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D'Hondt method

The D'Hondt method, also called the Jefferson method or the greatest divisors method, is an apportionment method for allocating seats in parliaments among federal states, or in proportional representation among political parties. It belongs to the class of highest-averages methods. Compared to ideal proportional representation, the D'Hondt method reduces somewhat the political fragmentation for smaller electoral district sizes, where it favors larger political parties over small parties.

The method was first described in 1792 by American Founder Thomas Jefferson. It was re-invented independently in 1878 by Belgian mathematician Victor D'Hondt, which is the reason for its two different names.

Motivation
Proportional representation systems aim to allocate seats to parties approximately in proportion to the number of votes received. For example, if a party wins one-third of the votes then it should gain about one-third of the seats. In general, exact proportionality is not possible because these divisions produce fractional numbers of seats. As a result, several methods, of which the D'Hondt method is one, have been devised which ensure that the parties' seat allocations, which are of whole numbers, are as proportional as possible. Although all of these methods approximate proportionality, they do so by minimizing different kinds of disproportionality. The D'Hondt method minimizes the largest seats-to-votes ratio. Empirical studies based on other, more popular concepts of disproportionality show that the D'Hondt method is one of the least proportional among the proportional representation methods. The D'Hondt favours large parties and coalitions over small parties due to strategic voting. In comparison, the Sainte-Laguë method reduces the disproportional bias towards large parties and it generally has a more equal seats-to-votes ratio for different sized parties.

The axiomatic properties of the D'Hondt method were studied and they proved that the D'Hondt method is a consistent and monotone method that reduces political fragmentation by encouraging coalitions. A method is consistent if it treats parties that received tied votes equally. Monotonicity means that the number of seats provided to any state or party will not decrease if the house size increases.

Procedure
After all the votes have been tallied, successive quotients are calculated for each party. The party with the largest quotient wins one seat, and its quotient is recalculated. This is repeated until the required number of seats is filled. The formula for the quotient is

$$\text{quot} = \frac{V}{s+1}$$

where:
 * $V$ is the total number of votes that party received, and
 * $s$ is the number of seats that party has been allocated so far, initially 0 for all parties.

The total votes cast for each party in the electoral district is divided, first by 1, then by 2, then 3, up to the total number of seats to be allocated for the district/constituency. Say there are $p$ parties and $s$ seats. Then a grid of numbers can be created, with $p$ rows and $s$ columns, where the entry in the $i$th row and $j$th column is the number of votes won by the $i$th party, divided by $j$. The $s$ winning entries are the $s$ highest numbers in the whole grid; each party is given as many seats as there are winning entries in its row.

Alternatively, the procedure can be reversed by starting with a house apportionment that assigns "too many seats" to every party, then removing legislators one at a time from the most-overrepresented party.

Example
In this example, 230,000 voters decide the disposition of 8 seats among 4 parties. Since 8 seats are to be allocated, each party's total votes are divided by 1, then by 2, 3, and 4 (and then, if necessary, by 5, 6, 7, and so on). The 8 highest entries, marked with asterisks, range from 100,000 down to 25,000. For each, the corresponding party gets a seat. Note that in Round 1, the quotient shown in the table, as derived from the formula, is precisely the number of votes returned in the ballot.

While in this example, parties B, C, and D formed a coalition against Party A. You can see that Party A received 3 seats instead of 4 due to the coalition having 30,000 more votes than Party A. The chart below shows an easy way to perform the calculation. Each party's vote is divided by 1, 2, 3, or 4 in consecutive columns, then the 8 highest values resulting are selected. The quantity of highest values in each row is the number of seats won.

For comparison, the "True proportion" column shows the exact fractional numbers of seats due, calculated in proportion to the number of votes received. (For example, 100,000/230,000 × 8 = 3.48) The slight favouring of the largest party over the smallest is apparent.

Further examples
A worked-through example for non-experts relating to the 2019 elections in the UK for the European Parliament written by Christina Pagel for UK in a Changing Europe is available.

A more mathematically detailed example has been written by British mathematician Professor Helen Wilson.

Approximate proportionality under D'Hondt
The D'Hondt method approximates proportionality by minimizing the largest seats-to-votes ratio among all parties. This ratio is also known as the advantage ratio. In contrast, the average seats-to-votes ratio is optimized by the Webster/Sainte-Laguë method. For party $$p \in \{1,\dots,P\}$$, where $$P$$ is the overall number of parties, the advantage ratio is

$$a_p=\frac{s_p}{v_p},$$

where
 * $$s_p$$ – the seat share of party $$p$$, $$s_p \in [0,1],\;\sum_p s_p = 1$$,
 * $$v_p$$ – the vote share of party $$p$$, $$v_p \in [0,1],\;\sum_p v_p = 1$$.

The largest advantage ratio,

$$\delta = \max_p a_p,$$

captures how over-represented is the most over-represented party.

The D'Hondt method assigns seats so that this ratio attains its smallest possible value,

$$\delta^* = \min_{\mathbf{s} \in \mathcal{S}} \max_p a_p,$$

where $$\mathbf{s}=\{s_1,\dots,s_P\}$$ is a seat allocation from the set of all allowed seat allocations $$\mathcal{S}$$. Thanks to this, as shown by Juraj Medzihorsky, the D'Hondt method splits the votes into exactly proportionally represented ones and residual ones. The overall fraction of residual votes is

$$\pi^* = 1 - \frac{1}{\delta^*}.$$

The residuals of party $p$ are

$$r_p = v_p - (1-\pi^*) s_p,\; r_p \in [0, v_p], \sum_p\,r_p=\pi^*.$$

For illustration, continue with the above example of four parties. The advantage ratios of the four parties are 1.2 for A, 1.1 for B, 1 for C, and 0 for D. The reciprocal of the largest advantage ratio is $1/1.15 = 0.87 = 1 − π*$. The residuals as shares of the total vote are 0% for A, 2.2% for B, 2.2% for C, and 8.7% for party D. Their sum is 13%, i.e., $1 − 0.87 = 0.13$. The decomposition of the votes into represented and residual ones is shown in the table below.

Jefferson and D'Hondt
The Jefferson and the D'Hondt methods are equivalent. They always give the same results, but the methods of presenting the calculation are different.

The method was first described in 1792 by Statesman and future US President Thomas Jefferson, in a letter to George Washington regarding the apportionment of seats in the United States House of Representatives pursuant to the First United States Census:

"For representatives there can be no such common ratio, or divisor which ... will divide them exactly without a remainder or fraction. I answer then ... that representatives [must be divided] as nearly as the nearest ratio will admit; and the fractions must be neglected."

Washington had exercised his first veto power on a bill that introduced a new plan for dividing seats in the House of Representatives that would have increased the number of seats for northern states. Ten days after the veto, Congress passed a new method of apportionment, now known as Jefferson's Method. It was used to achieve the proportional distribution of seats in the House of Representatives among the states until 1842.

It was also invented independently in 1878 in Europe, by Belgian mathematician Victor D'Hondt, who wrote in his publication Système pratique et raisonné de représentation proportionnelle, published in Brussels in 1882:

"To allocate discrete entities proportionally among several numbers, it is necessary to divide these numbers by a common divisor, producing quotients whose sum is equal to the number of entities to be allocated."

The system can be used both for distributing seats in a legislature among states pursuant to populations or among parties pursuant to an election result. The tasks are mathematically equivalent, putting states in the place of parties and population in place of votes. In some countries, the Jefferson system is known by the names of local politicians or experts who introduced them locally. For example, it is known in Israel as the Bader–Ofer system.

Jefferson's method uses a quota (called a divisor), as in the largest remainder method. The divisor is chosen as necessary so that the resulting quotients, disregarding any fractional remainders, sum to the required total; in other words, pick a number so that there is no need to examine the remainders. Any number in one range of quotas will accomplish this, with the highest number in the range always being the same as the lowest number used by the D'Hondt method to award a seat (if it is used rather than the Jefferson method), and the lowest number in the range being the smallest number larger than the next number which would award a seat in the D'Hondt calculations.

Applied to the above example of party lists, this range extends as integers from 20,001 to 25,000. More precisely, any number n for which 20,000 < n ≤ 25,000 can be used.

Threshold
The D'Hondt method reduces political fragmentation by allocating more seats to larger parties. This effect is strongest for small electoral district sizes; for legislatures with many members, elected in a single national list, the effects of using one proportional method rather than another are negligible.

An alternative approach to reduce political fragmentation are electoral thresholds, where any list which does not achieve that threshold will not have any seats allocated to it, even if it received enough votes to have otherwise been rewarded with a seat. Examples of countries using the D'Hondt method with a threshold are Albania (3% for single parties, 5% for coalitions of two or more parties, 1% for independent individuals); Denmark (2%); East Timor, Spain, Serbia, and Montenegro (3%); Israel (3.25%); Slovenia and Bulgaria (4%); Croatia, Fiji, Romania, Russia and Tanzania (5%); Turkey (7%); Poland (5%, or 8% for coalitions; but does not apply for ethnic-minority parties), Hungary (5% for single party, 10% for two-party coalitions, 15% for coalitions of 3 or more parties) and Belgium (5%, on regional basis). In the Netherlands, a party must win enough votes for one strictly proportional full seat (note that this is not necessary in plain D'Hondt), which with 150 seats in the lower chamber gives an effective threshold of 0.67%. In Estonia, candidates receiving the simple quota in their electoral districts are considered elected, but in the second (district level) and third round of counting (nationwide, modified D'Hondt method) mandates are awarded only to candidate lists receiving more than the threshold of 5% of the votes nationally. The vote threshold simplifies the process of seat allocation and discourages fringe parties (those that are likely to gain very few votes) from competing in the elections. Obviously, the higher the vote threshold, the fewer the parties that will be represented in parliament.

The method can cause a natural threshold. It depends on the number of seats that are allocated with the D'Hondt method. In Finland's parliamentary elections, there is no official threshold, but the effective threshold is gaining one seat. The country is divided into districts with different numbers of representatives, so there is a natural threshold, different in each district. The largest district, Uusimaa with 33 representatives, has a natural threshold of 3%, while the smallest district, South Savo with 6 representatives, has a natural threshold of 14%. This favors large parties in the small districts. In Croatia, the official threshold is 5% for parties and coalitions. However, since the country is divided into 10 voting districts with 14 elected representatives each, sometimes the threshold can be higher, depending on the number of votes of "fallen lists" (lists that do not receive at least 5%). If many votes are lost in this manner, a list that gets 5% will still get a seat, whereas if there is a small number votes for parties that do not pass the threshold, the actual ("natural") threshold is close to 7.15%. Some systems allow parties to associate their lists together into a single "cartel" in order to overcome the threshold, while some systems set a separate threshold for such cartels. Smaller parties often form pre-election coalitions to make sure they get past the election threshold creating a coalition government. In the Netherlands, cartels (lijstverbindingen) (until 2017, when they were abolished) could not be used to overcome the threshold, but they do influence the distribution of remainder seats; thus, smaller parties can use them to get a chance which is more like that of the big parties.

In French municipal and regional elections, the D'Hondt method is used to attribute a number of council seats; however, a fixed proportion of them (50% for municipal elections, 25% for regional elections) is automatically given to the list with the greatest number of votes, to ensure that it has a working majority: this is called the "majority bonus" (prime à la majorité), and only the remainder of the seats are distributed proportionally (including to the list which has already received the majority bonus). In Italian local elections a similar system is used, where the party or coalition of parties linked to the elected mayor automatically receives 60% of seats; unlike the French model though the remainder of the seats are not distributed again to the largest party.

Variations
The D'Hondt method can also be used in conjunction with a quota formula to allocate most seats, applying the D'Hondt method to allocate any remaining seats to get a result identical to that achieved by the standard D'Hondt formula. This variation is known as the Hagenbach-Bischoff System, and is the formula frequently used when a country's electoral system is referred to simply as 'D'Hondt'.

In some cases such as the Czech regional elections, the first divisor (when the party has no seats so far, which is normally 1) was raised to favour larger parties and eliminate small ones. In the Czech case, it is set to 1.42 (approximately $$\sqrt{2}$$, termed the Koudelka coefficient after the politician who introduced it).

The term "modified D'Hondt" has also been given to the use of the D'Hondt method in the additional member system used for the Scottish Parliament, Senedd (Welsh Parliament), and London Assembly, in which after constituency seats have been allocated to parties by first-past-the-post, D'Hondt is applied for the allocation of list seats, taking into account for each party the number of constituency seats it has won (that is, if a party has won 3 constituency seats, the divisor for that party in the first round will be 4, rather than 1).

In 1989 and 1992, ACT Legislative Assembly elections were conducted by the Australian Electoral Commission using the "modified d'Hondt" electoral system. The electoral system consisted of the d'Hondt system, the Australian Senate system of proportional representation, and various methods for preferential voting for candidates and parties, both within and across party lines. The process involves 8 stages of scrutiny. ABC elections analyst Antony Green has described the modified d'Hondt system used in the ACT as a "monster ... that few understood, even electoral officials who had to wrestle with its intricacies while spending several weeks counting the votes". It was replaced with the Hare-Clark system from 1995 onward.

Some systems allow parties to associate their lists together into a single kartel in order to overcome the threshold, while some systems set a separate threshold for cartels. In a system of proportional representation in which the country is divided in multiple electoral districts, such as Belgium the threshold to obtain one seat can be very high (5% of votes since 2003), which also favors larger parties. Therefore, some parties pool their voters in order to gain more (or any) seats.

Regional D'Hondt
In most countries, seats for the national assembly are divided on a regional or even a provincial level. This means that seats are first divided between individual regions (or provinces) and are then allocated to the parties in each region separately (based on only the votes cast in the given region). The votes for parties that have not gained a seat at the regional level are thus discarded, so they do not aggregate at a national level. This means that parties which would have gained seats in a national distribution of seats may still end up with no seats as they did not gain enough votes in any region. This may also lead to skewed seat allocation at a national level, such as in Spain in 2011 where the People's Party gained an absolute majority in the Congress of Deputies with only 44% of the national vote. It may also skew results for small parties with broad appeal at a national level compared to small parties with a local appeal (e.g. nationalist parties). For instance, in the 2008 Spanish general election, United Left (Spain) gained 1 seat for 969,946 votes, whereas Convergence and Union (Catalonia) gained 10 seats for 779,425 votes.

Usage by country
The D'Hondt method is used to elect the legislatures in Åland, Albania, Angola, Argentina, Armenia, Aruba, Austria, Belgium, Bolivia, Brazil, Burundi, Cambodia, Cape Verde, Chile, Colombia, Croatia, the Dominican Republic, East Timor, Estonia, Fiji, Finland, Greenland, Guatemala, Hungary (in a mixed system), Iceland, Israel, Italy (in a mixed system), Japan, Luxembourg, Moldova, Monaco, Montenegro, Mozambique, Netherlands, Nicaragua, North Macedonia, Paraguay, Peru, Poland, Portugal, Romania, San Marino, Serbia, Slovenia, Spain, Switzerland, Turkey, Uruguay and Venezuela. In Denmark the D'Hondt method is used to elect part of the seats in the Folketing and the disproportionality of the D'Hondt method is corrected with leveling seats with Sainte-Laguë method. The D'Hondt system is used for the "top-up" seats in the Scottish Parliament, the Senedd (Welsh Parliament) and the London Assembly; in some countries for elections to the European Parliament; and was used during the 1997 constitution era to allocate party-list parliamentary seats in Thailand. The system is also used in practice for the allocation between political groups of numerous posts (vice presidents, committee chairmen and vice-chairmen, delegation chairmen and vice-chairmen) in the European Parliament and for the allocation of ministers in the Northern Ireland Assembly. It is also used to calculate the results in German and Austrian works council elections.

title: D'Hondt method


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Tintagel Castle

Tintagel Castle (Dintagel) is a medieval fortification located on the peninsula of Tintagel Island adjacent to the village of Tintagel (Trevena), North Cornwall in the United Kingdom. The site was possibly occupied in the Romano-British period, as an array of artefacts dating from this period have been found on the peninsula, but as yet no Roman-era structure has been proven to have existed there. It was settled during the early medieval period, when it was probably one of the seasonal residences of the regional king of Dumnonia. A castle was built on the site by Richard, 1st Earl of Cornwall in the 13th century, during the High Middle Ages. It later fell into disrepair and ruin.

Archaeological investigation into the site began in the 19th century as it became a tourist attraction, with visitors coming to see the ruins of Richard's castle. In the 1930s, excavations revealed significant traces of a much earlier high status settlement, which had trading links with the Mediterranean world during the Late Roman period. Two digs in 2016 and 2017 at Tintagel Castle uncovered the outlines of a palace from the 5th or early 6th century (the early medieval period), with evidence of writing and of articles brought in from Spain and from the eastern end of the Mediterranean Sea. The Cornwall Archaeological Unit has a five-year project at this site, with a final report expected in 2021. The items found in the digs have spurred interest before this final report, with two television programmes initially aired in 2018 or 2019, one in the UK by the BBC and another in the US by PBS.

The castle has a long association with legends related to King Arthur. This was first recorded in the 12th century when Geoffrey of Monmouth described Tintagel as the place of Arthur's conception in his mythological account of British history, Historia Regum Britanniae. Geoffrey told the story that Arthur's father, King Uther Pendragon, was disguised by Merlin's sorcery to look like Gorlois, Duke of Cornwall, the husband of Igraine, Arthur's mother.

Tintagel Castle has been a tourist destination since the mid-19th century. While the castle is in the possession of William, Prince of Wales as part of the landholdings of the Duchy of Cornwall, the site is managed by English Heritage.

Romano-British period
In the 1st century AD, southern Britain was invaded and occupied by the Roman Empire. The territory of modern Cornwall was assigned to the Roman administrative region of civitas Dumnoniorum, named after the local British tribal group whom the Romans called the Dumnonii. At the time, this south-westerly point of Britain was "remote, under-populated ... and therefore also unimportant [to the Roman authorities] until, during the 3rd century AD, the local tin-streaming industry attracted attention." Archaeologists know of five milestones or route-markers in Cornwall erected in the Romano-British period. Two of these are in the vicinity of Tintagel, indicating that a road passed through the locality.

Cornish historian and archaeologist Charles Thomas noted in 1993: "So far, no structure excavated on Tintagel Island... can be put forward as a Roman-period settlement, native-peasant or otherwise." Despite this, a quantity of apparently Romano-British pottery has been unearthed on the site, as has a Roman-style drawstring leather purse containing ten low denomination Roman coins dating between the reigns of Tetricus I (270–272) and Constantius II (337–361). This suggests that "at face-value ... either the Island or the landward area of the later Castle (or both...) formed the scene of third-fourth century habitation" even if no evidence has been found of any buildings dating from this period. Thomas also noted that some of the post-Roman finds in the excavations of 1933–38 were close to the wall known as the Iron Gate which guards access to the plateau from the adjacent cove. He suggests that the vessels bringing such goods might have come to unload at this cove rather than on the dangerous beach of Tintagel Haven.

Early medieval period
Roman control collapsed in southern Britain following the fall of the Western Roman Empire in the early 5th century and it split into various different kingdoms, each with its own respective chief or king. The former Roman district of civitas Dumnoniorum apparently became the Kingdom of Dumnonia, which would have been ruled over by its own monarchy during this early medieval period between the 5th and 8th centuries. It was in this regional background that settlement continued at Tintagel Castle, with the creation of what is known by archaeologists as Period II of the site. However, there has been some dispute amongst archaeologists as to what the site of Tintagel Island was used for in this period. In the mid-20th century, it was typically thought that there was a Celtic Christian monastery on the site, but "since about 1980... [this] thesis... has... had to be abandoned", with archaeologists now believing that it was instead an elite settlement inhabited by a powerful local warlord or even Dumnonian royalty.

The Devon archaeologist Ralegh Radford excavated at the site from 1933 through to 1938, and he pioneered the hypothesis that Tintagel Castle had been a monastery during Period II. He came to this conclusion based upon some similarities in the structures of the early medieval elements of Tintagel Castle and the 7th-century monastery at the site of Whitby Abbey in Yorkshire.

Archaeologists no longer accept this viewpoint, however. Instead, they now believe that this was an elite settlement in the early medieval period that was inhabited by Dumnonian royalty and their entourage. Archaeologist and historian Charles Thomas believed that they did not stay at Tintagel year-round but that they moved around: "A typical king with his family, relatives, dependants, resident hostages, officials and court-followers, and a private militia or war-band—in all, probably between a hundred and three hundred souls at least—moved around with his cumbersome entourage; at least, when not busy with inter-tribal campaigning or in repelling invaders and raiders." The site was also made more defensible during this period with a large ditch at the entrance to the peninsula, leaving only a narrow trackway that had to be traversed by anyone approaching the peninsula. Various luxury items dating from this period have been found at the site, namely African and Phocaean red slip, which had been traded all the way from the Mediterranean. Examining this pottery, Charles Thomas remarked that "the quantity of imported pottery from Tintagel [was]... dramatically greater than that from any other single site dated to about 450–600 in either Britain or Ireland". Carrying on from this, he noted that the quantity of imported pottery from Tintagel was "larger than the combined total of all such pottery from all known sites [of this period in Britain and Ireland]; and, given that only about 5 per cent of the Island's accessible surface has been excavated or examined, the original total of imports may well have been on a scale of one or more complete shiploads, with individual ships perhaps carrying a cargo of six or seven hundred amphorae." This evidence led him to believe that Tintagel was a site where ships docked to deposit their cargo from southern Europe in the early medieval period.

Archaeological digs by the Cornwall Archaeological Unit funded by English Heritage in 2016 and 2017 at Tintagel Castle uncovered the outlines of a palace from the 5th or 6th century, more amphora shards, and slate with writing on it, dispelling notions that no one knew how to read and write in this era following the collapse of the Roman Empire. The five-year project expects to finish and publish a report in 2021. One find is described briefly in an article; it has been put on display at the site by English Heritage. The findings have stirred much interest for their implications about the Dark Ages in Cornwall after the Roman Empire collapsed. The dig site is described in a television programme with new theories about Early medieval Britain that first aired in the US in 2019. BBC Two aired a documentary in 2018 about the findings at this dig site.

Late medieval period and early modern periods

In 1225, Richard, 1st Earl of Cornwall traded with Gervase de Tintagel, swapping the land of Merthen (originally part of the manor of Winnianton) for Tintagel Castle. A castle was built on the site by Earl Richard in 1233 to establish a connection with the Arthurian legends that were associated by Geoffrey of Monmouth with the area and because it was seen as the traditional place for Cornish kings. The castle was built in a more old-fashioned style for the time to make it appear more ancient. However, the dating to the period of Earl Richard has superseded Ralegh Radford's interpretation which attributed the earliest elements of the castle to Earl Reginald de Dunstanville and later elements to Earl Richard. Sidney Toy suggests an earlier period of construction in Castles: a short history of fortifications from 1600 B.C. to A. D. 1600 (London: Heinemann, 1939).

John Holland, 1st Duke of Exeter was appointed constable of Tintagel Castle in 1389. After Richard, the following Earls of Cornwall were not interested in the castle, and it was left to the High Sheriff of Cornwall. Parts of the accommodation were used as a prison and the land was let as pasture. The castle became more dilapidated, and the roof was removed from the Great Hall in the 1330s. Thereafter, the castle became more and more ruinous and there was progressive damage from the erosion of the isthmus that joined the castle to the mainland. John Leland visited in the early 1540s and found that a makeshift bridge of tree trunks gave access to the Island. England was threatened with invasion from Spain in the 1580s, and the defences were strengthened at the Iron Gate. The manor of Tintagel was among those seized by the Commonwealth government of the 1650s as Duchy of Cornwall property, returning to the Duchy upon the Restoration of 1660. The letting for sheep pasture continued until the 19th century.

19th and 20th centuries
There was a fascination with the Arthurian legends during the Victorian era, and the ruins of the castle became a tourist destination. The modern day village of Tintagel was known as Trevena until the 1850s when it was found convenient by the Post Office to use the name of the parish rather than the name of the village. Tintagel is only the name of the headland; Tintagel Head itself is the extreme southwest point of Castle Island and the castle ruins are partly on the 'island' and partly on the adjoining mainland. The head of the island pointing out to sea is Pen Diu (Penn Du "Black Head").

The Rev. R. B. Kinsman (d. 1894) was honorary constable and built the courtyard wall and a guide was employed to conduct visitors into the castle. Until his time, the steps were unsafe on either side of the isthmus, though the plateau could be reached by those who grazed sheep there. From 1870, a lead mine was worked for a short time near Merlin's Cave. In the 20th century, the site was maintained by the Office of Works and its successors (from 1929 onwards). In 1975, the access across the isthmus was improved by the installation of a wooden bridge.

In the late 19th and early 20th centuries nothing had been excavated except the chapel, and so ideas were given currency such as the garden being a cemetery and King Arthur's Footprint being a place for King Arthur to leap to the mainland. "King Arthur's Footprint" is a hollow in the rock at the highest point of Tintagel Island's southern side. It is not entirely natural, having been shaped by human hands at some stage. It may have been used for the inauguration of kings or chieftains, as the site has a long history stretching back to the Dark Ages.

In 1999, there was some controversy regarding Tintagel Castle and other sites in Cornwall under the management of English Heritage. Members of the pressure group Revived Cornish Stannary Parliament removed several signs because they objected to the use of the name "English Heritage", stating that Cornwall is rightfully a nation on its own. Three men involved in removing the signs were bound over for a year for £500 each and ordered to pay English Heritage £4,500 compensation.

21st century
Over three months in 2015–16, artist Peter Graham carved a foot-high bearded face representing Merlin into a rock near a cave known as Merlin's Cave (after its mention in Tennyson's Idylls of the King). This was done as part of a project by English Heritage to "reimagine Tintagel's history and legends across the island site". The project also includes a compass sculpture referencing the Round Table and a larger-than-life statue called Gallos, by Rubin Eynon. Gallos is Cornish for power and its meaning is deliberately ambiguous as the statue could represent King Arthur or Tintagel's older royal past. A local councillor accused English Heritage of degrading the site's archaeology and landscape, although many local people are content with the image. Plans for a cantilevered steel footbridge to link Tintagel Island and the mainland, designed (by Ney & Partners and William Matthews Associates) to evoke Arthur's sword, were approved in 2017, and the bridge was opened to the public on 11 August 2019. Tintagel Castle Footbridge received an RIBA South West Award 2021, and was an RIBA Stirling Prize 2021 finalist.

Tintagel is one of English Heritage's top five attractions, with around 200,000 visitors a year and up to 3000 a day in the peak summer season. According to figures released by the Association of Leading Visitor Attractions, 154,996 people visited Tintagel Castle in 2019.

Tintagel Castle was one of six identified by English Heritage in September 2022 as being at risk of destruction due to coastal erosion, the rate of which they said had worsened in the last few years due to rising sea levels and frequent storms. Portions of the Tintagel Castle complex have historically fallen into the sea but by 2022, erosion had reached the front of the visitor centre, and parts of a coastal footpath and a viewing area had fallen into the sea.

In September 2022, English Heritage launched a fundraising campaign to protect and strengthen Tintagel Castle (and the five other at-risk sites).

Arthurian legends
The castle has a long association with the Arthurian legends; it was first associated with King Arthur by Welshman Geoffrey of Monmouth in his book Historia Regum Britanniae ("History of the Kings of Britain'"), written around 1135–38, which includes a detailed account of the legend. According to Geoffrey and the legend, Arthur's father was Uther Pendragon, the king of all Britain. He goes to war against Gorlois, the Duke of Cornwall, to capture Gorlois' wife Igraine, with whom Uther has fallen in love. Gorlois defends himself against Uther's armies at his fort of Dimilioc, but he sends Igraine to stay safely within Tintagel Castle which is his most secure refuge, according to the legend and Historia Regum Britanniae. Uther besieges Dimilioc, telling his friend Ulfin how he loves Igraine, but Ulfin replies that it would be impossible to take Tintagel, for "it is right by the sea, and surrounded by the sea on all sides; and there is no other way into it, except that provided by a narrow rocky passage—and there, three armed warriors could forbid all entry, even if you took up your stand with the whole of Britain behind you." Geoffrey of Monmouth's story goes on to explain how the wizard Merlin is summoned and magically changes Uther's appearance to that of Gorlois to help get them into Tintagel Castle, while also changing his own and Ulfin's appearances to those of two of Gorlois' companions. Disguised thus, they are able to enter Tintagel where Uther goes to Igraine, and "in that night was the most famous of men, Arthur, conceived."

Geoffrey's History mentions Tintagel Castle as the site of Arthur's conception, but "it nowhere claims that Arthur was born at Tintagel, or that he ever visited the place in later life, or that in any sense the stronghold became his property when he was king." However, the legend and the book continued to become hugely popular, spreading across Britain in the Late Medieval period, when more Arthurian texts were produced, many of them continuing to propagate the idea that Arthur himself was actually born at Tintagel. There is now a footpath from the site to Cadbury Castle in Somerset called Arthur's Way.

However, many continue to argue against these legends. For example, archaeologist C.A. Ralegh Radford refused to believe in the legend and all of the associations, declaring in 1935 that "no concrete evidence whatsoever has yet been found to support the legendary connection of the Castle with King Arthur". Charles Thomas, a specialist in Cornish history, was unable to find solid links, mainly because legends and stories would have been handed down only orally during this period. Thomas stated in 1993 that "there simply is no independently attested connection in early Cornish folklore locating Arthur, at any age or in any capacity, at Tintagel." Many others disagree, maintaining that the legendary figure would essentially have been an Early Medieval British leader, involved in fighting the migrating Anglo-Saxons who were settling in Britain at that time. The Artognou stone was found at Tintagel bearing the inscription PATERN[--] COLI AVI FICIT ARTOGNOU, and it has been claimed by some to provide evidence for a historical Arthur, but most historians reject this view.

Tintagel is used as a locus for the Arthurian mythos by the poet Alfred, Lord Tennyson in the poem Idylls of the King. Letitia Elizabeth Landon's 1832 poetical illustration, A Legend of Tintagel Castle, to an engraving of a painting by Thomas Allom is another variation on the story of Lancelot and Elaine. Algernon Charles Swinburne's Tristram of Lyonesse is a literary version of the Tristan and Iseult legend in which some events are set at Tintagel. Thomas Hardy's The Famous Tragedy of the Queen of Cornwall at Tintagel in Lyonnesse, a one-act play which was published in 1923, is another version of the same legend with events set at Tintagel (the book includes an imaginary drawing of Tintagel Castle at the period).

Excavations
In the 1930s, it was decided to begin a major archaeological excavation at the site, and so HM Office of Works employed Devon archaeologist Courtenay Arthur Ralegh Radford (1900–1999) to work as site director. He had been employed as the Inspector of Ancient Monuments in Wales and Monmouthshire from 1929 and 1934, and from 1936 was Director of the British School at Rome. Excavation began in 1933, and in 1935 Ralegh Radford wrote an interim report and a guidebook entitled Tintagel Castle, published by HM Stationery Office. The excavators employed former quarry workers (the last Tintagel cliff quarry was closed in 1937) who worked under a trained foreman. They were instructed to clear the land on the island, following and exposing any walling that they came across and keeping any finds. Excavation ceased in 1939 due to the outbreak of the Second World War. Radford was required to take part in the war effort abroad, and many of the original site reports were destroyed when his house in Exeter was bombed by the Luftwaffe during the conflict.

In the mid-1980s, a fire on Tintagel Island led to considerable erosion of the topsoil, and many more building foundations could be seen than those recorded by Ralegh Radford. In 1998, the "Artognou stone", a slate stone bearing an incised inscription in Latin, was discovered on there, demonstrating that Latin literacy survived in this region after the collapse of Roman Britain.

Excavations during the summers of 2016 and 2017 found the remains of various structures from the Dark Ages, including well-constructed buildings of relatively large size dated to the 5th and 6th centuries, with pottery and glass finds indicating that the people who lived at Tintagel were of an upper class status, drinking wine imported from the eastern Mediterranean and using food vessels from North Africa and Gaul. In 2017, archaeologists discovered at the castle a 7th century slate window ledge inscribed with a mixture of Latin, Greek, and Celtic words, names, and symbols.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Tintagel Castle


text:
American Colonization Society

The American Colonization Society (ACS), initially the Society for the Colonization of Free People of Color of America, was an American organization founded in 1816 by Robert Finley to encourage and support the repatriation of freeborn people of color and emancipated slaves to the continent of Africa. It was modeled on an earlier British Committee for the Relief of the Black Poor's colonization in Africa, which had sought to resettle London's "black poor". Until the organization's dissolution in 1964, the society was headquartered in Room 516 of the Colorado Building in Washington, D.C.

The American Colonization Society was established in 1816 to address the prevailing view that free people of color could not integrate into U.S. society; their population had grown steadily following the American Revolutionary War, from 60,000 in 1790 to 300,000 by 1830. Slave owners feared that these free Black people might help their slaves to escape or rebel.

The African-American community and the abolitionist movement overwhelmingly opposed the project. According to "the colored citizens of Syracuse," headed by Rev. Jermain Loguen,

"We recognize in it ['the scheme of African Colonization'] the most intense hatred of the colored race, clad in the garb of pretended philanthropy; and we regard the revival of colonization societies...as...manifestations of a passion fit only for demons to indulge in."

In most cases, African American families had lived in the United States for generations, and their prevailing sentiment was that they were no more African than Americans were British. Contrary to claims that their emigration was voluntary, many African Americans, both free and enslaved, were pressured into emigrating. Indeed, enslavers, such as Zephaniah Kingsley, sometimes freed their slaves on condition that the freedmen leave the country immediately.

According to historian Marc Leepson, "Colonization proved to be a giant failure, doing nothing to stem the forces that brought the nation to Civil War." Between 1821 and 1847, only a few thousand African Americans, out of millions, emigrated to what would become Liberia, while the increase in Black population in the U.S. during those same years was about 500,000. By 1833, the Society had transported only 2,769 individuals out of the U.S. According to Zephaniah Kingsley, the cost of transporting the Black population of the United States to Africa would exceed the annual revenues of the country. Mortality was the highest since accurate record-keeping began: close to half the arrivals in Liberia died from tropical diseases, especially malaria; during the early years, 22% of immigrants died within one year. Moreover, the provisioning and transportation of requisite tools and supplies proved very expensive.

Starting in the 1830s, the society was met with great hostility from abolitionists, led by Gerrit Smith, who had supported the society financially, and William Lloyd Garrison, author of Thoughts on African Colonization (1832), in which he proclaimed the society a fraud. According to Garrison and his many followers, the society was not a solution to the problem of American slavery—it actually was helping, and was intended to help, to preserve it.

Growth of slavery in the South
After the invention of the cotton gin in the 1790s, the growth and export of cotton became a highly profitable business. Central to the business was the setting up of plantations, staffed by enslaved laborers. Due to the increased demand, imports of African slaves grew until legal importation was barred in 1808, after which time Maryland and Virginia openly bred slaves, "producing" children for sale "South", through brokers such as Franklin and Armfield, to plantation owners. This resulted in the forcible relocation of about one million enslaved people to the Deep South. The Africans and African Americans became well established and had children, and the total number of the enslaved reached four million by the mid-19th century.

Growth in the number of free black people
Due in part to manumission efforts sparked by revolutionary ideals, Protestant preachers, and the abolitionist movement, there was an expansion in the number of free black people, many of them born free. Even in the North, where slavery was being abolished, discrimination against free black people was rampant and often legal. Few states extended citizenship rights to free black people prior to the 1860s and the Federal government, largely controlled by Slave Power, never showed any inclination to challenge the racial status quo. Even in the North, free black people were often seen as unwelcome immigrants, taking jobs away because they would work for cheap.

Some slave owners decided to support emigration following an aborted slave rebellion headed by Gabriel Prosser in 1800, and a rapid increase in the number of free African Americans in the United States in the first two decades after the Revolutionary War, which they perceived as threatening. Although the ratio of white people to black people overall was 4:1 between 1790 and 1800, in some Southern counties black people were the majority. Slaveholders feared that free black people destabilized their slave society and created a political threat. From 1790 to 1800, the number of free black people increased from 59,467 to 108,398, and by 1810 there were 186,446 free black people.

British "black poor" colonization in Africa
In 1786, a British organization, the Committee for the Relief of the Black Poor, launched its efforts to establish the Sierra Leone Province of Freedom, a colony in West Africa for London's "black poor". This enterprise gained the support of the British government, which also offered relocation to Black Loyalists who had been resettled in Nova Scotia, where they were subject to harsh weather and discrimination from some white Nova Scotians. Jamaica maroons were also deported to the British colony, alongside former slaves freed by the Royal Navy after the Atlantic slave trade was abolished by Britain in 1807.

Paul Cuffe
Paul Cuffe or Cuffee (1759–1817) was a successful Quaker ship owner and activist in Boston. His parents were of Ashanti (African) and Wampanoag (Native American) heritage. He advocated settling freed American slaves in Africa and gained support from the British government, free Black leaders in the United States, and members of Congress to take emigrants to the British colony of Sierra Leone. In 1815, he financed a trip himself. The following year, Cuffe took 38 American black people to Freetown, Sierra Leone. He died in 1817 before undertaking other voyages. Cuffe laid the groundwork for the American Colonization Society.

Founding
The ACS had its origins in 1816, when Charles Fenton Mercer, a Federalist member of the Virginia General Assembly, discovered accounts of earlier legislative debates on black colonization in the wake of Gabriel Prosser's rebellion. Mercer pushed the state to support the idea. One of his political contacts in Washington City, John Caldwell, in turn contacted the Reverend Robert Finley, his brother-in-law and a Presbyterian minister, who endorsed the plan.

On December 21, 1816, the society was officially established at the Davis Hotel in Washington, D.C. Among the Society's supporters were Charles Fenton Mercer (from Virginia), Henry Clay (Kentucky), John Randolph (Virginia), Richard Bland Lee (Virginia), Francis Scott Key (Washington, D.C., and Maryland), and Bushrod Washington (Virginia). Slaveholders in the Virginia Piedmont region in the 1820s and 1830s comprised many of its most prominent members; slave-owning United States presidents Thomas Jefferson, James Monroe, and James Madison were among its supporters. Madison served as the Society's president in the early 1830s.

At the inaugural meeting of the Society, Reverend Finley suggested that a colony be established in Africa to take free people of color, most of whom had been born free, away from the United States. Finley meant to colonize "(with their consent) the free people of color residing in our country, in Africa, or such other place as Congress may deem most expedient". The organization established branches throughout the United States, mostly in Southern states. It was instrumental in establishing the colony of Liberia.

The ACS was founded by groups otherwise opposed to each other on the issue of slavery. Slaveholders, such as those in the Maryland branch and elsewhere, believed that so-called repatriation was a way to remove free Blacks from slave societies and avoid slave rebellions. Free black people, many of whom had been in the United States for generations, also encouraged and assisted slaves to escape, and depressing their value. ("Every attempt by the South to aid the Colonization Society, to send free colored people to Africa, enhances the value of the slave left on the soil". ) The Society appeared to hold contradictory ideas: free Blacks should be removed because they could not benefit America; on the other hand, free Blacks would prosper and thrive under their own leadership in another land.

On the other hand, a coalition made up mostly of evangelicals, Quakers, philanthropists, and abolitionists supported abolition of slavery. They wanted slaves to be free and believed Blacks would face better chances for freedom in Africa than in the United States, since they were not welcome in the South or North. The two opposed groups found common ground in support of what they called "repatriation".

Prestige
When founded, the ACS was "accepted everywhere as 'a most glorious Christian enterprise'." Every church in the land devoted one Sunday a year for a colonization sermon and offering.

Leadership
The presidents of the ACS tended to be Southerners. The first president was Bushrod Washington, the nephew of U.S. President George Washington and an Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. From 1836 to 1849 the statesman Henry Clay of Kentucky, a planter and slaveholder, was ACS president. John H. B. Latrobe served as president of the ACS from 1853 until his death in 1891.

Goals
The colonization project, which had multiple American Colonization Society chapters in every state, had three goals. One was to provide a place for former slaves, freedmen, and their descendants to live, where they would be free and not subject to racism. Another goal was to ensure that the colony had what it needed to succeed, such as fertile soil to grow crops. A third goal was to suppress attempts to engage in the Atlantic slave trade, such as by monitoring ship traffic on the coast. Presbyterian clergyman Lyman Beecher proposed another goal: the Christianization of Africa.

Fundraising
The Society raised money by selling memberships. The Society's members pressured Congress and the President for support. In 1819, they received $100,000 from Congress, and on February 6, 1820, the first ship, the Elizabeth, sailed from New York for West Africa with three white ACS agents and 86 African-American emigrants aboard. The approaches for selecting people and funding travel to Africa varied by state.

Opposition to colonization
According to Benjamin Quarles, the colonization movement "originated abolitionism", by arousing the free Black people and other opponents of slavery.

The following summary by Judge James Hall, editor of the Cincinnati-based Western Monthly Magazine, is from May 1834:

"The plan of colonizing free blacks, has been justly considered one of the noblest devices of Christian benevolence and enlightened patriotism, grand in its object, and most happily adapted to enlist the combined influence, and harmonious cooperation, of different classes of society. It reconciles, and brings together some discordant interests, which could not in any other plan be brought to meet in harmony. The Christian and the statesman here act together, and persons having entirely different views from each other in reference to some collateral points connected with the great subject, are moved towards the same point by a diversity of motives. It is a splendid conception, around which are gathered the hopes of the nation, the wishes of the patriot, the prayers of the Christian, and we trust, the approbation of Heaven."

(As Hall refused to publish Theodore Weld's lengthy reply, he did so in the Cincinnati Journal. It became known nationally because Garrison devoted almost the entire front page of the June 14 issue of The Liberator to it. )

Opposition from African-Americans
From the beginning, "the majority of black Americans regarded the Society [with] enormous disdain", a "fixed hatred". Black activist James Forten immediately rejected the ACS, writing in 1817 that "we have no wish to separate from our present homes for any purpose whatever". As soon as they heard about it, 3,000 black protestors packed a church in Philadelphia, "the bellwether city for free blacks," and "bitterly and unanimously" denounced it. They published a protest pamphlet. "Now—after the Colonization Society has been formed without the consent of the colored people[,] after the enterprise has been violently pushed, against their reiterated protests, tor seventeen years—after its friends acknowledged that coercion has been used in getting away its victims—and so long as they would persuade us that this is not the native country of colored Americans; and that we ought not to let them remain here—what is it better than gross mockery to talk about consent?"

Frederick Douglass condemned colonization: "Shame upon the guilty wretches that dare propose, and all that countenance such a proposition. We live here—have lived here—have a right to live here, and mean to live here". Martin Delany, who believed that Black Americans deserved "a new country, a new beginning", called Liberia a "miserable mockery" of an independent republic, a "racist scheme of the ACS to rid the United States of free blacks". He proposed instead Central and South America as "the ultimate destination and future home of the colored race on this continent" (see Linconia). A recent (2014) writer on Connecticut African Americans summarizes the attitude amongst them:

"African Americans viewed colonization as a means of defrauding them of the rights of citizenship and a way of tightening the grip of slavery. ...The tragedy was that African Americans began to view their ancestral home with disdain. They dropped the use of 'African' in names of their organizations...and used instead [of African American] 'The Colored American.'"

While claiming to aid African Americans, in some cases, to stimulate emigration, it made conditions for them worse. For example, "the Society assumed the task of resuscitating the Ohio Black Codes of 1804 and 1807. ...Between 1,000 and 1,200 free blacks were forced from Cincinnati". A meeting was held in Cincinnati on January 17, 1832, to discuss colonization, which resulted in a series of resolutions. First, they had a right to freedom and equality. They felt honor-bound to protect the country, the "land of their birth", and the Constitution. They were not familiar with Africa, and should have the right to make their own decisions about where they lived. They recommended that if black people wish to leave the United States, they consider Canada or Mexico, where they would have civil rights and a climate that is similar to what they are accustomed to. The United States was large enough to accommodate a colony, and would be much cheaper to implement. They question the motives of ACS members who cite Christianity as a reason for removing black people from America. Since there were no attempts to improve the conditions of black people who lived in the United States, it is unlikely that white people would watch out for their interests thousands of miles away.

William Lloyd Garrison
William Lloyd Garrison began publication of his abolitionist newspaper, The Liberator, in 1831, followed in 1832 by his Thoughts on African Colonization, which discredited the Society. According to President Lincoln, it was "the logic and moral power of Garrison and the antislavery people of the country" that put emancipation on the country's political agenda.

Garrison himself had earlier joined the Society in good faith. All the important white future abolitionists supported the Society: besides Garrison, Gerrit Smith, the Tappans, and many others, as can be seen in the pages of the Society's magazine, the African Repository. Garrison objected to the colonization scheme because rather than eliminating slavery, its key goal, as he saw it, was to remove free black people from America, thereby avoiding slave rebellions. Besides not improving the lot of enslaved Africans, the colonization had made enemies of native people of Africa. Both he and Gerrit Smith were horrified when they learned that alcohol was being sold in Liberia. He questioned the wisdom of sending African Americans, along with white missionaries and agents, to such an unhealthy place. In addition, it meant that fewer slaves achieved their freedom: "it hinders the manumission of slaves by throwing their emancipation upon its own scheme, which in fifteen years has occasioned the manumission of less than four hundred slaves, while before its existence and operations during a less time thousands were set free".

In the second number of The Liberator, Garrison reprinted this commentary from the Boston Statesman,

"We were, however, rather surprised to see the proposal of sending the free negroes to Africa as returning them to their native land. It would be as well at least to talk of sending these reverend gentlemen back to England as their native land. The negro is just as much a native here as are these reverend gentlemen themselves.—Here the negro was born, here bred, here are his earliest and pleasantest associations—here is all that binds him to earth and makes life valuable. If the welfare of the negro, and not a new scheme for begging, be really the object in view, we desire the reverend gentlemen to step forward and vindicate the rights of the negroes trampled upon by their brethren in Park Street. If they would really promote the happiness of the negro, let their efforts be directed to raise the oppressed black in the scale of moral elevation here. Let them admit him to more rights in the social world;—but unless they desire to be laughed at by all sincere and thinking men, they had better abandon the Quixotic plan of colonizing the Southern negroes at the cost of the North, until we can free our own borders from poverty, ignorance and distress."

Gerrit Smith
The philanthropist and public intellectual Gerrit Smith, the wealthiest man in New York State, had been "among the most munificent patrons of this Society," as put by Society Vice-President Henry Clay.

This support changed to furious and bitter rejection when he realized, in the early 1830s, that the society was "quite as much an Anti-Abolition, as Colonization Society". "This Colonization Society had, by an invisible process, half conscious, half unconscious, been transformed into a serviceable organ and member of the Slave Power". It was "an extreme case of sham reform". He claimed that the ACS had "ripened into the unmeasured calumniator of the abolitionist, ...the unblushing defender of the slaveholder, and the deadliest enemy of the colored race". In November 1835, he sent the Society a letter with a check, to conclude his existing commitments, and said there would not be any more from him, because:

"The Society is now, and has been for some time, far more interested in the question of slavery, than in the work of Colonization—in the demolition of the Anti-Slavery Society, than in the building up of its Colony. I need not go beyond the matter and spirit of the last few numbers of its periodical for the justification of this remark. Were a stranger to form his opinion by these numbers, it would be, that the Society issuing them was quite as much an Anti-Abolition, as Colonization Society. ...It has come to this, however, that a member of the Colonization Society cannot advocate the deliverance of his enslaved fellow men, without subjecting himself to such charges of inconsistency, as the public prints abundantly cast on me, for being at the same time a member of that Society and an Abolitionist. ...Since the late alarming attacks, in the persons of its members, on the right of discussion, (and astonishing as it is, some of the suggestions for invading this right are impliedly countenanced in the African Repository,) I have looked to it, as being also the rallying point of the friends of this right. To that Society yours is hostile."

In the meeting of forming British African Colonization Society held in London in July 1833, Nathaniel Paul, an abolitionist in support of William Lloyd Garrison's "Thoughts on African Colonization," argued that a significant number of opponents, including Black Americans in prominent cities of America, found inequality towards the Society because according to him, they were the ones who had remarkably contributed and fought to protect this country as their home through a historical period of generations. However, this Society was then trying to forcefully send them back to their ancestors' lands as, by that time, they were considered at risk for rebellion in the name of emancipation. In contrast, the new Europeans who had not been part of this country in such events were instead welcomed to settle here.

Support of free black emigration
From 1850 to 1858, according to Martin Delany, a supporter of African Americans' emigration from the United States to other regions, the creation of a republic was a significant movement to gain independence for the free Black people in America, in contrast to the ideology of staying and fighting for the equality of civil rights of Frederick Douglass. He believed the transition was to exit the rising of slavery and racism toward African Americans in the US. Other destinations he suggested were Central America, the West Indies, or Mexico, where Black people could be more likely to thrive and emphasize their freedom against the influence of White people. Toward this end, in 1858, Delany cofounded the African Civilization Society.

Colony of Liberia
In 1821, Lt. Robert Stockton had pointed a pistol to the head of King Peter, which allowed Stockton to persuade King Peter to sell Cape Montserrado (or Mesurado) and to establish Monrovia. In 1825 and 1826, Jehudi Ashmun, Stockton's successor, took steps to lease, annex, or buy tribal lands in Africa along the coast and along major rivers leading inland in Africa to establish an American colony. Stockton's actions inspired Ashmun to use aggressive tactics in his negotiations with King Peter and in May 1825, King Peter and other native kings agreed to a treaty with Ashmun. The treaty negotiated land to Ashmun and in return, the natives received three barrels of rum, five casks of powder, five umbrellas, ten pairs of shoes, ten iron posts, and 500 bars of tobacco, as well as other items.

Of the 4,571 emigrants who arrived in Liberia between 1820 and 1843, only 1,819—40%—were alive in 1843. The ACS knew of the high death rate, but continued to send more people to the colony.

It is an oversimplication to say simply that the American Colonization Society founded Liberia. Much of what would become Liberia was a collection of settlements sponsored by state colonization societies: Mississippi in Africa, Kentucky in Africa, the Republic of Maryland, and several others. The most developed of these, the Republic of Maryland, had its own constitution, and statutes.

Publications
Beginning in 1825, the Society published the African Repository and Colonial Journal. Ralph Randolph Gurley (1797–1872), who headed the Society until 1844, edited the journal, which in 1850 simplified its title to the African Repository. The journal promoted both colonization and Liberia. Included were articles about Africa, lists of donors, letters of praise, information about emigrants, and official dispatches that espoused the prosperity and continued growth of the colony. After 1919, the society essentially ended, but it did not formally dissolve until 1964, when it transferred its papers to the Library of Congress.

Civil War and emancipation
Early in his presidency, Abraham Lincoln tried repeatedly to arrange resettlement of the kind the ACS supported, but each arrangement failed.

The ACS continued to operate during the American Civil War and colonized 168 black people during the conflict. It sent 2,492 people of African descent to Liberia in the five years following the war. The federal government provided a small amount of support for these operations through the Freedmen's Bureau.

Some scholars believe that Lincoln abandoned the idea by 1863, following the use of black troops. Biographer Stephen B. Oates has observed that Lincoln thought it immoral to ask black soldiers to fight for the U.S. and then to remove them to Africa after their military service. Others, such as the historian Michael Lind, believe that as late as 1864, Lincoln continued to hold out hope for colonization, noting that he allegedly asked Attorney General Edward Bates if the Reverend James Mitchell could stay on as "your assistant or aid in the matter of executing the several acts of Congress relating to the emigration or colonizing of the freed Blacks".

By late into his first term as president, Lincoln had publicly abandoned the idea of colonization after speaking about it with Frederick Douglass, who objected harshly to it. On April 11, 1865, with the war drawing to a close, Lincoln gave a public speech at the White House supporting suffrage for blacks, a speech that led actor John Wilkes Booth, who was vigorously opposed to emancipation and black suffrage, to assassinate him three days later.

Decline and dissolution
Colonizing proved expensive; under the leadership of Henry Clay the ACS spent many years unsuccessfully trying to persuade the U.S. Congress to fund emigration. The ACS did have some success, in the 1850s, with state legislatures, such as those of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey. In 1850, the state of Virginia set aside $30,000 (~$ in ) annually for five years to aid and support emigration. The Society, in its Thirty-fourth Annual Report, acclaimed the news as "a great Moral demonstration of the propriety and necessity of state action!" During the 1850s, the Society also received several thousand dollars from the New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Missouri, and Maryland legislatures. Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Mississippi set up their own state societies and colonies on the coast next to Liberia. However, the funds that ACS took in were inadequate to meet the Society's stated goals. "For the fourteen years preceding 1834, the receipts of that society, needing millions for its proposed operations, had averaged only about twenty-one thousand dollars a year. It had never obtained the confidence of the American people".

Three of the reasons the movement never became very successful were lack of interest by free black people, opposition by some abolitionists, and the scale and costs of moving many people (there were 4 million freedmen in the South after the Civil War). There were millions of black slaves in the United States, but colonization only transported a few thousand freedmen.

Following the outbreak of the First World War, the ACS sent a cablegram to President Daniel Howard of Liberia, warning him that any involvement in the war could lead to Liberia's territorial integrity being violated regardless of which side might come out on top.

In 1913, and again at its formal dissolution in 1964, the Society donated its records to the U.S. Library of Congress. The donated materials contain a wealth of information about the founding of the society, its role in establishing Liberia, efforts to manage and defend the colony, fundraising, recruitment of settlers, and the way in which black settlers built and led the new nation.

In Liberia, the Society maintained offices at the junction of Ashmun and Buchanan Streets at the heart of Monrovia's commercial district, next to the True Whig Party headquarters in the Edward J. Roye Building. Its offices at the site closed in 1956 when the government demolished all the buildings at the intersection for the purpose of constructing new public buildings there. Nevertheless, the land officially remained the property of the Society into the 1980s, amassing large amounts of back taxes because the Ministry of Finance could not find an address to which to send property tax bills.

Viewed through the perspective of racism
In the 1950s, racism was an increasingly important issue and by the late 1960s and 1970s, it had been forced to the forefront of public consciousness by the civil rights movement. The prevalence of racism invited a re-evaluation of the Society's motives, prompting historians to examine the ACS in terms of racism more than its stance on slavery. By the 1980s and 1990s, historians were going even further in reimagining the ACS. Not only were they focusing on the racist rhetoric of the Society's members and publications, but some of them also depicted the Society as a proslavery organization. Recently however, some scholars have stopped depicting the ACS as a proslavery organization, and some of them have characterized it as an antislavery organization again.

title: American Colonization Society


text:
Governor of Taiwan

Governor of Taiwan may refer to:

 * Governor of Formosa, appointed during the Dutch rule period
 * Governor of Fujian-Taiwan (福建臺灣巡撫), appointed during the late Qing rule period
 * Governor-General of Taiwan, appointed during the Japanese rule period
 * Governor of Taiwan Province, appointed during the Republic of China period
 * A hypothetical Governor of Taiwan Provincial People's Government claimed by the People's Republic of China

title: Governor of Taiwan


text:
Emmanuel College, Gateshead

Emmanuel College is a secondary school and sixth form college (years 7-13) based in Gateshead, England. It was founded in 1990 as a City Technology College, i.e. a secondary school which is partly funded by donations from business donors who remain involved in management of the college. Emmanuel is currently one of the three remaining City Technology Colleges in England as the remainder have converted to academies. Emmanuel has up to 1,350 students aged between 11 and 19, and over 160 staff. It is part of Emmanuel Schools Foundation and in each of its four Ofsted inspections it has achieved a status of "Outstanding School".

Students come from a wide variety of socio-economic backgrounds but predominantly from the urban areas within Gateshead and Central and West Newcastle upon Tyne.

Intake policy
The college was described by The Guardian in 2002 as achieving "consistently outstanding academic results", having received a "glowing" Ofsted report.

By law, the school must admit pupils of mixed ability, according to a normal distribution representative of the whole population. In common with other City Technology Colleges, Emmanuel College uses non-verbal reasoning tests set and marked by the National Foundation for Educational Research, a leading independent research organisation, to assess general intelligence, as opposed to prowess in literacy or mathematics. After marking, the NFER places test results into nine separate categories, and informs the school how many are to be taken from each category.

Another condition is that two-thirds of places are given to students considered to be from the most socio-economically deprived wards within its catchment area, with the other third coming from other areas of the catchment area, ensuring a mix not only academically but socially too.

In terms of Sixth Form admission, a reduced number of places available (130) are offered, with preference to the school's own Year 11 students.

Creationism
The school was at the centre of protests from scientists and educationalists when it was revealed that some members of the management team, including both the principal and the head of science, were sympathetic to Young Earth creationism and had allowed its hall to be rented by Answers in Genesis, an organisation which promotes such views. The school includes evolutionary science in its curriculum, but presents evolution as a theory complemented by the theory of creationism (taught in RE lessons). This led to allegations by Richard Dawkins, John Polkinghorne, and others in 2002 that the school taught creationism in science lessons. In 2002, the Liberal Democrat MP Jenny Tonge asked Prime Minister Tony Blair if he was "happy to allow the teaching of creationism alongside Darwin's theory of evolution in state schools". Blair replied that he supported a "diverse school system", and praised the teachers at Emmanuel College for their commitments to "deliver[ing] better results for our children".

However, after re-inspecting the material used to teach science at Emmanuel College, Ofsted decided that the matter did not need to be pursued further. The next Ofsted inspection in 2006 described the school as 'Outstanding' and found no problem with its science provision.

Some allegations centred on the school's former head of science, Steven Layfield, who had, prior to his taking up the post, publicly advocated the teaching of Intelligent Design in schools in 2000.

Gross misconduct allegation
In the academic year 2013–2014, former teacher of history Mr Daniel McQuoid (son of former principal Nigel McQuoid) engaged in gross misconduct with an 18-year-old student who had left the school; as a result, he resigned in 2014. It was subsequently investigated by both the police and the National College for Teaching and Leadership, which found that there was no evidence of matters serious enough for either police prosecution or for him having any limitations on his ability to teach again.

Authoritarian ethos
In 2003, former teacher of music Cormack O'Duffy painted a negative picture of the college during a discussion with TES journalist Michael Shaw. O'Duffy was discharged of his position for disobeying an order from the then principal Nigel McQuoid for vocally voicing his concerns about the school; however, O'Duffy's union provided legal support and the case against him was dropped. During the interview, O'Duffy described the school as a place of 'eerie silence' and an institution of immense regulation: "With its quiet atmosphere, you might easily think you had entered the set of a James Bond movie where all the workers at the plant are focused on a task and have no time for frivolity." Furthermore, O'Duffy raised concerns about the nature of the Christian ethos claiming an over-emphasis on hell.

Notable alumni

 * Michelle Heaton, pop singer, former member of Liberty X
 * Sean Tomes, former Rugby Union player for Newcastle Falcons
 * Jonny Rowell, professional footballer who has played in the Belgian Pro League
 * Benjamin Satterley, professional wrestler currently signed to All Elite Wrestling and previously with WWE
 * Jay Gardner, reality TV star formerly of Geordie Shore

title: Emmanuel College, Gateshead


text:
Jasagh

A jasagh (засаг, or засаг ноён; ; lit. 'power,' 'authority') was the head of a Mongol banner or khoshun during the Qing dynasty and the Bogd Khanate. The position was held by hereditary succession by certain Mongol princes, most of whom were descendants of Genghis Khan. The princes who did not serve as Jasagh were known as sula (сул - empty vacant free, loose) or hohi taiji (хохь тайж).

List of jasaghs
The list only include major jasaghs under Prince title.

Aohan Tribes
Leaders of Aohan league held a title of the Prince of the Second Rank. Only the last jasagh was promoted to the Prince of the First Rank.

Khorchin Tribes
Jasagh of the Khorchin banner held a title of Prince Bodlogtoi of the First Rank. Some jasaghs made a huge contribution to the Qing Dynasty by settling a military merit. Leaders of Khorchin league also became prince consorts by the tradition of diplomatic marriages between Khorchin Mongols and Manchus

Another title held by the jasagh of the Khorchin banner was Prince Darhan of the First Rank. The lineage was more prestigious than previous one. Most holders of the title were prince consorts and relatives of Qing Dynasty most prominent imperial consorts. Prince Zhuoliketu of the First Rank was one of the titles reserved for jasaghs of the Khorchin league

Khalkha Tribes
Leaders of the Khalkha league held a title of the Prince of the First Rank. The title of Prince Darhan of the First Rank was demoted to the Prince of the Third Rank and subsequently recovered.

Sayin Noyan league
Sayin Noyan was a part of Khalkha valley. Jasagh of Sayin Noyan league held a title of Prince of the First Rank. Jasaghs of Sayin Noyan were treated like leaders of Khalkha league.

Altishahr
Altishahr (Turki Muslim major area in Xinjiang), which also the same Jasagh rulers, two of six had “Wang”(king) title.

 * Kumul Khanate- Muslim banner, held a title of Prince of the First Rank.
 * Turpan- Muslim banner, held a title of Prince of the Second Rank.

title: Jasagh


text:
William Frawley

William Clement Frawley (February 26, 1887 – March 3, 1966) was an American Vaudevillian and actor best known for playing landlord Fred Mertz in the sitcom I Love Lucy. Frawley also played "Bub" O'Casey during the first five seasons of the sitcom My Three Sons and the political advisor to the Hon. Henry X. Harper (Gene Lockhart) in the film Miracle on 34th Street.

Frawley began his career in Vaudeville in 1914 with his wife, Edna Louise Broedt. Their comedy act, "Frawley and Louise", continued until their divorce in 1927. He performed on Broadway multiple times. In 1916, he signed with Paramount Studios and appeared in more than 100 films over the next 35 years.

Early life
Frawley was born in Burlington, Iowa, the second son in a family of four children to Michael A. Frawley (1857–1907) and Mary E. (Brady) Frawley (1859–1921). He attended Catholic schools and sang in the choir at St. Paul's Catholic Church. As he got older, he played small roles in local theater productions at the Burlington Opera House, and performed in amateur shows, though his mother, a highly religious woman, discouraged such activities.

Frawley's first job was as a stenographer in an office of the Union Pacific Railroad in Omaha, Nebraska. Two years later, he moved to Chicago, where he found work as a court reporter, and against his mother's wishes, got a singing part in a musical comedy, The Flirting Princess. To appease his mother, he relocated to St. Louis, Missouri, to work for another railroad company. Unfulfilled in his job, he dreamed of becoming a professional entertainer. He formed a vaudeville act with his brother Paul (1889–1973), but six months later, their mother told Paul to return to Iowa. Meanwhile, William wrote a script titled Fun in a Vaudeville Agency, and sold it for over $500.

After his initial success as a scriptwriter, Frawley decided to move to the West, settling in Denver, where he was hired as a singer at a café and teamed with pianist Franz Rath. The duo soon moved to San Francisco with their act, "A Man, a Piano, and a Nut". During his vaudeville career, Frawley introduced and helped popularize the songs "My Mammy", "My Melancholy Baby", and "Carolina in the Morning". Many years later, in 1958, he recorded a selection of his old stage songs on an LP, Bill Frawley Sings the Old Ones.

Early career
Frawley began performing in Broadway theater. His first such show was the musical comedy, Merry, Merry in 1925. Frawley had his first dramatic role in 1932, playing press agent Owen O'Malley in the original production of Ben Hecht and Charles MacArthur's Twentieth Century. He continued to be a dramatic actor at various venues until 1933.

In 1916, Frawley appeared in two short subject silent films. He subsequently performed in three more, but did not decide to develop a cinematic career until 1933, when he appeared in some short comedy films and the feature musical Moonlight and Pretzels (Universal Studios, 1933). Frawley moved to Los Angeles, where he signed a seven-year contract with Paramount Pictures.

Finding much work as a character actor, Frawley had roles in comedies, dramas, musicals, Westerns, and romances. He appeared in Miracle on 34th Street (1947) as Judge Harper's (Gene Lockhart) political adviser, who warns his client in great detail of the dire political consequences if he rules that there is no Santa Claus. Some of Frawley's other memorable film roles were as the baseball manager in Joe E. Brown's Alibi Ike (1935), the wedding host in Charlie Chaplin's Monsieur Verdoux (1947), and a hard-nosed insurance investigator in My Home in San Antone with Roy Acuff and Lloyd Corrigan. He appeared in two movies starring James Cagney, Something to Sing About and Kiss Tomorrow Goodbye.

I Love Lucy
By 1951, the 64-year-old Frawley had appeared in over 100 movies, but was starting to find film role offers becoming fewer. When he heard that Desi Arnaz and Lucille Ball were casting a new television situation comedy, he applied eagerly to play the role of the cantankerous, miserly landlord Fred Mertz. One evening, he telephoned Lucille Ball, asking her what his chances were. Ball was surprised to hear from him, a man she barely knew. Both Ball and Arnaz agreed it would be great to have Frawley, a motion-picture veteran, appear as Fred Mertz. Less enthusiastic were CBS executives, who were wary of Frawley's well-known frequent drinking and instability. Arnaz warned Frawley about the network's concerns, telling him that if he was late to work, arrived drunk, or was unable to perform because of something other than legitimate illness more than once, he would be written out of the show. In one version of this conversation, Arnaz told Frawley he would get three chances. The first screw-up would be tolerated, the second would result in a severe reprimand, and the third would result in his being fired. Contrary to the network's concerns, Frawley never arrived at work drunk, and mastered his lines after only one reading. Arnaz eventually became one of Frawley's few close friends.

Before each episode, Frawley would read the script with the rest of the cast, then would take out the sheets with only his lines and discard the rest of the script to study only his part.

I Love Lucy debuted October 15, 1951, on CBS, and was a huge success. The series was broadcast for six years as half-hour episodes, later changing to hour-long specials from 1957 to 1960 titled The Lucille Ball-Desi Arnaz Show (later retitled The Lucy-Desi Comedy Hour).

Vivian Vance played Ethel Mertz, Frawley's on-screen wife. Although the two actors worked well together, they greatly disliked each other. Most attribute their mutual hatred to Vance's vocal resentment of having to play wife to a man 22 years her senior. Frawley reportedly overheard Vance complaining; he took offense and never forgave her. "She's one of the finest girls to come out of Kansas", he once observed, "But I often wish she'd go back there."

An avid New York Yankees baseball fan, Frawley had it written into his I Love Lucy contract that he did not have to work during the World Series if the Yankees were playing. The Yankees were in every World Series during that time except for 1954 and 1959. He did not appear in two episodes of the show as a result.

For his work on the show, Frawley was Emmy-nominated five consecutive times (1953–1957) for Outstanding Supporting Actor in a comedy series. In 1957, at the end of I Love Lucy, Ball and Arnaz gave Frawley and Vance the opportunity to have their own Fred and Ethel spin-off series for Desilu Studios. Despite his animosity towards her, Frawley saw a lucrative opportunity and accepted. Vance declined, having no desire to work with Frawley again and also feeling that Ethel and Fred would be unsuccessful without the Ricardos.

My Three Sons
Frawley next joined the cast of the ABC (later CBS) situation comedy My Three Sons, playing live-in grandfather and housekeeper Michael Francis (sometimes, as in "What's Cooking?", William Francis), then "Bub" O'Casey beginning in 1960. Featuring Fred MacMurray, the series was about a widower raising his three sons. Frawley reportedly never felt comfortable with the out-of-sequence filming method used for My Three Sons after doing I Love Lucy in sequence for years. Each season was arranged so that main actor Fred MacMurray could film all of his scenes during two separate intensive blocks of filming for a total of 65 working days on the set; Frawley and the other actors worked around the absent MacMurray for the remainder of the year's production schedule.

Personal life
In 1914, Frawley married fellow vaudevillian Edna Louise Bloedt. They developed an act, "Frawley and Louise", which they performed all across the country. Their act was described as "light comedy, with singing, dancing, and patter." The couple separated in 1921 (later divorcing in 1927). They had no children. His brother Paul Frawley (1889–1973) also was an actor on Broadway with relatively few appearances in motion pictures.

Frawley had a reputation for being cantankerous and difficult, likely exacerbated by a drinking problem. In 1928, he was fired from the Broadway show That's My Baby for punching actor Clifton Webb in the nose.

Final years and death
Frawley made two television appearances the year before his death. His appearance on the panel show I've Got a Secret on May 3, 1965, consisted of contestants guessing Frawley's "secret", which was that he was the first performer ever to sing "My Melancholy Baby", in 1912. He had performed that song previously on television, as Fred Mertz, in the 1958 episode "Lucy Goes to Sun Valley" on the Lucy-Desi Comedy Hour.

Frawley's final on-camera performance was on October 25, 1965, with a brief cameo appearance in Lucille Ball's second television sitcom, The Lucy Show, in the episode "Lucy and the Countess Have a Horse Guest". Frawley plays a horse trainer and Lucy comments: "You know, he reminds me of someone I used to know." (Vivian Vance, who by then had left The Lucy Show except for an occasional guest appearance, does not appear in the episode.) Frawley suffered a fatal heart attack while walking on Hollywood Boulevard and died on March 3, 1966, five days after his 79th birthday. Upon learning of his death, Desi Arnaz immediately took out a full-page ad in all the trade papers, with the words: "Buenas noches, amigo." Arnaz, Fred MacMurray, and My Three Sons executive producer Don Fedderson were pallbearers at his funeral. Lucille Ball said: "I've lost one of my dearest friends and show business has lost one of the greatest character actors of all time. Those of us who knew him and loved him will miss him."

Legacy
William Frawley is buried in the San Fernando Mission Cemetery in Mission Hills, Los Angeles. For his achievements in the field of motion pictures, he was awarded a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame, at 6322 Hollywood Blvd, on February 8, 1960. He is memorialized, as well, in the Lucille Ball-Desi Arnaz Center in Jamestown, New York, which also contains his "Hippity-Hoppity" (frog) costume from an episode of I Love Lucy. Both Frawley and Vivian Vance were inducted into the Television Academy Hall of Fame in March 2012.

The story of how Desi Arnaz hired Frawley to play Fred Mertz in I Love Lucy is told in I Love Lucy: A Funny Thing Happened on the Way to the Sitcom, a stage comedy that had its world premiere in Los Angeles on July, 12, 2018. The play, from Gregg Oppenheimer (son of I Love Lucy creator-producer-head writer Jess Oppenheimer), was recorded in front of a live audience for nationwide public radio broadcast and online distribution, and starred Sarah Drew as Lucille Ball and Oscar Nunez as Desi Arnaz. BBC Radio 4 broadcast a serialized version of the play in the UK in August 2020, as Lucy Loves Desi: A Funny Thing Happened on the Way to the Sitcom, in which Stacy Keach portrayed Frawley, Anne Heche played Lucille Ball, and Wilmer Valderrama played Desi Arnaz.

Frawley was portrayed by John Wheeler in the television movie Lucy & Desi: Before the Laughter. Thirty years later he was portrayed in the 2021 film Being the Ricardos by J. K. Simmons, who received an Academy Award nomination for his role.

Filmography

 * Lord Loveland Discovers America (1916) as Tony Kidd
 * Persistent Percival (1916, Short) as Billy
 * Should Husbands Be Watched? (1925, Short) as Beat Cop
 * Ventriloquist (1927, short subject listed in BFI Database) as 'Hoak' salesman
 * Turkey for Two (1929, Short) as Convict
 * Fancy That (1929, Short) as Percy
 * Moonlight and Pretzels (1933) as Mac
 * Hell and High Water (1933) as Milton J. Bunsey
 * Miss Fane's Baby Is Stolen (1934) as Captain Murphy
 * Bolero (1934) as Mike DeBaere
 * The Crime Doctor (1934) as Fraser
 * The Witching Hour (1934) as Jury foreman
 * Shoot the Works (1934) as Larry Hale
 * The Lemon Drop Kid (1934) as William Dunhill
 * Here Is My Heart (1934) as James Smith
 * Car 99 (1935) as Sergeant Barrel
 * Hold 'Em Yale (1935) as Sunshine Joe
 * Alibi Ike (1935) as Cap
 * College Scandal (1935) as Chief of Police Magoun
 * Welcome Home (1935) as Painless
 * Harmony Lane (1935) as Edwin P. 'Ed' Christy
 * It's a Great Life (1935) as Lt. McNulty
 * Ship Cafe (1935) as Briney O'Brien
 * Strike Me Pink (1936) as Mr. Copple
 * Desire (1936) as Mr. Gibson
 * F-Man (1936) as Detective Rogan
 * The Princess Comes Across (1936) as Benton
 * Three Cheers for Love (1936) as Milton Shakespeare
 * The General Died at Dawn (1936) as Brighton
 * Three Married Men (1936) as Bill Mullins
 * Rose Bowl (1936) as Soapy Moreland
 * High, Wide and Handsome (1937) as Mac
 * Double or Nothing (1937) as John Pederson
 * Something to Sing About (1937) as Hank Meyers
 * Blossoms on Broadway (1937) as Frances X. Rush
 * Mad About Music (1938) as Dusty Turner
 * Professor Beware (1938) as Snoop Donlan
 * Sons of the Legion (1938) as Uncle Willie Lee
 * Touchdown, Army (1938) as Jack Heffernan
 * Ambush (1939) as Inspector J.L. Weber
 * St. Louis Blues (1939) as Maj. Martingale
 * Persons in Hiding (1939) as Alec Inglis
 * The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn (1939) as The 'Duke'
 * Rose of Washington Square (1939) as Harry Long
 * Ex-Champ (1939) as Mushy Harrington
 * Grand Jury Secrets (1939) as Bright Eyes
 * Night Work (1939) as Bruiser Brown
 * Stop, Look and Love (1939) as Joe Haller
 * The Farmer's Daughter (1940) as Scoop Trimble
 * Opened by Mistake (1940) as Matt Kingsley
 * Those Were the Days! (1940) as Prisoner (uncredited)
 * Untamed (1940) as Les Woodbury
 * Golden Gloves (1940) as Emory Balzar
 * Rhythm on the River (1940) as Mr. Westlake
 * The Quarterback (1940) as Coach
 * One Night in the Tropics (1940) as Roscoe
 * Dancing on a Dime (1940) as Mac
 * Sandy Gets Her Man (1940) as Police Chief J. A. O'Hara
 * Six Lessons from Madame La Zonga (1941) as Chauncey Beheegan
 * Footsteps in the Dark (1941) as Hopkins
 * Blondie in Society (1941) as Waldo Pincus
 * The Bride Came C.O.D. (1941) as Sheriff McGee
 * Cracked Nuts (1941) as James Mitchell
 * Public Enemies (1941) as Bang
 * Treat 'Em Rough (1942) as 'Hotfoot'
 * Roxie Hart (1942) as O'Malley
 * It Happened in Flatbush (1942) as Sam Sloan
 * Give Out, Sisters (1942) as Harrison
 * Wildcat (1942) as Oliver Westbrook
 * Moonlight in Havana (1942) as Barney Crane
 * Gentleman Jim (1942) as Billy Delaney
 * We've Never Been Licked (1943) as Traveling Salesman
 * Larceny with Music (1943) as Mike Simms
 * Whistling in Brooklyn (1943) as Detective Ramsey
 * The Fighting Seabees (1944) as Eddie Powers
 * Going My Way (1944) as Max Dolan – the Publisher (uncredited)
 * Minstrel Man (1944)
 * Lake Placid Serenade (1944) as Jiggers
 * Flame of Barbary Coast (1945) as 'Smooth' Wylie
 * Hitchhike to Happiness (1945) as Sandy Hill
 * Lady on a Train (1945) as Police Sergeant Christie
 * Ziegfeld Follies (1946) as Martin ('A Sweepstakes Ticket')
 * The Virginian (1946) as Honey Wiggen
 * Rendezvous with Annie (1946) as Gen. Trent
 * The Inner Circle (1946) as Det. Lt. Webb
 * Crime Doctor's Man Hunt (1946) as Inspector Harry B. Manning
 * Hit Parade of 1947 (1947) as Harry Holmes
 * Monsieur Verdoux (1947) as Jean La Salle
 * Miracle on 34th Street (1947) as Charlie Halloran
 * I Wonder Who's Kissing Her Now (1947) as Jim Mason
 * Mother Wore Tights (1947) as Mr. Schneider
 * Down to Earth (1947) as Police Lieutenant
 * Blondie's Anniversary (1947) as Sharkey, the Loan Shark
 * My Wild Irish Rose (1947) as William Scanlon
 * Texas, Brooklyn & Heaven (1948) as Agent
 * The Babe Ruth Story (1948) as Jack Dunn
 * Good Sam (1948) as Tom Moore
 * Joe Palooka in Winner Take All (1948) as Knobby Walsh
 * The Girl from Manhattan (1948) as Mr. Bernouti
 * Chicken Every Sunday (1949) as George Kirby
 * The Lone Wolf and His Lady (1949) as Inspector J.D. Crane
 * Home in San Antone (1949) as O'Fleery
 * Red Light (1949) as Hotel Clerk
 * The Lady Takes a Sailor (1949) as Oliver Harker
 * East Side, West Side (1949) as Bill the Bartender
 * Blondie's Hero (1950) as Marty Greer
 * Kill the Umpire (1950) as Jimmy O'Brien
 * Kiss Tomorrow Goodbye (1950) as Byers
 * Pretty Baby (1950) as Corcoran
 * Abbott and Costello Meet the Invisible Man (1951) as Detective Roberts
 * The Lemon Drop Kid (1951) as Gloomy Willie
 * Rhubarb (1951) as Len Sickles
 * Rancho Notorious (1952) as Baldy Gunder
 * I Love Lucy (1953, unreleased feature) as Fred Mertz / Himself
 * The Dirty Look (1954, Short)
 * Better Football (1954, Short) as Himself
 * Safe at Home! (1962) as Bill Turner

Selected television (actor)

 * I Love Lucy (1951–1957)
 * The Lucille Ball-Desi Arnaz Show (1957–1960)
 * The Ford Show, Starring Tennessee Ernie Ford (December 5, 1957)
 * My Three Sons (1960–1965)
 * The Lucy Show (1965 cameo, one episode)

Broadway credits

 * Merry, Merry (1925–1926)
 * Bye, Bye, Bonnie (1927)
 * She's My Baby (1928)
 * Here's Howe (1928)
 * Sons O' Guns (1929–1930)
 * She Lived Next to the Firehouse (1931)
 * Tell Her the Truth (1932)
 * Twentieth Century (1932–1933)
 * The Ghost Writer (1933)

Albums

 * Bill Frawley Sings the Old Ones (1958) Dot DLP-3061

title: William Frawley