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Croatian Spring

The Croatian Spring (Hrvatsko proljeće), or Maspok, was a political conflict that took place from 1967 to 1971 in the Socialist Republic of Croatia, at the time part of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. As one of six republics comprising Yugoslavia at the time, Croatia was ruled by the League of Communists of Croatia (SKH), nominally independent from the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (SKJ), led by President Josip Broz Tito. The 1960s in Yugoslavia were marked by a series of reforms aimed at improving the economic situation in the country and increasingly politicised efforts by the leadership of the republics to protect the economic interests of their respective republics. As part of this, political conflict occurred in Croatia when reformers within the SKH, generally aligned with the Croatian cultural society Matica hrvatska, came into conflict with conservatives.

In the late 1960s, a variety of grievances were aired through Matica hrvatska, which were adopted in the early 1970s by a reformist faction of the SKH led by Savka Dabčević-Kučar and Miko Tripalo. The complaints initially concerned economic nationalism. The reformists wished to reduce transfers of hard currency to the federal government by companies based in Croatia. They later included political demands for increased autonomy and opposition to real or perceived overrepresentation of the Serbs of Croatia in the security services, politics, and in other fields within Croatia. A particular point of contention was the question of whether the Croatian language was distinct from Serbo-Croatian.

The Croatian Spring increased the popularity of figures from Croatia's past, such as the 19th century Croat politician and senior Austrian military officer, Josip Jelačić, and the assassinated leader of the Croatian Peasant Party, Stjepan Radić, as well as an increase in patriotic songs, works of art, and other expressions of Croatian culture. Plans were made for increased representation of Croatia-related materials in the school curriculum, measures to address the overrepresentation of Serbs in key positions in Croatia and to amend the Constitution of Croatia to emphasise the nature of the republic as the national state of Croats. There were also demands for increased powers for the constituent republics at the expense of Yugoslavia's federal government. These issues increased tensions between Croats and the Serbs of Croatia, as well as between the reformist and conservative factions of the SKH.

While other republics, the SKJ, and Tito himself were not initially involved in the internal Croatian struggle, the increasing prominence of Croatian nationalism led Tito and the SKJ to intervene. Similar to reformers in other Yugoslav republics, the SKH leadership was compelled to resign. Nevertheless, their reforms were left intact and most demands of the ousted leadership were later adopted, ushering in a form of federalism that contributed to the subsequent breakup of Yugoslavia.

Economic crisis
In the early 1960s, the Federal People's Republic of Yugoslavia was a federation according to its constitution (comprising the people's republics of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia), but de facto operated as a centralised state. The Yugoslav economy was in recession, prompting economic reforms, which were hastily implemented and proved ineffective. By 1962, the country's economic difficulties worsened, prompting debate on the foundations of the economic system. In March 1962, President Josip Broz Tito convened the extended central committee of the country's ruling party, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia (SKJ), to discuss the role of the SKJ and the relationship between the central government and the constituent republics. The meeting exposed a clash between Serbs, openly supported by a Serb deputy prime minister Aleksandar Ranković, and Slovene members of the body, particularly Miha Marinko and Sergej Kraigher, cautiously supported by Slovene deputy prime minister Edvard Kardelj. The Slovene delegation advocated for devolving power and authority to the constituent republics. The Serb delegation sought to preserve the central government's monopoly on decision-making and the distribution of tax revenue to less-developed republics. As it was less developed than PR Slovenia and PR Croatia, PR Serbia would have benefited from such an arrangement. In 1963, a new constitution was adopted, granting additional powers to the republics, and the 8th Congress of the SKJ expanded the powers of the SKJ branches the following year.

Politicisation of reforms
Further economic reforms were adopted in 1964 and 1965, transferring considerable powers from the federation to the republics and individual companies. Some of the reform measures exacerbated conflict between the banks, insurers, and foreign trade organisations owned by the Yugoslav government versus those owned by the constituent republics, a conflict that became increasingly political and nationalist. Competing alliances were established. Ranković gained the support of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Montenegro, in addition to Serbia. Slovenia was supported by Croatia, based on the belief of Vladimir Bakarić—the Secretary of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia (SKH)—that decentralisation would benefit others in Yugoslavia. Bakarić persuaded Krste Crvenkovski, the head of the League of Communists of Macedonia (SKM), to support the Slovene–Croatian reformist bloc, which managed to enact substantial legislation curbing federal powers in favour of the republics. The conflict was framed as a contest between Serbia's interests against those of Slovenia and Croatia.

In Croatia, positions adopted by Ranković's allies in the League of Communists of Serbia (SKS) and the League of Communists of Montenegro (SKCG) were interpreted as hegemonistic, which in turn increased the appeal of Croatian nationalism. By the mid-1960s, the United States consul in Zagreb, Helene Batjer, estimated that about half of SKH members and 80 percent of the population of Croatia held nationalist views.

Peak of the reformist forces
By early 1966, it was clear that the reforms had not produced the desired results. The SKJ blamed the Serbian leadership for resistance to the reforms. In early 1966, Kardelj persuaded Tito to remove Ranković from the SKJ Central Committee and dismiss him as vice president of Yugoslavia. Ranković was accused of plotting to seize power, disregarding the decisions of the eighth congress of the SKJ (December 1964), abuse of the State Security Administration directly or through allies, and illegally wire-tapping the SKJ leadership, including Tito himself. Tito saw Ranković's removal as an opportunity to implement greater decentralisation. In devolving power to constituent units of the federation, Tito assumed the role of sole arbiter in inter-republican disputes.

In 1967 and 1968, the Yugoslav constitution was amended once again, further reducing federal authority in favour of the constituent republics. The peak of the reformist coalition occurred at the 9th congress of the SKJ in March 1969, during which decentralisation of all aspects of the country was proposed. A World Bank loan for the construction of motorways caused a major rift in the reformist coalition after the federal government decided to shelve plans to develop a highway section in Slovenia and build one highway section in Croatia and one in Macedonia instead. For the first time, a constituent republic (Slovenia) protested a decision of the federal government, but Slovene demands were rejected. The situation became heated, prompting the Slovene authorities to publicly state that they had no plan to secede. In the aftermath of the affair, the Slovenian authorities withdrew their support for the reformist coalition. Regardless, the SKH and the SKM pressured the SKJ to adopt the principle of unanimity in decision-making, obtaining veto power for the republican branches of the SKJ in April 1970.

Student demonstrations erupted in Belgrade in June 1968 against authoritarian aspects of the Yugoslav regime, market reforms, and their impact on Yugoslav society. The students were inspired by the worldwide protests of 1968, and criticism of the reforms leveled by the Marxist humanist Praxis School. They opposed decentralisation and criticised nationalism in Yugoslavia through the Praxis journal. In November 1968, Petar Stambolić and other SKS leaders whose political views were a blend of communist dogmatism and Serbian nationalism, were removed on Tito's initiative. Tito specifically blamed Stambolić for not stopping the student demonstrations in a timely fashion. The replacements were Marko Nikezić, as the president, and Latinka Perović as the secretary of the SKS, respectively. Nikezić and Perović supported market-based reforms and a policy of non-interference in other republics' affairs except where officials from those republics denounced Serbian nationalism outside of Serbia.

Grievances
By the end of the 1960s, the economic reforms had not resulted in discernible improvement within Croatia. Belgrade-based federal banks still dominated the Yugoslav loan market and foreign trade. Croatia-based banks were pushed out from Dalmatia, a popular tourist region, and hotels there were gradually taken over by large companies based in Belgrade. Croatian media reported that favourable purchase agreements for Serbian companies were the result of political pressure and bribery, and the situation was framed as an ethnic rather than economic conflict.

Furthermore, the situation was worsened by a perception among Croatian nationalists of cultural and demographic threats to Croatia from the following policies: use of school textbooks to suppress Croatian national sentiment, a campaign to standardise the Serbo-Croatian language in a way favouring Serbian dialects, demographic displacement by Serbs, and encouragement of Dalmatian regionalism. Calls for the establishment of autonomous Serbian provinces in Dalmatia and elsewhere in Croatia, seen as a threat to Croatia's territorial integrity, added to these concerns. Many people in Croatia believed these to be substantive threats intended to weaken the republic, and rejected alternate explanations of them attributing the changes to economic phenomena or results of modernisation. Early in 1969, a number of grievances were listed in an article by the Croatian Writers' Association president, Petar Šegedin, in Kolo, a magazine published by Matica hrvatska. In the article, Šegedin accused the Yugoslav government of attempting cultural assimilation of Croatia.

Language question
In 1967, the first two volumes of the Dictionary of Serbo-Croatian Literary and Vernacular Language based on the 1954 Novi Sad Agreement were published, sparking controversy about whether Croatian was a separate language. Both volumes excluded common Croatian expressions or treated them as local dialect while Serbian variants were often presented as the standard. The unrelated 1966 Serbo-Croatian dictionary published by Miloš Moskovljević further inflamed the situation by omitting the term "Croat" from the vocabulary.

The Declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language was issued by 130 Croatian linguists, including 80 communists, on 17 March 1967. The declaration criticised the 1967 dictionary and called for official recognition of Croatian as a separate language and for a requirement for the government of Croatia to use the Croatian language in official business. This step would have disadvantaged the many Serb bureaucrats in Croatia. The declaration drew "A Proposal for Reflection" in response, drafted by 54 Serbian writers calling for TV Belgrade to use Cyrillic script and to provide education for the Serbs of Croatia in the Serbian language. There were also several denunciations of the declaration on the Name and Status of the Croatian Literary Language from the SKJ within days. The declaration was not universally supported in Croatia. The deputy speaker of the Sabor, Miloš Žanko, denounced Franjo Tuđman, the head of the Croatian Institute of History, and Većeslav Holjevac, the head of the Croatian Heritage Foundation, for hiring known Croatian nationalists. The declaration marked the beginning of the four-year long period of increased Croatian nationalism commonly referred to as the Croatian Spring.

Matica hrvatska withdrew from the Novi Sad Agreement on 22 November 1970 because Matica srpska insisted that Croatian was only a dialect of Serbian. Matica hrvatska went on to publish a new Croatian dictionary and orthography manual by Stjepan Babić, Božidar Finka, and Milan Moguš, which was condemned by Serbia. The Croatian nationalists reacted by promoting linguistic purism and by revising school textbooks to increase coverage of Croatian history and culture. Matica hrvatska became the rallying point of the nationalist revival, and its economic secretary Šime Đodan was particularly popular. In 1970, Matica hrvatska's membership grew from about 2,000 to 40,000, increasing its political influence. It also enabled complaints to Yugoslav Railways, backed by the SKH, that Serbian Ekavian spelling ought to be supplemented with Croatian Ijekavian spelling in all official notices and schedules.

While multiple newspapers and magazines supported Matica hrvatska, the organisation also introduced its own organ, Hrvatski tjednik (Croatian Weekly), which enthusiastically promoted Croatian nationalism. Edited by Vlado Gotovac, it quickly surpassed the number of subscribers of all other newspapers including Vjesnik, the newspaper of record in Croatia.

SKH factions
Initially, the SKH was internally divided over support for Matica hrvatska, and its leadership remained mostly silent on the matter. The party was led by a reformist faction consisting of SKH Secretary of the Central Committee Savka Dabčević-Kučar and Miko Tripalo, supported by Pero Pirker, Dragutin Haramija, Ivan Šibl, and others. Dabčević-Kučar, Tripalo and Pirker assumed the top positions in the SKH in 1969 with Bakarić's support. The reformists were opposed by a conservative or anti-reformist faction including Žanko and Stipe Šuvar, Dušan Dragosavac, Jure Bilić, and Milutin Baltić. In search of support, the conservative faction allied with the Praxis School. Dabčević-Kučar and Tripalo, on the other hand, found support in SKH ranks closer to or associated with Matica hrvatska such as Đodan and Marko Veselica. In late 1969, Žanko also criticised the SKH leadership as well as Bakarić, accusing them of nationalism and anti-socialist attitudes in an article for Borba. He also wrote a series of articles denouncing Vjesnik, Radio Television Zagreb, and literary magazine Hrvatski književni list and Bruno Bušić as a writer contributing to the magazine. Others accused by Žanko of stirring up nationalist views were writers Šegedin, Gotovac, and Tomislav Ladan; literary critics Vlatko Pavletić, Igor Mandić and Branimir Donat; Vjesnik u srijedu weekly editor Krešimir Džeba and Vjesnik political columnist Neda Krmpotić; editor of Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Zagreb-published weekly Glas Koncila Živko Kustić, historian Trpimir Macan, art historian Grgo Gamulin, as well as economists Đodan, Hrvoje Šošić, Marko and Vladimir Veselica. On 19 December, Tito criticised Žanko's actions. In January 1970, Dabčević-Kučar accused Žanko of unitarism and of trying to topple the SKH leadership. Žanko was removed from all political functions and the SKH moved closer to Matica hrvatska's positions. Some sources, including Perović, mark Žanko's dismissal as the beginning of the Croatian Spring.

Throughout, the SKH's central economic demand was that Croatia be permitted to retain more of its foreign currency earnings. To this end, the SKH maintained good relations with counterparts from Slovenia and Macedonia, and also attempted to secure the support of the League of Communists of Kosovo. Due to its rejection of the SKH's economic agenda, the SKS was dismissed as "unionist" by the SKH despite Nikezić's support for other reforms. The SKH also opposed the under-representation of Croats in the police, security forces, and the military, as well as in political and economic institutions in Croatia as well as across Yugoslavia. The predominance of Serbs in these positions led to widespread calls for their replacement by Croats. At the federal level, Serbs represented about 39 percent of the Yugoslav population, while Croats accounted for about 19 percent. Serbs were over-represented and Croats under-represented in the civil service by a factor of two, accounting for 67 percent and nine percent of civil servants, respectively. Similarly, Serbs made up between 60–70 percent of the officer corps of the Yugoslav People's Army (JNA). In Croatia alone, Serbs represented about 15 percent of the population, but accounted for nearly one-quarter of the SKH's members and more than one-half of the police force.

SKH involvement until mid-1971
In December 1970, the SKH candidate lost the election of student pro-rector of the Zagreb University to an independent, Ivan Zvonimir Čičak. Non-communist candidates took over the remaining student organisations headquartered in Zagreb in April 1971. Dražen Budiša was elected the head of the Zagreb Student Federation, and Ante Paradžik became the head of the Croatian Student Federation.

Within days of the student-body elections, Tito requested that Dabčević-Kučar order the arrests of Šegedin, Marko Veselica, Budiša, Čičak and Đodan, but she declined. This decision made Dabčević-Kučar very popular in Croatia. At a rally of 200,000 people to mark the 26th anniversary of the 1945 fall of Zagreb to the Yugoslav Partisans on 7 May, observers from the United States reported that her speech was interrupted about 40 times by cheering and applause directed at her rather than the SKH. According to the British ambassador to Yugoslavia Dugald Stewart, Dabčević-Kučar and Tripalo were very skilled at use of public political rallies and their speeches drew crowds typically expected only at football matches.

Another set of amendments to the Yugoslav constitution was adopted further restricting federal powers in June 1971. The only powers retained by the federal government were foreign affairs, foreign trade, defence, common currency, and common tariffs. Inter-republic committees were set up to make decisions by the federal government before ratification. The SKH wanted further decentralisation in 1971 to include banking and foreign trade, and changes that would allow Croatia to retain more foreign currency earnings. Other demands were coming from outside the SKH Central Committee, ranging from establishing a Croatian military to complete independence. Ultimately the Croatian Spring involved a wide variety of elements including anti-centralists, moderate and extreme nationalists, pro-Ustaše, anti-communists, reformists, democrats and democratic socialists, liberals, and libertarians.

The SKS leadership did not criticise the SKH; on the contrary, Nikezić and Perović defended Croatia's reformist leadership to Tito in 1971. Serbian and Croatian newspapers traded accusations of mutual hostility, nationalism, and unitarism, leading Tito to admit that the SKJ had lost control of the media. In a meeting with the SKH leaders in July 1971, Tito expressed concern with the political situation and offered Tripalo the post of Prime Minister of Yugoslavia to move him away from the SKH, but Tripalo declined. Later that month, the conservative faction managed to gain sufficient support to expel Đodan and Marko Veselica from the SKH as "nationalist ringleaders".

On 2 August, the SKH announced an Action Programme, criticising nationalism which was referred to in the programme as "national movement", and denouncing unnamed individuals associated with Matica hrvatska for conspiring against the SKH and the SKJ. The SKH leaders determined that the Action Programme would be formally adopted or rejected by its next plenary session in November. The SKH arranged another meeting with Tito on 14 September, insisting he had been misinformed about the situation. After the meeting, Tito said he was convinced that the stories about chauvinism reigning in Croatia were absurd. He also implied that he favoured the SKH's proposal to reform Yugoslavia's foreign currency policy. After the meeting, Tripalo suggested that the Action Programme would no longer be considered.

Looking for role models from the past
The Croatian Spring spurred increased interest in Croatian historical figures. A commemorative plaque to Stjepan Radić, the founder of the Croatian Peasant Party (HSS) and a champion of the Croatian cause in pre-war Yugoslavia, was put up in Zagreb, followed by a monument to him in the town of Metković. The city of Šibenik cancelled a plan to erect a monument to the victims of fascism, instead erecting a statue of the medieval Croatian king Peter Krešimir IV. A marching band and a living history troop named after the 18th-century Trenck's Pandurs were re-established in Požega in 1969. There were also unsuccessful calls to restore a monument to the 19th-century Ban of Croatia Josip Jelačić, which had been removed from Zagreb's central square by the SKH in 1947.

Traditional Croatian patriotic songs—some of them banned—experienced a resurgence in popularity. The most popular and controversial singer of such songs at the time was Vice Vukov. Lijepa naša domovino returned to formal use as a patriotic song when a plaque was placed in the Zagreb Cathedral commemorating the noblemen involved in the 17th-century Magnate conspiracy. The opera Nikola Šubić Zrinski, retelling the 16th-century Siege of Szigetvár, was regularly sold out whenever it played at the Croatian National Theatre in Zagreb. Paintings by Oton Iveković (1869–1939) depicting events from Croatian history became very popular. Croatia's historical chequy coat of arms became a famous symbol sewn by youths on jackets and berets or applied on stickers to car windshields. In 1969, it was incorporated into the football club crest Dinamo Zagreb. While the Yugoslav flag was still flown, it was always paired with the Croatian one. The latter was also used on its own, and in overall use in Croatia, it outnumbered the Yugoslav flag by ten to one.

The SKH pointed out the significance of the Catholic Church in Croatian culture and political identity. Dabčević-Kučar later said that the move was motivated by her wish to counterbalance the Serbian Orthodox Church as a "source of Serbian chauvinism". While the Catholic Church did not play an important role in the Croatian Spring, it contributed to the strengthening of national identity by introducing the Cult of Mary as a Croatian national symbol around the same time. This contribution was reinforced by the canonisation of the 14th-century Croatian Franciscan friar and missionary Nicholas Tavelic in 1970.

The SKH maintained that its current policy was rooted in the Partisan legacy, arguing that the Yugoslav federation was not set up as envisaged by the World War II-era State Anti-fascist Council for the National Liberation of Croatia (ZAVNOH); in particular, ZAVNOH's solution to the Croatian question was not implemented. The SKH said that national sentiments were a legitimate expression of interests which communists must defend and that Yugoslavia must be organised as a community of national sovereign republics. Hrvatski tjednik published an article by Tuđman praising ZAVNOH. Its cover page carried a photo of the wartime secretary of the Communist Party of Croatia, Andrija Hebrang, whom the SKJ had considered a Soviet spy and a traitor since the 1948 Tito–Stalin split. The article also coincided with a request, ignored by the SKH, to posthumously rehabilitate Hebrang. The initiative was launched as a form of "moral rehabilitation" by anti-communist émigrés including former high-ranking KPJ official Ante Ciliga.

Demands for autonomy and a new constitution
At the time of the Croatian Spring, civic relations between Croats and Serbs in Croatia were increasingly framed by diverging narratives of World War I and especially World War II. While Croats focused on the role of the Royal Serbian Army in the creation of the Serb-dominated Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and killings of collaborationist Ustaše troops and their sympathisers in the 1945 Yugoslav pursuit of Nazi collaborators, Serbs negatively evaluated the Croatian participation in Austria-Hungary's Serbian campaign during World War I, and especially the genocide of Serbs committed by the Ustaše in the Axis puppet state known as the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). In a series of articles in Hrvatski tjednik, Tuđman expressed the view of the majority of the SKH as well as Matica hrvatska: that Croats had made a significant contribution to the Partisan struggle and were not collectively to blame for Ustaše atrocities.

Among Croatian Serbs, Serbian nationalism flared in response to the Croatian national resurgence. By 1969, the cultural society Prosvjeta came to the forefront of Croatian Serb nationalist discourse. A plan put forward by SKH reformists to revise elementary and middle school literature and history curricula so 75 per cent of the coverage would be on Croatian topics drew complaints from Prosvjeta, which argued that the plan was a threat to Serb cultural rights. Prosvjeta also objected to the SKH's attempts to reinterpret the wartime Partisan struggle as a liberation of Croatian nationality within the Yugoslav framework. By 1971, Prosvjeta demanded that the Serbian language and Cyrillic script be officially used in Croatia alongside the Croatian language and Latin script, as well as legislative safeguards guaranteeing the national equality of Serbs. Prosvjeta rejected the federal model advocated by the ZAVNOH and the SKH, arguing that nationalism was no longer needed in Yugoslavia. Furthermore, Prosvjeta denounced the work of Matica hrvatska and asserted that the Serbs of Croatia would preserve their national identity by relying on Serbia's help regardless of the borders of the republics.

Finally, Prosvjeta's Rade Bulat demanded the establishment of an autonomous province for the Croatian Serbs, and there were calls to grant autonomy for Dalmatia as well. The SKH Central Committee declared that no region of Croatia could make any legitimate claim to autonomy of any kind and labelled calls for regional Dalmatian autonomy as treason to the Croatian nation. Such responses aligned with the SKH's objective of national homogenisation. To that end, the SKH blocked the option of declaring one's ethnic identity as regional in the 1971 census. The campaign led by Matica hrvatska to emphasise the distinction between Croatian and Serbian was reflected in the prevailing speech of Croatian Serbs, which changed from predominantly Ijekavian, or an Ekavian-Ijekavian blend, to predominantly Ekavian.

The Serbian philosopher Mihailo Đurić argued that Croatia's constitution should be amended to describe the republic as the national state of Croats and Serbs. This remark sparked another series of public debates in March 1971 in the context of the constitutional reform of Yugoslavia. The SKJ responded by bringing charges against Đurić and imprisoning him. Matica hrvatska proposed an amendment to the constitution, further emphasising the national character of Croatia. The SKH dismissed the proposal and drafted its own wording, arguing it was a compromise. Ultimately passed, the SKH's amendment mentioned the Croatian Serbs specifically but defined Croatia as a "national state" of the Croats, avoiding use of the exact same phrase for the Croatian Serbs. The meaning of this difference in formulations was not explained in the text of the constitution. By mid-September 1971, ethnic tensions had worsened to the point that in northern Dalmatia, some Serb and Croat villagers took up arms in fear of each other.

Outside Croatia
In February 1971, the Croatian nationalist émigré magazine Hrvatska država, printed by Branimir Jelić in West Berlin, published a story attributed to its Moscow correspondent claiming that the Warsaw Pact would help Croatia achieve its independence, granting it a status comparable to that enjoyed by Finland at the time. The article also stated that the SKH was collaborating with Ustaše émigrés. The Yugoslav Military Mission in Berlin reported the story to the military intelligence service along with the names of alleged Ustaše émigré operatives in Croatia. The report was initially believed, leading the Yugoslav authorities to become concerned that the Soviet Union might be instigating and aiding the SKH and the Ustaše émigrés. A federal investigation concluded on 7 April that the story was false, and the authorities decided to bury the affair. Immediately, the SKH announced that foreign and domestic enemies of the SKH stood behind the allegations. The same day, Vladimir Rolović, the Yugoslav ambassador to Sweden, was mortally wounded in an unrelated attack by Ustaše émigrés, further escalating tensions. According to Dabčević-Kučar, the SKH leadership treated the enthusiasm of the émigrés with suspicion, believing it to be linked with the Yugoslav State Security Administration, and also because their activity weakened the SKH's position.

Even though the leadership of Bosnia and Herzegovina was cautious in its response to the SKH's January 1970 shift towards Matica hrvatska's positions, relations became much tenser, primarily reflected through texts published by Matica hrvatska journals and Oslobođenje, the newspaper of record in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The leadership of Bosnia and Herzegovina initially distinguished between the positions of the SKH and those held by Matica hrvatska, but this distinction eroded over time. In September, Matica hrvatska expanded its work to Bosnia and Herzegovina and the Serbian autonomous province of Vojvodina, claiming Croats were underrepresented in government institutions there due to policies implemented during Ranković's tenure. By November 1971, Croatian nationalists advocated annexing a part of Bosnia and Herzegovina to Croatia to rectify the situation. In response, Serbian nationalists claimed other parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina for Serbia. Officials from Bosnia and Herzegovina responded by prohibiting the establishment of Matica hrvatska branches within the republic.

Foreign policy considerations
During a meeting of the SKJ leadership at the Brijuni Islands on 28–30 April 1971, Tito received a telephone call from Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev. According to Tito, Brezhnev offered help to resolve the political crisis in Yugoslavia, and Tito declined. The offer was likened by the SKH and by Tito to Brezhnev's call to the First Secretary of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia Alexander Dubček in 1968 ahead of the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia—as being a threat of imminent Warsaw Pact invasion. Some members of the SKH Central Committee suggested that Tito invented it to strengthen his position, but the First Deputy Premier of the Soviet Union Dmitry Polyansky confirmed the conversation took place.

Aiming to improve the United States' position in the Mediterranean area following the Black September crisis in Jordan, the United States President Richard Nixon toured several countries in the region. Nixon's state visit to Yugoslavia lasted from 30 September until 2 October 1970 and included a trip to Zagreb, where Nixon sparked controversy in a toast at the Banski dvori, the seat of the Croatian government. His toast ended with the words "Long live Croatia! Long live Yugoslavia!", which were interpreted variously as a show of support for the independence of Croatia, or alternatively as just a common courtesy. The Yugoslav ambassador to the United States interpreted the episode as strategic positioning for a breakup of Yugoslavia.

Brezhnev visited Yugoslavia from 22 to 25 September 1971 amid continuing tension between Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union following the 1968 invasion of Czechoslovakia. Brezhnev offered a friendship agreement, but Tito declined to sign it to avoid appearing to move closer to the Eastern Bloc. Yugoslav officials notified Nixon through Secretary of State William P. Rogers that the meeting with Brezhnev did not go well. An official visit of Tito to the United States was arranged to reassure Tito of the United States' political, economic, and military support for Yugoslavia. Nixon and Tito met on 30 October in Washington, D.C.

November plenum and student protest
At the 5 November plenary session of the SKH, Dabčević-Kučar said that the national movement was evidence of the unity of the nation and the SKH, which she said should not be sacrificed to achieve revolutionary purity. After she rejected several of Bakarić's proposals to modify the SKH's policies, the conservative faction—most vocally Bilić and Dragosavac—demanded the enforcement of the August Action Programme. The issue was not resolved by the plenum but, in the aftermath of the session, Bakarić decided to support Bilić and Dragosavac and to ask Tito to intervene. On 12–15 November, Tito visited Bugojno in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where he was hosted by the republic's leadership (Branko Mikulić, Hamdija Pozderac, and Dragutin Kosovac). On 13 November, they were joined by the Yugoslav prime minister, Džemal Bijedić, who criticised the SKH's demands for changing the distribution of foreign currency earnings. Dragosavac met with Tito on 14 and 15 November to discuss the Croatian Spring. On 15 November, Tito was joined by the heads of the JNA to view recordings of political rallies in Croatia where nationalists and SKH members spoke and where anti-Tito shouts could be heard.

The extended SKH Central Committee secretly met from 17 to 23 November, but the two opposing factions could not agree. On 22 November, about 3,000 Zagreb University students voted to begin a strike the next morning. Initially, they protested federal regulations on hard currency, banking and commerce. At Paradžik's urging, a series of proposed constitutional amendments was added to the demands: defining Croatia as a sovereign and national state of Croats, making Croatian the official language, guaranteeing that residents of Croatia would complete their compulsory military service in Croatia, and formally establishing Zagreb as Croatia's capital and Lijepa naša domovino as the anthem of Croatia. The protesters singled out Bakarić for sabotaging Tripalo's currency reform. The Croatian Student Federation expanded the strike over Croatia. Within days, 30,000 students were on strike demanding the expulsion of Bilić, Dragosavac, Baltić, Ema Derossi-Bjelajac and Čedo Grbić from the SKH as unitarists. On 25 November, Tripalo met with the students, urging them to stop the strike, and Dabčević-Kučar made the same request four days later.

Karađorđevo meeting and the purges
Tito contacted the United States to inform them of his plan to remove the reformist leadership of Croatia, and the United States did not object. Tito considered deploying the JNA but opted for a political campaign instead. On 1 December, Tito convened a joint meeting of the SKJ and the SKH leaders at the Karađorđevo hunting ground in Vojvodina. SKH conservatives first criticised the SKH leadership, asking for stern action against nationalism. SKJ presidium members from other republics and provinces then gave speeches supporting the conservative stance, and the SKH leadership was told to control the situation in Croatia. Tito particularly criticised Matica hrvatska, accusing it of being a political party and attempting to establish a fascist state similar to the NDH. The next day, after the Karađorđevo meeting, Tito's speech was broadcast to all of Yugoslavia, warning of the threat of counter-revolution.

After the broadcast, the student strike was called off and the SKH leadership announced their agreement with Tito. On 6 December, Bakarić criticised the SKH leadership for not taking any practical steps to comply with Tito's speech of two days earlier, especially for not taking action against Matica hrvatska. Bakarić accused Tripalo of attempting to split the SKH by exaggerating the popular support for the reformists. Two days later, the SKJ leadership met again and concluded that the SKH was not implementing the decisions adopted in Karađorđevo. Student strike leaders were arrested on 11 December, and Dabčević-Kučar and Pirker were forced to resign by Tito the next day. At that point, Tripalo, Marko Koprtla and Janko Bobetko immediately also resigned. In the following days, more resignations were tendered, including the head of the government, Haramija. Milka Planinc became the head of the SKH. Five hundred students protested in Zagreb against the resignations and were suppressed by riot police.

Subsequently, tens of thousands were expelled from the SKH, including 741 high-ranking officials such as Dabčević-Kučar, Tripalo, and Pirker. Another 280 SKH members were compelled to resign their posts and 131 were demoted. SKH conservatives demanded a major show trial with Tuđman as the main defendant, but Tito blocked this proposal. Instead, Tuđman was convicted of trying to overthrow the "democratic self-managing socialism". Overall, 200–300 people were convicted of political crimes, but thousands more were imprisoned without formal charges for two to three months. Matica hrvatska and Prosvjeta were banned, including the former's fourteen publications. Purges targeting media professionals, writers, filmmakers, and university staff continued until late 1972. Even though the purges took place only in the period after the 1 December 1971 Karađorđevo meeting, this date is usually thought of as the end of the Croatian Spring in commemorations of the events. Authorities seized and destroyed 40,000 copies of the Moguš, Finka & Babić orthography manual as chauvinist. The remaining 600 copies were bound without any foreword or index and marked "for internal use only". This version was reprinted by London-based Croatian émigré magazine Nova Hrvatska (New Croatia) in 1972 and 1984. The book was published again in Croatia in 1990.

Maintenance of reforms

Under the new SKH leadership, Ivo Perišin replaced Haramija as the President of its Executive Council in late December 1971. In February 1972, the Croatian Parliament passed a series of 36 amendments to the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Croatia, one of which introduced Lijepa naša domovino as the republic's anthem.

After the downfall of the reformist SKH leadership, anti-communist émigrés wrote about the Croatian Spring as a movement presaging democratisation and praised Dabčević-Kučar and Tripalo as people of "unusual political virtues". Some émigrés believed that the political situation in Yugoslavia, especially among Croats, was conducive to an uprising. Consequently, nineteen members of the Croatian Revolutionary Brotherhood terrorist organisation launched an armed incursion into Yugoslavia in mid-1972, hoping to incite a rebellion that would lead to the re-establishment of the NDH. After a month of deadly skirmishes with the authorities, the incursion ended in failure.

Pirker died in August 1972, and his funeral drew 100,000 supporters. The size of the crowd attending the funeral confirmed continued broad support for Dabčević-Kučar and Tripalo, irrespective of their recent purge.

To reduce the popular support for the Croatian nationalists, Tito granted many of the demands of the ousted SKH leaders. For example, export companies were allowed to retain 20 per cent of foreign exchange earnings instead of 7–12 percent while tourism companies increased their retention of foreign currency earnings from 12 per cent to 45 per cent. Devaluation of the Yugoslav dinar by 18.7 per cent, increased the value of the retained foreign currency income on the domestic market.

The new SKH leadership was unwilling to undo the changes implemented by their predecessors and subsequently lost support from the Croatian Serbs. Some Serbs called for the constitution of Croatia to be amended to redefine Croatia as a national state of both Croats and Serbs and create a Serb committee in the Sabor. Those ideas were defeated by Grbić, who held the position of deputy speaker of the Croatian Parliament; as a result, Serbian nationalists denounced Grbić as a traitor to their cause.

The 1974 Yugoslav Constitution preserved the 1971 reforms almost entirely, expanded the economic powers of the constituent republics, and granted reformist demands related to banking, commerce, and foreign currency.

Legacy in the final decades of Yugoslavia
In the aftermath of the 1971 purge, the authorities began to pejoratively refer to the events that had transpired as the Maspok, a portmanteau of masovni pokret meaning "mass movement", as a reference to the politicisation of the masses to ensure the involvement of actors beyond the SKH in Croatia's politics. The term Croatian Spring was coined retroactively, after the 1971 purges, by those holding a more favourable view of the events. The latter term was not permitted to be publicly used in Yugoslavia until 1989.

The end of the Croatian Spring ushered in a period known as the Croatian Silence (Hrvatska šutnja), which lasted until the late 1980s, during which the public kept its distance from the unpopular imposed authorities. Discussion about the position of the Croatian Serbs was avoided by the new Croatian leadership, and Grbić and others became concerned that the question would be left to the Serbian Orthodox Church and nationalists from Serbia to pose solutions without any counterargument.

The Croatian Spring was a significant event for all of Yugoslavia. Reformist factions in the SKS, SKM and the League of Communists of Slovenia were also suppressed by the end of 1972, replaced by mediocre and obedient politicians. During this period, pressure for the complete breakup of Yugoslavia intensified, religious leaders gained influence, and the Partisan legacy that legitimised the state was weakened. The purges of the 1970s in Croatia and elsewhere in Yugoslavia drove many reformist communists and supporters of social democracy away from politics in the country's final decades.

From 1989, several people previously involved with the SKH or Matica hrvatska during the Croatian Spring returned to Croatian politics. Budiša and Gotovac had leading roles in the Croatian Social Liberal Party (HSLS), which was formed before the 1990 Croatian parliamentary election. Čičak was prominent in the HSS. In January 1989, Marko and Vladimir Veselica, Tuđman, Šošić, and Ladan launched an initiative to found the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ). Dissatisfied with Tuđman's election to lead the HDZ, the Veselica brothers left, and formed the Croatian Democratic Party (HDS) in November. The HDZ gained Stjepan Mesić, another SKH official ousted after the Croatian Spring. Dabčević-Kučar, Tripalo, and Haramija formed the Coalition of People's Accord coalition as independents, supported by several parties, including the HSLS and HDS. The HDZ won the elections, Tuđman became the President of the Presidency (later President) and Mesić became the President of the Executive Council (later referred to as Prime Minister).

title: Croatian Spring


text:
Talk:Bughouse Chess

Shouldn't this be at Bughouse chess? --Robert Merkel 01:00, 11 Aug 2003 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Bughouse Chess


text:
List of dams and reservoirs in New Zealand

Many of the largest dams and reservoirs in New Zealand have been developed principally to produce hydroelectricity. Other uses include irrigation and municipal water supply.

Hydro-electric dams
The main river systems comprising a series of dams and powerhouses are situated on the following rivers:
 * The Waikato River
 * The Waitaki River
 * The Clutha River

Other schemes are standalone developments associated with specific sites.

Tongariro Power Scheme
The Tongariro Power Scheme (1,400 GWh) diverts water from the south side of Mount Ruapehu and the west and north sides of Tongariro into Lake Taupō, and thus eventually into the Waikato River.
 * Rangipo (cavern) (120 MW)
 * Tokaanu (240 MW)
 * Moawhango Dam

The Waikato
The hydro stations, starting from Lake Taupō, are (capacity in MW and nominal annual energy output in GWh):
 * Aratiatia (84 MW) (331 GWh)
 * Ohakuri (112 MW) (400 GWh)
 * Atiamuri (84 MW) (305 GWh)
 * Whakamaru (100 MW) (486 GWh)
 * Maraetai (360 MW) (855 GWh)
 * Waipapa (51 MW) (330 GWh)
 * Arapuni (171 MW) (805 GWh)
 * Karapiro (90 MW) (490 GWh)

The Waitaki

The river was developed in multiple stages. The Waitaki Dam was built first, without earthmoving machinery, followed by the development of the Aviemore Dam on Lake Aviemore and Benmore Dam on Lake Benmore. Lake Pukaki was initially dammed at this stage to provide storage and flow control. A small station was also installed on Lake Tekapo, but although it has a small dam to raise the pre-existing lake, water was taken through a 1.6 km tunnel to a powerstation below the level of the lake.

In the 1960s, work was started on the Upper Waitaki project. This project consisted of taking the discharge from the original Tekapo (A) station through a power canal, the Tekapo Canal, to Tekapo B station at the edge of Lake Pukaki. The dam at Pukaki was increased in height. Water from Pukaki is then transferred into the Pukaki Canal which meets the Ōhau Canal from Lake Ōhau into Ōhau A station and Lake Ruataniwha. The Ōhau Canal continues beyond Lake Ruataniwha to Ōhau B midway along, before emptying through Ōhau C into Lake Benmore.

The stations are (capacity) (annual output) (commissioned)
 * Tekapo A (25 MW) (160 GWh) 1955
 * Tekapo B (160 MW) (800 GWh) 1977
 * Ōhau A  (264 MW) (1150 GWh) 1980
 * Ōhau B (212 MW) (970 GWh) 1984/1985
 * Ōhau C (212 MW) (970 GWh) 1984/1985

The original Waitaki power stations discharge water back into the Waitaki River which then forms a storage lake for the next station in the chain. The three power stations are:
 * Benmore (540 MW) (2,200 GWh) 1965
 * Aviemore (220 MW) (940 GWh) 1968
 * Waitaki (105 MW) (500 GWh) 1935

Project Aqua was a proposed scheme of six dams on a man made canal running from the Waitaki Dam to the sea. It was cancelled by Meridian Energy on 29 March 2004.

Clutha River

 * Clyde Dam (445 MW)
 * Roxburgh Dam (320 MW)

Standalone hydroelectric schemes

 * Manapouri (850 MW) (4,800 GWh)
 * Manapouri does not rely on a high dam to provide water – it takes advantage of the natural 178-metre height difference between Lake Manapouri and the sea at Deep Cove in Doubtful Sound, in Fiordland. The power house is in a cavern, while two tailrace tunnels take the water from the power house 10 km to Deep Cove and the sea. The Manapouri Control Structure (Mararoa dam) downstream from the original outlet of Lake Manapouri controls the lake level, and feeds water from the Mararoa river back up the river into the Lake.

North Island

 * Kaimai Scheme – Kaimai (0.4 MW), Lloyd Mandeno (15.6 MW), Lower Mangapapa (6.25 MW), Ruahihi (20 MW) – Scheme: (165 GWh)
 * Aniwhenua Dam (25 MW) (127 GWh) – Bay of Plenty (Upriver from Matahina dam)
 * Matahina Dam (36 MW) (300 GWh) – on the Rangitaiki River, Bay of Plenty
 * Lake Waikaremoana Scheme – 3 dams: Kaitawa (36 MW), Tuai (60 MW), and Piripaua (42 MW)
 * Wheao & Flaxy (26 MW) (115 GWh)
 * Hinemaiaia – A (2.25 MW), B (1.35 MW), C (2.85 MW) – (30 GWh) – near Taupō
 * Motukawa (4.6 MW) (25.8 GWh) – Taranaki
 * Mangorie (4.5 MW) (20.9 GWh) – Taranaki
 * Patea Dam (31 MW) (115 GWh) (Peak Station) – Taranaki
 * Mangahao Dam (30 MW) – Tararuas
 * Kourarau Scheme (1 MW) – Wairarapa

South Island

 * Waihopai (2.5 MW) (11.8 GWh)
 * Branch River – (Wairau & Argyle Stations) (11 MW) (54.3 GWh) – run of river canals
 * Cobb Reservoir and Cobb Power Station (32 MW) – Golden Bay
 * Arnold Dam (3 MW) (25 GWh) – West Coast
 * Dillmans (0.5 MW), Duffers (3.655 MW), Kumara (6.5 MW) – Scheme: (47.9 GWh)
 * Kaniere Forks (0.43 MW) (3.75 GWssdn ruwehruehre h) & MacKays Creek (1.1 MW) (8 GWh)
 * Wahapo (3.1 MW) (14.5 GWh) – South Westland
 * Lake Coleridge (45 MW) (205 to 300 GWh) – Canterbury – diverted rivers and natural lake
 * Highbank (25.2 MW) (115 GWh) – Canterbury – joint power & irrigation
 * Montalto (1.1 MW – 1.8 MW) (12 GWh) – Canterbury – joint power & irrigation
 * Opuha Dam (7.5 MW) – Canterbury – joint power & irrigation
 * Paerau (10 MW, 47.8 GWh) & Patearoa (2.25 MW, 7.5 GWh) – Taieri River, Otago – joint power & irrigation
 * Waipori – 4 dams (12 MW, 57 MW, 7 MW, 8 MW) – Dunedin
 * Monowai (6 MW) (34 GWh)
 * Roaring Meg – 2 power stations (1.3MW, 3MW) (30 GWh)

Auckland

 * Cosseys Dam – Auckland
 * Hays Creek Dam – Auckland
 * Upper Huia Dam – Auckland
 * Lower Huia Dam – Auckland
 * Mangatangi Dam – Auckland
 * Mangatawhiri Dam – Auckland
 * Upper Nihotupu Dam – Auckland
 * Lower Nihotupu Dam – Auckland
 * Waitākere Dam and Reservoir – Auckland
 * Wairoa Dam – Auckland

Other North Island

 * Clapcott Concrete Arch (Mangapoike or Gisborne No. 1) Dam - Gisborne
 * Kaitoke Weir – Upper Hutt
 * Macaskill Lakes – Upper Hutt
 * Mangamahoe Dam - New Plymouth
 * Okehu Stream/Waitahinga Dam (Rangitatau Weir) - Wanganui (Whanganui)
 * Upper and Lower Turitea - Palmerston North
 * Whau Valley Dam – Whangarei
 * Wilsons Dam – Whangarei

South Island

 * Waitohi (Barnes) Dam - Picton
 * Maitai Dam - Nelson
 * Opuha Dam – Canterbury, also has small hydro-electric scheme (7.5 MW)
 * Ross Creek Reservoir – Dunedin
 * Sullivan's Dam – Dunedin

Defunct dams

 * Birchville Dam – Upper Hutt
 * Johnsonville Waterworks - Ohariu Valley
 * Korokoro Dam
 * Morton Dam - Wainuiomata
 * Upper and Lower Karori Dams and the Karori Reservoirs – Wellington (now a nature reserve)
 * Teviot Dam - Roxburgh
 * Waitohi Weir (1891) - Picton
 * Williams Dam - Picton

Irrigation dams

 * Lakes Manuwai and Waingaro at Kerikeri, purpose-built irrigation dams containing 12,800,000 m3 of water
 * Opuha Dam


text:
User:ElmoHoo

Currently a graduate student in Physics at the University of Virginia; an Echols scholar graduate of the University of Virginia, with a B.S. in Physics and B.A. in Mathematics.

title: User:ElmoHoo


text:
Talk:Tony Lovato

Untitled
For a previous debate over the deletion of this article see Votes for deletion/Matt Lovato.

Name
Can someone verify that the correct name is Anthony Cappiello John Lovato and not Anthony John Lovato? I'm tracking vandalism from the IP 156.63.169.2, but not all of the edits have been vandalism. gK [[User talk:GK|¿?]] 16:17, 16 Nov 2004 (UTC)

Cleanup
This page needs some major cleanup. There is a good deal of NPOV as well as bad grammer and bad wording. Also, there should be external links as well as being wikified. Acidskater 17:15, 28 March 2007 (UTC)
 * This article could be improved by adding a picture. DavidJJJ 16:24, 20 April 2007 (UTC)
 * I've done my best to cleanup this article. Please discuss here before putting any tags on the article. Freikorp (talk) 04:26, 22 August 2009 (UTC)

related to Demi Lovato?
Any idea if he is related to Demi Lovato? :) Just kinda curious, from "her" page, her parents are Patrick Lovato and Diana Lovato - was just curious who Tony's are. Then again, even the cousin (Matt Lovato?) has the same last name - could they be family related? --72.188.76.225 (talk) 04:52, 5 June 2009 (UTC)

Vandalism
I've been watching this page for a few years now. Over the years vandals have repeatedly tried to remove the referenced information regarding Lovato's ties to the white power band Confederate Storm, and the stabbing incident. I have just reverted section blanking regarding the stabbing incident, which this time unfortunately remained for 8 months. Just wanted to bring it to the attention of other editors so this information hopefully does not get removed for such a long period in the future. Freikorp (talk) 08:11, 30 May 2014 (UTC)

 * Unfortunately this page is still under attack. I have just reverted the unexplained removal of content regarding the stabbing incident yet again. This time it remained removed for over 11 months. The removal of the white power band was reverted by someone else after only 4 months. Freikorp (talk) 02:41, 4 April 2017 (UTC)

title: Talk:Tony Lovato


text:
Prop comedy

Prop comedy is a comedy genre in which performers use humorous objects, or conventional objects in humorous ways. The stages and films term "prop", an abbreviation of "property", refers to any object an actor handles in the course of a performance. Though some form of prop comedy has likely existed as long as there have been comedians, the genre reached its zenith in the vaudeville era. The vaudeville team Olsen and Johnson used prop comedy extensively in their long running Broadway revue Hellzapoppin.

A prop comic is a comedian who uses prop comedy. Prop comics are sometimes looked down upon by other comedians, and the term is sometimes used derisively. However, some, such as Tommy Cooper, rose to critical acclaim as their props revolved around a gimmick (such as Cooper's magic) and the comedian's character around that gimmick.

Types of props
Props are any items that the comedian or comic uses in an absurd way. These can be hand props, such as a book or slapstick, costume props (such as tearaway pants), and set props (such as a breakaway chair). Another example is the rubber chicken.

Other occurrences
The TV comedy game show Whose Line Is It Anyway? has a round called Props in which two teams of comedians are each given a prop each and must improvise with them to humorous effect.

title: Prop comedy


text:
GNUnet

GNUnet is a software framework for decentralized, peer-to-peer networking and an official GNU package. The framework offers link encryption, peer discovery, resource allocation, communication over many transports (such as TCP, UDP, HTTP, HTTPS, WLAN and Bluetooth) and various basic peer-to-peer algorithms for routing, multicast and network size estimation.

GNUnet's basic network topology is that of a mesh network. GNUnet includes a distributed hash table (DHT) which is a randomized variant of Kademlia that can still efficiently route in small-world networks. GNUnet offers a "F2F topology" option for restricting connections to only the users' trusted friends. The users' friends' own friends (and so on) can then indirectly exchange files with the users' computer, never using its IP address directly.

GNUnet uses Uniform resource identifiers (not approved by IANA, although an application has been made). GNUnet URIs consist of two major parts: the module and the module specific identifier. A GNUnet URI is of form where module is the module name and identifier is a module specific string.

The primary codebase is written in C, but there are bindings in other languages to produce an API for developing extensions in those languages. GNUnet is part of the GNU Project. It has gained interest in the hacker community after the PRISM revelations.

GNUnet consists of several subsystems, of which essential ones are Transport and Core subsystems. Transport subsystem provides insecure link-layer communications, while Core provides peer discovery and encryption. On top of the core subsystem various applications are built.

GNUnet includes various P2P applications in the main distribution of the framework, including filesharing, chat and VPN; additionally, a few external projects (such as secushare) are also extending the GNUnet infrastructure.

GNUnet is unrelated to the older Gnutella P2P protocol. Gnutella is not an official GNU project, while GNUnet is.

Transport
Originally, GNUnet used UDP for underlying transport. Now GNUnet transport subsystem provides multiple options, such as TCP and SMTP.

The communication port, officially registered at IANA, is 2086 (tcp + udp).

Trust system
GNUnet provides trust system based on an excess-based economic model. The idea of employing an economic system is taken from the MojoNation network.

GNUnet network has no trusted entities so it is impossible to maintain a global reputation. Instead, each peer maintains its own trust for each of its local links.

When resources, such as bandwidth and CPU time, are in excess, the peer provides them to all requesting neighbors without reducing trust or otherwise charging them. When a node is under stress it drops requests from its neighbor nodes having lower internal trust value. However, when the peer has less resources than enough to fulfill everyone's requests, it denies requests of those neighbors that it trusts less and charges others by reducing their trust.

File sharing
The primary application at this point is anonymous, censorship-resistant file-sharing, allowing users to anonymously publish or retrieve information of all kinds. The GNUnet protocol which provides anonymity is called GAP (GNUnet anonymity protocol). GNUnet FS can additionally make use of GNU libextractor to automatically annotate shared files with metadata.

File encoding
Files shared with GNUnet are ECRS (An Encoding for Censorship-Resistant Sharing) coded.

All content is represented as GBlocks. Each GBlock contains 1024 bytes. There are several types of GBlocks, each of them serves a particular purpose. Any GBlock $$B$$ is uniquely identified by its RIPEMD-160 hash $$H(B)$$.

DBlocks store actual file contents and nothing else. File is split at 1024 byte boundaries and resulting chunks are stored in DBlocks. DBlocks are linked together into Merkle tree by means of IBlocks that store DBlock identifiers.

Blocks are encrypted with a symmetric key derived from $$H(B)$$ when they are stored in the network.

Queries and replies
GNUnet Anonymity Protocol consists of queries and replies. Depending on load of the forwarding node, messages are forwarded to zero or more nodes.

Queries are used to search for content and request data blocks.

Query contains resource identifier, reply address, priority and TTL (Time-to-Live).

Resource identifier of datum $$Q$$ is a triple-hash $$H(H(H(Q)))$$. Peer that replies to query provides $$H(H(Q))$$to prove that it indeed has the requested resource without providing $$H(Q)$$ to intermediate nodes, so intermediate nodes can't decrypt $$Q$$.

Reply address is the major difference compared to Freenet protocol. While in Freenet reply always propagates back using the same path as the query, in GNUnet the path may be shorter. Peer receiving a query may drop it, forward it without rewriting reply address or indirect it by replacing reply address with its own address. By indirecting queries peer provides cover traffic for its own queries, while by forwarding them peer avoids being a link in reply propagation and preserves its bandwidth. This feature allows the user to trade anonymity for efficiency. User can specify an anonymity level for each publish, search and download operation. An anonymity level of zero can be used to select non-anonymous file-sharing. GNUnet's DHT infrastructure is only used if non-anonymous file-sharing is specified. The anonymity level determines how much cover traffic a peer must have to hide the user's own actions.

Priority specifies how much of its trust user wants to spend in case of a resource shortage.

TTL is used to prevent queries from staying in the network for too long.

File sharing URIs
The fs module identifier consists of either chk, sks, ksk or loc followed by a slash and a category specific value. Most URIs contain hashes, which are encoded in base32hex.

 * chk identifies files, typically:
 * File hash is the hash of the plaintext file, which allows decrypting it once it is downloaded. Query hash is the hash of topmost GBlock which allows downloading the whole tree of GBlocks that contain encrypted file. File size is required to determine the shape of the tree.

 * sks identifies files within namespaces, typically:
 * ksk identifies search queries, typically:
 * loc identifies a datum on a specific machine, typically:

Examples
A type of GNUnet filesharing URI pointing to a specific copy of GNU GPL license text:

Another type of GNUnet filesharing URI, pointing to the search results of a search with keyword "gpl":

GNU Name System
GNUnet includes an implementation of the GNU Name System (GNS), a decentralized and censorship-resistant replacement for DNS. In GNS, each user manages their own zones and can delegate subdomains to zones managed by other users. Lookups of records defined by other users are performed using GNUnet's DHT. GNS has been standardized in. The GANA registry manages the ".alt" top-level domain in GNS.

Protocol translation
GNUnet can tunnel IP traffic over the peer-to-peer network. If necessary, GNUnet can perform IPv4-IPv6 protocol translation in the process. GNUnet provides a DNS Application-level gateway to proxy DNS requests and map addresses to the desired address family as necessary. This way, GNUnet offers a possible technology to facilitate IPv6 transition. Furthermore, in combination with GNS, GNUnet's protocol translation system can be used to access hidden services — IP-based services that run locally at some peer in the network and which can only be accessed by resolving a GNS name.

Social API
Gabor X Toth published in early September 2013 a thesis to present the design of a social messaging service for the GNUnet peer-to-peer framework that offers scalability, extensibility, and end-to-end encrypted communication. The scalability property is achieved through multicast message delivery, while extensibility is made possible by using PSYC (Protocol for SYnchronous Conferencing), which provides an extensible RPC (Remote Procedure Call) syntax that can evolve over time without having to upgrade the software on all nodes in the network. Another key feature provided by the PSYC layer are stateful multicast channels, which are used to store e.g. user profiles. End-to-end encrypted communication is provided by the mesh service of GNUnet, upon which the multicast channels are built. Pseudonymous users and social places in the system have cryptographical identities — identified by their public key — these are mapped to human memorable names using GNS (GNU Name System), where each pseudonym has a zone pointing to its places.

That is the required building block for turning the GNUnet framework into a fully peer-to-peer social networking platform.

Chat
A chat has been implemented in the CADET module, for which a GTK interface for GNOME exists, specifically designed for the emerging Linux phones (such as the Librem 5 or the PinePhone).

title: GNUnet


text:
Talk:Yacht racing

VANDALISM of this page
Going to "Yacht racing," I found many of the paragraphs duplicated and attempted to delete the duplicates. But apparently at the same time some wiki-vandal was even increasing those duplicates.

I don't know how this person does it, but this vandal made it appear that I made these changes not him/her. Hopefully in the near future, this vandal will stop their "work" and we can clean up this page.

Race duration
A race usually takes around one hundred minutes.

Actually, a race usually takes as long as it takes from my experience. It all depends on the wind and the number of races that are scheduled for a certain regatta. The fewer the planned races, the longer the courses. Regular big-boat weekend series races can be four hours long whereas collegiate dinghy races can be 18 minutes... I am taking the above statement out.

Info needed
Can we add any links to either online racing basics/tutorials or a link to the racing rules?

X metre classes
There seems to be a lack of consistency about the names used for these. The template Template:Keelboats worldwide uses names of the form 12 Metre (keelboat), but I found the 12-metres at 12-metre class. I didn't check to see if we already had articles for others that currently are red links in this template. Not sure what the right thing is, just making a note of the problem. Noel (talk) 00:52, 5 September 2005 (UTC)

First round-the-world
Am I right in thinking that the first round-the-world yacht race of any kind (crewed/single-handed, stopping/nonstop) was the Sunday Times Golden Globe Race? — Johan the Ghost seance 12:59, 11 February 2006 (UTC)
 * Yes, I'm pretty sure that's true - pretty crazy that round-the-world racing was first done singlehanded and nonstop, huh? CDC (talk) 23:52, 11 February 2006 (UTC)
 * That's exactly what I was thinking! But I can't think of any round-the-world race that wasn't inspired by the Golden Globe.  See also Talk:Sunday Times Golden Globe Race. — Johan the Ghost seance 11:35, 12 February 2006 (UTC)

I've gone ahead and named the Golden Globe as first; all the present-day round-the-world races started after it. It would be good if someone could find a reference of some kind to back this up, though. — Johan the Ghost seance 23:18, 13 February 2006 (UTC)

Sailing re-organization effort
Take a minute to read the comments at Talk:Sailing#Re-write effort -- non how-to et seq. Some of us are working on re-organizing the sailing-related articles. See if you agree with our approach and give us some help. Mrees1997 19:40, 29 December 2006 (UTC)

Inshore Racing
How about differentiating Inshore racing ie. along coastlines, (not in protected water)from Offshore racing ie across open water, in much the same way as the sailing regs do? Harbour racing is often refered to as Club Racing, and in protected water, although I suppose all racing is sponsored by a club?Jagra 06:06, 22 July 2007 (UTC)

Only sailboats?
Does this includes races of boats without sails? Or is this race only about types of sailed ships? I ask this because I want to know which could be the best translation into spanish:

The problem is that this article about yacht racing does not mention clearly if a yacht race is necesarily held only with sail boats or can be held with any other kind of yacht (with or without a sail). Yes, a yacht can have or not a sail, but this article only talks about sailed ships, so what is the correct addressment? - Damërung  ...ÏìíÏ..._ Ξ_         .   --  18:18, 30 June 2009 (UTC)
 * Carrera de vela - Would be like "sail racing" or "race of sail boats"
 * Carrera de botes - More general, inapropiate due this
 * Carrera de yates - Yachts does not always use sails to thrust (could be motored)

head current / surface wind problem
I have no idea how to address this problem, but I figure this discussion page may be a good starting place. Please advise.

Let us assume a sailboat running downwind from A to B with a 10Kn tail wind. I have head current 3Kn one side of AB, head current 1Kn on the other. But let there be two prerequisites: what parametres must be taken into account so that I may decide which side is fastest?Nuttyrave (talk) 21:23, 27 January 2010 (UTC)
 * 1) the sailboat may not run before the wind, it must go make two broad reach tacks, in such a way that it may benefit from 13Kn surface wind one one side of AB, and 11Kn surface wind on the other
 * 2) the sailboat may not cross AB, it must choose one side

Confusion with yachting
The article says that yacht racing is "not to be confused with yachting". Rather than seeming to berate me for being so foolish as to not know the difference, the article should educate me and tell me how yachting and yacht racing differ. Dricherby (talk) 00:01, 27 June 2012 (UTC)

Interchange with Sail boat racing?
There are no pages for Sail racing, or sailboat racing. Sail boat racing has been redirected here, although this very article begins by stressing that Yacht racing refers to racing relatively substantial sailing vessels (or, compared to sailing ships, relatively insubstantial). I doubt that anyone would include dinghy racing, such as with the Bermuda fitted dinghy, as yacht racing. We also would not include oceanic tall ships racing, or the racing of hobie cats. It is questionable if even day sailers that are dedicated racing boats can be properly described as yachts, such as the IOD. Aodhdubh (talk) 13:31, 22 June 2013 (UTC)

 * I do not agree with the editor that has integrated powerboats into this story. A yacht race has always been a reference to sailing yachts. The list of races at the bottom of the story is all sailing events and in the many years that I have been racing yachts, of reasonable size out of yacht clubs all over the world never have I heard anyone refer to a power boat race as a yacht race. The term Offshore power boat race, or just power boat race is widely accepted as the proper term here. With regard to racing Bermuda fitted dinghy's the term used most to define that type of racing is, once again a yacht race, as yacht clubs are the hosts of such races and it is accepted as the proper term for that type of racing as well. You would never hear the phrase "Power Yacht Race" from anyone. (Offshore Power Boats): Yacht lengths generally range from 10 metres (33 ft) up to dozens of metres (hundreds of feet). A luxury craft smaller than 12 metres (39 ft) is more commonly called a cabin cruiser or simply a cruiser. (talk) --WPPilot 09:54, 14 September 2013 (UTC)

File:Cabo San Lucas Race Start 2013 photo D Ramey Logan.jpg to appear as POTD
Hello! This is a note to let the editors of this article know that File:Cabo San Lucas Race Start 2013 photo D Ramey Logan.jpg will be appearing as picture of the day on October 27, 2014. You can view and edit the POTD blurb at Template:POTD/2014-10-27. If this article needs any attention or maintenance, it would be preferable if that could be done before its appearance on the Main Page. Thanks! — Crisco 1492 (talk) 01:11, 8 October 2014 (UTC)

Delete entire Races section
I'm not sure what the point of this section is. It certainly isn't an exhaustive list of races in each category. There must be hundreds of offshore races around the world each year. What's so special about this particular dozen they they make the list? And what makes something an "offshore" race vs. and "inshore" race? Why is Macinac offshore? Why aren't races like Around Long Island and the Vineyard listed at all? These lists will never be comprehensive, so I'm inclined to say they shouldn't exist at all. -- RoySmith (talk) 20:55, 27 October 2014 (UTC)

title: Talk:Yacht racing


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Krajina

Krajina is a Slavic toponym, meaning 'country' or 'march'. The term is related to kraj or krai, originally meanings land, country or edge and today denoting a region or province, usually remote from urban centers.

Etymology
The Serbo-Croatian word krajina derives from Proto-Slavic *krajina, derived from *krajь, related to *krojiti 'to cut'; the original meaning of krajina thus seems to have been 'place at an edge, fringe, borderland', as reflected in the meanings of Church Slavonic краина, .

In Old East Slavic: Ѹкраина/Ꙋкраина, romanized: Oukraina [uˈkrɑjinɑ]) appears in the Hypatian Codex of c. 1425 under the year 1187 in reference to a part of the territory of Kievan Rus', meaning specifically region or land itself rather than borderland.

In most Slavic languages (including the Chakavian and Kajkavian dialects of Serbo-Croatian), the root krajina is found and means country: in Polish (kraj), Slovak (krajina), Czech, Ukrainian (країна, romanised krayina), Belarusian (краіна, romanised kraina) and Sorbian. Though, in Slovenian, this word means land and march. To these languages, the word krajina was derived from Proto-Slavic *krajь, just like in Serbo-Croatian.

The name of Ukraine has a similar linguistic origin (it is a combination of two words У — U which means In and країна — kraina which literally means country or land in Ukrainian). And here it goes "Ukraine", in Ukrainian Україна. Compare Deutschland is a combination of two words Deutsch and land.

In some South Slavic languages, including Serbo-Croatian and Slovene, the word krajina or its cognate still refers primarily to a border, fringe, or borderland of a country (sometimes with an established military defense), and secondarily to a region, area, or landscape. Krajina is also a surname, mostly among South Slavic language speakers. The word kraj can today mean an end, extremity, region, land or area.

Bosnia and Herzegovina

 * Bosanska Krajina sits in a triangle roughly between Banja Luka, Prijedor and Bihać, and encompasses a larger area westwards from the Vrbas river to Una and toward the Sava on the north; while on the south it is bordered by the Unac. In medieval Bosnia the region was known as Donji Kraji.
 * Cazinska Krajina is the borderland of Bosnia adjacent to Croatia around the city of Cazin. Today it constitutes Una-Sana Canton.

Bosnia-Herzegovina and Croatia

 * Krajina, medieval name for the region(s) in Central Dalmatia in Croatia, including parts of Lower Neretva and western Herzegovina in today's Bosnia and Herzegovina. It extended in the east-west direction from the lower course of the river Neretva in the east to the river Cetina in the west, and in the south-north direction from the rivers Vrljika and Trebižat and the mountains Dinara, Mosor and Biokovo in the north to the Adriatic Sea.
 * Neretvanska krajina, historical area west of the river Neretva and southwest of Imotski; including a part of the peri-littoral area near Makarska in Croatia is called Krajina;
 * Omiška krajina, region in the hinterland of Omiš, in Zagora in southern Croatia, west of Cetinska krajina;
 * Vrgoračka krajina, area in Zagora, in southern Croatia, around the city of Vrgorac, southwest of Herzegovina and west of the Neretva valley, east of Imotska krajina;
 * Vrlička krajina, area in Zagora, in southern Croatia, around the city of Vrlika, west of Livanjski kraj, northwest of Cetinska krajina (sometimes considered as part of Cetinska krajina);
 * Imotska krajina, area around the city of Imotski, in Zagora in southern Croatia, constituted mostly by Imotsko polje;
 * Cetinska krajina, area along the valley of the river Cetina in southern Croatia, in Zagora, west of the border with Herzegovina, constituted mostly by Sinjsko polje.

Croatia

 * kъrainu (Krajina), medieval Glagolitic name of a Croatian province on the Baška tablet (c. 1100).
 * municipality of Krajina, a former municipality located between Split and Imotski in southern Croatia, existed from 1912–1945;
 * also the name of the soccer club from Imotski.
 * Drniška krajina, area around the city of Drniš, in Zagora in southern Croatia.
 * Istarska krajina, historical region in western Croatia, central area of Istria.
 * Kninska Krajina, region around Knin in southern Croatia, north of Drniška krajina and northeast of Cetinska krajina.
 * Sinjska krajina, area in Zagora in southern Croatia around the city of Sinj, west of Livanjski kraj, southeast of Vrlička krajina (sometimes considered as part of Cetinska krajina).

Montenegro

 * Skadarska Krajina, region north of Bar and Ulcinj, across the mountain. It borders Skadar Lake on its northern edge.

Poland

 * Krajna, historical region on the border between Greater Poland and Pomerania.

Serbia

 * Timok Valley (Тимочка Крајина), border region of Serbia adjacent to Bulgaria, around the Timok River.
 * Negotin Valley (Неготинска Крајина), a part of the Timok Valley around the city of Negotin.
 * Koča's krajina, an area liberated during the eighth Austrian-Turkish war.

Slovenia

 * White Carniola (Bela krajina), borderland of Slovenia adjacent to Croatia.

Political regions
Subdivisions of Austria-Hungary:
 * Military Frontier (Vojna krajina, Militärgrenze), borderland of Austrian Empire against the Ottoman Empire. It was further divided into:
 * Banat Krajina (on the Serbian-Romanian border);
 * Croatian Krajina (on the border of western Croatia and Bosnia);
 * Slavonian Krajina (on the border of Serbia and eastern Croatia with Bosnia).

Political units formed by rebel Serbs at the beginning of the Croatian War of Independence (1991–95):
 * Republic of Serbian Krajina (1991–95)
 * SAO Krajina
 * SAO Kninska Krajina, used by some since the Yugoslav Wars to signify two regions, Knin and its surroundings, and to a larger extent Krajina proper (the main portion of the Republic of Serb Krajina).
 * SAO Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Syrmia, sometimes called Podunavska Krajina

Political unit formed by Serbs in the prelude (1991) to the Bosnian War (1992–95):
 * SAO Bosanska Krajina

Where the term Serbian Krajina or Krajina alone is used, it most often refers to the former Republic of Serbian Krajina.

In Russia:
 * In Russian, kray (край) is the word for the territories of Russia, a second-level subdivision.

In Slovakia:
 * In Slovak, kraj is used for the regions of Slovakia, a first-level subdivision.

In the Czech Republic:
 * In Czech, kraj is used for the regions of the Czech Republic, a first-level subdivision.

In Ukraine:
 * In Ukrainian, krajina (країна) means 'country, land', while Ukrajina is the country's name. See also: Name of Ukraine.

People

 * Krajina Belojević, a 9th-century Serbian duke in the Principality of Serbia

title: Krajina


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Puni Puni Poemy

Puni Puni Poemy (ぷにぷに☆ぽえみぃ) is a Japanese two-part original video animation spin-off from the Excel Saga manga and anime television series. It features some of that series' secondary characters and many of its staff, primarily director Shinichi Watanabe. Like Excel Saga, it is a parody of other anime, manga and various aspects of popular culture, though in this case with the magical girl genre providing its primary focus and general structure. The series was originally an in-joke from an episode of Excel Saga; Watanabe decided to take the in-joke to its most extreme logical conclusion, creating the series.

Episodes

Puni Puni Poemy comprises two episodes, both around 26 minutes in length.
 * Part 1 – Poemy is in a Bad Mood

The introductory sequence shows Poemy fighting shadowy figures of various other magical girls such as Usagi Tsukino from Sailor Moon, Tickle from Majokko Tickle, Utena from Revolutionary Girl Utena, Megu and Non from Majokko Megu-chan, Sakura Kinomoto from Cardcaptor Sakura, Sally, from Sally, the Witch (considered o be the first magical girl in Japanese animation) and for some reason Mahoro from Mahoromatic despite her not being a magical girl.

At the start of a new school year the over-energetic Poemy Watanabe is introduced, along with her adoptive parents Nabeshin and Kumi-Kumi. Poemy rushes to the school to be the first there, at the same time she repeatedly proclaims her desire to become a successful voice actress. At the school, Poemy's best girl friend, Futaba Aasu, is presented as Poemy's biggest supporter and in fact perennially sexually attracted to her. Back from school, Poemy and Futaba realize the horror of finding Poemy's parents and their robot dog crucified by Alien #1, an extraterrestrial assassin with peculiar genitalia. Her home destroyed, Poemy moves in with Futaba and her six sisters.

Later, a massive alien robot attacks the city, whereupon it turns out that Futaba and her sisters are actually a secret team of super-powered heroines dedicated to defending the Earth, also known as Sol III. Unfortunately, the Aasu sisters' magic is strictly defensive, so they are unable to defeat the rampaging robot. Meanwhile, Poemy obtains a talking, magic fish that when used as a magic wand transforms her into Puni Puni Poemy, a powerful magical girl. After the typical transformation, however, she promptly throws away her wand, forgoes the use of magic, and attacks the robot with her bare hands.

 * Part 2 – With a Dream Greater Than Earth

Continuing from the previous scene, the wastefully energetic Poemy uses her new powers to tear through the alien mecha, destroying it. Next, Poemy decides to use her new strength to continue pursuing her career as a voice actress, and right wrongs as she sees them throughout society. However, Poemy appears to do more bad than good, as she harshly punishes citizens for small incidents, and accidentally sends a nuclear missile off-course, completely destroying an entire country. Then, the Aasu sisters finally decide to confront Puni Puni Poemy, and realize she is actually the Poemy Watanabe they have been hosting in their own house.

Afterwards, it is revealed that K, the school boy whom Poemy is attracted to, is actually an octopus-like alien, and he will be commanding the following invasion to Earth. Next morning, the invasion proceeds, with a massive Death Star en route to Earth, and with K capturing the Aasu sisters, and subjecting them to hentai-related bondage, as he learned from Japanese animation. In the end, the two alien henchmen are inexplicably revealed to be Poemy's foster parents, Nabeshin and Kumi-Kumi, who are thus not dead, and Poemy and Futaba combine their powers in order to make the world nice and end the extraterrestrial menace.

Characters

 * Poemi "Kobayashi" Watanabe (ワタナベぽえみ)

The star of the show, Poemi Watanabe is 10 years old and hyperactive beyond comparison. Described as "wastefully energetic", she's an eager student, she's got a crush on K, the popular boy in her class, and she wants to become a voice actress. She normally breaks the fourth wall by referring to herself as "Kobayashi", which is the last name of her own voice actress, Yumiko Kobayashi. Poemy also breaks the fourth wall by referring to Nabeshin as "the Director", since Nabeshin is voiced by Shinichi Watanabe himself, the director of the series.

After her adoptive parents, Nabeshin and Kumi-Kumi, are killed by Alien #1, Poemy moves in with her best friend, Futaba Aasu. Then, when an alien mecha attacks the city, Poemy encounters a mysterious and silent man playing the shamisen, who is apparently her real father, and he gives her a fish, which when gutted and used as a magic wand, allows her to transform into Puni Puni Poemy, a magical girl embodying the will of Earth itself.

 * Shinichi "Nabeshin" Watanabe (ワタナベシンイチ Watanabe Shin'ichi, ナベシン Nabeshin)

Nabeshin is the animated alter-ego of real-life director Shinichi Watanabe, who previously appeared in Puni Puni Poemy forerunner, Excel Saga. At the conclusion of that series, he married Kumi-Kumi, and at the beginning of this show, they have adopted ten-year-old Poemy. As in Excel Saga, Nabeshin seems to be constantly hunted down by different enemies, and being the director of these shows, he displays super-human abilities that involve his afro. In this occasion, Nabeshin and his wife are successfully killed by crucifixion, along with their robotic pet dog, by Alien #1. However, near the end of the second part they are inexplicably alive and appear to be the alien henchmen themselves.

 * Kumi-Kumi (クミクミさん Kumikumi-san)

Voiced by: Satomi Korogi (Japanese, uncredited); Tiffany Grant (English)

Introduced in Excel Saga, Kumi-Kumi was a simple mountain girl who rescued Nabeshin from an avalanche and attempted to feed him soup. But Nabeshin isn't too good with hot foods, so he refused, only to have her pursue him across the rest of the series. He finally relented, marrying her at the end of the final episode. At the start of Puni Puni Poemy, she and Nabeshin now have Poemy as their adopted daughter. Despite being killed by the alien invader along with Nabeshin, Kumi-Kumi apparently saved her husband using acupuncture, and they are both alright at the end of the second part.

 * K (Kくん K-kun)

K is one of Poemy's classmates, but unfortunately for Poemy, her wild crush on him isn't reciprocated. In the second episode, K discovers that he is an octopus-like alien who had been raised in human form for ten years, and he takes charge of the invasion of the planet, which is focused on ravishing Japanese women, since hentai transmissions have given the aliens the idea that that's what women are really like. K, whose real name is Space Alien Prince, is composed entirely of tentacles as he and his family parody the Mars People from the game series Metal Slug.

 * Mage Queen (魔道士の女王 Madō-shi no joō)

A mysterious figure, the precise nature of the Mage Queen is not explained. Initially, her somewhat threatening monologue aboard a space station that oversees Earth seems to count her an enemy. However, she greets the eventual arrival of Puni Puni Poemy with joy and considers the invading aliens a threat. Her reign as queen of the magic is cut short when she is assassinated by Alien #2. Her design is based on the female characters of Leiji Matsumoto.

 * Alien Henchmen

– Alien 1

– Alien 2

These extraterrestrial assassins dress like pimps from the waist up and speak in an undecipherable hipster jargon. Their genitalia look like Bungee Balls that hang down to their knees, and can be used as sort of like whips. Alien #1 has one such testicle, and Alien #2 has two, and no reason for this anatomical difference is given. Early in the first episode, Alien #1 kills Nabeshin and Kumi-Kumi, and then controls the giant robot that attacks the city. Then, during most of the second episode, he spends his time at the Aasu household completely unnoticed, even joining the girls in the bathtub, until he captures them. Alien #2's main role is in arriving with a giant battleship and attacking the Mage Queen. Ultimately, both alien henchmen are not whom they appear to be, as in a paradox they take off their disguises and reveal to be Nabeshin and Kumi-Kumi, who are alive and well.

The Aasu Sisters
Poemy's classmate, Futaba, is but one of the seven Aasu sisters, protectors of Earth. Aasu is the Japanese transliteration of the English word "Earth", and each of the girl's names is derived from a number: seven, six, five, and so on. All of the girls have magical powers, but given that these powers are purely defensive in nature, the family is useless as an offensive unit. Additionally to their family name referring to the Earth, aasu is also the Japanese transliteration of the English words "arse" or "ass", which is comically exploited in the English dub, such as the character Futaba saying "save my Aasus" when the sisters are captured.

 * Nanase Aasu (ああすななせ Āsu Nanase)

At 28 years old, Nanase is the eldest sister, who works as a data processor in an office. Her power is the Earth Dance of Flowers, the ability to summon a whirlwind of flowers, to absolutely no effect. Her name is derived from nana, the Japanese word for "seven".

 * Mutsumi Aasu (ああすむつみ Āsu Mutsumi)

Mutsumi is 22 years old, and much to her own surprise speaks with a Kansai accent (in the English language dub a Brooklyn accent is used). She has something of a complex about the small size of her breasts. Her power is the Earth Breakfall, which means she can fall over safely. Her name is derived from mutsu, the Japanese word for "six". Her short, purple hair, and her white outfit, make her physically similar to the first Ropponmatsu from Excel Saga.

 * Itsue Aasu (ああすいつえ Āsu Itsue)

The 19-year-old Itsue is working her way through high school as a dominatrix, and is prone to using her whip to physically abuse her sisters when she gets angry. Her power, the Earth Barrier Shield, enables her to generate a protective energy field, which she activates while spinning her whip. Her name comes from itsu, the Japanese word for "five".

 * Shii Aasu (ああすしい Āsu Shī)

Shii is 18 years old, and her most distinctive feature are her excessively large breasts. She constantly grabs them and announces how heavy they are, but in one occasion she mentioned she would use Poemy's magic to make them much smaller. Her special power is Earth Healing, which does no damage. Her name comes from shi, the Japanese word for "four". Shii has blue hair and resembles Hyatt from Excel Saga, and in fact, both characters have the same voice actresses, Omi Minami and Monica Rial.

 * Mitsuki Aasu (ああすみつき Āsu Mitsuki)

Cute and energetic, Mitsuki is 15 years old, and seems to play an active role in the running of the Aasu household. Initially, she opposes the idea of letting Poemy stay with them, and later she distrusts Puni Puni Poemy's actions. Her power is Earth Acceleration, enabling her to run at vast speeds. Her name is derived from mittsu, the Japanese word for "three". With her long ponytail Mitsuki is physically similar to Misaki Matsuya from Excel Saga.

 * Futaba Aasu (ああすふたば Āsu Futaba)

10-year-old Futaba is Poemy's classmate and best friend, and she is madly in love with her, a fact to which Poemy is oblivious. Futaba's power allows her to pacify hostile creatures, making them happy and harmless. In the final confrontation with the invading aliens, Futaba combines her power with Poemy's, and since Poemy is a representation of Earth, this act pacifies the planet's population, resulting in peace with the aliens. After this event, director Nabeshin casually mentions that Futaba is in reality the main character of the show. Her name comes from futa, the Japanese word for "two". Futaba is mostly a parody of Tomoyo Daidouji, the best friend of magical girl Sakura Kinomoto from Cardcaptor Sakura. Unlike Tomoyo, however, Futaba displays more extreme fantasies and lesbian arousal whenever she is with her friend.

 * Hitomi Aasu (ああすひとみ Āsu Hitomi)

The youngest of the Aasu sisters, at only 3 years old, Hitomi is in a hurry to grow up and grow breasts. She possesses the power of precognition, although it is not very good because she mostly foresees the obvious. Whenever she is having a vision, she seems to have bowel movements. Her name comes from hito, the Japanese word for "one".

Reception
Lynzee Loveridge called the series an "over-the-top magical girl premise" which lampoons the magical girl genre, with "bondage, crucified robot dogs, and weird alien dicks".

Banning in New Zealand
Due to its sexual and violent scenes, the Classification Office banned Puni Puni Poemy in New Zealand. A New Zealand anime fan, Simon Brady, unsuccessfully appealed to the Film and Literature Board of Review to change the classification, citing that the show was only rated MA15+ in Australia. However, the Board of Review stated that a program would be banned if they felt that it promoted the exploitation of children or young persons for sexual purposes, extreme violence and extreme cruelty.

On 8 June 2021, the Classification Office re-classified Puni Puni Poemy R16 after granting a request from a member of the public to reconsider the classification of the series.

title: Puni Puni Poemy