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Harry Johnston

Sir Henry Hamilton Johnston (12 June 1858 – 31 July 1927) was a British explorer, botanist, artist, colonial administrator, and linguist who travelled widely across Africa to speak some of the languages spoken by people on that continent. He published 40 books on subjects related to the continent of Africa and was one of the key players in the Scramble for Africa that occurred at the end of the 19th century.

Early years
Johnston was born at Kennington Park, south London, the son of John Brookes Johnstone and Esther Laetitia Hamilton. He attended Stockwell grammar school and then King's College London, followed by four years studying painting at the Royal Academy. In connection with his study he travelled to Europe and North Africa, visiting the little-known (by Europeans) interior of Tunisia.

Exploration in Africa
In 1882, he visited southern Angola with the Earl of Mayo, and in the following year met Henry Morton Stanley in the Congo, becoming one of the first Europeans after Stanley to see the river above the Stanley Pool.

His developing reputation led the Royal Geographical Society and the British Association to appoint him leader of a scientific expedition to Mount Kilimanjaro in 1884. On the expedition, Johnston concluded treaties with local chiefs (which were then transferred to the British East Africa Company), in competition with German efforts to do likewise.

British colonial service and the Cape to Cairo vision
In October 1886, the British government appointed him vice-consul in Cameroon and the Niger River delta area, where a protectorate had been declared in 1885, and he became acting consul in 1887, deposing and banishing the local chief Jaja.

While in West Africa in 1886, Johnston sketched what has been termed a "fantasy map" of his ideas of how the African continent could be divided among the colonial powers. This envisaged two blocks of British colonies, one of continuous territory in West Africa, the Nile valley and much of East Africa as far south as Lake Tanganyika and Lake Nyasa, the other in southern Africa south of the Zambezi. This left a continuous band in Portuguese occupation from Angola to Mozambique and Germany in possession of much of the East African coast.

The original proposal for a Cape to Cairo railway was made in 1874 by Edwin Arnold, the then editor of the Daily Telegraph, which was joint sponsor of the expedition by H.M. Stanley to Africa to discover the course of the Congo River. The proposed route involved a mixture of railway and river transport between Elizabethville, now Lubumbashi in the Belgian Congo and Sennar in the Sudan rather than a completely rail one. Johnston later acknowledged his debt to Stanley and Arnold and when on leave in England in 1888, he revived the Cape-to-Cairo concept of acquiring a continuous band of British territory down Africa in discussion with Lord Salisbury. Johnston then published an supporting the idea article in Times anonymously, as "by an African Explorer" and later in 1888 and 1889 published a number of articles in other newspapers and journals with Salisbury's tacit approval.

Scramble for Katanga
The Berlin Conference had allocated Katanga to the sphere of influence of King Leopold of Belgium's Congo Free State, but under the Berlin Conference's Principle of Effectivity this was only provisional. In July 1890, Leopold protested to Lord Salisbury that Johnston, as agent for Cecil Rhodes, was circulating maps showing that the Congo Free State did not include Katanga, and in response to Salisbury's enquiries, in August 1890 Johnston presented Rhodes' claim, which included the false information that Msiri, King of Garanganze in Katanga had asked for British protection.

In November 1890, to justify his claim, Johnston sent Alfred Sharpe (who would become his successor in Nyasaland) to act for Rhodes and the British South Africa Company (BSAC), to obtain a treaty with Msiri, a move which had the potential to precipitate an Anglo-Belgian crisis. Sharpe failed with Msiri, though he obtained treaties with Mwata Kazembe covering the eastern side of the Luapula River and Lake Mweru, and with other chiefs covering the southern end of Lake Tanganyika. When Leopold again protested to Salisbury in May 1891, the latter had to admit Msiri had not signed a treaty asking for British protection and left Katanga open to Belgian colonisation. In 1891 Leopold sent the Stairs Expedition to Katanga. Johnston dissuaded it from accessing Katanga through Nyasaland, but it went through German East Africa instead, and took Katanga after killing Msiri. The southern border of the Congo Free State was settled by an Anglo-Congo agreement of 1894.

Nyasaland (British Central Africa Protectorate)
In 1879, the Portuguese government formally claimed the area south and east of the Ruo River (currently the southeastern border of Malawi) and then, in 1882, occupied the lower Shire River valley as far north as the Ruo. It attempted to gain British acceptance of this claim without success, and also failed in a claim that the Shire Highlands was part of Portuguese East Africa, as it was not under effective occupation As late as 1888, the British Foreign Office would not accept responsibility for British missionaries and settlers in the Shire Highlands after the African Lakes Corporation had tried but failed to become a Chartered company with interests there and around the western shore of Lake Malawi.

However, in 1885–86, Alexandre de Serpa Pinto had undertaken an expedition which reached Shire Highlands, which had failed to make any treaties of protection with the Yao chiefs west of Lake Malawi. To prevent possible Portuguese occupation, in November 1888, Johnston was appointed as Commissioner and Consul-general for the Mozambique and the Nyasa districts, and arrived in Blantyre in March 1889. On his way to take up his appointment, Johnston spent six weeks in Lisbon attempting to negotiate an acceptable agreement on Portuguese and British spheres of influence in southeastern Africa. However, as the draft agreement did not expressly exclude the Shire Highlands from the Portuguese sphere, it was rejected by the Foreign Office.

Among several pressing problems was the Karonga War, a dispute between Swahili traders in slaves and ivory with their Henga allies on one side and the African Lakes Trading Company and factions of the Ngonde people on the other which had broken out in 1887. As Johnston had no significant forces at that time, he agreed to a truce with the Swahili leaders in October 1889, but the Swahili traders did not adhere to its terms.

In late 1888 and early 1889, the Portuguese government sent two expeditions to make treaties of protection with local chiefs, one under Antonio Cardoso set off toward Lake Malawi, the other under Alexandre de Serpa Pinto moved up the Shire valley. Between them, they made over twenty treaties with chiefs in what is now Malawi. Johnston met Serpa Pinto in August 1889 east of the Ruo and advised him not to cross the river, but Serpa Pinto disregarded this and crossed the river to Chiromo, now in Malawi. In September, following minor clashes between Serpa Pinto's force and local Africans, Johnston's deputy declared a Shire Highlands Protectorate, despite the contrary instructions. Johnston's proclamation of a further protectorate west of Lake Malawi, the Nyasaland Districts Protectorate, was endorsed by the Foreign Office in May 1891.

Johnston arrived in Chiromo, in the south of Nyasaland, on 16 July 1891. By that time he had already selected a team of men who were to assist in forming the administration of the new protectorate. They included Alfred Sharpe (Johnston's Deputy Commissioner), Bertram L. Sclater (Surveyor, Roadmaker, and Commandant of the Constabulary), Alexander Whyte (a zoologist who was to discover several new species in Nyasaland), Cecil Montgomery Maguire (Military Commandant), Hugh Charlie Marshall (Customs Officer, Collector of Revenues and Postmaster for the Chiromo district), John Buchanan (an agriculturalist who had been in Nyasaland since 1876, and was appointed Vice Consul by Johnston), and others.

In 1891, Johnston only controlled a fraction of the Shire Highlands, itself a small part of the whole protectorate. He was provided with a small force of Indian troops in 1891, and began to train African soldiers and police. At first, Johnston used his small force in the south of the protectorate to suppress slave trading by Yao chiefs, who had established links with Swahili traders in ivory and slaves from the early 19th century. As the Yao people had no central authority, Johnston was able to defeat one group at a time, although this took until 1894, as he left the most powerful chief, Makanjira, until almost last, starting an amphibious operation against him in late 1893.

Before the British Central Africa Protectorate was proclaimed in May 1891, a number of European companies and settlers had made, or claimed to have made, treaties with local chiefs under which the land owned by the African communities that occupied it was transferred to the Europeans in exchange for protection and some trade goods. The African Lakes Company claimed over 2.75 million acres in the north of the protectorate, some under treaties that claimed to transfer sovereignty to the company, and three others individuals claimed to have purchased large areas of land in the south. Eugene Sharrer claimed 363,034 acres, Alexander Low Bruce claimed 176,000 acres, and John Buchanan and his brothers claimed a further 167,823 acres. These lands were purchased for trivial quantities of goods under agreements signed by chiefs with no understanding of English concepts of land tenure.

Johnston had the task of reviewing these land claims, and began to do so in late 1892, as the proclamation of the protectorate had been followed by a wholesale land grab, with huge areas of land bought for trivial sums and some claims overlapping. He rejected any suggestion that treaties made before the protectorate was established could transfer sovereignty to individuals or companies, but accept that they could be evidence of land sales. Although Johnston accepted that the land belonged to its African communities, so their chiefs had no right to alienate it, he suggested that each community had given their chief this right. Despite having no legal training, he claimed that, as Commissioner, he was entitled to investigate these land sales and to issue Certificates of Claim registering freehold title to the European claimants. He rejected very few claims, despite the questionable evidence for several major ones. The existing African villages and farms were exempted from these sales, and the villagers were told that their homes and fields were not being alienated. Despite this, the concentration of much of the most fertile land in the Shire Highlands in the hands of European owners had profound economic consequences that lasted throughout the colonial period.

In April 1894, Johnston returned to England and was away for a year. He had quarrelled with Cecil Rhodes who had so far provided most of his funds, and during the first three years the administration had run up a deficit of £20,000. During his leave he managed to persuade the British Government to agree to take over the financing of the country. On his way back he visited Egypt and India with a view to recruiting soldiers, and eventually arrived back in Nyasaland with a flotilla of boats, 202 Sikh soldiers, and over 400 other men. 4000 porters were recruited in the Shire Highlands to carry stores and equipment. Johnston reached Zomba on 3 May 1895.

Johnston visited Karonga in June 1895 to try to make a settlement but the Swahili leaders refused either to meet him curtail their raiding activities, so Johnston decided on military action. In November 1895, Johnston embarked with a force of over 400 Sikh and African riflemen, with artillery and machine guns on steamers, to Karonga and surrounded the traders' main stockaded town, bombarding it for two days and finally assaulting it on 4 December. The Swahili leader, Mlozi, was captured, given a cursory trial and hanged on 5 December and between 200 and 300 of fighters and several hundred non-combatants were killed, many while attempting to surrender. Other Swahili stockades did not resist and were destroyed.

North-Eastern Rhodesia and Nyasaland
Johnston realised the strategic importance of Lake Tanganyika to the British, especially since the territory between the lake and the coast had become German East Africa forming a break of nearly 900 km in the chain of British colonies in the Cape to Cairo dream. However the north end of Lake Tanganyika was only 230 km from British-controlled Uganda, and so a British presence at the south end of the lake was a priority. Although the northern boundaries of North-Eastern Rhodesia and Nyasaland were eventually settled by negotiations between Britain, Germany. Portugal and the Congo Free State, Johnston ensured that British bomas were established (in addition to those in Nyasaland) east of Luapula-Mweru at Chiengi and the Kalungwishi River, at the south end of Lake Tanganyika at Abercorn, and at Fort Jameson between Mozambique and the Luangwa valley to demonstrate effective occupation.

Until 1899, Johnson had administrative control of the territory which became North-Eastern Rhodesia (the north-eastern half of today's Zambia), and he helped to set up and oversee the British South Africa Company's administration in that area. North-Eastern Rhodesia was little developed in this period, being regarded principally as a labour reserve, with only a handful of company administrators.

Despite missed out in Katanga, altogether he helped to consolidate an area of nearly half a million square kilometres into the British Empire – nearly 200000 sqmi, or twice the area of the United Kingdom in 2009 – lying between the lower Luangwa River valley and lakes Nyasa, Tanganyika, and Mweru.

Later years
In 1896 in recognition of this achievement he was appointed Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath (KCB), but afflicted by tropical fevers, transferred to Tunis as consul-general. In the same year, he had married the Hon. Winifred Mary Irby, daughter of Florance George Henry Irby, fifth Baron Boston.

In 1899 Sir Harry was sent to Uganda as special commissioner to reorganize the administration of that protectorate after the suppression of the mutiny of the Sudanese soldiers and to end an ongoing war with Unyoro. He improved the colonial administration, and concluded the Buganda Agreement of 1900, dividing the land between the UK and the chiefs. For his services in Uganda, he received the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (GCMG) in the King's Birthday Honours list in November 1901. Also in 1901, Johnston was the first recipient of the Royal Scottish Geographical Society's Livingstone Medal, and in the following year he was appointed a member of the council of the Zoological Society of London. He received the honorary degree Doctor of Science (D.Sc.) from the University of Cambridge in May 1902. The Royal Geographical Society awarded him their 1904 Founder's Medal for his services to African exploration.

In 1902 his wife gave birth to twin boys, but neither survived more than a few hours, and they had no more children. His sister, Mabel Johnston, married Arnold Dolmetsch, an instrument maker and member of the Bloomsbury set, in 1903.

In 1903 and in 1906 he stood for parliament for the Liberal Party, but was unsuccessful on both occasions. In 1906, the Johnstons moved to the hamlet of Poling, near Arundel in West Sussex, where Harry Johnston largely concentrated on his literary endeavours. He took to writing novels, which were frequently short-lived, while his accounts of his own voyages through central Africa were rather more enduring.

Harry Johnston suffered two strokes in 1925, from which he became partially paralysed and never recovered, dying two years later in 1927 at Woodsetts House near Worksop in Nottinghamshire. He was buried in the churchyard of St Nicholas, Poling, West Sussex, where there is a commemorative wall plaque within the nave of the church designed and cut by the Arts and Crafts sculptor and typeface designer Eric Gill who lived in nearby Ditchling.

Legacy
Harry Johnston is commemorated in the scientific names of the okapi, Okapia johnstoni, and of two species of African lizards, Trioceros johnstoni and Latastia johnstonii.

The falls at Mambidima on the Luapula River were named Johnston Falls by the British in his honour.

Sir Harry Johnston Primary school in Zomba, Malawi is also named after him.

Prominent Bengali author Bibhutibhushan Bandyopadhyay mentioned the influence of Sir H. H. Johnston's works, one of many, in helping him portray scenes convincingly in his famous Bengali adventure novel Chander Pahar.

Books

 * The River Congo (1884)
 * The Kilima-Njaro Expedition (1886)
 * The History of a Slave (1889)
 * British Central Africa (1897)
 * A History of the Colonization of Africa by Alien Races (1899)
 * The Uganda Protectorate (1902)
 * The Nile Quest: The Story of Exploration (1903)
 * Liberia (1907)
 * George Grenfell and the Congo (1908)
 * The Negro in the New World (1910)
 * Opening Up of Africa'' (London: Williams & Norgate, n.d.) (1911)
 * Phonetic Spelling (1913) (online)
 * Pioneers in India (1913)
 * A Comparative Study of the Bantu and Semi-Bantu Languages (1919, 1922) (online)
 * The Gay-Dombeys (1919) – a sequel to Dombey and Son by Charles Dickens
 * Mrs. Warren's Daughter—a sequel to Mrs. Warren's Profession by George Bernard Shaw
 * The Backward Peoples and Our Relations with Them (1920)
 * The Man Who Did the Right Thing (1921) – novel
 * The Story of my Life (1923) – autobiography
 * The Veneerings – a sequel to Our Mutual Friend by Charles Dickens

 * Manuscripts of collected vocabularies of Sir Harry Hamilton Johnston are held by SOAS Archives

title: Harry Johnston


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User talk:Greatpatton

Hi, I was browsing the periodic table images, and believe that the Image:Sr-TableImage.png of Strontium has the incorrect structure. It should be FCC (like Cu) at room temperature, and BCC only above ~830K... Sorry, that I wasn't able to edit the PNG file myself or I would have corrected it...  Best wishes!

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Great work on the perio table image files! Do you have the full-sized source images too? It would be great if you did then other people could edit the larger images, resize them and then update both versions. See for an example (that image is also in the most up-to-date format). --mav
 * Hello, Ok I didn't see that you were also ouloading the full size image, I did the picture for W and I have uploaded both version, I will do the same for all the picture I will do. I m working on the french version of the periodic table, and I think as those picture are language independent that we can split the workload. My goal is to do all the images for the periode 6 and 7 of the transition metals, and all the lanthanide and actinide. Greatpatton 17:33 16 Jul 2003 (UTC)

 * Great! Yes it is good to split the workload. I made the images language independent for this reason. --mav

 * I did Hf Ta W Re Os can you tell me if it's ok for you Greatpatton 21:29 16 Jul 2003 (UTC)

 * I'll take a look and make some minor changes later. Nice work! --mav

There is a problem with the placement of elements 71 and 103 that I've mentioned at talk:periodic table. --mav

The Element Photos (both the large and small versions, which are the same photo just scaled differently) are ALL photos I took this summer and anyone can do anything they want with them that is allowed with anything else here. -- RTC 03:11, 7 Nov 2003 (UTC)

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Michael O'Leary

Michael O'Leary may refer to:

 * Michael John O'Leary (1890–1961), Irish-Canadian recipient of the Victoria Cross
 * Michael O'Leary (politician) (1936–2006), Irish politician and leader of the Irish Labour Party, 1981–82
 * Michael O'Leary (writer) (born 1950), New Zealand publisher, poet and novelist
 * Michael O'Leary (actor) (born 1958), actor in the long-running American soap opera Guiding Light
 * Michael O'Leary (businessman) (born 1961), CEO of low-cost Irish airline Ryanair
 * Michael O'Leary (pioneer) (1858-1930), Australian pioneer
 * Michael O'Leary, a character played by Humphrey Bogart in the 1939 film Dark Victory

title: Michael O'Leary


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User talk:David Joffe

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Hello
Do you speak pedi? if you do please tell me why it is named pedi. Is it really intended to mean "two"? if it really is - then why should it be intended to mean "two"? thank you in advance. Eliko (talk) 22:58, 6 December 2007 (UTC)

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 * I don't recall making that edit but, fair enough, I agree. David Joffe (talk) 18:40, 5 July 2023 (UTC)

Northern Sotho
Hi,

You made some edits to Northern Sotho language over the years. In particular, you wrote:
 * The Pan South African Language Board specifically endorses the names "Northern Sotho" or "Sesotho sa Leboa".

Can you perhaps add a reference for that? I couldn't find something clear about this on the PanSALB website.

See also my comments on Talk:Northern Sotho language.

Thanks! --Amir E. Aharoni (talk) 19:41, 24 July 2018 (UTC)

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Frank Cluskey

Frank Cluskey (8 April 1930 – 7 May 1989) was an Irish Labour Party politician who served as Minister for Trade, Commerce and Tourism from 1982 to 1983, Leader of the Labour Party from 1977 to 1981 and Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Social Welfare from 1973 to 1977. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) for the Dublin South-Central and Dublin Central constituencies from 1965 to 1981 and 1982 to 1989.

Early and personal life
Cluskey was born on 8 April 1930 in Dublin, the youngest of two sons and three daughters of Francis Cluskey a butcher and active trade unionist, and Elizabeth Cluskey (née Millington). His father was long-serving secretary of the butchers' section of the Workers' Union of Ireland (WUI)), and a close associate of James Larkin. He was educated at St. Vincent's C.B.S. in Glasnevin. He worked as a butcher and then joined the Labour Party. He quickly became a branch secretary in the WUI. He married Eileen Gillespie in 1965, a post office civil servant from Clontarf; she died after a short illness in 1978. They had two daughters and one son.

Politics
At the 1965 general election he was elected as a Labour Party Teachta Dála (TD) for the Dublin South-Central constituency. He was a member of Dublin City Council from 1960 to 1969, and in 1968 he was elected Lord Mayor of Dublin. In 1973 he was appointed Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister for Social Welfare, Brendan Corish. He introduced sweeping reforms to the area while he held that position, pushing through legislation introducing a 'single-mothers' welfare allowance and managing with his colleagues to triple welfare spending between 1973 and 1977. He played a leading role in initiating the EU Poverty Programmes.

The Fine Gael–Labour Party coalition was defeated at the 1977 general election resulting in the resignation of Brendan Corish as Labour Party leader. Cluskey was elected the new leader of the Labour Party. In 1981, the Labour Party entered into a coalition government with Fine Gael. However Cluskey had lost his seat at the 1981 general election and resigned the party leadership. On 1 July 1981, he was appointed as a Member of the European Parliament (MEP) for Dublin, replacing Michael O'Leary, who had resigned the seat after succeeding Cluskey as Labour leader.

The coalition government fell in January 1982 over a budget dispute, and Cluskey was re-elected to the Dáil at the February 1982 general election. When the coalition returned to office after the November 1982 election, Cluskey was appointed as Minister for Trade, Commerce and Tourism. He then resigned from the European Parliament, to be replaced by Brendan Halligan.

On 8 December 1983 he resigned as Minister due to a fundamental disagreement over government policy about the Dublin Gas Company. He retained his Dáil seat in the 1987 general election.

Following his re-election his health deteriorated. He died on 7 May 1989 after a long battle with cancer.

title: Frank Cluskey


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User talk:J-remy

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User talk:Geary

Hello there, welcome to the 'pedia! I hope you like the place and decide to stay. If you need pointers on how we title pages visit Naming conventions or how to format them visit our manual of style. If you have any other questions about the project then check out Help or add a question to the Village pump. Cheers! --maveric149

Farallon Islands
Hi there. I changed your edits to the abvove article back to how they were. When describing seabird numbers the total number of birds is not simply twice the number of pairs, there are always large numbers of non-breeding birds. We can estimate the number of pairs that were on the island then (because of the number of eggs that were taken) but not the total number of birds. Sabine's Sunbird talk 10:19, 17 April 2006 (UTC)

Pointing stick
Hi! While I do think that mixing several wildly different meanings in the same article (except on disambiguation pages) is a bad idea, I do not think that any kind of ‘perversion’ should be a reason against Fastifex’s contributions. Please remember that Wikipedia is not censored; regarding your daughter reading Wikipedia, please also keep in mind the content disclaimer and generally remember that material that you consider inappropriate may still be interesting and encyclopedic and the easiest way to avoid it is simply to avoid it. —xyzzyn 15:25, 12 July 2006 (UTC)
 * Well maybe not perversion per se but certainly his tendency to make everything into an article on corporal punishment is regrettable no matter how you slice it and dice it. It does not work to just defend any content on the grounds that it "may still be interesting and encyclopedic". Supposing I decided that every possible article, and qute a few impossible ones, had to refer to chocolate ice-cream? I could do it, I could claim it was interesting and encyclopedic - to me at least. Would yzzy_n defend it in the same way, I wonder? It's not just about "perversion", it's about one user NOT having the right to convert the whole encyclopaedia to his weltanschauung. Geary is right: an RfC is long overdue. 138.37.199.206 09:26, 31 July 2006 (UTC)
 * Ex-Corporal Punishment is the most important person in the War on Chocolate! We cannot omit any mention of that.
 * OK, seriously, I don’t like what Fastifex is doing, either, and casual communication does not seem to work. My comment above was meant to explain the impact of qualitative aspects of content; I do not dispute that some of Fastifex’s edits are improper in terms of quantity or position. —xyzzyn 11:21, 31 July 2006 (UTC)

Shed
Hello, Michael. Thanks for your support at "Hairbrush". You might like to keep an eye on the history of "Shed". Cheers. AnnH ♫ 19:54, 16 July 2006 (UTC)

 * Thanks, Ann. Wow, that is sick.

 * Well, at least I added something nice to Hairbrush for a change. Do you think that is allowed on Wikipedia? --Michael Geary 02:24, 17 July 2006 (UTC)

Catholic articles
I have told Fastifex time and time again to assert the notability of articles and to use categories putting them in a historical and national context. I belive if he does this and the articles are wirthy he should be allowed to resume his work on the condition that he STOPS COPYING, ADDS CATEGORIES AND MAKES THE ARTICLE NOTABLE. I sent this following message to Fastifex:

HI while I do appreciate your work and enthusiasm for the Catholic Encyclopedia I do agree that much of your work at present is not really written for wikipedia. What I mean by that is that you have consistently written articles of scholars and diocese without putting them into categories or placing them in Catholic history you just used Derived from Catholic Encyclopedia. I did tell you several times to use categories e.g French scholars and to work on making your articles more notable but you ignored my warning. For your articles to be effective on wikipedia you really need to assert the importance of the scholar or Catholic priest or whatever and his work, placing it into a historical and national context. If the scholar or whatever is linked to another important religious or political figure state this linking articles and history together. I must admit that I have read some of your articles and I to be honest I am surpised admin allowed them to be kept because they lacked all of the criteria. While I strongly beleive that Catholic history does need to be covered on wikipedia think about refining your work and MAKE them notable if you want to get other users off your back. Ernst Stavro Blofeld 13:46, 24 October 2006 (UTC)

ArbCom elections are now open!
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Oh hey there!!
Nice talking with you tonight - A l is o n  ❤ 08:32, 10 February 2019 (UTC) (KM6ZMS)

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Eoin O'Duffy

Eoin O'Duffy (born Owen Duffy; 28 January 1890 – 30 November 1944) was an Irish revolutionary, soldier, police commissioner and politician. O'Duffy was the leader of the Monaghan Brigade of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) and a prominent figure in the Ulster IRA during the Irish War of Independence. In this capacity, he became Chief of Staff of the IRA in 1922. He accepted the Anglo-Irish Treaty and as a general became Chief of Staff of the National Army in the Irish Civil War, on the pro-Treaty side.

He had been an early member of Sinn Féin and was elected a Teachta Dála (TD) for Monaghan in the Second Dáil find 1921, supporting pro-Treaty Sinn Féin in the split of 1922. In 1923 he became associated with Cumann na nGaedheal.

He was appointed as the second Commissioner of the Garda Síochána in 1922, the police force of the new Irish Free State, serving until 1933. In 1924 during the Irish Army Mutiny he was appointed as General Officer Commanding of the Irish Army holding both roles until 1925.

In the 1930s O'Duffy became attracted to the various fascist movements on the continent. In 1933 O'Duffy took control of the paramilitary movement called Army Comrades Association, also known as the Blueshirts. When the Blueshirts merged with Cumann na nGaedhael and National Centre Party to form Fine Gael, O'Duffy began the new party's first leader, remaining as such for 13 months. He subsequently raised the Irish Brigade to fight for the Nationalists in the Spanish Civil War as an act of Catholic solidarity and was inspired by Benito Mussolini's Italy to create the National Corporate Party. During the Second World War, he was clandestinely involved in pro-Axis circles but focused mostly on athletic administration in his capacity as president of the National Athletics and Cycling Association. He died in 1944.

O'Duffy was active in multiple sporting bodies, including the Gaelic Athletic Association and the Irish Olympic Council.

Early life
Eoin O'Duffy was born Owen Duffy in Lough Egish, near Castleblayney, County Monaghan, on 28 January 1890 to an impoverished smallholder family. He was the youngest of seven children. His father, also named Owen Duffy, had inherited his 15 acre farm from his father Peter in 1888; however, the family were forced to farm conacre land and work on the roads to make ends meet. O'Duffy attended Laggan national school. He graduated to a school in Laragh where he developed an interest in the Gaelic Revival and attended night classes hosted by the Gaelic League. He was close to his mother, Bridget Fealy, who died of cancer when he was 12. O'Duffy was devastated by her death and he wore her ring for the rest of his life.

In 1909, he sat the king's scholarship examination for St Patrick's College, Dublin, but as a place was not assured, he applied to become a clerk in the county surveyor's office in Monaghan. O'Duffy decided to pursue a career as a surveyor and came fifth in the local government board examination in 1912. O'Duffy was appointed and moved to Newbliss to take up his new position. He later secured a post as an engineer.

Ulster GAA
O'Duffy was a leading member of the Gaelic Athletic Association (GAA) in Ulster. He was appointed secretary of the Ulster Provincial Council in 1912. He later served as Treasurer of the GAA Ulster Council from 1921 to 1934. His important role in developing the GAA in Ulster is memorialised by the O'Duffy Terrace at the principal provincial stadium, St Tiernach's Park in Clones, County Monaghan. In December 2009 a plaque was erected in memory of O'Duffy in Aughnamullen. The plaque was unveiled by the President of the Ulster GAA Council, Tom Daly.

He was also a member of Harps' Gaelic football club.

Other sports
As well as being a prominent figure in Ulster GAA he was also active in other sports. He was President of the Irish Amateur Handball Association from 1926 to 1934, the National Athletic and Cycling Association from 1931 to 1934 (which he founded in 1922), and the Irish Olympic Council from 1931 to 1932.

O'Duffy believed in the ideal of "cleaned manliness". He said sport "cultivates in a boy habits of self-control [and] self-denial" and promotes "the cleanest and most wholesome of the instincts of youth". He said a lack of sport caused some boys to have "failed to keep their athleticism, but became weedy youths, smoking too soon, drinking too soon".

Irish Republican Army and Sinn Féin

In 1917, O'Duffy joined the Irish Volunteers and took an active part in the Irish War of Independence, after that organisation became the Irish Republican Army (IRA). He rose rapidly through the ranks. He started as the Section Commander of the Clones Company, then Captain, then Commandant and finally appointed Brigadier in 1919. He came to the attention of Michael Collins, who enrolled him in the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB) and supported his advancement in the movement's hierarchy. One year later, Collins described O'Duffy as "the best man in Ulster". O'Duffy's senior involvement in the GAA and knowledge of Monaghan from his job as a surveyor proved invaluable for organisation and recruitment.

In 1918 O'Duffy became secretary of Sinn Féin's north Monaghan area council. On 14 September 1918 he and Daniel Hogan were arrested after a GAA match and charged with "illegal assembly". He was imprisoned in Belfast Prison and released on 19 November 1918. After his release O'Duffy focused on organising his brigade and built an effective intelligence network by cultivating contacts with susceptible RIC men. He was forced to go on the run after a RIC raid on his house in September 1919 but continued to draw his salary from the Monaghan County Council.

On 15 February 1920, he (along with Ernie O'Malley) was involved in the first capture of a Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) barracks by the IRA in Ballytrain, in his native Monaghan. The raid boosted local IRA recruitment, shook RIC morale and resulted in the closure of many barracks in rural Monaghan. O'Duffy was once again arrested and imprisoned in Belfast Prison, where he went on hunger strike. He was released in June and arranged which Sinn Féin candidates would stand in Monaghan during the 1920 Irish local elections.

O'Duffy's brigade started raiding the homes of Protestants for arms, increasing sectarian tensions. Armed Orangemen began parading the roads of Unionist areas and tit-for-tat killings occurred in reprisal for IRA casualties incurred during raids. He supported the Belfast Boycott and his brigade began harassing of Protestant stores, burning delivery vans from Belfast, raiding trains carrying northern goods and sabotaging rail tracks.

O'Duffy became more ruthless in 1921, intensifying attacks on British forces and executions of suspected informers and other opponents of the IRA. When a Protestant trader named George Lester held up and searched two boys, he suspected of being dispatch carriers for the IRA in February 1921, O'Duffy ordered his death. Lester was shot but survived his injury. In retaliation, the B Specials invaded Rosslea on 23 February and sacked the Catholic part of the town. One month later the IRA, commanded by O'Duffy, raided the town in reprisal, burning fourteen houses and killing three Protestants, two of them B Specials.

He became director of the army in 1921. In May 1921 he was returned as a Sinn Féin TD for the Monaghan constituency to the Second Dáil. He was re-elected at the 1922 general election.

In March 1921, he was made commander of the IRA's 2nd Northern Division. Following the Truce with the British in July 1921, he was sent to Belfast. After the rioting known as Belfast's Bloody Sunday, he was given the task of liaising with the British to try to maintain the Truce and defend Catholic areas against attack. During this time he gained the nickname "Give 'em the lead" after delivering a belligerent speech in South Armagh threatening that if unionists "decided they were against Ireland and against their fellow countrymen" the IRA would "have to use the lead against them". He was Director of Organisation in Ulster and Chief Liaison officer for Ulster at the time the treaty was signed.

In January 1922 he became IRA Chief of Staff, replacing Richard Mulcahy. O'Duffy was the youngest general in Europe until Spanish general Francisco Franco was promoted to that rank.

Civil War General and Garda Síochána

In 1921 he supported the Anglo-Irish Treaty, being pessimistic about the IRA's chances should the war resume and seeing the treaty as a stepping stone to a republic. Frank Aiken, a future military and political opponent, stated that from the signing of the treaty to the attack on the Four Courts in June 1922, O'Duffy did Herculean work for the pro-treaty cause. Further, Aiken felt that without those endeavours, aided by Mulcahy and Eoin MacNeill, the Civil War would not have taken place.

On 14 January, Dan Hogan was arrested in Derry by the B Specials. In response, O'Duffy proposed the kidnapping of a hundred prominent Orangemen in Fermanagh and Tyrone to Collins. The raid was executed on 7 February. On 22 April, O'Duffy accused Liam Lynch's 1st Southern Division of retaining arms intended for the Northern IRA. Lynch in turn blamed O'Duffy for the arms not reaching the north.

He served as a general in the National Army and was given control of the South-Western Command. In the ensuing Irish Civil War he was one of the architects behind the Free State's strategy of seaborne landings in Republican-held areas. He took Limerick for the Free State in July 1922, before being held up in the Battle of Killmallock south of the city. The enmities of the Civil War era were to stay with O'Duffy throughout his political career.

In September 1922, Minister for Home Affairs Kevin O'Higgins was experiencing indiscipline within the recently formed Garda Síochána and O'Duffy was appointed Garda Commissioner after resigning from the army to take up the position. O'Duffy was a fine organiser and has been given much of the credit for the emergence of a largely respected, non-political and unarmed police force. He insisted on a Catholic ethos to distinguish the Gardaí from their Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) predecessors, and regularly told members of the force they were not just men working an ordinary job, but policemen fulfilling their religious duty. He was also a vocal opponent of alcohol in the force, instructing Gardaí to avoid it in his first public address as Garda Commissioner. He encouraged Garda members to join the Pioneer Total Abstinence Association of the Sacred Heart. Although Garda were not allowed to wear pins on their uniform, O'Duffy made an exception for the Pioneer pin. In 1924 during the Irish Army Mutiny he was appointed as General Officer Commanding of the Irish Army holding both roles until 1925.

In February, following a general election in 1933, Executive Council President Éamon de Valera dismissed O'Duffy as Garda Commissioner. In the Dáil de Valera explained the reason for his dismissal, stating "[O'Duffy] was likely to be biased in his attitude because of past political affiliations". The true reason, however, appears to have been the new government's discovery that shortly after the 1932 election, O'Duffy was one of the voices urging the Cumann na nGaedheal government of W. T. Cosgrave to resort to a military coup rather than to turn over power to the incoming Fianna Fáil administration. O'Duffy refused the offer of another position of equivalent rank in the public service. Ernest Blythe said many years later that Cosgrave had become so alarmed by O'Duffy's conduct that had he returned to power he would have also sacked O'Duffy as De Valera had done. However O'Duffy's dismissal was criticised in the Dáil at the time by Cumann na nGaedheal politicians.

Leader of the Blueshirts
In July 1933 O'Duffy, urged by Blythe and Thomas F. O'Higgins, became leader of the Army Comrades Association, an organisation set up to protect Cumann na nGaedheal public meetings, which had been disrupted under the slogan "No Free Speech for Traitors" by Irish Republican Army members newly confident after the elections. O'Duffy and many other conservative elements within the Irish Free State began to embrace fascist ideology, which was in vogue at that time and O'Duffy was seen to be an ideal choice to lead the Blueshirts as he was considered charismatic, skilled in organising and also untainted by association with the failures of the previous Cumann na nGaedheal government.

O'Duffy was approved as leader of the ACA on 20 July. He soon changed the name of this new movement to the National Guard. An admirer of the Italian leader Benito Mussolini, O'Duffy and his organisation adopted outward symbols of European fascism such as the straight-arm Roman salute and a distinctive blue uniform. It was not long before they became known as the Blueshirts, similar to the Italian Blackshirts and the German Brownshirts. O'Duffy established a weekly newspaper, the Blueshirt, and published a new constitution that promoted corporatism, Irish unification and opposition to "alien" control and influence.

In July 1933, O'Duffy announced plans for a parade by the Blueshirts in Dublin to commemorate Michael Collins, Arthur Griffith, and Kevin O'Higgins. An annual march to Leinster Lawn to commemorate the three pro-Treaty nationalists had been held until Fianna Fáil came to power in 1932. De Valera feared a similar coup d'état as seen in Italy and the Special Branch raided the houses of prominent people aligned with Cumann na nGaedheal to seize their firearms. On 11 August, de Valera reinstated the Constitution (Amendment No. 17) Act 1931, banned the parade and placed Gardaí outside of key locations. 48 hours before the planned march, 200 men were recruited into an auxiliary special branch of the police soon nicknamed the Broy Harriers.

On 22 August the Blueshirts were declared an illegal organisation. To circumvent this ban the movement once again adopted a new name, this time styling itself the League of Youth. In 1933 a group of Irish republicans, one member of which was Dan Keating, planned to assassinate O'Duffy in Ballyseedy, County Kerry, while he would be on his way to a meeting. A man was sent to Limerick to find out which car O'Duffy would be travelling in but the man purposely gave false information and O'Duffy escaped.

During the early stages of the Second Italo-Ethiopian War in 1935, O'Duffy offered Benito Mussolini the service of 1000 Blueshirts because he believed the war represented the struggle between civilisation and barbarism. On 18 September, in an interview he said that the Blueshirts were volunteering to fight "not for Italy or against Abyssinia, but for the principle of the corporate system" against which "the forces of both Marxism and of capitalism" were ranged.

O'Duffy and some of his men also made an appearance at the 1934 International Fascist conference in Montreux where he argued against antisemitism, telling the conference that they had "no Jewish problem in Ireland" and that he "could not subscribe to the principle of the persecution of any race". Upon his return to Ireland, he indicated his preference for Italian fascism over German Nazism, stating: "the Nazi policy is not compatible with the corporative system."

Fine Gael
On 24 August 1933, representatives of Cumann na nGaedheal and the National Centre Party approached O'Duffy, offering that the Blueshirts join their ranks in exchange for O'Duffy becoming their leader. On 8 September the Blueshirts, under pressure after de Valera's ban on the organisation, approved the merger and so Cumann na nGaedheal, the Centre Party and the Blueshirt movement merged to form Fine Gael. O'Duffy, though not a TD, became the first leader, with W. T. Cosgrave serving as Vice President and parliamentary leader. The National Guard, now rechristened the Young Ireland Association, was transformed from an illegal paramilitary group into the militant wing of a political party.

The new party's policy document, published in mid-November 1933, sought the reunification of Ireland within the British Commonwealth but made no mention of a corporatist parliament and committed itself to democracy. As a result, O'Duffy was forced to tone down his anti-democratic rhetoric though many of his Blueshirt colleagues continued to advocate authoritarianism.

Fine Gael meetings were often attacked by IRA members and O'Duffy's touring of rural towns resulted in tensions and violence. On 6 October 1933 O'Duffy was involved in disturbances in Tralee during which he was hit with a hammer on the head and had his car torched as he attempted to attend a Fine Gael convention. De Valera used the violence to justify a crackdown on Blueshirt activities. A raid on the Young Ireland Association found evidence that it was the National Guard under another name, and the organisation was once again banned. O'Duffy responded with a speech in Ballyshannon where referred to himself as a republican and declared that "whenever Mr de Valera runs away from the Republic and arrests you Republicans, and puts you on board beds in Mountjoy, he is entitled to the fate he gave Mick Collins and Kevin O’Higgins". O'Duffy was arrested by the Gardaí several days later. He was initially released on appeal but was summoned to appear before the Military Tribunal two days later and charged with membership of an illegal organisation and incitement to murder the president of the executive council, however, they were unable to convict him of either charge.

O'Duffy proved an unsuitable leader: he was a soldier rather than a politician and was temperamental. He resented Cumann na nGaedheal's drift from republicanism following Collins' death in 1922, and insisted that Fine Gael would not "play second fiddle to anybody in the matter of Nationality". O'Duffy's nationalistic views alienated ex-Unionists who had supported Cumann na nGaedheal since the civil war, alarmed pro-Commonwealth moderates in Fine Gael, and resulted in O'Duffy being made the subject of an exclusion order in Northern Ireland. O'Duffy also clashed with his party on economic matters. Whereas Fine Gael favoured a return to pasture farming and free trade, O'Duffy was supportive of the experiments in tillage and protectionism implemented by his Fianna Fáil rivals, and was forced to attempt to compromise between the two.

His Fine Gael colleagues who regarded themselves as defenders of law-and-order were embarrassed by the Blueshirts' use of violence and attacks on the Gardaí, in addition to O'Duffy's connections with foreign fascist organisations and his view of the IRA as a communist group. O'Duffy's prestige was damaged when Fine Gael only won majorities on six councils to Fianna Fáil's fifteen in the 1934 Irish local elections after O'Duffy had predicted taking twenty. The cost of Blueshirt activism also began to strain the party financially. O'Duffy's approval of illegal agitation against the collection of land annuities by the government, declaration of his support for a republic and the revelation of his connections with the British Union of Fascists and the Fedrelandslaget were the last straws for moderates in Fine Gael. On 5 and 7 September 1934 Cosgrave, Ned Cronin and James Dillon met O'Duffy resulting in an agreement that O'Duffy could "deliver only carefully prepared and concise speeches from manuscripts" and give interviews "only after consultation and in writing". In response, O'Duffy resigned from the party on 18 September.

After his resignation, O'Duffy denounced Fine Gael as "the pan-British party of the Free State" and claimed he resigned "because he was not prepared to lead the League of Youth with the Union Jack tied to his neck".

Spanish Civil War
At first, O'Duffy announced to the press that "he was glad to be out of politics", but in October 1934 he announced his intentions to lead the Blueshirts as an independent movement. The Blueshirts split into two factions, one supporting O'Duffy and the other supporting Ned Cronin's leadership. O'Duffy and Cronin toured the country attempting to win the support of local Blueshirt branches. By 1935, the Blueshirts had disintegrated. Seeking to regain his former political influence, O'Duffy attempted to court the IRA, encouraging his followers to wear Easter lilies and desist from informing on republicans. In June 1935, O'Duffy launched the National Corporate Party, a fascist political party inspired by Italy's Mussolini.

The following year, he organised an Irish Brigade to fight for the Nationalists in the Spanish Civil War. He was motivated to do so by Ireland's historic link with Spain, his devout anti-communism and a will to defend Catholicism, stating "It is not a conflict between fascism and anti-fascism but between Christ and antichrist". In London in September 1936, O'Duffy met Juan de la Cierva and Emilio Mola, promising he would recruit an Irish contingent to fight against the Republicans.

Despite the Irish Government advising against participation in the war, 700 of O'Duffy's followers went to Spain to fight on the Nationalist side. He later stated he had received over 7,000 applications but several complications meant only 700 of these made it to Spain. O'Duffy's men saw little fighting and were sent home by Nationalist leader Francisco Franco, returning in June 1937. Franco had not been impressed by the Brigade's lack of military expertise and there were bitter arguments among O'Duffy and his officers about the direction of the Brigade.

Later life and death
O'Duffy returned to Ireland from Spain in disarray. He wrote a book, Crusade in Spain (1938), about the Irish Brigade in Spain. The book had antisemitic undertones; O'Duffy wrote that trade unions are "powerful political Jewish-Masonic organisations, directed and focused by the Communist International." He later congratulated General Franco for winning the Spanish Civil War; Franco thanked O'Duffy for his sending congratulations "on the victory of the Spanish Army in defence of Christianity, occidental civilisation and humanity, over the forces of destruction and disorder."

In 1936 O'Duffy attended the founding meeting of Cumann Poblachta na hÉireann but never became a member. In 1940 he also attended the founding meeting of Córas na Poblachta along with former leaders of the Irish Christian Front. In 1939 The Irish Times reported that O'Duffy and his followers were trying to set up a new organisation however nothing materialised. He was subsequently put under surveillance by the G2.

In February 1939 he met up with Oskar Pfaus, a German spy whom he put in touch with the IRA. He also met the Italian diplomat Vincenzo Berardis. Berardis assessed O'Duffy as being a committed fascist and noted his approval of the S-Plan and his opposition to de Valera's coercion against the IRA. A month later O'Duffy met Berardis again to solicit his support for a new fascist party that would unite Irish fascists and republicans. He is thought to have met with several leading IRA figures and German diplomat Eduard Hempel in a remote corner of County Donegal during the summer of 1939. G2 suspected O'Duffy was "flirting with the IRA" by acting as a negotiator between them and the Germans. At one point O'Duffy was offered a position as an IRA intelligence officer and on another occasion, he was invited to join former IRA Chiefs of Staff Moss Twomey and Andy Cooney in a protest against the "Yankee invasion of the Six Counties" in the summer of 1941.

In early November 1940, O'Duffy spoke with German spy Hermann Goertz in a meeting arranged by Seamus O'Donovan. O'Duffy made a good impression on Goertz and put him in contact with General Hugo MacNeill, who met with O'Duffy and German diplomat Henning Thomsen the next month to draw up a bilateral understanding between the Irish army and Germany in the event of a British invasion of Ireland.

In February-March 1943, transmissions were sent using Goertz's code to the Abwehr in Berlin purportedly from an associate of O'Duffy which offered to raise a 'Green Division' of volunteers to fight alongside the Wehrmacht on the Eastern Front to "fight against Bolshevism". The telegram was sent by Joseph Andrews, a man unconnected to O'Duffy, who had been attempting to extract money from the Germans. He was arrested in Dublin in December 1943. O'Duffy was unaware of the proposal made in his name by Andrews.

By this time O'Duffy had developed a serious drinking problem and his health had begun to seriously deteriorate; he died on 30 November 1944, aged 54. He received a state funeral. Following Requiem Mass in St Mary's Pro-Cathedral, he was buried in Glasnevin Cemetery.

In 2006 RTÉ aired a documentary entitled Eoin O'Duffy — An Irish Fascist.

title: Eoin O'Duffy


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