My colleagues and I saw no reason why the IBA should prevent Thames' journalists interviewing those who claimed to be eyewitnesses and investigating the affair as numerous other journalists had since the shootings, provided that the criminal record of the terrorists and the enormity of the outrage they planned was made clear and the legal position had been established to our satisfaction". With a slightly altered rationale—that the documentary could contaminate witness evidence at the inquest—Howe again attempted to prevent the programme's broadcast on the day it was due to be shown; after taking legal advice, the IBA upheld its decision to permit the broadcast.

Broadcast
Final editing of the programme was still under way while the IBA was considering Howe's requests, causing Bolton to worry that it would not be completed in time. The editing was eventually finished just ten minutes before the documentary was due to air. "Death on the Rock" was ultimately broadcast in the United Kingdom on schedule, at 21:00 on 28 April 1988, six weeks after the shootings.

The programme opened with excerpts from two of the interviews prior to the title sequence, followed by an introduction from Jonathan Dimbleby, who told viewers that the evidence presented in the programme was "of critical importance for those who wish to find out what really happened in Gibraltar last month". The commentary cut to Manyon, who introduced Styles and discussed the impact the IRA's bomb would have had, and then to Noreen Hill, whose husband was in a coma as a result of the Enniskillen bombing. Manyon pointed out that the IRA expressed regret after Enniskillen, but that they were by then already planning to attack Gibraltar. Manyon told viewers of the three IRA members' backgrounds, before introducing an interview with an official from the Spanish Interior Ministry, who discussed the surveillance operation, of which viewers were shown the reconstruction with a voice-over from Manyon. The programme reconstructed Savage's movements as he crossed the border into Gibraltar, parked his car in the assembly area for the ceremony and met up with McCann and Farrell, after which it broadcast part of Howe's statement to the House of Commons: "Their presence and actions near the parked Renault car gave rise to strong suspicion that it contained a bomb, which appeared to be corroborated by a rapid technical examination of the car". Manyon explained that the vehicle was later found not to contain a bomb, and introduced Styles, who believed that such an examination would have shown that the car did not contain a bomb, as the weight would have been evident on the vehicle's springs.

Manyon continued to narrate as the programme reconstructed the IRA team's movements through Gibraltar towards the border until McCann and Farrell reached a petrol station on Winston Churchill Avenue. "Then, suddenly", Manyon told viewers, "shots rang out, and in less than a minute all three terrorists were dead—shot by the SAS". The commentary again cut to Howe's statement, after which Manyon detailed This Week investigation. He introduced the four eyewitnesses the journalists had discovered (Diana Treacy, Josie Celecia, Stephen Bullock, and Carmen Proetta). Celecia described witnessing McCann and Farrell walking along Winston Churchill Avenue before hearing several shots, and then seeing a soldier continue to fire at the pair while they were on the ground. Proetta told the programme she saw a police car arrive opposite the petrol station, that three armed men in plain clothes then disembarked, jumped across the central barrier, and shot McCann and Farrell while the latter had their hands up. Bullock was interviewed walking the route he had walked on the day of the shootings; his account was of two men in plain clothes shooting McCann and Farrell at very close range and continuing to shoot as the pair fell and while they were on the ground. Treacy, meanwhile, was walking along Landport Lane when Savage ran past her, pursued by at least one soldier. She stated that she did not hear any warning before Savage was shot; she ran away after the shooting began. Asquez was not named in the broadcast; his statement—that he saw a soldier firing at Savage while the latter was on the ground—was read out by an actor.

Styles told Manyon he believed it unlikely that the IRA would have succeeded in detonating a bomb in the assembly area from the petrol station where McCann and Farrell were shot (a distance of approximately 1.5 mi). Returning to Proetta, the documentary heard her reaction to Howe's statement that McCann and Farrell made threatening movements; Proetta believed that the incident was triggered by the siren from the police car on Winston Churchill Avenue. She believed that any movements McCann and Farrell made were in response to the siren, and was adamant that the pair had their hands up when they were shot. Manyon summed up the programme's findings:
 * no independent witnesses heard a challenge,
 * Proetta believed McCann and Farrell were shot with their hands up,
 * Treacy saw Savage shot in the back,
 * two witnesses claimed to have seen the IRA members "finished off" on the ground,
 * Styles believed the authorities should have known the car did not contain a bomb.

Carman, the QC recruited by Bolton, was the last contributor to the documentary. Presented with This Week evidence, he disagreed with Margaret Thatcher's statement that the inquest would be sufficient to establish the facts of the incident. He opined that a more powerful judicial enquiry, possibly headed by a British High Court judge, would be better equipped to eliminate the inconsistencies between the official version of events and the eyewitness statements. In conclusion, Manyon asked Carman "do you believe this case is so important that the government should take such extraordinary steps in order to clarify the facts?" Carman responded "the programme indicates there are serious, important public issues involved, and speaking as a lawyer, one is always anxious when there is contest on the facts in such important areas, they should be properly and efficiently investigated". The documentary closed with Jonathan Dimbleby: "That report was made, as you may have detected, without the cooperation of the British government, which says it will make no comment until the inquest.

As our film contained much new evidence hitherto unavailable to the coroner, we are sending the transcripts to his court in Gibraltar, where it's been made clear to us that all such evidence is welcomed.

From This Week, goodnight."

Reaction
The controversy surrounding "Death on the Rock" was "unsurpassed" in Lord Thomson's experience. The morning after the broadcast, the British broadsheets appeared open-minded or moderately favourable to This Week; The Times believed that "Death on the Rock" "seemed a significant, thoroughly responsible and serious examination of a most disturbing case" and that it "simply raised serious questions and suggested they needed deep examination". The tabloids berated the programme and its makers. The Daily Mail main headline read "fury over SAS 'trial by TV'", while in an inside article, it called the programme "woefully one-sided", and accused Bolton of having previously collaborated with the IRA for sensational news stories. Bolton later successfully sued the Mail for libel. That evening, Bolton agreed to appear on Channel 4's Right to Reply, a show which allowed ordinary viewers to question the makers of controversial television programmes; the programme was pre-recorded, and, unusually, the producers agreed to cut the end of the recording after one of the participants—a former member of Margaret Thatcher's personal staff claiming to be an impartial viewer—launched an attack on Bolton, in which he accused Bolton of associating with terrorists.

The British tabloid press mounted a campaign against Proetta. The day after the broadcast, the London Evening Standard printed a story about Proetta's husband; the piece—citing the Gibraltar Police press officer—stated that he was a drug smuggler well known to the police. Over the course of the week, several of the tabloids ran stories alleging that Carmen Proetta ran an escort agency and that she was a former prostitute with a criminal record. Several stories also attempted to portray Proetta as anti-British, including one in the broadsheet The Daily Telegraph which said she was one of the 44 people who voted to end the British administration in Gibraltar's 1967 referendum. In fact, Proetta had served briefly as a director of a Spanish tour company and had no criminal record in either Spain or Gibraltar; her husband had been convicted for drug possession in Spain and was, at the time of the shootings, facing separate charges for allowing his boat to be used by drug smugglers. Proetta later sued The Sun and other newspapers for libel and won substantial damages.

The Sunday Times attempted to undermine the programme's credibility with its own investigative journalism. Citing "official sources", the paper told its readers that This Week's account of the shootings was "crucially flawed", and "bore no resemblance to what happened". It stated that several of the programme's witnesses felt that "Death on the Rock" had misrepresented their statements. Styles was said to be aggrieved that two of his "key opinions" had been omitted from the version broadcast—specifically that what Proetta interpreted as a gesture of surrender may have been an involuntary reaction to the bullets striking the suspects' bodies, and that the IRA members could still have detonated a bomb in another vehicle parked on the Spanish side of the border. The latter opinion was omitted because the This Week team saw little for the IRA to gain by detonating a bomb on Spanish soil; the former was included in the broadcast. Celecia, it alleged, had dismissed Proetta's account as "ridiculous", while Stephen Bullock had contradicted Proetta's statement that she had seen plain-clothed soldiers arriving in a police car—testimony The Sunday Times believed "destroyed" Proetta's evidence. Both witnesses refuted these claims in letters to other newspapers. Bullock had dismissed only one detail in Proetta's evidence, while he and Proetta had been referring to two distinct police cars in their statements. The Sunday Times omitted Styles' belief that the shootings were a pre-emptive attack. Styles' view was one of "two active service units waging war [...] taking [the IRA members] out quickly, cleanly, and without other people being hurt—that seems to be the only way". Several newspapers were critical of the IBA's decision to allow the documentary to be broadcast.

Inquest
The programme's eyewitnesses appeared at the inquest, which began on 6 September. One of the first civilians to give evidence was Allen Feraday, an explosives expert who worked for the Ministry of Defence (MoD); he confirmed Styles' contribution to the documentary—that the IRA had not been known to use a remote-detonated bomb without a direct line of sight to their target. The various expert witnesses at the inquest disagreed as to whether a detonation signal could have reached the parked Renault from the scenes of the shootings. Four eyewitnesses gave evidence which broadly supported the official version of events; in particular, none saw the soldiers shoot McCann, Savage, or Farrell while they were on the ground. When the witnesses from "Death on the Rock" were called, Stephen Bullock told the coroner that he saw McCann and Savage raise their hands before seeing the SAS shoot them at point-blank range. Josie Celecia's statement that she saw a soldier shooting at McCann and Farrell while the pair were on the ground was challenged by government lawyers, who pointed out that her account had changed since "Death on the Rock" and that she was unable to identify the soldiers from photographs taken by her husband.

Maxie Proetta told the coroner that he had witnessed four men (three in plain clothes and one uniformed Gibraltar Police officer) arriving opposite the petrol station on Winston Churchill Avenue; the men jumped over the central reservation barrier and Farrell put her hands up, after which he heard a series of shots. In contrast to his wife's testimony, he believed that Farrell's gesture was one of self-defence rather than surrender, and he believed that the shots he heard did not come from the men from the police car. The government lawyers suggested that the police car he and his wife had seen was one seen by other eyewitnesses further south, and that it was responding to the shootings but Proetta replied that the lawyers' suggestion did not make sense. Carmen Proetta's testimony the following day contained some discrepancies with the evidence she gave to "Death on the Rock". She was no longer certain that she had seen the SAS shoot McCann and Savage while the latter were on the ground, because she could not recall seeing shell casings being ejected from the soldiers' weapons. The government lawyers questioned the reliability of Proetta's evidence based on her changes, and implied that she behaved suspiciously by giving evidence to "Death on the Rock" before the police. She responded that the police had not spoken to her about the shootings until after "Death on the Rock" had been shown. When Asquez reluctantly appeared, he retracted the statements he had given to the journalists, which he said he had made up after "pestering" from Major Bob Randall (who had sold the programme a video recording of the aftermath of the shootings). The British tabloids covered Asquez's retraction extensively, while several members of parliament accused "Death on the Rock" of manipulating Asquez in an attempt to discredit the SAS and the British government. However, Asquez's statement contained several details that were not released publicly, and which only entered the public domain during the inquest, though, when questioned by the coroner, Asquez said he could not explain the discrepancy because he was "a bit confused". The inquest concluded on 30 September and the jury returned a verdict of lawful killing.

Following the inquest, the families of McCann, Savage, and Farrell applied to the European Commission of Human Rights for an opinion on whether the authorities' actions in Gibraltar violated Article 2 (the "right to life") of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR); This Week journalists provided statements to the commission regarding the Spanish surveillance operation (the existence of which had been denied by the British authorities at the inquest). The commission's report found no violation of Article 2, but referred the case to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) for a final decision. The court rejected the families' submission that the British government had conspired to kill the three, but did find a violation of Article 2 in the defective planning and control of the operation. Nevertheless, the applicants' claim for damages was dismissed on the grounds that the trio had been killed while preparing an act of terrorism, though it did order the government to pay the applicants' costs.

Windlesham–Rampton Report
Following Asquez's retraction of his statement and his allegation that he was pressured into giving a false account of the events he witnessed, the IBA contacted Thames to express its concern and to raise the possibility of an investigation into the making of the documentary. Thames eventually agreed to commission an independent inquiry into the programme (the first such inquiry into an individual programme), to be conducted by two people with no connection to either Thames or the IBA; to that end, Thames engaged Lord Windlesham and Richard Rampton, QC. Windlesham was a Conservative politician, privy councillor, and former minister in the Home Office and then the Northern Ireland Office; he also had experience of television journalism, having previously managed two television companies. Rampton was a leading barrister specialising in media law and libel. The inquiry's terms of reference were "to inquire into the making and screening of 'Death on the Rock'", including its creation, production, content, and any effect it had had on the inquest.

The report found that the tendency of the evidence presented in the programme was to suggest the terrorists had been unlawfully killed, and that it did not explore alternative explanations in any depth. Nevertheless, Windlesham and Rampton believed that the programme presented evidence for one possible explanation, but sought to raise questions rather than reach a conclusion. In analysing the content of the programme, they found that it allowed the witnesses to give their accounts in their own words rather than presenting them as established fact. Thus, they found that the content did not infringe any requirement for neutrality. The report scrutinised in detail the statements of the eyewitnesses who spoke on camera, including the parts of the interviews that were not included in the broadcast version of the programme. It found, with two exceptions, that the witnesses' statements were fairly represented in the programme. The exceptions were that the programme suggested that Bullock had not heard a warning, when he was in no position to hear whether such a warning was given or not; and that the commentary implied that all four witnesses who appeared on the programme had seen no threatening movements from the IRA members, when only two had been asked whether they witnessed such movements. Windlesham and Rampton also considered Asquez's statement and the journalists' decision to incorporate it into the programme. The report considered that the journalists acted reasonably in using the statement, despite Asquez's refusal to sign it, on the grounds that Asquez had given two separate, near-identical statements (including one to a lawyer), and that they considered it unlikely that somebody would invent such a dramatic account. Nonetheless, the report criticised the programme for not informing viewers of Asquez's refusal to sign the statement.

The Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) made representations to the inquiry that "Death on the Rock" could potentially have had an adverse effect on the inquest on the same grounds that Howe had attempted to delay the broadcast. The first was that the programme might have been seen by members of the inquest jury, and could thus have caused them to reach a conclusion on the shootings before hearing the evidence at the inquest. Considering this submission, the report agreed with the opinions of lawyers consulted by Thames and the IBA that "Death on the Rock" was safe to be broadcast on 28 April 1988. The report considered that Thames withheld distribution of "Death on the Rock" from Gibraltar and Spain specifically to address such concerns, though it was widely discussed in British newspapers (which are widely sold in the territory) and extracts later became available in Gibraltar. The report concluded it was foreseeable that the content of "Death on the Rock" would become known in Gibraltar, but that it would not have prejudiced potential jurors as, in the authors' opinion, the programme raised one possibility, but did not seek to present it as the only possible version of events. The second was that the programme might have contaminated the evidence presented at the inquest, as witnesses might have been tempted to give false or embellished accounts for the television. The report dismissed this concern; the authors believed that all the eyewitnesses gave honest accounts of what they believed they saw, and pointed out that three had given statements to the Gibraltar Police and two had been interviewed by Gibraltarian and British newspapers prior to being interviewed for "Death on the Rock".

Overall, Windlesham and Rampton found "Death on the Rock" to be a "trenchant" work of journalism, made in "good faith and without ulterior motives". In conclusion, the authors believed that "Death on the Rock" proved that "freedom of expression can prevail in the most extensive, and the most immediate, of all the means of mass communication".

The terms of reference of the report did not invite any recommendations, nor did the authors offer any.

Impact
"Death on the Rock" was highly praised within the television industry and went on to win the BAFTA Award for Best Documentary and an award from the Broadcasting Press Guild. In 2000, Death on the Rock was placed 92nd by industry professionals in a list of the 100 Greatest British Television Programmes compiled by the British Film Institute.

Two other programmes were made about the Gibraltar shootings for British television, both by the BBC. BBC Northern Ireland produced an episode of Spotlight which arrived at similar findings to those of This Week; Howe attempted to have the programme delayed, using the same rationale with which he requested "Death on the Rock" be postponed. The programme was eventually broadcast, but restricted to Northern Ireland. The BBC's flagship current affairs series Panorama made a programme about the SAS and its role in the Troubles to coincide with the end of the Gibraltar inquest; it was postponed by BBC executives in the wake of the controversy surrounding "Death on the Rock".

Academic Christian Potschka described "Death on the Rock" as part of a decade of "unprecedented conflict between government and broadcasters over ... investigative documentaries". Margaret Thatcher "utterly rejected" the findings of the Windlesham–Rampton report. After the reforms brought in by the Broadcasting Act 1990, the process of bidding for ITV franchises was overhauled in an attempt to introduce greater competition. In the subsequent auction, Thames Television lost its contract; several journalists and former Thames employees speculated that the Act was the government's revenge for "Death on the Rock". This Week ceased after Thames lost its franchise. Lord Thomson, chairman of the IBA, believed the dispute between the government and the authority had a "very substantial influence on Mrs Thatcher's attitude towards broadcasting policy", which led her to the belief that Thames' franchise should not be renewed. The 1990 Act abolished the IBA, which Thomson believed was directly related to the authority's decision to permit the showing of "Death on the Rock".

It was broadcast again in April 1991 as part of the Channel 4 Banned season.

title: Death on the Rock


text:
PCE

PCE may stand for:

Business and economics

 * Personal consumption expenditure, or private consumption expenditure
 * Personal consumption expenditures price index, a measure of inflation

Chemistry and engineering

 * PCE or eticyclidine, an illegal drug related to Phencyclidine (PCP)
 * Tetrachloroethylene (perchloroethylene), widely used in dry-cleaning
 * Pro-opiomelanocortin converting enzyme, an enzyme
 * Pyrometric cone equivalent, measuring heat in the firing of pottery
 * Power conversion efficiency, a near synonym for "Energy conversion efficiency" often used in the field of photovoltaics

Computing

 * Path computation element, a network element used for pathfinding
 * Principle of computational equivalence, a concept developed by Stephen Wolfram published in the book A New Kind of Science
 * PC Engine, a video game console

Medicine

 * Prenatal cocaine exposure, exposure of a fetus to cocaine when a pregnant woman uses the drug
 * Eticyclidine, a dissociative anesthetic drug

Organizations

 * Paavai College of Engineering, Namakkal, Tamil Nadu, India
 * Padmanava College of Engineering, Rourkela, an engineering college in Rourkela, Orissa state, India
 * Parents for Choice in Education, an advocacy group in Utah, U.S.
 * Parliamentary Commissioner for the Environment, New Zealand government agency

Spain

 * PCE, Communist Party of Spain or "Partido Comunista de España"
 * PCE(i), Communist Party of Spain (International)(1975) or Partido Comunista de España(Internacional)
 * PCE(m-l), Communist Party of Spain (Marxist–Leninist) or Partido Comunista de España (Marxista-Leninista)
 * PCE(ML), Communist Party of Spain (Marxist–Leninist) (historical) or Partido Comunista de España (Marxista-Leninista)
 * PCE(M-R), Workers' Party of Spain–Communist Unity or Partido de los Trabajadores de España–Unidad Comunista
 * PCE(R), Communist Party of Spain (Reconstituted) or Partido Comunista de España (Reconstituido)

Other countries

 * Parti Communautaire Européen, a political party in Belgium
 * Partido Comunista del Ecuador, the Communist Party of Ecuador

Other

 * ISO 639:pce or Palaung language, spoken in Burma and neighboring countries
 * Passenger car equivalent, a measure of traffic flow
 * A US Navy hull classification symbol: Patrol craft escort (PCE)
 * Power cost equalization, a state subsidy in Alaska
 * Pardubice

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: PCE


text:
George Stillman Hillard

George Stillman Hillard (September 22, 1808 – January 21, 1879) was an American lawyer and author. Besides developing his Boston legal practice (with Charles Sumner as a partner), he served in the Massachusetts legislature, edited several Boston journals, and wrote on literature, politics and travel.

Biography
Hillard was born at Machias, Maine, on September 22, 1808, and he was educated at the Boston Latin School. After graduating at Harvard College from 1828, he taught in the Round Hill School at Northampton, Massachusetts and attended Northampton Law School. He graduated at the Harvard Law School in 1832, and in 1833 he was admitted to the bar in Boston, where he entered into partnership with Charles Sumner, and developed an extensive legal practice.

Hillard was a Democrat who opposed slavery and supported the Union during the American Civil War. He was a member of the Massachusetts legislature: the Massachusetts House of Representatives in 1836, and the Massachusetts Senate in 1850. There he was conspicuous as an orator, and his policies were praised by Daniel Webster. Hillard was a member of the Boston Common Council and served as its president in from July 1, 1846, through July 1, 1847. He was a member of the Massachusetts constitutional convention of 1853, city solicitor for Boston from 1854 until 1856, and in 1866–70 was United States district attorney for Massachusetts.

Beginning in 1837, Hillard rented rooms to Nathaniel Hawthorne, who had recently taken a job at the customhouse in Boston. Around that time, he was a founding member of an informal social group called the Five of Clubs which also included Sumner, author Henry Russell Cleveland (1809–1843), Cornelius Conway Felton, and Henry Wadsworth Longfellow.

Hillard was the first Dean of the Boston University School of Law. He was also the recipient of an honorary LL.D. from Trinity College.

Hillard devoted a large portion of his time to literature. With George Ripley, he edited the Christian Register, a Unitarian weekly, beginning in 1833; in 1834, in association with Sumner, he became editor of The American Jurist (1829–1843), a legal journal to which Sumner, Simon Greenleaf and Theron Metcalf contributed; and from 1856 to 1861 he was an associate editor of the Boston Courier.

He wrote the 19th-century school textbook series Hillard's Readers. "He is credited with having instilled a love of good literature, and a knowledge of the best English writers to generations of Americans".

Public speaking
In addition to his oratorical contributions in meetings of the Massachusetts legislature, he gave the July 4 oration in Boston in 1835; he spoke on “Dangers and Duties of the Mercantile Profession” to the Mercantile Library Association (1850); he spoke before the New York Pilgrim Society (1851); and he delivered a eulogy on Daniel Webster in 1852. He gave a series of 12 lectures on the “Life and Writings of Milton” as part of the Lowell Institute's lecture series for the 1846–47 season.

Writings
His publications include: and many articles in periodicals and encyclopedias.
 * memoirs of James Brown and Jeremiah Mason (privately printed)
 * a life of Captain John Smith for Sparks's “American Biography”
 * The Poetical Works of Edmund Spenser, with a critical introduction (5 vols., Boston, 1839)
 * a translation of François Guizot's “Essay on the Character and Influence of George Washington” (1840)
 * memoir of Henry Russell Cleveland with a selection from his writings (privately printed, 1845)
 * Memorial of Daniel Webster (1853)
 * Six Months in Italy (2 vols., 1853)
 * Selections from the Works of Walter Savage Landor (1856)
 * Life and Campaigns of George B. McClellan (Philadelphia, 1864)
 * “Political Duties of the Educated Classes,” a pamphlet (Boston, 1866)
 * Life, Letters, and Journals of George Ticknor, with Mrs. Ticknor (1876)
 * a series of school Readers

Death and burial
Hillard died at his home in the Longwood neighborhood of Boston on January 21, 1879. He was buried at Mount Auburn Cemetery in Cambridge.

Family
In 1834 Hillard married Susan Tracy Howe, the daughter of Northampton Law School founder Judge Samuel Howe. They had one child, George S. Hillard Jr. (1836-1838).

title: George Stillman Hillard


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Dolores Ibárruri

Isidora Dolores Ibárruri Gómez (9 December 1895 – 12 November 1989), also known as Pasionaria, "the passionate one" or Passion flower", was a Spanish Republican politician of the Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939 and a communist known for her slogan ¡No Pasarán! ("They shall not pass!") issued during the Battle for Madrid in November 1936.

Ibárruri joined the Spanish Communist Party (Partido Comunista Español) when it was founded in 1920. In the 1930s she became a writer for the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) publication Mundo Obrero and in February 1936 was elected to the Cortes Generales as a PCE deputy for Asturias. Going into exile from Spain towards the end of the Civil War in 1939, she became General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Spain, a position she held from 1942 to 1960. The Party then named her honorary president of the PCE, a post she held for the rest of her life. Upon her return to Spain in 1977 she was re-elected as a deputy to the Cortes for the same region she had represented from 1936 to 1939 under the Spanish Second Republic.

Biography
Dolores Ibárruri was born in 1895 the eighth of nine children. She had a Basque miner father and a Castilian mother. She grew up in Gallarta, but later moved to Somorrostro (Biscay). Gallarta was next to a large siderite mine.

Ibárruri left school at 15 after spending two years preparing for teachers' college at the encouragement of the schoolmistress. Her parents could not afford further education, so she went to work as a seamstress and later as a housemaid. She became a waitress in the town of Arboleda, the most important urban nucleus in the region of Somorrostro. There she met Julián Ruiz Gabiña, union activist and founder of Socialist Youth of Somorrostro. They married in late 1915, two years after the birth of their first child. The young couple participated in the general strike of 1917 and Ruiz returned to jail. During this time, Ibárruri spent nights reading the works of Karl Marx and others found in the library of the Socialist Workers' Centre in Somorrostro.

Ibárruri wrote her first article in 1918 for the miners' newspaper, El Minero Vizcaíno. The article came out during Holy Week and focused on religious hypocrisy, at odds with the Passion of Christ. Because of the article's theme and its timing, she signed it with the alias Pasionaria.

In 1920 Ibárruri and the Workers' Centre joined the budding Communist Party of Spain (PCE) and she was named a member of the Provincial Committee of the Basque Communist Party. After ten years of grassroots militancy, she was appointed to the Central Committee of the PCE in 1930.

During this time, Ibárruri had six children. Of her five girls, four died very young. She "used to relate how her husband made a small coffin out of a crate of fruit." Her son, Rubén, died at twenty-two in the Battle of Stalingrad. The remaining child, Amaya, outlived her mother. In 2008 Amaya resided in the working-class neighbourhood of Ciudad Lineal in Madrid. She died in 2018 aged 95.

In Madrid (1931–1936)
With the advent of the Second Republic in 1931, Ibárruri moved to Madrid. She became the editor of the PCE newspaper Mundo Obrero. She was arrested for the first time in September 1931. Jailed with common offenders, she persuaded them to begin a hunger strike to obtain freedom for political detainees. Following a second arrest in March 1932, she led other inmates in singing "The Internationale" in the visiting room. She encouraged them to turn down poorly paid menial labour in the prison yard. She wrote two articles from jail, one published by PCE periodical Frente Rojo and the other by Mundo Obrero. On 17 March 1932, she was elected to the Central Committee of the PCE at the 4th Congress held in Seville.

In 1933, Ibárruri founded Mujeres Antifascistas, a women's organization opposed to Fascism and war. On 18 April, Soviet astronomer Grigory Neujmin discovered asteroid 1933 HA and named it "Dolores" after her. In November she travelled to Moscow as a delegate of the 13th Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International (ECCI), which weighed the danger posed by Fascism and the threat of war. The sight of the Russian capital thrilled Ibárruri. "To me, who saw it through the eyes of the soul", she wrote in her autobiography, "it was the most wonderful city on earth. The construction of socialism was being managed from it. In it were taking shape the earthly dreams of freedom of generations of slaves, outcasts, serfs, proletarians. From it one could take in and perceive the march of humanity toward communism." She did not return to Spain until the new year.

In 1934, she attended the First Worldwide Meeting of Women against War and Fascism (Rassemblement Mondial des femmes contre la guerre et le fascisme) in Paris. Although the meeting was chaired by Gabrielle Duchêne, president of the French branch of the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom, the separate Rassemblement was an organ of the short-lived French Popular Front; both Rassemblement and the Front dissolved in 1939.

Toward the end of 1934, Ibárruri and two others spearheaded a risky rescue mission to the mining region of Asturias to bring more than a hundred starving children to Madrid. The parents of these children had been jailed following the failed October Revolution suppressed by General Franco at the behest of the Republican government. She succeeded, but she was detained briefly in the prisons of Sama de Langre and Oviedo. To spare her children further anguish, she sent them to the Soviet Union in the spring of 1935. In 1935 she secretly crossed the Spanish border and went to the 7th World Congress of the Communist International held 25 July – 21 August in Moscow. At this Congress, Georgi Dimitrov delivered a keynote speech in which he proposed an alliance with "progressive bourgeois" governments against the fascists. Under this doctrine, the Popular Front came to power in France in June 1936, suppressed the revolutionary fervour of the Communist masses and withheld aid from the Spanish Republic during the Spanish Civil War. The Non-Intervention Pact, which sealed the fate of the Republic, was introduced by Léon Blum, president of the French Popular Front, and signed on 2 August 1936, by France, Britain, Russia, Germany and Italy. Ibárruri welcomed Dimitrov's speech as vindication of the PCE's long-standing position and returned home "full of enthusiasm, determined to do the impossible to achieve a consensus among the various workers' and democratic organizations of our country.". At the same venue she was elected deputy member of the ECCI and became the second Communist figure in Spain after José Díaz, the secretary-general of the PCE.

In 1936 Ibárruri was jailed for the fourth time after enduring gross abuse from the arresting officers in Madrid. Upon her release, she went to Asturias to campaign for the PCE in the general elections of 16 February. In these elections, 323,310 ballots were cast. However, "one ballot, one vote" did not rule. Each voter could choose up to 13 candidates simultaneously. The PCE received 170,497 votes, enough to seat one member of Parliament, Dolores Ibárruri. The Popular Front's election platform included the release of political prisoners and La Pasionaria set out to free the detainees of Oviedo at once.

As soon as the victory of the Popular Front in the elections became known I, already an elect member of Parliament, showed up at the prison of Oviedo the next morning, went to the office of the Director, who had fled in a mad panic because he had behaved like a genuine criminal toward the Asturian prisoners interned after the revolution of October 1934, and there I found the Administrator to whom I said, "Give me the keys because the prisoners must be released this very day." He replied, "I have not received any orders", and I answered, "I am a member of the Republic's Parliament, and I demand that you hand over the keys immediately to set the prisoners free." He handed them over and I assure you that it was the most thrilling day of my activist life, opening the cells and shouting, "Comrades, everyone get out!" Truly thrilling. I did not wait for Parliament to sit or for the release order to be given. I reasoned, "We have run on the promise of freedom for the prisoners of the revolution of 1934—we won—today the prisoners go free."

In the months before the Spanish Civil War, she joined the strikers of Cadavio mine in Asturias and stood beside poor tenants evicted in a suburb of Madrid. Around this time, Federico García Lorca, La Pasionaria and friends were chatting and sharing a coffee in a Madrid cafeteria when Lorca, who had been studying Ibárruri's appearance, told her, "Dolores, you are a woman of grief, of sorrows...I'm going to write you a poem." The poet returned to Granada and met his death at the hands of the Nationalists before completing the task.

Spanish Civil War (1936–1939)
Ibárruri offered a string of speeches, some of them radio broadcasts from Madrid: "Danger! To arms!" (July 19), "Our fighters must lack for nothing!" (24 July), "Discipline, composure, vigilance!" (29 July), "Restrain the hand of the foreign meddlers!" (30 July), "Fascism shall not pass!" (24 August), "Better to die standing up than to live kneeling down!" (3 September), "A salute to our militiawomen on the front line" (4 September), "Our battle cry has been heard by the whole world" (15 September). It can be inferred that the majority in Madrid rallied to the side of the Republic, that uncontrolled elements roamed the capital that many rounds of gunfire were wasted out of nerves (29 July), that Nationalist propaganda was more effective (30 July) and that she understood early on that the war would be lost without foreign aid (24 August). On 2 October she wrote a revealing letter to her son in Russia, apologizing for not having written earlier and described the harrowing situation, "You cannot even imagine, my son, how savage is the struggle going on in Spain now...Fighting is going on daily and round the clock. And in this fighting some of our finest and bravest comrades have perished." She recounted that she had spent many days beside the troops at the front, and reveals her misgivings about the outcome of the war, "It is my hope that in spite of all the difficulties, particularly the lack of weapons, we shall still win." The war became particularly brutal in 1937. Just as the Blitz later drove the Allies to bomb German cities mercilessly, so the Nationalist bombardment of open cities spurred Ibárruri (speaking as the fourth, newly named vice president of Congress) to demand an equal response from the "progressive bourgeois" government. President Manuel Azaña was an intellectual and a writer unwilling to flout constitutional or international laws. Prime Minister Francisco Largo Caballero was a socialist who was reluctant to cooperate with the PCE. The closing lines of that speech signalled her readiness to endorse radical violence,

"Men and women of every country who love freedom and progress, we appeal to you for the final time. If our appeal remains a voice crying out in the wilderness, our protests are ignored, our humane conduct, if all these are taken for signs of weakness, then the enemy will have only himself to blame—for we shall give vent to our wrath and destroy him in his lair."

On 24 February, Stalin forbade Soviet volunteers to be sent to fight in Spain, but he did not recall Order of Lenin awardee Alexander Orlov of the NKVD (secret police). Orlov and the NKVD orchestrated May Days, the war that broke out between 3-8 May in Barcelona between the Popular Front and the Trotskyist Workers Party of Marxist Unification (POUM). The battle left some 1,000 fighters dead and 1,500 injured, though estimates vary. With the annihilation of the POUM, Stalin deprived the fugitive Leon Trotsky of a possible Spanish haven. Orlov used the same methods of terror, duplicity and deception that were employed in the Great Purge (1936–38).

As a result of the 3–8 May events in Barcelona, the Trotskyists and the Anarchists became, in Ibárruri's mind, the "Fascist enemy within."

When we point out the need of opposing Trotskyism we discover a very strange phenomenon, that voices are raised in its defense in the ranks of certain organizations and among certain circles in certain parties. These voices belong to people who themselves are intoxicated with this counter-revolutionary ideology. The Trotskyists have long been transformed into the agents of Fascism, into the agents of the German Gestapo. We saw this on the ground during the May putsch in Catalonia; we saw this clearly in the disturbances that occurred in various other places. And everybody will realize this when the trial opens against the P.O.U.M. leaders who were caught spying. And we realize that the hand of Fascism is behind every attempt to demoralize our home front, to undermine the authority of the Republic. Therefore it is essential that we wipe out Trotskyism with a firm hand, for Trotskyism is no longer a political option for the working class but an instrument of the counter-revolution.

Trotskyism must be rooted out of the proletarian ranks of our Party as one roots out poisonous weeds. The Trotskyists must be rooted out and disposed of like wild beasts, for otherwise every time our men wish to go on the offensive we will not be able to do so due to lawlessness caused by the Trotskyists in the rear. An end must be put to these traitors once and for all so that our men on the front lines can fight without fear of being stabbed in the back.

Ibárruri ascribed the events to an "anarcho-trotskyist" attempt at shutting down the Republican government on orders from Franco, acting in tandem with Adolf Hitler. She said the violence was the culmination of an anarchist plot that included plans to stop the movement of trains and cut all telegraph and telephone lines. She cited an "order [from the Catalan government] to its forces to control the telephone building and disarm all people whom they encounter in the streets without proper authorization" as the aim of the anarchist plan. However, she provided no evidence to support these claims, which were widely held by fellow Party members at the time but have since been discredited.

The Communist party alleged that the anarchist "putsch" was motivated by their resentment of the centralized military command sought by the Communists and their allies in Lluís Companys's Catalan government and their desire to seize political power. The anarchists and Trotskyists saw the events as an attempt by the Communist Party (in close contact with the Stalinist NKVD) to rule over all revolutionary activity and blamed the Communists for authoritarianism. They contrasted the Communists' police state to the egalitarian conditions that obtained prior to the May 1937 events.

Ibárruri, Díaz and the rest of the PCE set out to destroy the Trotskyites. "During the month of June 1937 the government of the Popular Front, now clearly under Communist sway, eradicates those segments of its own army under the control of the POUM and of the Anarchists, every one stationed in the Front of Aragon. On 29 July the 29th Division of the POUM is disarmed in the Front of Huesca and on August 4 the Anarchist–Sindicalista Council of Aragon is dissolved by decree.

In Barcelona the police unleashes the cruellest of persecutions against the POUM. The new police chief since May is Ricardo Burillo Stholle, a professional officer and a Mason, who was the commander of the Assault Guards that killed José Calvo Sotelo and who has now joined the PCE. On cue from Alexander Orlov—liaison of the NKVD (Soviet secret police) with the Ministry of the Interior of the Second Spanish Republic and responsible on the Soviet side for the transfer of the gold of Moscow from Spain to the Soviet Union—Burillo's officers arrest Andrés Nin leader of the POUM. Taken first to Valencia and then to Madrid, Nin will be tortured, skinned, mutilated and finally murdered by Orlov's agents at Alcalá de Henares on June 20, 1937."

The remnants of the POUM leadership were put on trial in Barcelona on October 11, 1938. Referring to the arraignments, Ibárruri said: "If there is an adage which says that in normal times it is preferable to acquit a hundred guilty ones than to punish a single innocent one, when the life of a people is in danger it is better to convict a hundred innocent ones than to acquit a single guilty one"

On 30 April 1938, Stalin proposed a military alliance to France and Britain, in effect, forsaking the Spanish Republic.

Exile, part I (1939–1960)
On 6 March 1939, she flew out of Spain under enemy naval fire to the major Algerian port city of Oran then under French sovereignty. Her arrival came as a surprise to the authorities, who hurriedly put her aboard a liner bound for Marseille. The ship's captain was a Nationalist sympathizer, but a clandestine Communist cell aboard ship made sure that he did not steer the ship toward Nationalist-held Barcelona. This was the third time that Ibárruri had evaded capture by the Nationalists.

Ibárruri was helped in France by the Communists, who sheltered her in Paris under police surveillance (the Communist Party would be outlawed by the government of Édouard Daladier on 26 September). From Paris she travelled to Moscow and stayed there with Díaz, generals Enrique Líster and Juan Modesto and others. She was reunited with Amaya and Rubén, who had escaped from a French internment camp at the end of the Spanish Civil War.

The Soviet Union received the refugees warmly. Ibárruri was given an apartment in Díaz's building. She was assigned a chauffeur to drive her around Moscow and she was invited to dine at the Dimitrovs'. She liked to attend the Bolshoi Theatre and the Romen Theatre. She was an avid reader. She delighted in seeing the emancipation of Russian women. She helped other families adapt to their new country and overall she felt happy enough to sing on occasion.

Ibárruri worked in the Executive Committee of the Communist International Secretariat at the Communist International Headquarters near the Kremlin. The work involved the continual evaluation, analysis and discussion of the progress of Communism outside the Soviet Union. This task was complemented by internal discussions in the PCE central committee which focused on Spain. No serious disagreement existed between the Communist Party of Spain and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union until 1968 over the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia. The PCE supported/excused Stalin's domestic and foreign policies, including the signing of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact on 24 August 1939.

In January 1940, La Pasionaria wrote the following praise of Joseph Stalin. "To speak about the triumph of socialism over one-sixth of the earth, to write about the lush development of agriculture in the Soviet Union, a development unequalled by any other country, to admire the astonishing growth of socialist industry and the impetuous gains of the workers, to marvel at the unprecedented accomplishments of the mighty Soviet air force, at the mighty beefing up of the Soviet navy, to describe the glorious exploits of the Red Army liberator of peoples, to study the wonderful framework of the huge socialist state with its multiple nationalities united by unbreakable bonds of fraternal friendship, to observe the progress of science, art and of the culture of all Soviet peoples, the joyous life of their children, women, workers, peasants and intellectuals, the abiding security of everyone and their faith in the future, to know the daily life of socialism and the heroic actions of the Soviet people means to see Stalin, to cite Stalin, to encounter Stalin."

Ibárruri was asked to manage a new short-wave radio station that broadcast news, analysis and opinion to the citizens of Francoist Spain. The Moscow station carried the official name of Radio España Independiente, but in Spain it was nicknamed "La Pirenaica" partly on the false belief that it was located in the Pyrenees and partly because the radio itself used the label occasionally. Radio España Independiente started to broadcast on 22 July 1941, one month after Germany invaded the Soviet Union. Initial broadcasts were made from candle-lit basements under sporadic aerial bombardment. Ibárruri related that seniors, women and children kept watch on the terraces of Moscow every night for the burning sticks of incendiaries scattered by the Luftwaffe. Civilians would pick up the blazing sticks with a pair of tongs and dunk them in pails of water.

Many Spanish refugees volunteered to fight alongside the Russians despite Stalin's initial disapproval. According to Ibárruri, more than 200 died in battle. On 18 July 1941, she greeted the Spanish 4th Special Unit assigned to the defence of the Kremlin. Elsewhere, from Crimea to Finland, the Spanish Communist volunteers fought as guerrillas deployed behind enemy lines, in the Red Army or with the Soviet air force; some made it to Berlin and at least one scouted territory held by the Spanish Nationalist Blue Division.

On 13 October 1941, martial law was declared in Moscow as the German 3rd Panzer Army came within 140 km of the capital. On October 16 the ECCI was evacuated by train from Moscow to Ufa the capital of Republic of Bashkortostan. Díaz was gravely ill and went south to Tbilisi the capital of the Georgian Soviet socialist Republic.

Radio España Independiente now broadcast from Ufa. She used various aliases such as Antonio de Guevara or Juan de Guernica presumably to make believe the station had an extensive network of commentators and newspapermen.

On 19 March 1942, Díaz committed suicide. La Pasionaria became secretary-general of the PCE after a brief period of consultations by Stalin.

On 3 September Ibárruri's son Rubén Ruiz Ibárruri lost his life fighting heroically at Stalingrad. Asteroid 2423 Ibarruri is named after him.

On 1 March 1943, Stalin created the Union of Polish Patriots and on 15 May the ECCI annulled the Third International and granted theoretical independence to every national Communist party. Ibárruri agreed with the decision.

On 23 February 1945, La Pasionaria left Moscow on a trip to Tehran, Baghdad and Cairo. In Cairo she and her party booked passage on the first passenger ship to leave Alexandria, understanding it was going to Marseille. In fact the ship, part of a British convoy, headed to Boulogne-sur-Mer near the Belgian border; the voyage lasted three months and she arrived in Paris too late to meet with Juan Negrín, the last president of the Spanish Republic to work out a common political strategy against Franco.

On 5–8 December, the PCE held a plenum of the central committee in Toulouse where Santiago Carrillo, the former leader of Unified Socialist Youth in pre-war Spain, who had arrived in liberated France in November 1944, "gained control of the PCE", according to fellow Communist Enrique Líster.

In his book Así destruyó Carrillo el PCE Líster criticized Ibárruri's conduct between 1939 and 1945, writing: "[An examination of the situation of the PCE between 1939–1945] Would have shown that the political and moral conduct and behaviour of the immense majority of the members of our party, whether in Europe, America, Africa and above all in Spain, had been commendable whereas the conduct and behaviour of a portion of the leaders in exile had left a lot to be desired [he elaborates elsewhere, "there were many dirty secrets, many acts of cowardice"]. Dolores Ibárruri, Carrillo, Mije, Anton, Delicado are good examples of what we say though not the only ones."

The persecution of dissidents inside the PCE increased with time, "Between 1947–1951 things get progressively worse. The persecution inside the party increases as do the arrests of comrades who come to Spain from France. But it wasn't just this, as we would find out later, assassination had become a tool of repression and management of the party...The decision to assassinate militants was taken in the Secretariat of the PCE. If the target of an assassination fled to Spain his presence was betrayed to the Spanish authorities through the broadcasts of Radio España Independiente."

Interrogations were cruel, "Carrillo and Anton inflicted true terror. Some comrades came to the brink of insanity during the rounds of interrogation and others were driven to suicide out of the despicable accusations made against them."

The book names party members betrayed or murdered: Juanchu de Portugalete (1944), Gabriel León Trilla (1945; "the decision to eliminate Trilla belongs to Santiago Carrillo and Dolores Ibárruri"), Jesus Hernandez (1946), Lino (1950), Joan Comorera (1954), Monzon, Quiñones, Luis Montero, Jose el Valenciano. Even generals Modesto and Líster himself were at one point in the crosshairs of the PCE leadership, only to be saved inadvertently by Stalin who praised them before Ibárruri, Carrillo and Anton.

The PCE persecuted Communists in northwestern Spain during those years. In 2008 Victor Garcia found the body of his father partially buried in a wooded area of O Deza (Pontevedra). He had been shot in the head. Garcia's father had not fled Spain after the defeat of 1939; he stayed behind and helped to organize a guerrilla force of 947 fighters in Galicia. Around the year 1944 the central committee of the PCE, then living in France and headed by Ibárruri and Carrillo ordered his execution. After it was carried out in 1948, the regional PCE liaison wrote, "At last we have hunted him down. This riffraff withstood us like a leech. We managed to catch him in Lalin from where he directed certain adventurous, uncontrolled groups. He is a provocateur who has given us many troubles; though belatedly we have eliminated him."

The exile, part II (1960–1977)
At the 6th Congress of the PCE held in Prague between 28 and 31 January 1960, 64-year-old Ibárruri ceded the post of secretary-general to Carrillo and accepted the honorary position of president. As confirmation of her retirement from active politics she wrote her first memoir in 1960. The book, entitled El Unico Camino (The Only Way) was published first in Paris in 1962. The following year it was printed in Moscow. The book was translated into English and published in New York in 1966 under a new title. In her second memoir, Memorias de Pasionaria, 1939–1977, Ibárruri observes that the childhood reminiscences recorded in El Unico Camino came to her in sharp detail.

On 10 November 1961, she received a Doctor Honoris Causa in Historical Sciences by Moscow State University for her contributions to the development of Marxist theory. In her acceptance speech she asserted that class struggle is the motor of history. In 1962 she attended the 10th Congress of the Italian Communist Party held 2–8 December in Rome where she met Socialists, Christian-Democrats and some church representatives. To the clerics she remarked, "We are not as wicked as you think, and we are not as good as we probably think we are." During the first few months of 1963 Ibárruri unsuccessfully appealed for the Spanish government to spare the life of executive committee member Julián Grimau. Before his execution Grimau wrote to Ibárruri saying, "My execution will be the last one." On the week of 13 May Ibárruri unveiled a plaque in his honour on Building 11, Block 1, of newly renamed Grimau Street in Moscow. On December 5 she arrived in Havana to commemorate the 5th anniversary of the Cuban Revolution. Cuban leader Fidel Castro invited Ibárruri to move permanently to the island, but she declined.

On 15 April 1964, she spoke at the banquet celebrating Nikita Khrushchev's 70th birthday. On 30 April she shared the International Lenin Prize for Strengthening Peace Among Peoples, with three others. On 22 February 1965, Ibárruri asked the ministers of External Affairs and the Spanish army and the defense attorney to appear as a witness at the court martial of former Republican commander Justo Lopez de la Fuente. De la Fuente had been condemned to twenty-three years in prison. Everyone expected that he would be sentenced to death. She held a press conference in Moscow to publicize these actions. On 27 February the Captain General of the Madrid region annulled the proceedings. However, the first sentence stuck and Lopez later died in prison.

Sometime during 1965 Ibárruri flew from Paris to Dubrovnik to apologize as president of the PCE to Josip Broz Tito. On 17 May 1948, the Cominform, successor to the ECCI, had expelled Yugoslavia from the community of Socialist countries and Ibárruri had lent her voice and pen to his censure. The 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union held 14–26 February 1956, repudiated the charges against Yugoslavia. Now Ibárruri came face to face with the man she had slandered. She started to apologize profusely, but Tito cut her short and said, "Do not vex yourself, Dolores, do not worry. I know very well how things worked in those days. I know it perfectly. Furthermore, believe me, I most likely would have done what you did had I been in your situation." Ibárruri returned to visit Yugoslavia several times thereafter. In late December 1965 the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR decorated Ibárruri with an Order of Lenin medal. A total of 431,418 decorations were given out between 1930 and 1991, but only seventeen went to foreigners.

Ibárruri was chair of the editorial commission that wrote the four volumes of Guerra y revolución en España, 1936–1939 (War and Revolution in Spain, 1936–1939) which present the PCE's view of the Spanish Civil War. The tomes were published between 1966 and 1971.

On 19 April 1969, former Republican general Juan Modesto died in Prague. Ibárruri pronounced a brief eulogy. On 6 May 1970, the Spanish right-wing newspaper ABC reported that the PCE and the Kremlin had reached a new pact whereby the Spanish party dropped its censure of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in exchange for the Kremlin's blessing on the party's wish to collaborate with non-Communist parties. The newspaper also reported that PCE president Dolores Ibárruri's permanent residence was Moscow and the secretary-general's Italy.

On 8 November 1972, Ibárruri's estranged husband, 82-year-old Julin Ruiz Gabiña, returned from a workers' clinic in Moscow to Somorrostro, expressing a desire "to rest and to die in my land." On 14 March 1974, Ibárruri condemned the execution on March 2 of 26-year-old Catalan anarchist Salvador Puig Antich. She noted the revolutionary political stance taken by Bishop Antonio Añoveros Ataún of Bilbao who defended Basque cultural identity publicly and who defied Franco's decision to remove him. On 20 November 1975, Spanish dictator Franco died. Ibárruri commented on the news laconically, "May the earth rest light upon him." On the week of November 17 Ibárruri was invested with the Order of the October Revolution. On 14 December many representatives of Communist parties from around the world gathered in Rome to pay homage to her. The next summer Ibárruri attended the 3rd Plenum of the Central Committee of the PCE held 28–31 July 1976, in Rome under the clarion call of "national reconciliation."

On the night of 24 January, 1977, a commando unit of Spanish and Italian neo-Fascists shot dead three Communist labour-rights attorneys, a law student and a manager at their law office in downtown Madrid; four others were seriously injured. On 16 February, Ibárruri asked Spanish authorities in Moscow to allow her to return to Spain. She stated that she had travelled outside the USSR many times, that her profession was a publicist and contributor to newspapers and magazines, that she was the president of the PCE and that she wanted to travel freely to her own country. On 22 February the still-illegal PCE made public its list of candidates for the general elections of 15 June. Ibárruri appeared as a candidate in two electoral districts to be assured of election, one Madrid and the other Asturias; Carrillo appeared in three. Despite a climate of fear and insecurity the Spanish government legalized the PCE on 9 April, but the authorities denied Ibárruri a visa. On 27 April Julian Ruiz said that he would not be at the airport to greet his estranged wife, "Nevertheless she is the mother of my children and I wish her health and a peaceful life.", The PCE arranged to have Ibárruri land in Madrid with or without a visa on 13 May. However, on 12 May the authorities relented and provided it.

Back in Madrid (1977–1989)
At 2:00 pm Moscow time on 13 May 1977, Ibárruri left Sheremetyevo Airport aboard an Aeroflot jet after a "very affectionate" sendoff by Boris Ponomarev and Mikhail Suslov, three other civilians and by Colonel Sergeyev the husband of Ibárruri's daughter; on the tarmac a girl dressed in traditional costume offered the departing president of the PCE a bouquet of flowers. At 7:59 pm Madrid time the Aeroflot jetliner landed at Barajas Airport. The PCE lied about her arrival and did not give her an official welcome (secretary-general Carrillo was in Seville). Five hundred party members and sympathizers showed up at the airport, some waving PCE flags and wearing red berets with a communist insignia; they went up on the observation deck and watched and cheered as she landed. She went to the office of the Registrar General of Fuencarral and changed her name from Isidora to Dolores.

Ibárruri's first campaign rally was held 23 May on the Exhibition fairgrounds of Bilbao before 30–50,000 supporters. She acknowledged feeling tired, but volunteered to explain the workings of socialist countries "where the workers can live very well without capitalism"; however the emotion of the day exhausted her and an evening press conference had to be cancelled. The next day she spoke in the Suarez Puerta Stadium of Avilés in front of "many thousands of workers." A 20-year-old eyewitness remembers, "The city wore red. 'The Internationale' was heard everywhere... the atmosphere, the silence when Pasionaria spoke, the explosion of joy that day, they are unforgettable memories." On 25 May at the presentation of his book, Eurocommunism and the State, Carrillo told a reporter that Ibárruri reminded him of the Pablo Iglesias he knew as a child, "a sick elderly man who participated very little in the activities of the party and who often kept quiet during meetings." On 28 May Ibárruri spoke in Sama de Langreo and right-wing newspaper ABC admitted that she was drawing "multitudes." On 30 May she affirmed in La Felguera that the same spirit which had moved her in 1936 lived on to fight for the PCE and for Asturias. On 8 June a full house (6,000 people according to ABC, 8,000 according to La Vanguardia) listened to her in the arena Palacio de los Deportes of the Asturian capital Oviedo. The following day she appeared at the national rally of the party held in the neighbouring province of León.

The general elections of 15 June in the Oviedo constituency resulted in 584,061 votes cast, for a voter turnout rate of 74.6%. PCE got 60,297 votes (10.5% of the ballot), good enough to seat one member, Dolores Ibárruri. The party with the most votes was the Spanish Workers' Socialist Party (31.8%). In contrast, the dictatorship's party, Falange Española, garnered a minuscule 0.46%. On July 13 at 10:05 am—she notes in her memoirs —Ibárruri stepped inside the chamber of Congress she had vacated forty-one years before. Moments later she occupied the inaugural session's vice-presidential chair. The next day Radio España Independiente aired its last broadcast, number 108,300. On 22 July the king opened Parliament. She joined in the 1-minute general standing ovation, although she remained seated. Earlier, as Ibárruri entered Congress, a 56-year-old man in Falangist uniform gave the Roman salute and heckled her, "Drop dead! If you had any shame you would not have returned to Spain."

On 4 August, 87-year-old Ruiz died in a hospital residence of Barakaldo; Ibárruri attended his funeral. She travelled to Moscow in October to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the Russian Revolution and did not return until 21 November.

Her ailing health put her in hospital three times during the first nine months after her return. Her age and frail health prompted the regional branch of the PCE in Asturias to ask for her retirement and substitution as early as 21 November 1977. However, the central committee argued that her symbolic presence was important, and she served out her full term. On 31 October 1978, she voted with a very loud "Yes" for the new Spanish Constitution. On 29 December, President Adolfo Suárez dissolved Congress and called new elections for 1 March 1979. The 84-year-old Ibárruri was not a candidate.

Her life and that of every Communist was put in danger on 23 February 1981, when Fascist elements of the Spanish armed forces and of the paramilitary police staged a coup.

Broadly speaking, though, the remaining years of Ibárruri's life were a tranquil sequence of feminist rallies, political rallies, congresses of the PSUC and PCE, of presiding over the meetings of the executive committee, and of summer holidays in the Soviet Union. Ibárruri denounced Enver Hoxha's stance against Khrushchev during the Sino-Soviet Split, saying Hoxha was behaving "like a dog that bites the hand that feeds him". Survivors of the International Brigades came to celebrate her 90th birthday. The PCE threw a party in the arena Palacio de Deportes of Madrid for 15,000 to 20,000 well-wishers.

In October 1987 Ibárruri solicited financial assistance from Congress. She had not contributed to the national social security program and therefore had no pension. Congress granted her a monthly perquisite of 150,000 Pesetas (approximately $1,250 in US dollars at the time). On 13 September 1989, she was hospitalized, gravely ill with pneumonia. She recovered and left the hospital on 15 October, but she experienced a relapse on 7 November and died on 12 November at age 93. On 14 November, thousands of people paid homage as her body lay on a catafalque. Veterans of the civil war, war amps, the ambassadors of Cuba, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Yugoslavia and China were among the first to pay their respects as was the mayor of Madrid. On 16 November, a short cortege carried her body from PCE headquarters to the Plaza of Columbus where Rafael Alberti and secretary-general Julio Anguita delivered a brief eulogy. Afterward, she was driven to Almudena Cemetery and interred near the grave of Pablo Iglesias. Thousands attended her funeral and chanted, "They shall not pass!" The mayors of some townships declared four days of official mourning.

Monuments and memorials

Dolores Ibarruri served as inspiration to artist Arthur Dooley who was commissioned in 1974 by the International Brigade Association of Scotland to create a monument commemorating the 2,100 British volunteers of the International Brigade, ordinary men and women who joined the republican forces in the Spanish Civil War in their fight against Franco's regime. The monument's inscription is dedicated to the 534 volunteers who died in the conflict, 65 of them from Glasgow, which is where the monument is situated.

The statue was funded by money raised by Trade Unionists and Labour movement supporters. However, the £3000 raised was insufficient to cover the artist's plans for the statue to be cast in bronze. Instead, an armature was welded together from scrap iron and covered in fibreglass. The final version of the monument is a stylised female figure, representing Dolores Ibarruri, in a long dress, standing with legs apart and arms raised. On the plinth, Dooley carved Dolores' famous slogan – 'better to die on your feet than live forever on your knees'. The phrase was first used by the Mexican revolutionary leader, Emiliano Zapata, but Ibarruri gave it new meaning when she used it during the miners strike in Asturias, Spain, in 1934. Over time, the B listed statue fell into extremely poor condition and this generated criticism from the public, elected officials and trades unionists. A restoration project was carried out between April and August 2010 and the monument was re-dedicated on 23 August 2010 by Leader of the council, Bailie Gordon Matheson, and General Secretary of the Scottish Trades Union Congress, Grahame Smith, in the presence of Thomas Watters, 97, a surviving International Brigade veteran. Watters was a veteran of the Scottish Ambulance Unit, which worked at the front line on the battlefields of Spain to aid wounded fighters and volunteers from across the world.

In February 2017 the People's Party of the Basque Country called for a street named after her to be renamed because of her “terrible role in the Spanish Civil War” and her close association to Stalin.

In popular culture
Brazilian punk rock band Blind Pigs included an English language song about Ibárruri in their 2002 album "Blind Pigs".

In Anthony Powell's novel Casanova's Chinese Restaurant, Norah and Eleanor have a picture of La Pasionaria on their mantelpiece.

In Ernest Hemingway's novel For Whom the Bell Tolls, El Sordo's unit debate La Pasionaria's motive for sending her son to the Soviet Union away from the Spanish Civil War while under attack from pro-Franco forces.

Glasgow-based fusion band Inyal included an instrumental song dedicated to Ibárruri, entitled "Pasionaria" on their 2017 album "INYAL".

The American sculptor Jo Davidson created a portrait bust of Ibárruri in 1938. Davidson describes his sittings with Ibárruri at his hotel in Madrid in his autobiography Between Sittings: An Informal Autobiography.

In 2012, Nadezhda Tolokonnikova, a member of the Russian protest punk band Pussy Riot wore a T-shirt with the phrase "¡No Pasaran!" with an image of a raised clenched fist during her trial.

List of works

 * Dolores Ibárruri: Speeches & Articles 1936–1938, New York, 1938.
 * El único camino, Moscow, 1963.
 * Memorias de Dolores Ibarruri, Pasionaria: la lucha y la vida, Barcelona, 1985.
 * They Shall Not Pass: The Autobiography of La Pasionaria, New York, 1966.
 * Memorias de Pasionaria, 1939–1977: Me faltaba Espana, Barcelona, 1984.

title: Dolores Ibárruri


text:
Simon Greenleaf

Simon Greenleaf (December 5, 1783 – October 6, 1853), was an American lawyer and jurist. He was born at Newburyport, Massachusetts before moving to New Gloucester where he was admitted to the Cumberland County bar.

Early life and legal career
Greenleaf's family traces its ancestry back to Edmund Greenleaf, who lived in Ipswich, Suffolk in England before emigrating and settling in Newburyport, Massachusetts. The Greenleaf family flourished in this part of Massachusetts for almost 150 years prior to Simon's birth in 1783. Simon's father, Moses Greenleaf, married Lydia Parsons, daughter of Rev. Jonathan Parsons of Newburyport. Their son Moses Greenleaf (1777–1834), Simon's older brother, became a distinguished surveyor and mapmaker in Maine.

In the 1790s, Simon's parents moved to New Gloucester in Maine, leaving him in Newburyport under the care of his grandfather Jonathan Greenleaf. There Simon was educated at the Latin school and studied the Greco-Roman classics. When he turned 16 years old, he rejoined his parents in New Gloucester. In 1801 he joined the law office of Ezekiel Whitman (later the Chief Justice of Maine) and in 1806 was admitted to the Cumberland County bar as a legal practitioner. On 22 Mar 1806, in New Gloucester, he married Hannah Kingman.

He then opened a legal practice at Standish, but six months later relocated to Gray, where he practised for twelve years, and in 1818 moved to Portland. Greenleaf's political preferences were aligned with the Federalist Party, and in 1816 he was an unsuccessful candidate for that party in Cumberland County for the Senate. He was reporter of the Supreme Court of Maine from 1820 to 1832, and published nine volumes of Reports of Cases in the Supreme Court of Maine (1820–1832).

Greenleaf was elected a member of the American Antiquarian Society in 1820.

He was awarded the honorary Doctor of Laws degree by Harvard in 1834. He received the same honor from Amherst in 1845, and again from the University of Alabama in 1852. In 1848, he was elected as a member of the American Philosophical Society.

Professorships
In 1833, Greenleaf was named to the Royall professorship, and in 1846 succeeded Judge Joseph Story as Dane professor of law at Harvard University. Greenleaf contributed extensively to the development of Harvard Law School, including expansion of the Harvard Law Library. He was retained as chief counsel by the Warren Bridge group in the US Supreme Court case Charles River Bridge v. Warren Bridge 36 U.S. 420 (1837), where the case laid down the rule that public contracts must be construed in favor of states.

In 1848, Greenleaf retired from his active duties, and became professor emeritus. After being for many years president of the Massachusetts Bible Society, he died at Cambridge. Greenleaf's well-known work, a Treatise on the Law of Evidence, is considered a classic of American jurisprudence.

Contributions to Christian apologetics
Greenleaf is an important figure in the development of that Christian school of thought known as legal or juridical apologetics. This school of thought is typified by legally trained scholars applying the canons of legal proof and judicial argument to the defense of Christian belief. Greenleaf's Testimony of the Evangelists (1846) set the model for many subsequent works by legal apologists. He is distinguished as one who applied the canons of the ancient document rule to establish the authenticity of the gospel accounts, as well as cross-examination principles in assessing the testimony of those who bore witness to the crucifixion and resurrection of Christ. His style of reasoning is reflected in the apologetic works by John Warwick Montgomery (1931- ), Josh McDowell (1939- ), and Ross Clifford (1951- ).

Several evangelical books and websites portray Greenleaf as an atheist who set out to disprove the Gospels, and claim that instead the evidence for Jesus' resurrection convinced him to become a Christian. Greenleaf was a devout evangelical Episcopalian, and no evidence exists that he ever doubted the truth of the Gospels.

Other Writings
Greenleaf's principal work of legal scholarship is a Treatise on the Law of Evidence (3 vols., 1842–1853), and which remained a standard textbook in American law throughout the Nineteenth century. He also published A Full Collection of Cases Overruled, Denied, Doubted, or Limited in their Application, taken from American and English Reports (1821). He prepared and published Reports of Cases Argued and Determined by the Supreme Judicial Court of the State of Maine in nine volumes (1820–1832). He revised for the American courts William Cruise's Digest of Laws respecting Real Property (3 vols., 1849–1850). Greenleaf was also the author of A Brief Inquiry into the Origin and Principles of Free Masonry (1820), and wrote a memoir of the life of his colleague Joseph Story - A Discourse Commemorative of the Life and Character of the Hon. Joseph Story (1845).

Mentioned by actress Marium Carvell, playing Selma Davis, in Judgment (a.k.a. Apocalypse IV)

Simon Greenleaf School of Law
In 1980 it opened its doors at Trinity Lutheran Church, 4101 Nohl Ranch Rd, Anaheim, CA 92807. In August 1982, it was relocated to 3855 E. La Palma Ave, Anaheim, California 92807 that was named in his honor, The Simon Greenleaf School of Law. This school was founded by the Lutheran theologian-lawyer John Warwick Montgomery. From 1980-88 the law school published a journal named The Simon Greenleaf Law Review. In 1997 the law school became part of Trinity International University.

Topics

 * Apologetics
 * Christian Apologetics
 * Arguments for the Existence of God
 * Thomism
 * Evidentialist
 * Jesus Christ
 * Testimony of the Evangelist
 * The Case for Christ
 * Atheism

Apologists

 * Ross Clifford
 * Josh McDowell
 * John Warwick Montgomery
 * Lee Strobel

title: Simon Greenleaf