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People's Union (Belgium)

People's Union (Volksunie, VU) was a Flemish nationalist  political party in Belgium, formed in 1954 as a successor to the Christian Flemish People's Union.

The Volksunie defined itself as a big tent and catch-all party that combined support from the left and right with the main goal of focusing on increased Flemish autonomy and establishing more linguistic and political rights for the Flemish community. The party also based its platform on civic nationalism over radicalism in order to foster a more legitimate image. It also contained members sympathetic to federalism and full separatism, with its stance on whether to secede Flanders from Belgium or redefine Belgium as a federal nation in which Flanders had devolved power changing with its leadership. The VU participated in three coalitions with the Belgian government during its existence and has been credited by historians with successfully bringing the issue of Flemish nationalism to mainstream Belgian politics and implementing its federalist objectives. However, the party later suffered from ideological schisms which resulted in a decline in support before it was dissolved in 2001.

Early history
The party was officially founded in 1954 as the successor to the Christian Flemish People's Union (Christelijke Vlaamse Volksunie, CVV) electoral alliance, which had successfully run for election that year. It originated from the loose Flemish movement, which included different organisations seeking to promote Flanders and call for more political freedom for the Flemish community. The Flemish movement varied from wanting to secure more linguistic, cultural and political rights for Flanders within the Belgian state to wanting the total secession of Flanders from Belgium or even reunification with the Netherlands under the Greater Netherlands concept. In the second half of the nineteenth century, Flemish nationalists operated within the established political partieshey chief and initially had close ties with the political left such as the Vermeylenfonds movement.

During the Second World War, previous Flemish nationalist groups such as the Flemish National League (Vlaamsch Nationaal Verbond, VNV) collaborated with the Nazis, who had promised them increased Flemish autonomy. That initially complicated the postwar re-emergence of Flemish nationalism although only a faction of the broader movement had actually pursued an agenda of collaboration. After the only outlets for organised Flemish nationalism were charitable groups dedicated to war veterans and the dominant Christian Social Party (Christelijke Volkspartij, CVV), which was not avowedly nationalist but had a separatist wing.

As a result, the Volksunie sought to build a strong alliance of Flemish nationalists under one movement but was careful to choose its leaders from nationalist circles that had not collaborated with the Nazis. Ideologically, the Volksunie preferred to position itself around the centre and saw itself as a coalition of various shades of Flemish thought as a big tent party with the objective of pursuing further autonomy and a sense of national identity for the Flemish region. To distance itself from prewar nationalism, the VU sought to promote its brand of nationalism as civic nationalism, as opposed to nationalism based on ethnic and racial sentiments, to gain credibility and wider support. As a result, the party was initially able to bring together various strands of scattered Flemish nationalists into a coherent movement. The party was closely aligned to the Order of Flemish Militants (Vlaamse Militanten Orde, VMO) during the 1950s, with the VMO handling propaganda, recruitment and campaign work for the VU. However, the groups began to drift apart, as the VU moved to the centre while the VMO began to turn to the extreme right. The two movements formally broke ties in 1963.

The party contained members from the left, right and centre of the political spectrum from socialists to right-wing conservatives, and it differed from other Belgian parties by putting Flemish nationalism at the forefront of its image and platform as opposed to basing its policies on a right or left-of-centre identity. At a European level, the Volksunie was a member of the European Free Alliance, which contained other separatist and regionalist parties.

Initial success
The party initially proved successful and had members elected to the Chamber of Representatives (five) and the Senate (two) of the Belgian Federal Parliament in 1961. The party continued to grow in stature and reached the 11.0% at the national level in 1978 elections, gaining 21 representatives and went on to participate in the Belgian government as a coalition partner. This enabled the party to become the first electorally successful Flemish nationalist party and bring the agenda of Flemish autonomy on the mainstream political stage. In government, the VU was also able to ensure a Dutch language version of the Belgian constitution was adopted, gradually secured more regional powers for Flanders and worked to redefine Belgium as a federal rather than a unitary state.

Ideological splits and decline
The acceptance of federalism in place of separatism by the VU in the 1970s did not sit well with the party's right-wing and separatist wing, and a split became inevitable, particularly after the party entered the coalition government of Leo Tindemans (CVP, Christian-Democrat). The right-wing separatist and national conservative faction broke away and organized itself in the Vlaams Blok, becoming a much stronger political force and surpassing Volksunie at the beginning of the 1990s (6.6% against VU's 5.9% in 1991 elections).

Although the party would continue to participate in two other coalition governments, the Volksunie continued its electoral decline (5.6% in 1999 elections against the 9.9% of the Vlaams Blok), with the internal divisions between the right-wing and left-wing members re-emerging in 2001. In the beginning of the 1990s, Bert Anciaux became party president and led the party in an ever more leftist and progressive direction, combining the social-liberal ideas of his iD21-movement with the regionalist course of the People's Union. These experiments were opposed by the more conservative leaning and separatist party base. Tension rose at the end of the 1990s when Geert Bourgeois of the centre-right nationalist wing, was elected chairman by party members, in preference to the incumbent and progressive Patrik Vankrunkelsven. Factions subsequently clashed multiple times, over the future course of the party and possible support for current state reform negotiations. On 13 October 2001 the party openly split into three factions: the progressive wing around Bert Anciaux, the conservative nationalist wing around Geert Bourgeois, and a centrist group opposing the imminent split. An internal referendum was held on the future of the party.

The right wing won a large plurality at a party referendum, with 47 percent. However, while it inherited Volksunie's structure, it did not take the Volksunie name due to falling short of a majority and not being allowed to use the party name under Belgian electoral law. Instead, it reconstituted itself as a new party, and re-registered itself as the New Flemish Alliance (Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie, or N-VA). The left wing under Anciaux broke off and became Spirit, while the liberal members joined the Flemish Liberals and Democrats. The two parties proceeded to form new electoral alliances, known in Belgium as cartels, with the N-VA allying with Christian Democratic and Flemish and Spirit with the Socialist Party - Different. These cartels broke up in 2008 as the parties continued their decline, until the N-VA experienced a sudden resurgence in 2009, eventually becoming the largest party in Flanders and going on to participate as a coalition partner in the Belgian government, while Spirit ceased to exist, merging with Groen.

Ideology and legacy
The Volksunie did not follow the traditional left-right pattern of politics and instead presented itself as a big tent movement that encompassed policy ideas from all over the political spectrum, but regarded Flemish nationalism and autonomy as its core objective above all else. The VU promoted the use of the Dutch language and recognition of Flemish cultural identity and heritage. It also successfully called for the establishment of a Flemish Parliament, more devolved decision making powers, political reform, the separation of Flemish Brabant from the former Brabant province and the St. Michael's Agreement of 1992 which re-established Belgium as a federal country. Behind its nationalist image, the party's underlying ideology shifted with the leadership. For example, under the leadership of Jaak Gabriëls and Geert Bourgeois, the VU took on a right-wing identity whereas under Bert Anciaux the VU was steered in a centre-left direction. Although the party's focus on protecting Flemish interests initially attracted support, the ideological difference between the VU's wings and the acceptance of Federalism over full Flemish independence alienated the VU's separatist and national conservative flank who left to form Vlaams Blok, taking some of the VU's voters with it. By the early 2000s, the party's splits resulted in the more dominant conservative faction forming the N-VA (which adopted a position of supporting a confederal Belgian state as a means of paving the way for Flemish independence) and the centre-left faction becoming Spirit. A majority of former VU leaders and members either joined the N-VA or Spirit, with a smaller number joining the Open VLD, Vlaams Blok or the CD&V.

Party chairman

 * Walter Couvreur: 1954-1955
 * Frans Van der Elst: 1955-1975
 * Hugo Schiltz: 1975-1979
 * Vic Anciaux: 1979-1986
 * Jaak Gabriëls: 1986-1992
 * Bert Anciaux: 1992-1998
 * Patrik Vankrunkelsven: 1998-2000
 * Geert Bourgeois: 2000-2001
 * Fons Borginon: 2001

Federal Parliament
Chamber of Representatives

title: People's Union (Belgium)


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Sociaal-Liberale Partij

Sociaal-Liberale Partij (SLP; Dutch for Social Liberal Party) was a Belgian Flemish political party formed after dissolution of the moderate nationalist People's Union (Volksunie) party. Prior to 19 April 2008 it was known as Spirit, and intermediately as Flemish Progressives (VlaamsProgressieven). The party merged with Groen in the end of 2009, ceasing to exist.

History
The People's Union split up into two parties, the social liberal Spirit and the centre-right New-Flemish Alliance (N-VA), which formed an electoral alliance with the Christian Democratic and Flemish (CD&V) party. The formation of the alliances was seen as a way in which Spirit and N-VA could guarantee their influence and position in Flemish and Belgian politics. This led the liberal wing to initially opt for an Alliance with Flemish Liberals and Democrats.

Abbreviation
Spirit was the abbreviation for
 * Sociaal (Social)
 * Progressief (Progressive)
 * Internationaal (International)
 * Regionalistisch (Regional)
 * Integraal-democratisch (Completely democratic)
 * Toekomstgericht (Future oriented)

2007 elections
In the 10 June 2007 general elections, the Social Liberal party was in an electoral alliance with Socialist Party Different (sp.a) and won 14 out of 88 Flemish seats in the Chamber of Representatives and 4 out of 40 Flemish seats in the Senate.

In the autumn of 2008, following a scandal causing its leader, Bettina Geysen to step down, the Social Liberal Party ended its cooperation with SP.A. Geert Lambert was elected the new leader. Many prominent party members, including cofounder Bert Anciaux, left the party.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Sociaal-Liberale Partij


text:
User talk:Shipbob

Greetings! I hope you like the place and decide to stay. You can sign your name with ~. If you have questions or doubts of any sort, do not hesitate to post them on the Village Pump, somebody will respond ASAP. Other helpful pages include: Have fun! --Jiang 12:42, 5 Aug 2003 (UTC)
 * Welcome, newcomers
 * Manual of style
 * Naming conventions

title: User talk:Shipbob


text:
Talk:Christian Democratic and Flemish

Untitled
Despite talking up its chances, it came third in the 2003 elections, coming behind the VLD and the SPa-Spirit. I don't understand this, but I don't know what to do with it. Anyone? 159.46.248.217 12:44, 5 Aug 2003 (UTC)

To talk up is a phrasal verb meaning 'to exaggerate'. I reworded the sentence to make it plainer. -- Heron

EU / platform
Some one should include the parties stances on major issues and eu policy. Thanks!
 * Yes, particularly the party's platform on issues likely to be of interest to anglophone readers inside and outside Belgium, such as EU policies, Belgian state reform, environmental policies, etc. M Carling 09:29, 15 September 2013 (UTC)

You! See that corner? Go be racist in it!
"Vlaams Blok, which in 2004 was sentenced by a judge to be racist." So the judge is forcing a party to be racist?

Sorry, I found this amusing. I think I'll change it for the better, though. BillG | Talk 20:23, 1 September 2006 (UTC)
 * On second thought, is this even necessary? It may be fact, but it's fact more suitable for the Blok's WP entry. BillG | Talk 20:28, 1 September 2006 (UTC)

Nationalist?
I don't think this party should be described as "nationalist" and to describe it thus is misleading since it does not advocate separatism. It is certainly conservative, but there is nothing stated in the article or its sources that would justify calling it nationalist. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 91.113.89.123 (talk) 14:45, 6 April 2009 (UTC)
 * I think this was left here since the CD&V/N-VA cartel. It may also refer to the "5 minutes of political courage" of Yves Leterme. Since a couple of months, the party indeed seems to have changed back to its old middle of the road stance.--Luxem (talk) 20:40, 6 April 2009 (UTC)

Title
The name of the party simply doesn't translate into English. I know that in Dutch it makes sense but Christian Democrats and Flemish is an extremely confusing name. Does the party have an official translation into English? I propose translating it as
 * Christian Democrats and the Flemish
 * Flanders and the Christian Democrats
 * Christian Democrats and Flanders
 * Flemish Christian Democrats

Thoughts? --Shabidoo | Talk 09:03, 8 October 2014 (UTC)

 * The translation of the party name "Christian Democratic and Flemish" is the most common one in English language textbooks and academic sources, so it should be left as is.--Autospark (talk) 11:24, 8 October 2014 (UTC)

I always wondered why some Belgian parties retain their Dutch/French/German name and, although I am aware of some arguments in favour of this, I think that the handling of Belgian parties is quite inconsistent with most en.Wikipedia articles on parties. I thus support the move of this article to any English name that may reach consensus and I would like to see the same done also for other Belgian parties. --Checco (talk) 10:38, 11 October 2014 (UTC)
 * I strongly support your proposal. IMO there is no strong reason why articles about the Belgian political parties should not be listed by their English names, particularly as they all have commonly accepted translations in English language sources and materials, and there is no longer any 'overlap' between party names from the different language communities (e.g. the PS and SP.a have not both been called 'Socialist Party' in their different languages since 2001).--Autospark (talk) 23:51, 11 October 2014 (UTC)
 * Very good! What can we do about it? Let me know... --Checco (talk) 10:21, 17 October 2014 (UTC)
 * Ideally we should all the names of the Belgian political parties changed/moved to their English translations - I see no reason why the articles should be named as their native language as in Likud, Forza Italia et al.--Autospark (talk) 14:25, 20 October 2014 (UTC)
 * Can we do it by ourselves or how do we manage to find consensus? --Checco (talk) 08:09, 22 October 2014 (UTC)
 * We should seek consensus really, but you're right, I am not sure how exactly to go about it either as it involves at least a dozen articles. Discuss the matter on the talk pages of Political parties in Belgium perhaps? There does seem to be some discrepancy in the titling of the Belgian party articles at is BTW, as I've noticed that New Flemish Alliance has an English title as has done for a while without any objections.--Autospark (talk) 14:43, 22 October 2014 (UTC)
 * OK. Whenever and wherever you start a discussion, let me know. --Checco (talk) 10:40, 24 October 2014 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Christian Democratic and Flemish


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Alexander Shliapnikov

Alexander Gavrilovich Shliapnikov (Алекса́ндр Гаври́лович Шля́пников) (August 30, 1885 – September 2, 1937) was a Russian communist revolutionary, metalworker, and trade union leader. He is best remembered as a memoirist of the October Revolution of 1917 and as the leader of the Workers' Opposition, one of the primary opposition movements inside the Russian Communist Party during the 1920s.

Early years
Alexander Shliapnikov was born August 30, 1885, in Murom, Russian Empire to a poor family of Russian ethnicity and of the Old Believer religion. His father died when he was a small child. In 1898, at the age of 13, Shliapnikov began factory work at the Kondratov factory in Vacha, and one year later began working in Sormovo factories in Nizhny Novgorod, where he had his first encounter with Marxist literature. At the invitation of his older brother Peter, Shliapnikov moved to St. Petersburg in late 1900, beginning work alongside his brother at the Semyannikov (also known as Nevsky) factory, and rapidly became involved in labor unrest there. By age fifteen, Shliapnikov had been blacklisted and could no longer find work at the major factories in St. Petersburg, and was forced to return to Sormovo, where he once again found himself unemployable due to his suspected radicalism. While in Sormovo, he was entrusted with illegal literature to distribute back in Murom, which he later designated as his initiation into the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party.

1905 and Emigration from Russia
According to Shliapnikov himself, he joined the Bolsheviks in 1903, the year of their split with the Mensheviks. He continued to work as a factory worker in Murom even as he deepened his involvement in political activism, and in 1904 he was arrested for distribution of illegal literature. Shliapnikov managed to convince the prosecutor that he had been entrapped by police provocateurs, and thus won his freedom, but also attracted the attention of the local Black Hundreds, who brutally assaulted him on his way home. Undeterred, Shliapnikov continued his revolutionary activities, and during the 1905 revolution, he led an armed demonstration of workers in Murom, helping to take the local police chief hostage and force the police to retreat, resulting in another arrest. Even after being freed by the general amnesty issued in October, his continued militancy and intransigence saw him jailed for a third time, in a prison stint which would last until January 1907. Almost immediately after his release, Shliapnikov was drafted into the army, and after refusing to take an oath of loyalty to the Tsar, the police once again arrested him. Freed on bail, he vanished into the underground, finding work in the Electrical Station of 1886 in St. Petersburg, where he met fellow metalworker Sergei Medvedev, establishing what would become a decades long friendship. Later in 1907, the now 22-year-old Shliapnikov became a member of the Petersburg Committee of the RSDRP(b), and due to his growing prominence, at the end of 1907 his friends advised him to emigrate from Russia. Entrusted with letters for Bolshevik leader Vladimir Lenin, he left Russia in January 1908, and after arriving in Switzerland by February 6, where he had a brief meeting with Lenin, continued onwards to Paris, and within two months Shliapnikov found work in an automobile factory in the suburb of Asnières.

In Exile
Shliapnikov acclimated well to life in Paris, improving his French language skills, giving speeches, writing articles, and participating in both Russian émigré politics and French trade unionism, all while continuing to work as a metalworker. He joined a regional committee of the SFIO and became a leader in the Parisian Mechanics’ Trade Union, putting him into contact with a diverse collection of French, German, Swedish, and Norwegian metalworkers and trade unionists. Shliapnikov also became romantically involved with Alexandra Kollontai in 1911, who at that time was still a Menshevik, and with her travelled to Germany in January 1912, but he did not adjust well to life there, and within a few months returned to France, although he continued to visit Kollontai in Germany. During this time period, Shliapnikov began to write more frequently, and became involved in French trade union debates, arguing against both "non-political" unionists, whose efforts he perceived as only weakening unions, and anarcho-syndicalists, who he accused of condescension towards the masses and an unwillingness to draw them into revolutionary work.

World War I
By the spring of 1914, Shliapnikov found himself unable to obtain industrial work, and as such resolved to return to Russia, which he did in April 1914, and due to his distrust of police informant Roman Malinovsky and habit of avoiding group meetings, managed to evade the wave of arrests which befell so many Bolsheviks in the summer of 1914. Refusing a position in the central Bolshevik party organization, he found employment as a metalworker, pretending to be a French worker to evade the authorities, while continuing to participate in the Bolshevik underground. The outbreak of World War I forced Shliapnikov to leave Russia, as the French government recalled its citizens and thereby destroyed his cover, and in September 1914, the Petersburg Committee sent him to Scandinavia. Due to the outbreak of war, Sweden, which had remained neutral, became one of the only routes by which Bolshevik emigres could communicate with Russian Bolsheviks, but despite successfully organizing a route into Russia using Swedish transport workers, Shliapnikov found himself unable to obtain either industrial work in Sweden or funding from Russian party organizations. Forced to take out loans from Swedish socialists, he sent several packages of material to Russia, proposing potential smuggling routes, but received no response, and his smuggling network lost too many links to continue operating. Kollontai, who was also living in Sweden, assisted him in these ventures, but was arrested for her anti-war activities and deported to Copenhagen, and Swedish socialists encouraged Shliapnikov to leave voluntarily so he could re-enter the country at a later date. Traveling to London in April 1915, he almost immediately found work as a turner at the Fiat automobile plant in Wembley, and while there joined the Amalgamated Society of Engineers and participated in their activities.

By August 1915, Shliapnikov had collected enough money to re-establish the Bolshevik smuggling network in Scandinavia, but he quickly became convinced that he needed to return to Russia to set up operations from that end, and left Scandinavian operations in the hands of Nikolai Bukharin, Yevgenia Bosch, and Georgy Pyatakov. According to instructions from Lenin and Grigory Zinoviev, he was to set up a small bureau of the Central Committee in Russia, and recruit members only from workers, such as Vasily Schmidt, and to produce a resolution on the war. To ensure he had sufficient authority to conduct his tasks, Lenin and Zinoviev co-opted Shliapnikov onto the Central Committee, and he successfully arrived in Petrograd in October 1915. Unfortunately for Shliapnikov, the police agent Miron Chernomazov, a leading member of the Petersburg Committee of the Bolsheviks, fiercely fought against his efforts to set up a Russian Bureau, and he rapidly found himself intensely surveilled by police agents. Nevertheless, despite police efforts and a lack of funds, Shliapnikov succeeded in setting up a functional Bolshevik center linked to the Central Committee with the assistance of fellow worker-Bolsheviks like Yury Lutovinov and Lenin's sisters. After a month long tour of the provinces, he returned to Petrograd in January 1916 and found the Petersburg Committee facing a revolt from Bolshevik insurance organizers. Shliapnikov's support for the insurance organizers led Chernomazov and the Committee to condemn him, only for Shliapnikov to propose Chernomazov's expulsion from the Committee. After a new session of the Committee withdrew its condemnation, Chernomazov managed to remain among party leaders, albeit with a weakened position. Despite all of Shliapnikov's efforts, the Okhrana rapidly arrested the majority of the Russian Bureau after he left Russia in February 1916, and when he returned to Scandinavia, he had to re-establish the smuggling network due to arrests by Swedish police.

While in Scandinavia, Shliapnikov became embroiled in a spat between Lenin, Bukharin, Bosch, and Pyatakov over the proper attitude towards nationalism, which halted production of the journal Kommunist and disrupted the flow of literature and communication to Russia. Frustrated and angered by the disruption of practical work for the sake of factionalism, he accused Lenin of nepartiinost, castigated Bukharin, Bosch, and Pyatakov for being incompetent organizers, and during the Summer of 1916, set off for America with the goal of raising funds. At the same time, Kollontai decided to end her relationship with Shliapnikov, and chose to leave a letter indicating as such for him to read upon his return, and he would not see her again until March 1917 in Petrograd, when he harshly rebuked her for having broken up with him in such a "rude" and "hurtful" fashion. Shliapnikov had little success fundraising in America, but upon returning to Scandinavia in September 1916, he recommended that Bukharin travel to America to provide an articulate Bolshevik voice in the pages of the socialist magazine Novy Mir.

1917
Shliapnikov eagerly returned to Russia in October 1916. To help him rebuild the Russian Bureau, he recruited Vyacheslav Molotov and Petr Zalutskii, and they were the senior Bolsheviks in Petrograd during the February Revolution in 1917. Under Shliapnikov, the Russian Bureau took a stance of opposition towards the provisional government, and called for the Petrograd Soviet to form a revolutionary government. The arrival of more prominent Bolsheviks like Lev Kamenev and Joseph Stalin from Siberian exile brought on a struggle over leadership and the correct stance towards the war. The "moderates" under Kamenev successfully outmaneuvered the Russian Bureau, seizing control of the party newspaper Pravda, and refusing to publish Vladimir Lenin's "Letters from Afar" urging opposition to the provisional government. On March 15, Kamenev published an editorial supporting the war effort, and by March 18 had persuaded the Petersburg committee to provide "conditional support" to the provisional government.

The arrival of Vladimir Lenin in Petrograd during April seriously challenged the dominant "moderate" line and brought about a shift in the party's positions, but Shliapnikov, hospitalized for weeks due to an automobile accident, did not play a major role in this affair. Instead, Shliapnikov and Konstantin Eremeev played a leading role in organizing a "Workers' Guard" among radical workers in the Vyborg district of Petrograd, and in August 1917, Shliapnikov joined the newly formed general staff of the Red Guard. On May 7, Shliapnikov was elected to the central board of the Petrograd Metalworkers' Union alongside the unaligned socialist Aleksei Gastev and the Menshevik I.G. Volkov, and once he recovered from his automobile accident, he chaired the first Central Committee of the Petrograd Metalworkers' Union on May 27. By June 11, the Union had established a system of supporting unemployed workers, set up the journal "Metallist", begun to mediate conflicts between workers and industrialists. Over the next month, delegates from across Russia formed the first All-Russian Metalworkers' Union, and Shliapnikov found himself elected to its central committee alongside three other Bolsheviks, Volkov and three other Mensheviks, and Gastev. Due to Gastev's support, he was elected as chairman of the Central Committee during its first meeting on June 29. He led negotiations of a wage agreement between Petrograd metalworkers and factory owners in 1917.

After the revolution
Following the October Revolution and the Bolshevik seizure of power, Shliapnikov was appointed Commissar of Labor. Shliapnikov supported a coalition government composed of left socialist parties, and signed Zinoviev's and Kamenev's statement supporting a socialist coalition government, but unlike other "moderates" refused to resign from his post. The coalition agreement reached with the Left-SRs mollified most of the "moderate" Bolsheviks, and Shliapnikov would later claim that he only supported an alliance with the Left-SRs. In contrast to his "moderate" position in regards to coalitions with other socialist parties, Shliapnikov held a decisively "radical" stance towards the Constituent Assembly. The Bolshevik CC assigned him to take control of Bolshevik preparations for the Constituent Assembly, countering Zinoviev's and Kamenev's efforts to install a "moderate" provisional bureau which would support their stances, and Shliapnikov wholeheartedly supported the dispersal of the Constituent Assembly over the course of January 18 and 19.

Shliapnikov played an important role in evacuating industry from Petrograd, as the Germans approached in 1918. As Commissar of Labor, he helped draft important directives on workers' control of industry and nationalization of industry and he staffed government bureaucracies with staff from trade unions. In the summer of 1918, he went to the south of Russia on a mission to gather food for the population of the Bolshevik-controlled cities of Northern Russia.

In October 1918 Shliapnikov was replaced as Commissar of Labor by Vasili Schmidt and then initially served as a member of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Southern Front, chaired by Stalin in Tsaritsyn, and shortly after as Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Council of the Caspian-Caucasian Front, based in Astrakhan, which he had proposed to create. During the Civil War, Shliapnikov began to criticize the increasing tendency of the Russian Communist Party and Soviet government to rely on authoritarian measures to enforce policies towards industry and industrial workers. To Shliapnikov, denial of workers' right to participate in economic decision-making was a step away from the goals of the 1917 revolution.

Opposition leader

Shliapnikov became leader of the Workers' Opposition movement inside the Russian Communist Party. Alexandra Kollontai was a mentor and advocate of the group, which was composed of leaders of trade unions and industry who were all former industrial workers, usually metalworkers. This movement advocated the role of workers, organized in trade unions, in managing the economy and the political party. The Russian Communist Party leaders succeeded in suppressing the Workers' Opposition and in 1921–22 finally subordinated trade union leadership to the Party. In 1921, Shliapnikov was forced out of his elected post as chairman of the Metalworkers' Union.

In 1922, Shliapnikov and some other trade-unionists from within and outside the Workers' Opposition, supported by Alexandra Kollontai, presented an appeal, called the Letter of the Twenty Two, to the Communist International Executive, requesting that the Comintern help heal a "rift" within the Russian Communist Party between Party leaders and workers. Party leaders and Party-controlled media condemned the appeal. Two of the signatories of the appeal were expelled from the Party, but Shliapnikov, Kollontai, and Sergei Medvedev narrowly escaped expulsion.

Shliapnikov turned to writing his memoirs and held jobs in metals import and economic planning institutions. The Party Central Control Commission investigated him and Sergei Medvedev in 1926 and in 1930 for alleged factionalism in connection with the formation of oppositionist groups among workers in Baku and Omsk. In 1932, the Party Politburo ordered Shliapnikov to publish a public confession of "political errors" in writing his memoirs of the revolution, under pain of being purged from the party. He "acknowledged mistakes in his memoirs of 1917, but in language that made his errors appear less grievous [...] Nevertheless, the 'confession' as it appeared in Pravda on 9 March changed his claim of having been misunderstood to a cruder and more thorough repentance. Kaganovich may have dictated this 'confession'. Secondary and tertiary literature has gone so far as to interpret the March 1932 statement as a repudiation of all his former oppositional stances in party discussions. In fact, the original statement Shliapnikov wrote and signed was not even a complete repudiation of his memoirs".

Death and legacy
Shliapnikov was expelled from the Communist Party in 1933 and imprisoned in 1935 for alleged political crimes. Charged under Article 58 of the RSFSR Criminal Code, he did not confess guilt or implicate others. Nevertheless, he was found guilty, based on others' testimony, and was executed on September 2, 1937.

His wife was also arrested and sentenced to eight years in prison, while their three children were dispatched to separate orphanages, being only later permitted to reunite. In 1948–1951 all three children, who were not older than 20, and their mother were arrested during a new wave of terror and sentenced to prison camp in Siberia, the only female child, Irina, getting her sentence immediately changed to internal exile in Krasnoyarsk. They were all released in the mid-1950s. Shliapnikov was posthumously rehabilitated in 1963 and restored to membership in the Communist Party in 1988.

In an address delivered in 1975 at an AFL–CIO meeting in Washington, DC, Nobel laureate, Russian dissident, and famed author Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn asserted that "before the Revolution the head of the Communist Party of Russia was Shliapnikov – not Lenin" and that Shliapnikov's name was unknown because he represented the true interests of the workers, in contrast to the émigré intellectuals who dominated the upper ranks of the party.

title: Alexander Shliapnikov


text:
Woody Hayes

Wayne Woodrow "Woody" Hayes (February 14, 1913 – March 12, 1987) was an American football player and coach. He served as the head football coach at Denison University from 1946 to 1948, Miami University in Oxford, Ohio from 1949 to 1950, and Ohio State University from 1951 to 1978, compiling a career college football coaching record of 238–72–10. He was inducted into the College Football Hall of Fame as a coach in 1983.

During his 28 seasons as the head coach of the Ohio State Buckeyes football program, Hayes' teams were recognized five times by NCAA consensus selectors as national champions (1954, 1957, 1961, 1968, 1970), credited as three – 1954, 1957, 1968 – by the major wire-services: AP Poll and Coaches' Poll. Additionally, his Buckeye teams captured 13 Big Ten Conference titles, and amassed a record of 205–61–10.

Over the last decade of his coaching tenure at Ohio State, Hayes's Buckeye squads faced off in a fierce rivalry against the Michigan Wolverines coached by Bo Schembechler, a former player under and assistant coach to Hayes. During that stretch in the Michigan–Ohio State football rivalry, dubbed "The Ten Year War", Hayes and Schembechler's teams won or shared the Big Ten Conference crown every season and usually each placed in the national rankings.

Early years
A native of Clifton, Ohio, Hayes was the youngest of three children born to Wayne B. and Effie (née Hupp) Hayes. He played center at Newcomerstown High School in Newcomerstown, Ohio. At Denison University, he played tackle under coach Tom Rogers, and was a member of Sigma Chi fraternity. After graduating from Denison in 1935, Hayes went on to serve as an assistant at two Ohio high schools: Mingo Junction in 1935–1936 and New Philadelphia in 1937. When New Philadelphia head coach John Brickels left to accept another position, Hayes was elevated to the head coaching position, where he put together a 17–2–1 record in his first two seasons before enduring a 1–9 record in 1940.

Hayes enlisted in the United States Navy in July 1941, eventually rising to the rank of Lieutenant Commander during World War II. He commanded PC 1251 in the Palau Islands invasion and the destroyer-escort USS Rinehart in both the Atlantic and Pacific operations.

As World War II was near its end, and Hayes' alma mater, Denison University, was pursuing plans to reinstate its football program (which had been suspended during the war), it contacted former head coach Rogers (also in the Navy) about rejoining the program as head coach. Rogers declined, but recommended that his former team captain, Hayes, should be named the next head coach. Denison was able to locate and give Hayes an offer, which he accepted, minutes before his Navy ship was to begin the voyage through the Panama Canal — meaning Hayes would have been incommunicado for an extended period of time.

Coaching at Denison and Miami (OH) University
Upon returning to Denison in 1946, Hayes had a hard first year, winning only 2 games, over Capital and the season finale against Wittenberg. However, that victory sparked a 19-game winning streak, a surge that propelled him into the head coaching position at Miami University. Miami is recognized as the "Cradle of Coaches" because of its history of outstanding coaches starting their careers there, such as Paul Brown, Ara Parseghian, Weeb Ewbank, Bill Mallory, Sid Gillman, Randy Walker, and Bo Schembechler. After the 1947 season, Gillman moved down the road to coach at the University of Cincinnati, which was then Miami's chief rival. Hayes and Gillman maintained a sparkling feud between themselves, combining mutual distaste for the other's coaching style, and because they were in recruiting competition in the same general area.

In his second year with the Miami Redskins, Hayes led the 1950 team to an appearance in the Salad Bowl, where they defeated Arizona State. That success led him to accept the Ohio State head coaching position on February 18, 1951, in a controversial decision after the university rejected the applications of other more well-known coaches, including former Buckeyes' head coach Paul Brown, incumbent Buckeye assistant Harry Strobel, and Missouri head coach Don Faurot.

Ohio State
As head coach of the Ohio State Buckeyes, Hayes led his teams to a 205–61–10 record (.761), including three consensus national championships (1954, 1957, and 1968), two other non-consensus national titles (1961 and 1970), 13 Big Ten conference championships, and eight Rose Bowl appearances. Hayes was a three-time winner of The College Football Coach of the Year Award, now known as the Paul "Bear" Bryant Award, and was "the subject of more varied and colorful anecdotal material than any other coach past or present, including fabled Knute Rockne", according to biographer Jerry Brondfield.

Hayes' basic coaching philosophy was that "nobody could win football games unless they regarded the game positively and would agree to pay the price that success demands of a team." His conservative style of football (especially on offense) was often described as "three yards and a cloud of dust"—in other words, a "crunching, frontal assault of muscle against muscle, bone upon bone, will against will." The basic, bread-and-butter play in Hayes' playbook was a fullback off-guard run or a tailback off tackle play. Hayes was often quoted as saying "only three things can happen when you pass (a completion, an incompletion, and an interception) and two of them are bad."

In spite of this apparent willingness to avoid change, Hayes became one of the first major college head coaches to recruit African-American players, including Jim Parker, who played both offensive and defensive tackle on Hayes' first national championship team in 1954. While Hayes was not the first to recruit African-Americans to Ohio State, he was the first to recruit and start African-Americans in large numbers there and to hire African-American assistant coaches.

Another Hayes recruit, Archie Griffin, was the only two-time Heisman Trophy winner in seven decades of selections. Altogether, Hayes had 58 players earn All-America honors under his tutelage. Many notable football coaches, such as Lou Holtz, Bill Arnsparger, Bill Mallory, Bo Schembechler, Doyt Perry, Ara Parseghian and Woody's successor, Earle Bruce, served as his assistants at various times.

Hayes often used illustrations from historical events to make a point in his coaching and teaching. When Hayes was first hired to be the head coach at Ohio State, he was also made a "full professor of physical education", having earned an M.A. degree in educational administration from Ohio State in 1948. The classes he taught were usually full, and he was called "Professor Hayes" by students. Hayes also taught mandatory English and vocabulary classes to his freshman football players. One of his students was a basketball player named Bobby Knight, who later became a legendary basketball coach. During his time at Ohio State, Hayes' relationships with students and faculty members were particularly good. Even those members of the faculty who believed that the role of intercollegiate athletics was growing out of control respected Hayes personally for his commitment to academics, the standards of integrity with which he ran his program, and the genuine enthusiasm he brought to his hobby as an amateur historian. Hayes often ate lunch or dinner at the university's faculty club, interacting with faculty and administrators. As a coach and an educator, Hayes was one of the first to use the motion picture as a teaching and learning tool. He was also memorable in that he could often be seen walking across campus, taking the time to visit with students. When talking to young people, Hayes treated all with respect, without regard to race or socio-economic class. This behavior was helpful to Ohio State in quelling the violence and damage from anti-war demonstrations that other college campuses suffered in the late 1960s and early 1970s. He took the time to communicate with student leaders. Then-team quarterback Rex Kern said, "Woody was out there on the Oval with the protesters, and he'd grab a bullhorn and tell the students to express their beliefs but not be destructive. He believed in Nixon, and he believed in the Establishment, but he wasn't afraid to talk to the students. He wanted to stay close to the action." Hayes was considered one of the few authority figures that students then had respect for. His enthusiasm for coaching and winning was such that many across the nation consider the following maxim to be true: "What Vince Lombardi was to professional football, Woody Hayes was to college football."

During his tenure at Ohio State, Hayes joked that he considered himself to be Notre Dame's best recruiter because if he could not convince a recruit to come to Ohio State instead of Michigan he would try to steer the recruit to Notre Dame, whom Ohio State did not play. While Hayes' public stance was that he refused to play Notre Dame because he was afraid of polarizing the Catholic population in Ohio, Notre Dame's long-time athletic director Edward "Moose" Krause said that Hayes had told him that Hayes liked having Michigan as the only tough game on the Ohio State schedule and that having the Buckeyes play Notre Dame would detract from that. Despite Hayes' apparent fear of playing more than one "tough" game a year, Ohio State still managed to schedule regular-season games with Nebraska, Washington, Southern California, UCLA, and Oklahoma during his tenure.

After losses or ties, Hayes conducted locker room interviews while naked. A journalist from his tenure noted, "He was an ugly guy so it would clear the locker room out pretty fast."

Controversies
In 1959, following a 17−0 loss to USC, Hayes threw a punch at Los Angeles Examiner sportswriter Al Bine, but missed, and punched the brother of Pasadena Independent sports editor Bob Shafer in the back instead. In a May 1965 meeting of Big Ten Conference athletic directors and coaches, Hayes nearly started a fight with Iowa's athletic director, Forest Evashevski, before being restrained.

Prior to the 1973 Rose Bowl, Hayes shoved a camera into the face of a news photographer. As a result, Hayes was suspended for three games, fined $2,000, and left California with a subpoena.

In 1977, a late fumble at Michigan caused him to charge at ABC cameraman Mike Freedman, who recorded his frustration; Hayes was ejected, put on probation by the Big Ten Conference, and fined $2,000.

1962 Rose Bowl vote
In the 1961 season, Ohio State won the Big Ten championship, qualifying automatically for the Rose Bowl. At the time, the Big Ten Conference rules stated that the school's Faculty Council must officially approve of the trip. In this unusual development, the Ohio State Faculty Council voted 28 to 25 against the 1962 Rose Bowl trip, prompted by the head of a university alumni group, on the grounds that the school's academic reputation was suffering because of over-emphasis on the football team. Other reports stated that the bid was declined because Ohio State had already beaten their would-be Rose Bowl opponent, UCLA, during the regular season. The decision sparked minor rioting on the Ohio State Campus and in the Columbus area. The Columbus Dispatch published the names, addresses, and phone numbers of those Faculty Council Members who voted against the trip as well as the amount of university money that they spent on the trips. While Hayes was diplomatic with some faculty members who voted against the trip and urged the students to cease complaining, he did not spare his criticism of the alumni club president who led the charge against accepting the bowl bid.

Comments on the My Lai Massacre
Speaking at a football banquet in 1969, Hayes spoke about the recently revealed My Lai Massacre. He stated that the Vietnamese men in My Lai deserved to die, "and I wouldn't be so sure those women were innocent. The children are obviously innocent – if they are less than five."

Confrontation with Jerry Markbreit
Late in the 1971 rivalry game against Michigan in Ann Arbor, furious over what he thought was a missed defensive pass interference foul committed by Thom Darden of Michigan, Hayes stormed onto the field, launched a profanity-laced tirade at referee Jerry Markbreit, and tore up the sideline markers, receiving a 15-yard unsportsmanlike conduct penalty. Hayes then threw the penalty flag into the crowd, began destroying the yard markers, and threw the first-down marker into the ground like a javelin before being restrained by Buckeyes team officials; Hayes was then assessed an additional 15-yard penalty and ejected. Hayes was suspended for one game and fined $1,000.

1978 Gator Bowl incident and dismissal
On December 29, 1978, the Buckeyes played in the Gator Bowl against Clemson. Late in the fourth quarter, Clemson was leading Ohio State 17–15. Freshman quarterback Art Schlichter managed to get Ohio State into field goal range. On third and 5 at the Clemson 24-yard line with 2:30 left and the clock running, Hayes called a pass rather than a run, because Schlichter was having a great game up to that point. Schlichter's next pass was intercepted by Clemson nose guard Charlie Bauman, who returned it toward the Ohio State sideline, where he was run out of bounds. After Bauman stood up facing the OSU sideline Hayes punched him in the throat, triggering a bench-clearing brawl. Hayes stormed onto the field and was abusive towards the referee. When one of Hayes' own players, offensive lineman Ken Fritz, tried to intervene, Hayes turned on him and had to be restrained by defensive coordinator George Hill. The Buckeyes were assessed two 15-yard unsportsmanlike conduct penalties for Hayes' attack on Bauman and his abuse towards the referee. Bauman was not injured by Hayes' punch and shrugged the incident off. Even though the game was being telecast by ABC, neither announcer Keith Jackson nor co-announcer Ara Parseghian saw or commented about the punch.

After the game, Ohio State Athletic Director Hugh Hindman, who had played for Hayes at Miami University and had been an assistant under him for seven years, privately confronted Hayes in the Buckeye locker room. He said that he intended to tell school president Harold Enarson about what happened, and strongly implied that Hayes had coached his last game at Ohio State. After a heated exchange, Hindman said that he then offered Hayes a chance to resign, but Hayes refused, saying, "That would make it too easy for you. You had better go ahead and fire me." Hindman then met with Enarson at a country club near Jacksonville, and the two agreed that Hayes had to go.

The next morning, Hindman told Hayes that he had been fired. A press conference was held at the hotel where the team had been staying. The team returned to Columbus around noon, and Hayes left the airport in a police car. Regarding Hayes' dismissal, Enarson said that "there isn't a university or athletic conference in this country that would permit a coach to physically assault a college athlete." After the incident, Hayes reflected on his career by saying, "Nobody despises to lose more than I do. That's got me into trouble over the years, but it also made a man of mediocre ability into a pretty good coach." About two months after the incident, Hayes called Bauman in his dorm room, but did not apologize for his previous attack on him. Earle Bruce succeeded Hayes as Ohio State's head coach.

Many years later, Leonard Downie, Jr., former executive editor of The Washington Post and student journalist at Ohio State, said he regretted not reporting an incident in the 1960s where Hayes instructed a player to take off his helmet and then hit him in the head.

According to the 1994 HBO documentary American Coaches: Men of Vision and Victory, Hindman had placed Hayes on notice at the beginning of the 1978 season, not just for the swing at the ABC cameraman during the 1977 Michigan game, but also for hitting a player during practice. In his 1989 autobiography, Michigan's Bo Schembechler wrote that he believed Hayes, who was diabetic and may have had a high blood sugar level, didn't believe he struck Bauman. Schembechler also pointed out that Hayes had maintained that all he was trying to do was grab the ball away.

Final days and death
On March 11, 1987, Hayes was clearly in failing health when he had someone drive him in his pickup truck to Dayton to introduce Bo Schembechler, who was speaking at a banquet. Organizers had tried to discourage Hayes from attending, but Hayes insisted. He gave a lengthy introduction to Schembechler and then stayed to hear him speak before being driven back home.

The next morning, March 12, Hayes's wife Anne found him unconscious in his bed at the couple's home. He died of a heart attack at age 74. He is interred at Union Cemetery in Columbus, Ohio.

Legacy
Hayes's lifetime record of 238–72–10 placed him ninth in all-time NCAA Division I FBS coaching victories. He was inducted into the College Football Hall of Fame in 1983.

At Hayes's funeral at First Community Church in Marble Cliff, Ohio on March 17, 1987, former president Richard Nixon delivered the eulogy before a crowd of 1,400, acknowledging the friendship that had begun between the two during his second term as vice president. Having met Hayes at a reception following a Buckeye win over Iowa in 1957, Nixon recalled, "I wanted to talk about football. Woody wanted to talk about foreign policy. And you know Woody—we talked about foreign policy." The following day, more than 15,000 people took part in a memorial service at Ohio Stadium.

Following his death and in keeping with his wishes, the Wayne Woodrow Hayes Chair in National Security Studies was established at Ohio State's Mershon Center for International Security Studies. Professor John Mueller currently holds the chair. In November 1987, the university dedicated the new Woody Hayes Athletic Center in his memory.

Personal life
Hayes married the former Anne Gross in 1942. Anne Hayes was a formidable and popular woman in her own right, who used to jokingly say at numerous sports banquets, "Divorce Woody? Never! But there were plenty of times I wanted to murder him!" The couple had one son, Steven, who went on to become a lawyer and judge. Coincidentally, the younger Hayes was assigned to the 2003 trial of former Ohio State standout Maurice Clarett. Judge Hayes (he had been on the Franklin County, Ohio Municipal Court) died in May 2022, at 76; his death was announced May 30.

World War II movie host
Because of his knowledge of military history and ongoing popularity, Hayes in the early 1980s hosted the broadcast of six World War II films for WBNS-TV in Columbus, which has served as the official outlet of Ohio State sports media programming for years, including the football coach's shows. Among the movies broadcast were Patton, Midway, The Wackiest Ship in the Army, The Desert Fox: The Story of Rommel, and Tora! Tora! Tora!.

Hayes also gave salty historical perspectives related to each movie. Hayes' segments, depending upon the movie, were taped in such locations as Fort Knox, West Point, the USS Yorktown (CV-10), and Stuttgart, Germany, where he interviewed Manfred Rommel, Lord Mayor of Stuttgart and the son of Erwin Rommel.

Coaching tree
Former assistants who became NCAA Division I FBS or NFL head coaches:
 * Joe Bugel, Arizona Cardinals, Oakland Raiders
 * George Chaump, Navy
 * Lou Holtz, William and Mary, North Carolina State, New York Jets, Arkansas, Minnesota, Notre Dame, South Carolina
 * Bill Mallory, [Miami (OH)], Colorado, Indiana
 * Dave McClain, Wisconsin
 * Doyt Perry, Bowling Green
 * Ralph Staub, Cincinnati

Former players who became assistants who became NCAA Division I FBS or NFL head coaches:
 * Bill Arnsparger, LSU, New York Giants
 * Earle Bruce, Iowa State, Ohio State, Colorado State
 * Glen Mason, Kansas, Minnesota
 * Ara Parseghian, [Miami(OH)],Northwestern, Notre Dame
 * Bo Schembechler, [Miami(OH)],Michigan
 * Clive Rush, Toledo, Boston Patriots
 * Fred Bruney, Philadelphia Eagles
 * Dick LeBeau, Cincinnati Bengals (Professional Football Hall of Fame as a player)
 * John McVay, New York Giants (later General Manager of San Francisco 49ers)
 * Gary Moeller, Illinois, Michigan, Detroit Lions
 * John Pont, [Miami(OH)],Indiana, Northwestern
 * Bo Rein, North Carolina State (named coach at LSU, but died in a plane crash before coaching a game for the Tigers)

title: Woody Hayes


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Eric Avery

Eric Adam Avery (born April 25, 1965) is an American musician. He is best known as the founding bass guitarist and co-songwriter of the alternative rock band Jane's Addiction, with whom he has recorded two studio albums. From 2005 to 2022, Avery was the bassist for Garbage, which he joined as sideman and with whom he recorded three studio albums.

A core member of Jane's Addiction during its initial lifespan, Avery co-founded the band in 1985 with frontman Perry Farrell, and recorded two studio albums, Nothing's Shocking (1988) and Ritual de lo Habitual (1990), before the band's acrimonious break-up in 1991. Following Jane's Addiction's dissolution, Avery and guitarist Dave Navarro formed Deconstruction with drummer Michael Murphy, releasing one studio album in 1994. The following year, Avery began a solo project named Polar Bear, which he focused on between 1995 and 2000. Declining to take part in Jane's Addiction's 1997 and 2001 reunions, Avery eventually rejoined the band in 2008. The original core line-up of the band embarked on a co-headlining tour with Nine Inch Nails, with Avery departing in 2010 due to ongoing tensions with Farrell. In 2022, Avery rejoined Jane's Addiction after a twelve-year absence, in advance of a co-headlining tour with the Smashing Pumpkins.

Alongside his work with Jane's Addiction, Avery is a former member of Alanis Morissette's backing band, and has been a touring and session musician for Garbage since 2005, contributing to the albums, Not Your Kind of People (2012), Strange Little Birds (2016) and No Gods No Masters (2021). Avery unofficially joined the Smashing Pumpkins in 2006 for a short spell, and was briefly a member of the rock supergroup Giraffe Tongue Orchestra. In 2013, Avery joined Nine Inch Nails in preparation for their extensive Twenty Thirteen Tour, before parting ways with the project ahead of the tour's commencement.

To date, Avery has released two solo studio albums under his own name, Help Wanted (2008) and LIFE.TIME. (2013).

Biography
Eric Avery was born in Los Angeles, California.

Avery and Dave Navarro met as classmates at St. Paul the Apostle Grammar School in West Los Angeles, a Catholic parochial school founded by the Paulist Father. Eric went on to St. Monica High School of Santa Monica, California, and Notre Dame High School in Sherman Oaks, California. Dave was classmates at Notre Dame with Stephen Perkins. Stephen met Eric's sister, Rebecca Avery, and they dated. Rebecca suggested that Eric and Perry Farrell audition Stephen as the drummer for Jane's Addiction after Perry and Eric cofounded the band.

Avery participated in the Deconstruction project with Navarro immediately after Jane's Addiction's breakup, but initially declined invitations for Jane's reunions. "I've asked him," said Farrell before 2001's Jubilee Tour, "but he says he wants no part of it. What else can you say but, Good luck to ya?"

Avery has recorded tracks for, toured with and briefly dated Alanis Morissette, as well as creating another side project, Polar Bear, in 1994. He was once suggested as the replacement bassist for Tool by former Jane's Addiction and then-current Tool manager Ted Gardner. Eric declined the invitation, saying he wanted to concentrate on Polar Bear.

As seen in the film Metallica: Some Kind of Monster, Avery auditioned for Metallica, after the departure of bassist Jason Newsted. The role didn't quite fit Avery and the band went with Ozzy Osbourne and Suicidal Tendencies bassist Robert Trujillo. Avery toured with the band Garbage to promote 2005's Bleed Like Me. Avery has also performed with Peter Murphy, on tour and on 2004's Unshattered.

Avery worked briefly with the revived Smashing Pumpkins, but ultimately did not join the band. He was not paid for his work, but said the sessions were a lot of fun: "I went into [the Pumpkins] with the same mentality I took with me when I auditioned for Metallica – I expected to have a good story to tell my wife. I had no expectations. I had heard nothing but bad things about working with Billy, but I went, and I found it to be a really inspiring time." Billy Corgan ended up playing bass on what would become 2007's Zeitgeist and hired Ginger Reyes for live performances.

In 2007, he contributed original music to the feature film documentary The 11th Hour. He also released his debut solo album Help Wanted in April 2008 through Dangerbird Records.

He finally performed with Jane's Addiction – for the first time since 1991 – at the NME Awards in 2008. Jane's played secret club shows in October and November 2008. On March 19, 2009, at South by Southwest Music festival in Austin, the quartet performed a 45-minute set at an abandoned Safeway grocery store.

Jane's Addiction's official website was updated in February 2009 stating that there was to be another club show soon. Photos of Avery, Perkins and Navarro, taken by Trent Reznor, appeared on Nine Inch Nails' official site, which led to speculation that Reznor was helping Jane's record new material. The relationship led to the booking of the "NIN/JA" (Nine Inch Nails/Jane's Addiction) tour, on which Avery played, and which evoked the first Lollapalooza tour of 1991, starring Jane's and Nine Inch Nails.

On March 1, 2010, after a ten-date rescheduled tour in Australia, Avery stated on his Twitter page: "the janes addiction experiment is at an end." Rumors were already spreading around a few weeks before, as Duff McKagan was said to be the new bassist for Jane's, but Avery had kept his position for the remaining few dates of the 2009/2010 tour.

In February 2012, Justin Meldal-Johnsen commented on the talkbass.com forum that Avery would be joining Garbage on their upcoming tour. In early May 2012 Garbage uploaded a video from their rehearsal, performing the song "Battle in Me", with Avery playing bass. Avery has since performed in the two Garbage tours that followed, the band's 20th anniversary tour and the one for the album Strange Little Birds, in which Avery plays bass in six tracks.

Avery released his second solo album, entitled LIFE.TIME., on February 15, 2013.

On February 25, 2013, Trent Reznor named Avery as the new touring bassist of Nine Inch Nails. Avery was slated to perform in the Twenty Thirteen Tour from Summer 2013 into 2014, but announced his withdrawal on May 15, 2013, stating that after a year travelling with Garbage he did not feel like going on another extended tour.

Avery composed the original soundtrack for Show Me What You Got, written and directed by Svetlana Cvetko and winner of the Grand Jury Prize ‘Best Film’ at Taormina Film Festival in 2019.

In May 2023, Garbage officially announced Avery's departure from the band after 18 years as its touring and recording bassist.

Style
A self-taught bassist, Avery has singled Peter Hook of Joy Division and New Order as his major influence on bass playing, considering that British bassists were deeper with the instrument as "American rock bass is kick drum, it's just kick drum and then the root note of what the guitar player is doing." In Jane's Addiction, Avery stated that in the early phases the basslines would end up as a replacement rhythm guitar, "sort of built on that so Dave can riff on it and Stephen also can riff on it". On his solo career, Avery only played the bass at the final stages of Help Wanted, instead "focused on gadgets and keyboards and guitars and vocals and lyrics and other things like that". While playing with Garbage, Avery was for the first time "playing a more traditional bass role in a rock band" as his bass would only try to match Butch Vig's drumming.

"Nothing's Shocking influenced me a lot, especially with what Eric Avery proposed from the bass," says Nick Oliveri, of Queens of the Stone Age, Kyuss and Mondo Generator. "Eric had written the music on his own, the guitars and the drums came later. So he inspired me on that side"

John Frusciante of the Red Hot Chili Peppers stated on the Stadium Arcadium commentary that his guitar playing style is influenced by Avery's spacious and heavily melodic playing.

Solo career

 * 2007/2008 The 11th Hour soundtrack
 * 2008 Help Wanted
 * 2013 LIFE.TIME. (free download)
 * 2016/2017 Delible (limited cassette-only release)

Jane's Addiction

 * 1987 Jane's Addiction
 * 1988 Nothing's Shocking
 * 1990 Ritual de lo Habitual
 * 1991 Live and Rare ( Compilation of B-Sides and the Remix of "Been Caught Stealing" )
 * 1997 Kettle Whistle ( Compilation of live tracks, demos and unreleased material )
 * 2006 Up from the Catacombs ( Greatest hits album )
 * 2009 A Cabinet of Curiosities ( Box set )
 * 2009 NINJA 2009 Tour Sampler ( "Whores" & "Chip Away" )
 * 2024 TBA

Deconstruction

 * 1994 Deconstruction

Polar Bear

 * 1996 Self-titled
 * 1997 Chewing Gum EP
 * 1999 Why Something Instead of Nothing?

Venice Underground

 * 2001 Venice Underground ("Insane Toy Symphony")

Alanis Morissette

 * 2002 Under Rug Swept ( "Precious Illusions" )
 * 2002 Feast On Scraps ( compilation - "Fear of Bliss" )
 * 2004 So-Called Chaos

Peter Murphy

 * 2004 Unshattered ( "The First Stone" )
 * 2015 Wild Birds Live Tour

Garbage

 * 2012 Not Your Kind of People ( "Battle in Me" & "Man on a Wire" )
 * 2013 One Mile High... Live ( DVD )
 * 2016 Strange Little Birds ( 6 tracks )
 * 2021 No Gods No Masters ( "Wolves", "Flipping the Bird", "No Gods No Masters" )

Josh Klinghoffer / Pluralone

 * 2019 To Be One With You ( "Crawl" )
 * 2021 Mother Nature digital EP ( "Mother Nature re-recorded 2" )
 * 2022 This Is The Show ( "Claw Your Way Out" & "Any More Alone" )
 * 2023 Every Loser ( Iggy Pop's 19th album - "Comments" with Taylor Hawkins )

title: Eric Avery


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Bicycle pedal

The pedal is the part of a bicycle that the rider pushes with their foot to propel the vehicle. It provides the connection between the cyclist's foot or shoe and the crank allowing the leg to turn the bottom bracket spindle and propel the bicycle's wheels. A pedal usually consists of a spindle that threads into the end of the crank, and a body on which the foot rest is attached, that is free to rotate on bearings with respect to the spindle.

Pedals were initially attached to cranks connecting directly to the driven (usually front) wheel. The safety bicycle, as it is known today, came into being when the pedals were attached to a crank driving a sprocket that transmitted power to the driven wheel by means of a roller chain.

Types
Just as bicycles come in many varieties, there are different types of pedals to support different types of cycling.

Flat and platform
Traditionally, platform pedals were pedals with a relatively large flat area for the foot to rest on, in contrast to the quill pedal which had very little surface area.

One form of the platform pedal had a large flat top area and flat bottom for use with toe clips and toe straps. They were designed for greater comfort when using shoes with less than rigid soles. They typically had a smaller cutaway underside giving greater cornering clearance, which was often needed for track cycling. They were often marketed as being more aerodynamic than conventional quill pedals.

Attaching the shoes to the pedals gives the user more control over the pedal movements. There are two methods for attaching a cyclist's shoes to their pedals: toe clips – a basket-and-strap device which hold the foot in place – and so-called clipless pedals, where specialized shoes with built-in bindings attach to compatible pedals.

In mountain biking (MTB) and BMX, platform pedals typically refer to any flat pedal without a cage. BMX riders typically use plastic pedals made of nylon, polycarbonate, or carbon reinforced plastic, although aluminum alloy and magnesium are not uncommon pedal body materials. Mountain bikers tend to use aluminum or magnesium because of the necessary use of metal studs to offer grip while the pedals are wet, muddy and slippery. BMXers tend to prefer platforms to cage pedals because they offer more support and grip for flexible "skate" shoes by using short metal studs. Cage pedals are more popular in the low end mountain bike range. In general, cage pedals are uncommon in all types of biking, although there is a niche market within mountain biking.

Platform pedals are available in a wide variety of types and prices, ranging from disposable plastic units used for test rides on new bicycles to high-end downhill models. Budget models may be made of steel or aluminum and incorporate reflectors for safer riding on streets at night, in addition to complying with some traffic laws. Less expensive platform pedals are generally considered disposable and cannot be rebuilt when worn out.

More expensive platform pedals for the mountain bike market are available with replaceable metal traction pins and cartridge bearings. Lightweight pedals intended for freeride and downhill cycling have been made from exotic metals such as magnesium.

Toe clips typically are generally not installed on this type of pedal because they are considered unsafe by some MTB and BMX riders. In downhill racing, the extra power and grip offered by clipped pedals is used at the risk of clipped in crashing in which the bicycle can potentially stay attached to the foot of the victim. However, fixed gear riders have started using fabric straps instead.

Quill
The quill pedal is a common pedal system on bicycles. It consists of a main axle section that is attached to the bicycle crank arm and contains extensions from the axle to which parallel cage plates are attached at the front and rear of the pedal. To use the quill pedal, the cyclist pushes his foot against the platform formed by the parallel cage plates.

To improve the performance of the quill pedal toe clips were added. The toe clip is a thin metal or plastic attachment to the front cage of the pedal. The toe clip is shaped like the toe of a shoe and its function is to prevent a cyclist's shoe from slipping off the pedal during the forward pedaling motion. A further enhancement of the quill pedal was modifying the toe clip to allow a strap and buckle to go around or through both the pedal and the toe clip to encircle the cyclist's foot on the top of the pedal. This strap is generally made of leather or nylon. To further improve the quill pedal's efficiency a "cleat" was developed. This cleat consists of a small metal or plastic attachment to the cyclist's shoe. The cleat is slotted and is adapted to engage a quill section of the bicycle pedal. The use of the slotted cleat enhances a cyclist's ability over that provided by toe clips and strap, enabling for greater pedaling efficiency. Although quill pedals can be used with smoothed-soled cycling shoes or ordinary shoes, they were designed to be used with cycling shoes which had a slotted shoeplate attached to its sole. The disadvantage with this system is that to remove the shoe from the pedal a rider had to reach down and loosen the strap by hand or leave the toe strap loose and thus give up some efficiency. This type of pedal and pedal setup was common for racing cyclists until the mid to late 1980s.

Quill pedals are sometimes said to be named for the quill or "pick up tab" on the rear of the pedal. The weight of the toe clip and strap would make the pedal hang upside down, and the rider would tap the quill with their shoe to flip the pedal over so the shoe could be inserted into the pedal.

The main difference between track, road, and touring quill pedals is width. Track pedals are narrow and the front and back plates of the cage are separate, road being a little wider with a one piece cage in a shape of a sideways "U", and touring being the widest to allow for comfort when used with wider, non-racing shoes during longer rides. While quill pedals can be used for mountain biking, the use of clips here is dangerous as they do not grip well. Cage pedals built for mountain biking are typically serrated so that even when muddied, the pedals can be gripped well by any flat shoe.

Clipless pedals

Clipless pedals (also clip-in or step-in) require a special cycling shoe with a cleat fitted to the sole, which locks into a mechanism in the pedal and thus holds the shoe firmly to the pedal. Most clipless pedals lock onto the cleat when stepped on firmly and unlock when the heel is twisted outward, although in some cases the locking mechanism is built into the cleat instead of the pedal. Clipless refers to the toe clip (cage) having been replaced by a locking mechanism and not to platform pedals which would normally not have toe clips. The clipless pedal was invented by Charles Hanson in 1895. It allowed the rider to twist the shoe to lock and unlock and had rotational float (the freedom to rotate the shoe slightly to prevent joint strain). The M71 was a clipless pedal designed by Cino Cinelli and produced by his company in 1971. It used a plastic shoe cleat which slid into grooves in the pedal and locked in place with a small lever located on the back side of the pedal body. To release the shoe a rider had to reach down and operate the lever, similar to the way a racing cyclist had to reach down and loosen the toestrap. The lever was placed on the outside edge of the pedal so that in the event of a fall the lever hitting the ground would release the foot. The pedal was designed for racing, in particular track racing, and because of the need to reach down to them to unclip, they have been referred to as "death cleats". In 1984, the French company Look applied downhill snow skiing binding or cleat technology to pedals, producing the first widely used clipless pedals. Initially used by triathletes to facilitate faster "transitions", Bernard Hinault's victory in Tour de France in 1985 then helped secure the acceptance of quick-release clipless pedal systems by cyclists. Those pedals, and compatible models by other manufacturers, remain in widespread use today. The cleat is engaged by simply pushing down and forward on the pedal, or, with some designs, by twisting the cleat in sideways. Then, instead of loosening a toestrap or pulling a lever, the cyclist releases a foot from the pedal by twisting the heel outward. The next major development in clipless pedals was Shimano's SPD (Shimano Pedaling Dynamics) pedal system. Whereas Look cleats are large and protrude from the sole of the shoe, SPD cleats are small and could be fitted in a recess in the sole, making it possible to walk (although comfort will vary, as the soles of different cycling shoes vary in their rigidity, depending on design). Cycling shoes have rigid soles to maximize power transfer and efficiency. They may be specific to road or mountain biking, or usable for both. Shoes designed for mountain biking typically have recessed cleats that do not protrude beyond the sole of the shoe, and have treads for walking on trails, as walking or carrying the bike is often required. Road cycling shoes are typically lighter than their mountain bike counterparts, and feature a protruding cleat and less weatherproofing. The protruding cleat makes these shoes impractical for walking, as doing so can damage the cleat. Mountain bike cleats can generally be mounted without difficulty to road shoes although sometimes an adapter is required. Such attachment is not usually possible for road pedals, as the cleats are normally too large to be mounted on mountain shoes. The smaller mountain bike cleats are attached to the sole of the shoe by two bolts; larger road-specific cleats are attached by three. Various manufacturers have produced their own designs of clipless pedal systems over the years. Platform adapters are designed to temporarily convert clipless pedals into more traditional platform pedals which have a larger and flatter area for the foot to rest on. Clipless pedals can have advantages over flat ones, especially in mountain biking and racing. They keep the foot from slipping in wet and muddy conditions and provide better transfer of power. Clipless pedal platform adapters are innovative devices designed to convert regular platform pedals into a temporary clipless pedal system. These adapters provide cyclists with a bridge between traditional flat pedals and clipless pedals, allowing them to experiment with the benefits of clipless riding without immediately committing to dedicated clipless shoes. They can be fastened by using bolts but as they are normally in temporary use, it is also common for them to be mounted using different snap-on techniques. Although it is possible to use clipless pedals with regular footwear, they will be much less comfortable than platform pedals, as the shoe sole is more likely to bend or slip. Despite wide usage, there is no proven advantage of clipless pedals over flat pedals in pedaling effectiveness, net mechanical efficiency, and muscular activity for both non-cyclists and elite cyclists.

Float and tension
Float is defined as the degree of movement offered by the cleat within the pedal before release begins. This can be highly important to prevent damage to knees, as most people's legs do not remain in a single plane as they pedal. Many standard road pedal systems offer cleats with a six-degree float. SPD-SL, Look Delta, Look Kéo, and Time cleats are also available in three-degree and zero-degree float. Road pedal systems commonly colour-code cleats by the amount of float offered. Some pedal systems have a fixed (non-adjustable) float, such as six degrees for Crankbrothers and 4.5 degrees for the Kéo Easy. Most cleats develop more float as they wear. Clipless float pedals significantly attenuate the applied moment without reducing the power transmitted to the bike suggesting using float systems to reduce or prevent knee pain.

Magnet pedals
Magnetic pedals were introduced as early as 1897, and the Exus Mag Flux Road was available in 1996. Norbert Sadler and Wolfgang Duerr filed for a patent in 2005, and it has not been granted as of 2012. Established bicycle component manufacturer, Mavic, introduced a magnetic pedal and dedicated shoe for casual riding in 2009. Others have received mixed reviews.

Folding
To maximize compactness, folding bicycles often have pedals that fold as well.

Attachment
The pedal spindle is threaded to match a threaded hole at the outboard end of the cranks. Multi-piece cranks have a 9/16 in hole with 20 TPI (a diameter/pitch combination fairly unique to this application). One-piece cranks use a 1/2 in by 20 TPI hole. French pedal spindles use M14 × 1.25 (14 mm metric diameter with 1.25 mm pitch) threads, and thread loosely into a 9/16 pedal hole. The threading size is often stamped into the crank, near the pedal hole.

The right-side (usually the drive-side) pedal spindle is right-hand threaded, and the left-side (usually the non-drive-side) pedal spindle is left-hand (reverse) threaded to help prevent it from becoming loose by an effect called precession.

Although the left pedal turns clockwise on its bearing relative to the crank (and so would seem to tighten a right-hand thread), the force from the rider's foot presses the spindle against the crank thread at a point which rolls around clockwise with respect to the crank, thus slowly pulling the outside of the pedal spindle anticlockwise (counterclockwise) because of friction, and thus would loosen a right-hand thread.

For a short time in the early 1980s, Shimano made pedals and matching cranks that had a 1 in by 24 TPI interface. This was to allow a larger single bearing, as these pedals were designed to work with just one bearing on the crank side rather than the conventional design of one smaller bearing on each side.

title: Bicycle pedal