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People Power Revolution

The People Power Revolution, also known as the EDSA Revolution or the February Revolution,   was a series of popular demonstrations in the Philippines, mostly in Metro Manila, from February 22 to 25, 1986. There was a sustained campaign of civil resistance against regime violence and electoral fraud. The nonviolent revolution led to the departure of Ferdinand Marcos, the end of his 20-year dictatorship and the restoration of democracy in the Philippines.

It is also referred to as the Yellow Revolution due to the presence of yellow ribbons during demonstrations (in reference to the Tony Orlando and Dawn song "Tie a Yellow Ribbon Round the Ole Oak Tree") as a symbol of protest following the assassination of Filipino senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr. in August 1983 upon his return to the Philippines from exile. It was widely seen as a victory of the people against two decades of presidential rule by President Marcos, and made news headlines as "the revolution that surprised the world".

The majority of the demonstrations took place on a long stretch of Epifanio de los Santos Avenue, more commonly known by its acronym EDSA, in Metro Manila from February 22 to 25, 1986. They involved over two million Filipino civilians, as well as several political and military groups, and religious groups led by Cardinal Jaime Sin, the Archbishop of Manila, along with Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines President Cardinal Ricardo Vidal, the Archbishop of Cebu.

The protests, fueled by the resistance and opposition after years of governance by President Marcos and his cronies, ended with the ruler, his family, and some of their supporters fleeing to exile in Hawaii; and Ninoy Aquino's widow, Corazon Aquino, inaugurated as the eleventh President of the Philippines.

Background and history
Senate President Ferdinand Marcos was elected president in 1965, defeating incumbent President Diosdado Macapagal by a margin of 52 to 43 percent. During this time, Marcos was very active in the initiation of public works projects and the intensification of tax collections. Marcos and his government claimed that they "built more roads than all his predecessors combined and more schools than any previous administration". Amidst charges from the opposition party of vote-buying and a fraudulent election, President Marcos was reelected in the 1969 Philippine presidential election, this time defeating Sergio Osmeña Jr. by 61 to 39 percent.

President Marcos's second term for the presidency was marred by allegations by the opposition Liberal Party of widespread graft and corruption. According to leftists who rioted during the First Quarter Storm, the increasing disparity of wealth between the very wealthy and the very poor that made up the majority of the Philippines' population led to a rise in crime and civil unrest around the country. In March 1969, the New People's Army (NPA) was formed as the military wing of the Communist Party of the Philippines, initiating the still-ongoing CPP–NPA–NDF rebellion. Marcos quickly denounced the movement, hoping to gain monetary and political support from anti-Communist administrators in the United States.

In 1972 the Moro National Liberation Front, a militant Muslim separatist group, formed in the southern island of Mindanao.

Marcos soon used the rise of militant and civil unrest as justification for declaring martial law.

Martial law
Barred from running for a third term as president in 1973, Marcos announced Proclamation No. 1081 on September 23, 1972, declaring martial law, using the civil unrest that arose after the 1969 Philippine balance of payments crisis as a justification for the proclamation.

Through this decree and through a controversial referendum in which citizen assemblies voted through a show of hands, Marcos seized emergency powers giving him full control of the Philippines' military and the authority to suppress and abolish the freedom of speech, the freedom of the press, and many other civil liberties.

President Marcos also dissolved the Philippine Congress and shut down media establishments critical of the Marcos Administration. He also ordered the immediate arrest of his political opponents and critics. Among those arrested were Senate President Jovito Salonga, and the leaders Senator Jose W. Diokno and Senator Benigno Aquino Jr. — whom Marcos sent to Laur, Nueva Ecija — and the man who was groomed by the opposition to succeed President Marcos after the 1973 elections.

A constitutional convention, which had been called for in 1970 to replace the Commonwealth-era 1935 Constitution, continued the work of framing a new constitution after the declaration of martial law. The new constitution went into effect in early 1973, changing the form of government from presidential to parliamentary and allowing President Marcos to stay in power beyond 1973. The constitution was approved by 95% of the voters in the Philippine constitutional plebiscite. The constitution was part of the landmark Javellana v. Executive Secretary case (G.R. No. 36142) that led to the resignation of Chief Justice Roberto Concepcion. Part of the plot of the regime involved legitimizing the military rule through the new constitution providing legislative and executive powers to the president. Simultaneously Marcos conducted the 1973 plebiscite through the simple counting of hands raised by children and adults that involved questions such as the option for more rice in lieu of constitutional affirmation.

With practically all of his political opponents arrested, out of office, and in exile, President Marcos's pre-emptive declaration of martial law in 1972 and the ratification of his new constitution by more than 95% of voters enabled Marcos to effectively legitimize his government and hold on to power for another 14 years beyond his first two terms as president. In a Cold War context, Marcos retained the support of the United States through Marcos's promise to stamp out communism in the Philippines and by assuring the United States of its continued use of military and naval bases in the Philippines.

On November 27, 1977, a military tribunal sentenced Aquino and two co-accused, NPA leaders Bernabe Buscayno (Commander Dante) and Lt. Victor Corpuz, to death by firing squad. In 1978, while still the last opposition leader yet to be released from prison at Fort Bonifacio, Aquino founded his political party, Lakas ng Bayan (abbreviated "LABAN"; English: People's Power) to run for office in the Interim Batasang Pambansa (Parliament). All LABAN candidates lost, including Aquino himself. He appeared in a television interview with Ronnie Nathanielsz to freely criticize the regime during the campaign. In 1980, Ninoy Aquino suffered a heart attack, and was compassionately released from prison to undergo a heart bypass surgery in the United States. Aquino stayed with his wife Corazon, and children in Boston College as a fellow for numerous American universities such as Harvard and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

1980s Economic collapse
Because the Marcos administration's spending had relied so heavily on debt since the Marcos family's first term in the 1960s, the Philippines was left vulnerable when the US economy went into recession in the third quarter of 1981, forcing the Reagan administration to increase interest rates. The Philippine government plunged further into debt and the economy began going into decline in 1981, continuing to do so by the time of the Benigno Aquino Jr. assassination in 1983. By the end of that year, the economy contracted by 6.8%.

The economic and political instability combined to produce the worst recession in Philippine history in 1984 and 1985, with the economy contracting by 7.3% for two successive years.

Aquino Assassination

Despite threats from First Lady Imelda Marcos, Ninoy Aquino was determined to return home, saying that "the Filipino is worth dying for". After failing to apply for a passport in Washington and New York, Ninoy got two passports with the help of Rashid Lucman – one bearing his real name, and the other with the alias Marcial Bonifacio.

On August 21, 1983, after three years, Aquino was murdered by the military, as he disembarked from a China Airlines plane at Manila International Airport (later renamed in Aquino's honor). His assassination shocked and outraged most Filipinos, who had lost confidence in the Marcoses. The event led to more suspicions about the government, triggering non-cooperation among Filipinos that eventually led to outright civil disobedience. It also shook the Marcos Administration, which was by then deteriorating due in part to Marcos's blatant illness (turned out to be the fatal lupus erythematosus).

In 1984, Marcos appointed a commission, first led by Chief Justice Enrique Fernando and later Corazon Agrava, to launch an investigation into Aquino's assassination. Despite the commission's conclusions, Cardinal Jaime Sin, the Archbishop of Manila, declined an offer to join the commission and rejected the government's views on the assassination.

Formation of coalesced opposition
This began a period of coalitions, first led by the nationalist liberal democrats under Jose W. Diokno called Kilusan sa Kapangyarihan at Karapatan ng Bayan or KAAKBAY, an umbrella organization founded in 1983, which headed the first grand liberal coalition called JAJA, or the Justice for Aquino, Justice for All movement. JAJA consisted of organizations such as the social democrat-based August Twenty One Movement (ATOM) led by Butz Aquino, KAAKBAY, MABINI, the Makati-based Alliance of Makati Associations or AMA, and others.

This was before the division of the center-left and national democratic/Marxist left, when the coalitions tended to pursue Diokno's philosophy of pressure politics or mass actions to influence and sway the Marcos dictatorship.

Parliamentarians of the streets, as they were called, applied pressure politics, and soon other coalitions were formed, culminating in the first call for elections for the opposition in the Kongreso ng Mamamayang Pilipino or KOMPIL. KOMPIL was organized by Aquino's ATOM from the JAJA coalition, as a means to unite the businessmen, communists, and other groups. Most of the KOMPIL members were led by the AMA leaders.

Meanwhile, Diokno, Lorenzo M. Tañada of MABINI, Butz and Corazon Aquino, and a few others were elected the overall presiding leaders in a search to find the opposition candidate. The main issue was whether to accept the CAMEL or Call for Meaningful Elections or, as Diokno and the more liberal JAJA members preferred, to boycott the event which might be another fixed election.

JAJA was later replaced by the Coalition of Organizations for the Restoration of Democracy (CORD) in the middle of 1984, which retained most of JAJA's features and membership. A year later CORD was replaced by Bagong Alyansang Makabayan or BAYAN, which was to be a platform for Diokno should he run for president, and was led by Tañada and student leader Lean Alejandro of the University of the Philippines. However the socialists/national democrats took control of the coalition so Diokno, Ambrosio Padilla, and the liberal democrats as well as Butz Aquino, ATOM, and the social democrats left BAYAN to the present national democratic coalition that it has become in the 21st century.

Call for Meaningful Elections
Eventually the top leaders decided to convene to select a candidate in case of contingencies or any sudden announcements of changes. It was then on November 3, 1985, after pressure from the US government, that Marcos suddenly announced a snap presidential election would take place the following year, one year ahead of the regular presidential election schedule, to legitimize his control over the country. The snap election was legalized with the passage of Batas Pambansa Blg. 883 (National Law No. 883) by the Marcos-controlled unicameral congress called the Regular Batasang Pambansa.

To select a leader, the convenor's group of opposition leaders formed underlying principles. These principles, mainly proposed and edited by Diokno, discussed matters that involved anti-foreign domination in the economy, especially American intervention and military bases. After the principles were agreed upon by the opposition leaders, as Lorenzo M. Tañada quipped, it became almost automatic and completely expeditious in agreeing unanimously on one candidate to face Marcos. For the initial step in nominating a candidate, the selection process started out with a pooled list among the opposition leaders themselves. The list of candidates for president were mostly including former senators: Jose W. Diokno, Butz Aquino, Jovito Salonga, Eva Estrada-Kalaw, Salvador "Doy" Laurel, Ambrosio Padilla, Aquilino Pimentel, Raul Manglapus, and Ramon Mitra, as well as a future senator in Teofisto Guingona Jr., and a technocrat who once served as Marcos's executive secretary named Rafael Salas.

After the vetting of nominees, as men such as Sen. Diokno vehemently opposed to run for president, the remaining potential candidates who openly wished to earn the opposition's nomination were Salonga, Laurel, and Estrada-Kalaw. United Nationalist Democratic Organization (UNIDO) members Estrada-Kalaw and Laurel were the only two not to sign the declaration of unity or the underlying principles. Eventually Estrada-Kalaw withdrew after being overwhelmed by the multiple candidates in the selection process and campaigned to become the vice-presidential candidate. Between 64 year old Salonga, who with 64 year old Estrada-Kalaw represented the two largest Liberal Party factions, and Laurel, who was son of former president Jose P. Laurel, it was decided by men such as Chino Roces that both candidates might lack the popularity needed to win. This was because Salonga had spent much time in exile in the United States while Laurel, the founder and main head of UNIDO, was deemed "too lightweight".

UNIDO and the other coalitions agreed to choose Aquino's wife Cory Aquino instead of Doy Laurel or Estrada-Kalaw and began the Cory Aquino for President Movement or CAPM, led by Roces, et al. Only Laurel, a friend of Ninoy Aquino, did not agree with this choice and wanted to run against Aquino and Marcos. UNIDO overwhelmed Laurel's vote and encouraged him to become Cory Aquino's vice-president instead. Once Cory Aquino became the main candidate, Laurel eventually ran as Cory Aquino's running mate for vice-president under the United Opposition (UNIDO) party. Marcos ran for re-election, with Arturo Tolentino as his running mate under the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan (KBL) party. Thus within a matter of only a few weeks the candidates were fixed and the campaign period was set for the 1986 snap election.

1986 election
The election was held on February 7, 1986. The official election canvasser, the Commission on Elections (COMELEC), declared that Marcos was the winner. The final tally of the COMELEC had Marcos winning with 10,807,197 votes against Aquino's 9,291,761 votes. On the other hand, based on returns of 70% of the precincts of the National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), an accredited poll watcher, had Aquino winning with 7,835,070 votes against Marcos's 7,053,068 votes.

This electoral exercise was marred by widespread reports of violence and tampering of election results, culminating in the walkout of 30 COMELEC computer technicians to protest the deliberate manipulation of the official election results to favor Ferdinand Marcos. The walkout was considered one of the early "sparks" of the People Power Revolution. The walkout also served as an affirmation to allegations of vote-buying, fraud, and tampering of election results by the KBL.

Because of reports of alleged fraud, the Catholic Bishops' Conference of the Philippines (CBCP) through Cardinal Ricardo Vidal issued a statement condemning the elections. The United States Senate also passed a resolution stating the same condemnation. US president Ronald Reagan issued a statement calling the fraud reports as "disturbing" but he said that there was fraud "on both sides" of the Philippine election. In response to the protests, COMELEC claimed that Marcos with 53 percent won over Aquino. However, NAMFREL countered that the latter won over Marcos with 52 percent of votes.

On February 15, Marcos was proclaimed by COMELEC and Batasang Pambansa as the winner amid the controversy. All 50 opposition members of the Parliament walked out in protest. The Filipino people repudiated the results, asserting that Aquino was the real victor. Both "winners" took their oath of office in two different places, with Aquino gaining greater mass support. Aquino also called for coordinated strikes and mass boycott of the media and businesses owned by Marcos's cronies. As a result, the crony banks, corporations, and media were hit hard, and their shares in the stock market plummeted to record levels.

Vidal's declaration
On February 13, Cebu Archbishop Cardinal Ricardo Vidal issued a declaration on behalf of the Philippine Church hierarchy stating that when "a government does not of itself freely correct the evil it has inflicted on the people then it is our serious moral obligation as a people to make it do so." The declaration also asked "every loyal member of the Church, every community of the faithful, to form their judgment about the February 7 polls" and told all the Filipinos, "Now is the time to speak up. Now is the time to repair the wrong. The wrong was systematically organized.  So must its correction be.  But as in the election itself, that depends fully on the people; on what they are willing and ready to do."

Civil disobedience and boycott campaign launch (February 16)
On February 16, 1986, Corazon Aquino held the "Tagumpay ng Bayan" (People's Victory) rally at Luneta Park, announcing a civil disobedience campaign and calling for her supporters to boycott publications and companies which were associated with Marcos or any of his cronies. The event was attended by a crowd of about two million people. Aquino's camp began making preparations for more rallies, and Aquino herself went to Cebu to rally more people to their cause.

Aborted military coup (February 22)
In the aftermath of the election and the revelations of irregularities, the Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) - a cabal of officers of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) disgruntled by the patronage politics and corruption in the AFP, formed in 1982 - set into motion a coup attempt against the Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos.

RAM's initial plan was for a team to assault Malacañang Palace and arrest Ferdinand Marcos. RAM founder Col. Gringo Honasan formulated a plan to attack the palace and "neutralize" the Marcos couple. Other military units would take over key strategic facilities, such as the airport, military bases, the GHQAFP in Camp Aguinaldo, and major highway junctions to restrict counteroffensive by Marcos-loyal troops.

On February 20, members of the RAM also approached Cory Aquino, informed her of the coup plans and informed her that they would form a junta headed by a Council of Elders composed of Enrile, Ramos, Cardinal Sin, Jaime Ongpin, Alejandro Melchor, and Doy Laurel. Mrs. Aquino rejected the offer, as there was a sense that the Council will just be a front for a military junta headed by Enrile.

On the morning of February 21, Gen. Ver conducted a conference with Commandant of the Philippine Marines, BGen. Artemio Tadiar at the Naval Intelligence Compound in Fort Bonifacio. Gen. Ver informed BGen. Tadiar that there is a brewing coup plot by Enrile and assassination attempt on the latter as well as the Philippine Navy Flag-Officer-in-Command (FOIC), RAdm. Brilliante Ochoco. BGen. Tadiar, placed Fort Bonifacio Naval Station on alert. Capt. Ariel Querubin was put to task by Tadiar to look into the plot. Capt. Querubin confirmed the information with the Marines Military Police headed by Capt. Benjamin Dolorfino, and Naval Operations Officer, Capt. Pablo Ong, that there were augmented personnel inside Fort Bonifacio the next two nights from the Ministry of Defense. As night came, Capt. Querubin along with Lt. Alexander Balutan encountered the 19 personnel who were conducting "night training exercises" and were commander by LtJG. Michael Angelo Asperin. The men were part of the security detail of Minister Roberto Ongpin. Capt. Querubin was then ordered by Col. Guillermo Ruiz, that Malacanang wanted the night runners shipped off to El Fraile Island at the mouth of Manila Bay. Capt. Querubin instead took the men to the PMC Firing Range, and upon interrogation found out that their mission was to secure BGen. Tadiar and RAdm. Ochoco to neutralize their command during the coup.

The following morning, Minister Ongpin phoned Enrile who was at The Atrium in Makati, asking on the whereabouts of his security staff. Since three of the men arrested were on loan from the Ministry of Defense, Enrile was worried that the fingers will be pointed towards him. Meanwhile, Col. Honasan and his staff who were at the MND Building in Camp Aguinaldo was monitoring troop movements overnight found out that the 5th Marine Battalion Landing Team from Fort Bonifacio was moved to Pandacan, and the 1th Infantry Battalion from Nueva Ecija was moved to the North Harbor early morning. This would translate to an unusual amount of troops within Metro Manila, and it seemed that Gen. Ver was already taking actions to protect Malacanang.

However, after Marcos learned about the plot, he ordered their leaders' arrest, and presented to the international and local press some of the captured plotters, Maj. Saulito Aromin and Maj. Edgardo Doromal.

Threatened with their impending imprisonment, Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile and his fellow coup plotters decided to ask for help from then-AFP Vice Chief of Staff Lt. Gen Fidel V. Ramos, who was also the chief of the Philippine Constabulary (now the Philippine National Police). Ramos agreed to resign from his position and support the plotters. Ramos also contacted the highly influential Cardinal Archbishop of Manila Jaime Sin for his support.

Despite Ramos' defection, however, the coup plotters were essentially trapped in Camp Crame, and in the words of historian Vicente L. Rafael, "became sitting ducks for Ferdinand Marcos' loyalist forces."

At about 6:30 p.m. on February 22, Enrile and Ramos held a press conference at the Ministry of National Defense building in Camp Aguinaldo, the AFP headquarters, where they announced that they had resigned from their positions in Marcos' cabinet and were withdrawing support from his government. Marcos himself later conducted a news conference calling on Enrile and Ramos to surrender, urging them to "stop this stupidity". Marcos tried to call Enrile, but Enrile refused to play Marcos's game. Eventually out of desperation Marcos televised his sickly appearance, and announced that he promised to crush every Filipino who stood in his way in order to capture Enrile and Ramos.

Cardinal Sin's appeal (February 22)
After Cardinal Vidal's February 13 condemnation of the snap election's fraudulent result, Cardinal Sin went on Radio Veritas at around 9 p.m. on February 22 and exhorted Filipinos in the capital to aid rebel leaders by going to the section of EDSA between Camp Crame and Aguinaldo and giving emotional support, food and other supplies. For many, this seemed an unwise decision since civilians would not stand a chance against a dispersal by government troops. Many people, especially priests and nuns, still trooped to EDSA. My Dear People, I wish you to pray, because it's only through prayer that we may solve this problem. This is Cardinal Sin speaking to the people, especially in Metro Manila. I am indeed concerned about the situation of Minister Enrile and General Ramos, I am calling our people to support our two good friends at the camp. If any of you could be around at Camp Aguinaldo to show your solidarity and your support in this very crucial period, when our two good friends have shown their idealism, I would be very happy if you support them now. I would only wish that violence and bloodshed be avoided. Let us pray to our blessed lady to help us in order that we can solve this problem peacefully Radio Veritas played a critical role during the mass uprising. Former University of the Philippines president Francisco Nemenzo stated that: "Without Radio Veritas, it would have been difficult, if not impossible, to mobilize millions of people in a matter of hours." Similarly, a certain account in the event said that: "Radio Veritas, in fact, was our umbilical cord to whatever else was going on."

Rising mass support (February 23)
At dawn, Sunday, government troops arrived to knock down the main 50-kilowatt transmitter of Radio Veritas, cutting off broadcasts to people in the nearby provinces. The station switched to a 10-kilowatt standby transmitter with a limited range of broadcast. The station was targeted because it had proven to be a valuable communications tool for the people supporting the rebels, keeping them informed of government troop movements and relaying requests for food, medicine, and supplies. Still, people came to EDSA until it swelled to hundreds of thousands of unarmed civilians. The mood in the street was very festive, with many bringing whole families. Performers entertained the crowds, nuns and priests led prayer vigils, and people set up barricades and makeshift sandbags, trees, and vehicles in several places along EDSA and intersecting streets such as Santolan and Ortigas Avenue. Everywhere, people listened to Radio Veritas on their radios. A photo taken by Pete Reyes of Srs. Porferia Ocariza and Teresita Burias leading the rosary in front of soldiers has since become an iconic picture of the revolution. Several groups sang Bayan Ko (My Homeland), which, since 1980, had become a patriotic anthem of the opposition. People frequently flashed the 'LABAN' sign, which is an "L" formed with their thumb and index finger. 'laban' is the Filipino word for 'fight', but also the abbreviation of Lakas ng Bayan, Ninoy Aquino's party. After lunch on February 23, Enrile and Ramos decided to consolidate their positions. Enrile crossed EDSA from Camp Aguinaldo to Camp Crame amidst cheers from the crowd.

In the mid-afternoon, Radio Veritas relayed reports of Marines massing near the camps in the east and LVT-5 tanks approaching from the north and south. A contingent of Marines with tanks and armored vans, led by Brigadier General Artemio Tadiar, was stopped along Ortigas Avenue, about two kilometers from the camps, by tens of thousands of people. Nuns holding rosaries knelt in front of the tanks and men and women linked arms together to block the troops. Tadiar asked the crowds to make a clearing for them, but they did not budge. In the end, the troops retreated with no shots fired.

By evening, the standby transmitter of Radio Veritas failed, although the stations of the Far East Broadcasting Company also took up the task of broadcasting information to the crowds, calling them in particular to protect Gate 2 of Camp Aguinaldo. Shortly after midnight, the Radio Veritas staff led by Father James Reuter were able to move to the transmitter of DZRJ-AM so they could begin broadcasting again. To help keep their location a secret, they took up the moniker "Radyo Bandido" (Bandit Radio) as a callsign. June Keithley, with her husband Angelo Castro Jr., was the radio broadcaster who continued Radio Veritas' program throughout the night and in the ensuing days.

The Sotelo landing (February 24)
In the early morning hours of February 24, helicopters manned by the 15th Strike Wing of the Philippine Air Force, led by Colonel Antonio Sotelo, were ordered from Sangley Point in Cavite, south of Manila, to head to Camp Crame. Secretly, the squadron had already defected and instead of attacking Camp Crame, landed in it with the crowds cheering and hugging the pilots and crew members in response to what has been referred to as the "Sotelo landing," considered a key turning point where the military circumstances turned against Marcos.

A Bell 214 helicopter piloted by Major Deo Cruz of the 205th Helicopter Wing and Sikorsky S-76 gunships piloted by Colonel Charles Hotchkiss of the 20th Air Commando Squadron joined the rebel squadron earlier in the air. The presence of the helicopters boosted the morale of Enrile and Ramos who had been continually encouraging their fellow soldiers to join the opposition movement. In the afternoon, Aquino arrived at the base where Enrile, Ramos, Reform the Armed Forces Movement (RAM) officers, and a throng were waiting.

Marcos departure rumor (February 24)
At around that 6:30, June Keithley received reports that Marcos had left Malacañang Palace and broadcast this to the people at EDSA. The crowd celebrated and even Ramos and Enrile came out from Crame to appear to the crowds. This would be disproven when Marcos went on MBS 4 a few hours later, so it was later speculated that the false report was a calculated move against Marcos to encourage more defections.

Fourth Marine brigade refusal of "Kill Order" (February 24)
At dawn on Monday, February 24, Marines marching from Libis towards the east of Camp Aguinaldo lobbed tear gas at the demonstrators, who quickly dispersed. By 8:30 a.m., some 3,000 Marines entered and held the east side of Camp Aguinaldo, and the Fourth Marine brigade under the command of Colonel Braulio Balbas positioned howitzers and mortars to strike against Camp Crame.

Despite the fact that civilians would be killed in such an attack, General Josephus Ramas gave the "kill order" against Camp Crame at around 9 AM. Although the artillery was ready to fire, Balbas stalled, telling Ramas that they were "still looking for maps." Ramas then told Balbas that "The President is on the other line waiting for compliance!" Ramas repeated his orders to Balbas at 9:20, to which Balbas replied they were "still positioning the cannons." Balbas would eventually refuse to follow Ramas' orders each of the four times he was ordered to fire on Camp Crame, leading historians to point to this moment as the point at which Marcos lost control of the Philippine Marine Corps.

Marcos TV Appearance on MBS 4 (February 24)
The jubilation resulting from the rumor that Marcos had fled was short-lived, as Marcos appeared on television on the government-controlled MBS-4 at around 9:00, (using the foreclosed ABS-CBN facilities, transmitter and compound in Broadcast Plaza, now ABS-CBN Broadcasting Center) declaring that he would not step down.

Lifting of Maximum Tolerance policy
During the broadcast, Marcos announced that he had lifted the policy of "Maximum Tolerance" which that government had previously put in place. This gave armed forces permission to use force to defend government installations, as well as communications facilities, from Enrile and Ramos' forces. In addition, he told radio and TV stations not to broadcast news about military movements without permission - which was exactly what Radyo Bandido had been doing.

Marcos orders not to attack via airstrike
At one point during the broadcast, General Ver approached Marcos and informed him that the AFP was ready to mount an airstrike on Camp Crame, but Marcos ordered them to halt. The actual dialogue on TV between Marcos and then AFP Chief of Staff Gen. Ver went as follows: "Fabian Ver: The Ambush there is aiming to mount there in the top. Very quickly, you must immediately leave to conquer them, immediately, Mr. President.

Ver: Just wait, come here.

Ver: Please, Your Honor, so we can immediately strike them. We have to immobilize the helicopters that they've got. We have two fighter planes flying now to strike at any time, sir.

Marcos: My order is not to attack. No, no, no! Hold on. My order is not to attack.

Ver: They are massing civilians near our troops and we cannot keep on withdrawing. You asked me to withdraw yesterday–

Marcos (interrupting): Uh yes, but ah... My order is to disperse without shooting them.

Ver: We cannot withdraw all the time...

Marcos: No! No! No! Hold on! You disperse the crowd without shooting them."

Capture of MBS-4 (February 24)
At about 9:50 a.m. MBS-4 suddenly went off the air during Marcos' broadcast. A contingent of rebels, under Colonel Mariano Santiago, had captured the station. MBS-4 was put back on the air shortly after noon, with Orly Punzalan announcing on live television, "Channel 4 is on the air again to serve the people." By this time, the crowds at EDSA had grown to over a million, but some estimates place the crowd number up to 2 million people.

The ensuing marathon broadcast was considered the "return" of ABS-CBN on air because this was the first time that former employees of the network were inside the complex after 14 years of closure since Marcos sequestered the property during the declaration of martial law in September 1972. "Radyo Bandido" ended broadcasting that afternoon, while Radio Veritas resumed transmissions, this time from the Broadcast Plaza's radio studios. Among the various personnel that appeared alongside Orly Punzalan in its first few hours were Maan Hontiveros and Dely Magpayo

Attack on Villamor Airbase, and further defections (February 24)
In the late afternoon of February 24, helicopters of the 15th Strike Wing, commanded by Sotelo, attacked Villamor Airbase, destroying presidential air assets. Sotelo had radioed ahead to the pilots and crews of the air assets, telling them to stay away from the aircraft. As a result, the assets were disabled without any human casualties. Sotelo had sent another helicopter to Malacañang, where it fired a rocket on the palace grounds and caused minor damage.

Later, most of the officers who had graduated from the Philippine Military Academy (PMA) defected. The majority of the Armed Forces had already changed sides.

Two inaugurations (February 25)
On the morning of Tuesday, February 25, at around 7 a.m., a minor clash occurred between loyal government troops and the reformists. Snipers stationed atop the crony-owned RPN-9 transmitter in Panay Avenue, near MBS-4, began shooting at the reformists. Many rebel soldiers surged to the station, and a rebel S-76 helicopter later shot the snipers at the broadcast tower. The troops later left after a V-150 was blocked by a crowd that assembled.

Later in the morning, Corazon Aquino was inaugurated as President of the Philippines in a simple ceremony at Club Filipino in Greenhills, about a kilometer from Camp Crame. She was sworn in as president by Senior Associate Justice Claudio Teehankee, and Laurel as vice-president by Justice Vicente Abad Santos. The Bible on which Aquino swore her oath was held by her mother-in-law Aurora Aquino, the mother of Ninoy Aquino. Attending the ceremonies were Ramos, who was then promoted to General, Enrile, and many politicians.

Outside Club Filipino, all the way to EDSA, hundreds of people cheered and celebrated. Bayan Ko (My Country, a popular folk song and the unofficial National Anthem of protest) was sung after Aquino's oath-taking. Many people wore yellow, the color of Aquino's presidential campaign.

An hour later, Marcos held the inauguration at Malacañang Palace. Loyalist civilians attended the ceremony, shouting "Marcos, Marcos, Marcos pa rin! (Marcos, Marcos, still Marcos!)". On the Palace balcony, Marcos took the Oath of Office, aired on IBC-13 and RPN-9 (RPN-9 was going off-the-air during the broadcast of the inauguration, as its transmitter was captured by reformist soldiers) None of the invited foreign dignitaries attended the ceremony, for security reasons. The couple finally emerged on the balcony of the Palace before 3,000 KBL loyalists who were shouting, "Capture the snakes!" Rather tearfully, First Lady Imelda Marcos gave a farewell rendition of the couple's theme song – the 1938 kundiman "Dahil Sa Iyo" (Because of You) – chanting the song's entreaties in Tagalog:

Because of you, I became happy Loving I shall offer you If it is true I shall be enslaved by you All of this because of you.

The broadcast of the event was interrupted as rebel troops successfully captured the other stations. It was the last time Marcos was seen in the Philippines.

By this time, hundreds of people had amassed at the barricades along Mendiola, only a hundred meters away from Malacañang. They were prevented from storming the Palace by loyal government troops securing the area. The angry demonstrators were pacified by priests who warned them not to be violent.

Marcos' departure (February 26)
Despite holding an inauguration, Marcos and his family were already preparing to flee the country. At 5:00 a.m. on Tuesday morning, Marcos phoned United States Senator Paul Laxalt, asking for advice from the White House. Laxalt advised him to "cut and cut clean", to which Marcos expressed his disappointment after a short pause. In the afternoon, Marcos talked to Minister Enrile, asking for safe passage for him, his family, and close allies such as General Ver. He also asked Enrile if United States Ambassador Stephen Bosworth could assign a security escort for the Marcos family's departure.

Around midnight, the Marcos family boarded a United States Air Force HH-3E Rescue helicopter and flew to Clark Air Base in Angeles City 83 kilometers north of Manila. At Clark Air Base, Marcos asked to spend a couple of days with his family in Ilocos Norte, his native province. Aquino vetoed the request. President Reagan privately derided Aquino for denying Marcos a last look at his home province.

The deposed First Family and their servants then rode US Air Force C-9A Nightingale and C-141B Starlifter planes to Andersen Air Force Base in the north of the United States territory of Guam, then flying to Hickam Air Force Base in Hawaii where Marcos finally arrived on February 26. The United States Government documented that they entered the United States with millions of dollars in jewelry, gold, stocks, and cash.

When news of the Marcos family's departure reached civilians, many rejoiced and danced in the streets. Over at Mendiola, the demonstrators stormed the Palace, which was closed to ordinary people for around a decade. Despite looting by some angry protesters, the majority wandered about inside through rooms where national history was shaped, looking at objects extravagant and mundane that the Marcos clan and its court had abandoned in their flight. Shortly after midnight on February 26, five army trucks of troops under the command of Fidel Ramos arrived in Malacañang Palace to secure it after Ferdinand Marcos had left - marking the end of the Marcos dictatorship, and placing the palace under the control of the Provisional Government of the Philippines until a new constitution could be enacted a year later, in 1987.

As the provisionary government took control of Malacanang Palace, and in the rush of the Marcos' family's departure, documents pertaining to overseas land holdings and bank accounts were recovered. These documents were the foundation of successive attempts to recover the Marcos ill-gotten wealth starting with Operation Big Bird, as well as court cases against the Marcos family and cronies.

In other countries, people also rejoiced and congratulated Filipinos they knew. CBS anchorman Bob Simon reported: "We Americans like to think we taught the Filipinos democracy. Well, tonight they are teaching the world."

Events outside the capital
While much of the historical focus regarding the People Power Revolution has been on events around the two camps and the presidential palace, Filipinos from all over the archipelago also participated in the revolution, with large protests happening in Baguio, Cebu City, Iloilo City, Cagayan de Oro, and Davao City, as well as prominent municipalities such as Los Baños, Laguna. Cebu played a particularly important part because Corazon Aquino was there at the time the EDSA protests began, speaking at a rally at Fuente Osmeña Circle which was a protest against cheating during the Presidential elections earlier that month.

Aftermath
Immediately after her accession, Aquino issued Proclamation No. 3, a provisional constitution which established a revolutionary government. The edict promulgated the 1986 Freedom Constitution, which retained or superseded various provisions of the 1973 Constitution that were in force up to that point. This allowed Aquino to wield both executive and legislative powers; among her first acts was to unilaterally abolish the Batasang Pambansa (the unicameral legislature duly elected in 1984), pending a plebiscite for a more permanent Constitution and the establishment of a new Congress by 1987.

Despite the success of the People Power Revolution, there were elements which were dissatisfied by Aquino's rise to power, including the leaders Reform the Armed Forces Movement which had launched the failed coup against Marcos and had been saved by the arrival of the Civilians at EDSA. As a result, these groups launched a number of coup d'état attempts throughout Aquino's term.

The revolution had an effect on democratization movements in such countries as Taiwan and South Korea and indirectly contributed to the downfall of Communism in Soviet bloc and the end of the Cold War; other effects include the restoration of the freedom of the press, abolition of repressive laws enforced by the previous regime, the adoption of the 1987 Constitution, and the subordination of the military to civilian rule, despite several coup attempts during Aquino's rule.

The revolution provided for the restoration of democratic institutions after 13 years of authoritarian rule and these institutions has been used by various groups to challenge the entrenched political families and to strengthen Philippine democracy.

Legacy
The People Power Revolution has inspired a call for a change of government through peaceful protests rather than bloodshed. Many similar revolutions have followed since then, taking the Philippine example of nonviolent regime change, such as that in East Germany and many other former Soviet Bloc countries, most of which had direct relation to the end of the Cold War in 1989.

Rampant corruption during the term of President Joseph Estrada led to the similar 2001 EDSA Revolution leading to his resignation from the presidency.

On Jan. 19, police and military forces withdrew their support from Estrada. At around noon on Jan. 20, Davide swore Estrada’s constitutional successor Vice President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo into office. A few hours later, Estrada and his family fled Malacanang.

In spite of the revolution's repudiation of Marcos' dictatorial regime, the Marcos family slowly regained a political presence in the Philippines mostly through what researchers attribute to a systematic spread of lies and disinformation, with Imelda and her children Bongbong and Imee reacquiring positions in government by the 1990s. Bongbong himself was defeated as runner-up to Leni Robredo as a candidate for the Philippine vice presidency during the 2016 presidential elections. He protested in the Supreme Court and was denied multiple times, with the official gap getting even significantly larger from the original results. In 2021, Bongbong announced his bid for the Philippine presidency in the 2022 Philippine presidential election. He was elected president, marking the Marcos family's return to Malacañang after 36 years. In the 38th anniversary of EDSA Revolution on February 25, 2024, the Fight against Cha-cha continued. “We are not EDSA-pwera. Because People Power was not only EDSA,” the Campaign Against the Return of Marcoses and Martial Law (CARMMA) said. The wreath-laying ceremony and commemorative rites were led and organized by National Historical Commission of the Philippines. “Ito po ay taon-taon naming gugunitain hangga't mayroon kaming mandato,” said Ian Alfonso.

Commemoration
The EDSA Revolution Anniversary is a special public holiday in the Philippines. Since 2002, the holiday has been declared a special non-working holiday. However, it was not included in the list of holidays in 2024 declared by President Bongbong Marcos in his proclamation, citing that it "falls on a Sunday," which is considered as a rest day for most laborers, while maintaining respect for its commemoration.

Three commemorative sites along EDSA memorialize the People Power Revolution, put up by different organizations to commemorate different aspects of the People Power Revolution.
 * The Shrine of Mary, Queen of Peace, Our Lady of EDSA, better known as the EDSA Shrine is a small church put up in 1989 by the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Manila in the Ortigas Center at the corner of EDSA with Ortigas Avenue. Priminently featuring the 35 ft Our Lady of EDSA sculpture by Virginia Ty-Navarro and containing numerous other artworks throughout the church, it commemorates the "miraculously" peaceful nature of the People Power protests, as well as the role of the Catholic Church in the revolution.
 * The Bantayog ng mga Bayani was put up by civil society groups and inaugurated in 1992 to commemorate the struggle against the Marcos dictatorship, and the People Power Revolution as a key turning point in the struggle. The site's Wall of Remembrance has an extensively researched list of the martyrs and heroes who fought the authoritarian regime. The site, designed by National Artist for landscape architecture Ildefonso P. Santos Jr., also features the "Inang Bayan" sculpture by Eduardo Castrillo, as well as a specialty library and a museum commemorating the martyrs and heroes honored on the Wall of Remembrance.
 * The People's Park put up in 1993 by the Philippine Government on the southwest corner of Camp Aguinaldo at the intersection of EDSA and White Plains Avenue contains the 30-figure People Power Monument sculpture by Eduardo Castrillo as well as a 1983 statue of Ninoy Aquino sculpted by artist Tomas Concepcion.

In culture and the arts
In 1986 a few months after February a music video starring various artists was released called, "Handog ng Pilipino Sa Mundo". It was written by Apo Hiking Society singer Jim Paredes and performed by numerous artists, and showed martial law heroes Jose W. Diokno, Lorenzo M. Tañada, Rene Saguisag, Butz Aquino, Joe Burgos, and Pres. Aquino with Vice-president Doy Laurel during their campaign.

In 2003, the Radio Broadcast of the Philippine People Power Revolution was inscribed in the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Memory of the World Register, which is the official documentary heritage list of the United Nations (UN)'s educational and scientific body.

Books

 * Baron, Cynthia S. and Suazo, Melba M. Nine Letters: The Story of the 1986 Filipino Revolution. Quezon City, Philippines. Gerardo P. Baron Books. 1986.
 * Bello, Walden. "From the ashes: The rebirth of the Philippine revolution—a review essay." Third World Quarterly 8.1 (1986): 258–276. online
 * Johnson, Brian. The Four Days of Courage: The Untold Story of the People Who Brought Marcos Down. Toronto, Canada. McClelland and Stewart, 1987.
 * Mendoza, Amado, '"People Power" in the Philippines, 1983–86', in Adam Roberts and Timothy Garton Ash (eds.), Civil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009. ISBN 978-0-19-955201-6. US edition. On Google.
 * Schock, Kurt. Unarmed Insurrections: People Power Movements in Nondemocracies. Minneapolis, USA. University of Minnesota Press. 2005.
 * Mendoza, Amado, '"People Power" in the Philippines, 1983–86', in Adam Roberts and Timothy Garton Ash (eds.), Civil Resistance and Power Politics: The Experience of Non-violent Action from Gandhi to the Present, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009. ISBN 978-0-19-955201-6. US edition. On Google.
 * Schock, Kurt. Unarmed Insurrections: People Power Movements in Nondemocracies. Minneapolis, USA. University of Minnesota Press. 2005.
 * Schock, Kurt. Unarmed Insurrections: People Power Movements in Nondemocracies. Minneapolis, USA. University of Minnesota Press. 2005.

title: People Power Revolution


text:
List of programs broadcast by Cartoon Network

This is a list of television programs currently or formerly broadcast by Cartoon Network in the United States. The network was launched on October 1, 1992, and airs mainly animated programming, ranging from action to animated comedy. In its early years, Cartoon Network's programming was predominantly made up of reruns of Looney Tunes, Tom and Jerry, and Hanna-Barbera shows (most notably Scooby-Doo, Yogi Bear, Quick Draw McGraw, The Flintstones, The Jetsons, and Jonny Quest).

Cartoon Network's first original series was The Moxy Show and the late-night satirical animated talk show Space Ghost Coast to Coast. The What a Cartoon! series of showcase shorts brought the creation of many Cartoon Network original series collectives branded as "Cartoon Cartoons" in 1995. Cartoon Network has also broadcast several feature films, mostly animated or containing animated sequences, under its "Cartoon Theater" block, later renamed "Flicks".

Former programming
An asterisk (*) indicates that the program initially aired as a Cartoon Network program.

A double-asterisk (**) indicates that the program became a Boomerang program.

A triple-asterisk (***) indicates that the program became an Adult Swim/Toonami program.

Short format
This is a list of pilot episodes on Cartoon Network, along with their premiere dates for each.

Long format
This is a list of pilot movies on Cartoon Network, along with their status and premiere dates for each.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Talk:Ken Livingstone

Support for anti-gay activists
What about Livingstone's support for Islamic leaders who publicly advocate killing gay people? (2A00:23C4:638D:D500:F413:43AD:73EB:BBE5 (talk) 16:44, 28 July 2017 (UTC))
 * Do you have a single source where this particular distinction is made? Martinevans123 (talk) 13:49, 15 May 2018 (UTC)

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Edit request, 4 May 2018
Please either cite or remove Category:British humanists and Category:English humanists, because currently they are not supported by anything at all in the article. 2600:8800:1880:91E:5604:A6FF:FE38:4B26 (talk) 07:17, 4 May 2018 (UTC)

 * Yes check.svg Done Also removed Category:British secularists which isn't directly covered either. His atheism is mentioned in the article, so the category indicating that is entirely appropriate. Philip Cross (talk) 07:34, 4 May 2018 (UTC)

Edit request 14 May 2018
Please add Category:Antisemitism in the United Kingdom  ... I would think that this is highly pertinent, given the suspension of his Labour Party membership in the wider context of Antisemitism within the (British) Labour Party, with every posssiblity that Livingstone be formally expelled and excluded from the Party and have his current membership cancelled and revoked, as one of the possible outcomes from Livingstone's upcoming membership suspension hearing. The addition of the category per se of course does not imply Livingstone was or is an antisemite, or has or had committed a or any antisemitic crime or crimes or hate crime or crimes. --- 87.102.116.36 (talk) 08:19, 14 May 2018 (UTC)
 * Red information icon with gradient background.svg Not done: please provide reliable sources that support the change you want to be made. Eggishorn (talk) (contrib) 16:58, 14 May 2018 (UTC)
 * Common knowledge here in the United Kingdom, specifically in England ... 35,500 counts thus far, including the (well-known in Britain for being pro-Ken Livingstone 'and everything else' and anti-Israel) Guardian . Are you being deliberately disingenuous here?! -- 87.102.116.36 (talk) 08:15, 15 May 2018 (UTC)
 * Not really "common knowledge". Livingstone has certainly repeatedly faced allegations of anti-semitism (since at least the 1980s) for his critical views on Israel and Zionism, but he very much denies that accusation. (Plus, The Guardian is left-leaning, but not necessarily pro-Livingstone). In a case like this, which is a WP:BLP, we need to be cautious about how we present certain controversial issues, lest we be interpreted as saying "Livingstone is an anti-Semite" as opposed to "Livingstone has been repeatedly accused of anti-Semitism". Midnightblueowl (talk) 10:25, 15 May 2018 (UTC)
 * IP user, please read the Reliable sourcing policy and let me know where you think "common knowledge" can be used to overcome the Policy on Biographies of Living Persons. Thank you. Eggishorn (talk) (contrib) 12:59, 15 May 2018 (UTC)

RT article: Ken Livingstone on the Labour antisemitism crisis.
RT - Ken Livingstone - Smearing Critics of Israel Undermines Importance of Tackling Genuine anti-Semitism, 27 August 2018.    ←   ZScarpia  14:47, 28 August 2018 (UTC)

Interview transcrips of when Livingstone was talking about antisemitism in the Labour Party:  The Independent - Jon Stone - Labour antisemitism row: Read the Ken Livingstone interview transcipts in full, 28 April 2016.    ←   ZScarpia  12:46, 7 March 2019 (UTC)

Anti-racist campaigns?
Since Livingstone has been frequently accused of anti-Semitism I think this should be reworded or even removed. (86.158.167.104 (talk) 18:18, 28 February 2019 (UTC))
 * I fail to see the logic behind this proposal. Livingstone was closely involved in anti-racism campaigns for many years, including at a time when it really wasn't very common. The fact that he was also accused of one specific form of racism (which, for what it's worth, he vehemently denies) does not invalidate that or erase it from history. Midnightblueowl (talk) 20:53, 28 February 2019 (UTC)
 * I do not see where it says "Anti-racist campaigns" - you need to say. However, there are several examples of anti racist campaigns on the page. By contrast, I am only aware of two allegations of antisemitism against him: Finegold and "Hitler supported Zionism". I do not think these off the cuff and arguable remarks are material. Jontel (talk) 21:14, 28 February 2019 (UTC)
 * The lede mentions Livingstone was involved in "anti-racist" campaigning. It is offensive in view of his remarks about Jews. He was also accused of anti-Semitism during his failed 2012 campaign for Mayor of London. The article in fact lists numerous anti-Semitic remarks by Livingstone as Mayor of London, so the "anti-racist" rubbish should be removed. (86.156.74.124 (talk) 10:45, 1 March 2019 (UTC))
 * So, Wikipedia should include everything that is significant and reported. He was heavily involved in anti-racist campaigning in the late 1980's around the British National Party and Stephen Lawrence (ref 172). That is a fact so it is correct that it should be included in the body and the lede. The article does not define him as an anti-racist per se or not at any point, it says what he did and when he did it i.e. when he was an MP. The body and the lede do also include references to accusations of anti-semitism. We as editors are not supposed to reach an overall judgement on him or resolve apparent contradictions in his behaviour. We just have to record what was said about him that is significant and in reliable sources. So, we have a limited role. Does that help? Jontel (talk) 11:05, 1 March 2019 (UTC)
 * Livingstone is clearly not an anti-racist as his long history of anti-Semitic remarks and activities show. He also openly associated with anti-Semitic Islamic extremists and Holocaust deniers as Mayor of London. The "anti-racist" line should be removed as it is offensive and inaccurate. (86.156.74.124 (talk) 11:25, 1 March 2019 (UTC))
 * For the purposes of Wikipedia, it really doesn't matter whether or not someone is offended by its contents. See WP:NOTCENSORED for more on this policy. You may, personally, believe that Livingstone's comments constitute anti-Semitism (lots of people do). However, he has always maintained that he is not anti-Semitic and there are people who back him on that, arguing that nothing that he has said actually reflects a hatred or prejudice of Jewish people and that the accusation of "anti-Semitism" is being used to stifle his criticism of Israel and pro-Israel lobbyists in Britain. At Wikipedia, we have to report both sides of that debate as far as the published Reliable Sources present them. To start erasing other parts of his biography because you feel it conflicts with the idea that Livingstone is anti-Semitic would be silly and very damaging to Wikipedia itself. Midnightblueowl (talk) 11:48, 1 March 2019 (UTC)
 * The reference does not say that he is an anti-racist; it says that he was associated with anti-racist campaigns from 1987 onwards, which is true. I've made the reference in the lede more specific about the sort of racism he was campaigning against but it must stay in, because he definitely did campaign against anti-black/ immigrant racism in the UK at that time. The lede and article does also include references to anti-semitism allegations. If you think this is insufficient, you are welcome to suggest changes. Jontel (talk) 11:57, 1 March 2019 (UTC)
 * Of course he denies he is anti-Semitic, if he admitted it he would get into serious trouble (and it would cause more problems for Labour). Saying Hitler was a "Zionist god" was clearly anti-Semitic. (86.156.74.124 (talk) 12:07, 1 March 2019 (UTC))
 * I expect he felt he was campaigning against white racism against the blacks in Britain and Jewish racism against the Palestinians in Israel. So, he is not so much anti-Jewish, but symathising for those who are suffering, wherever they live. Jontel (talk) 12:21, 1 March 2019 (UTC)
 * There should be a separate section in the article entitled "Remarks on Jews" or "Accusations of anti-Semitism", as this is what he is now most known for. (86.156.74.124 (talk) 12:23, 1 March 2019 (UTC))
 * "this is what he is now most known for" - I'm not sure that that is actually true, it's just that issues of anti-Semitism in and around the Labour Party are currently topical in the mainstream media and British political discourse. Moreover, I am not convinced of any need for a specific section on Livingstone's relationship with Jews and anti-Semitism; the issue is already adequately explored throughout the body of the article, at the appropriate chronological junctures. Midnightblueowl talk) 12:33, 1 March 2019 (UTC)
 * Yes, the article is structured over time rather than by theme. If it was to try to follow a number of themes over a fifty year career, it would get confusing. And, whatever his views on Israel or Jews, that was never his job or main focus: it was not a huge part of his very active and varied life in politics. Uou are focused on one aspect of his life but others will be interested in other areas. As you say, the antisemitic allegations are in the article. Jontel (talk) 13:02, 1 March 2019 (UTC)

Subjective writing needs correction
There are a number of pejorative and subjective terms used here (also unsourced, and without references ). I have no idea why this article is listed under good articles and locked? I am flagging this article as politically biased, and below what I would expect from Wikipedia quality standards. [seconded]

1) "A former member of the Labour Party, he was on the party's hard left, ideologically identifying as a democratic socialist."

Unsourced, and pejorative. Then links to an article that explains the 'Hard Left' as a pejorative term.

2) "Livingstone is a highly controversial figure in British politics. Supporters lauded his efforts to improve rights for women, LGBT people, and ethnic minorities in London, but critics accused him of cronyism and antisemitism and lambasted his connections to Islamists, Marxists, and Irish republicans."

This is subjective and unsourced - it is especially disturbing to see words like cronyism used without context or evidence.

'Highly controversial' = subjective.

'Supporters lauded' = which supporters? Link to a news article or source

"Critics accused him of cronyism and antisemitism and lambasted his connections to Islamists, Marxists, and Irish republicans." = This is extremely poor. Each one of these arguably libellous statements should be linked to articles where these claims are made (even if you have to link to the Telegraph, or Fox News, or other far right sites). There is also a rather dark underlying assumption here that Islamism, Marxism and Irish Republicanism are 'bad' things.

Given this data is provided further on in the article, i have to assume this top portion of the article, the defacto intro/executive summary, is designed to highlight Livingstone's failures upfront, for the author's own political purposes.

This is not up to Wikipedia quality standards. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Aswannsong (talk • contribs) 22:15, 24 March 2019 (UTC)
 * Yes I agree there is some non-neutral language in the article. For example, the verb "lambast", which I would regard as non-neutral, is used three times in Wikipedia's voice.Burrobert (talk) 03:28, 25 March 2019 (UTC)
 * The lede only exists to summarise the contents of the rest of the article. Every statement in the lede that you feel is unreferenced is properly referenced in the main body of the article. The ironic thing about your claims that this article shows an anti-Livingstone bias is the fact that only a few weeks ago another editor was claiming it carried a pro-Livingstone bias on this Talk Page. Midnightblueowl (talk) 11:09, 25 March 2019 (UTC)
 * I agree that references should be in the main body, not the lede. Certainly, claims should be referenced and an impartial tone used. WP:IMPARTIAL MOS:WTW Perhaps we can all look at that. Jontel (talk) 11:19, 25 March 2019 (UTC)

 * I agree "hard left" should be removed. I couldn't find a reference to it after the lede. The link also states that it is a pejorative term. 130.237.201.167 (talk) 19:37, 1 December 2019 (UTC)

Nazi support for Zionism
Livinstone's claim about Hitler's support of Zionism was attacked by historians as noted in sources cited in the article and others such as this one. Perhaps it would be worthwhile to start an article on Nazi attitudes to Zionism. Some quotations:

 * "Blood Never Dried, A People's History of the British Empire", John Newsinger, page 297 / 703:

 * One other point worth making here is the extent to which the Zionist movement actually collaborated with the Nazis in the 1930s, in particular with the SS. To be blunt, they found they had a shared interest in the eviction of Jews from Germany. Reinhard Heydrich no less, later to be the architect of the Holocaust, in September 1935 proclaimed his solidarity with Zionism in the SS newspaper, Das Schwarze Korps. The Nazis, he made clear, were “in complete agreement with the great spiritual movement within Jewry itself, the so-called Zionism, with its recognition of the solidarity of Jewry throughout the world, and the rejection of all assimilationist ideas”. Adolf Eichmann, a key figure in the destruction of Europe’s Jews, actually visited Palestine in 1937 at the invitation of the Zionists. The Gestapo worked closely with Mossad, the Zionist agency handling illegal immigration. In 1939 Heydrich was demanding that Mossad should be sending off “400 Jews per week…from Berlin alone”. This cooperation extended to the SS providing the Haganah with smuggled arms.

 * "From Coexistence to Conquest, International Law and the Origins of the Arab-Israel Conflict 1891-1949", Victor Kattan, 2009,Pages 11-12:
 * In that year on 15 September, Germany passed the Nuremberg Law for the Protection of German Blood and Honour, which, among other things, prohibited marriages between Germans and Jews as well as extramarital intercourse and the flying of the Reich flag by Jews. With regard to Zionism, the introduction accompanying that law included the following statement: "If the Jews had a state of their own in which the bulk of their people were at home, the Jewish question could already be considered solved today, even for the Jews themselves. The ardent Zionists of all people have objected least of all to the basic ideas of the Nuremberg Laws, because they know that these laws are the only correct solution for the Jewish people."

   ←   ZScarpia  12:57, 19 June 2019 (UTC)

 * Nothing is stopping you from drafting and submitting an article, of course. While discussion is not required, if you did wish to, perhaps do so on a Zionism or Nazi article talk page or on this page Zionism in the Age of the Dictators? Jontel (talk) 13:03, 19 June 2019 (UTC)
 * Thanks. Looking at articles such as the ones on Zionism and Anti-Zionism, it's interesting that there's no content on the wider topic of support for Zionism by antisemites. Even in the articles on Herzl and Der Judenstaat there's no commentary on the co-option by Herzl of support from that quarter.

 * From "Zionism, Islam and the West", Kerry Bolton:

 * Page 68.0 / 471: Conversely, Herzl aligned himself with the anti-Semites, and found an ally in the leading French anti-Semite and campaigner against Dreyfus, M Drumont.

 * Page 71.0 / 471: In his Diaries, page 19, Herzl stated: “Anti-Semites will become our surest friends, anti-Semitic countries our allies.”

 * Page 74.0 / 471: Herzl’s most fervent supporters were anti-Semites. Both Zionists and anti-Semites concur that the Jews are an unassimilable minority which needs to be removed from Gentile society. Hence, Zionists have historically aligned themselves with anti-Semites ranging from those in Czarist Russia to those in Nazi Germany.

 * Page 77.0 / 471: Herzl formed an early alliance with France’s leading anti-Semite, Eduard Drumont, who had been the head of the anti-Dreyfus agitation. Drumont had written the influential anti-Semitic book La France Juive (1886) and was editor of La Libre Parole. Herzl wrote of Drumont: “But I owe to Drumont a great deal of the present freedom of my concepts, because he is an artist.” Herzl persuaded Drumont to review his manifesto in La Libre Parole, which he did favourably on January 15 1897, Herzl writing of this: [Drumont] “praises the Zionists of Herzl’s persuasion for not seeing in us fanatics … but citizens who exercise the right of self-defence.” Writing of his experiences in Paris, Herzl stated: In Paris … I achieved a freer attitude towards anti-Semitism, which I now began to understand historically and to pardon. Above all I recognize the emptiness and futility of trying to “combat” anti-Semitism.

 * Page 79.0 / 471: In Russia, also, support among anti-Semites was effusive. Herzl’s chief ally was the Russian Interior Minister Vyacheslav Konstantinovich von Plehve, whom Herzl met in August 1903. Just four months previously Von Plehve had been organizing pogroms at Kishinev. ... Due to Herzl’s efforts in Russia, “there was no prohibition on Zionist activities and an official permit was even given for the holding of the second conference of Russian Zionists at Minsk (September 1902).”

 *    ←   ZScarpia  13:57, 19 June 2019 (UTC)

 * It could be argued that even competing nationalisms and believers in racial/ religious homogeneity have this in common: that they oppose assimilation and integration. I suppose you could see what the response was if you added a subsection here, as a first step. Zionism Jontel (talk) 14:21, 19 June 2019 (UTC)
 * Anything added here would, of course, have to come from sources which discuss Livingstone.      ←   ZScarpia  16:19, 19 June 2019 (UTC)

"the only truly successful left-wing British politician"
We currently have "Characterised as "the only truly successful left-wing British politician of modern times" at the bottom of the lead. This is sourced to an opinion piece by Charles Moore (journalist) from 2007 and attributed quotations of Moore elsewhere. A number of issues here: Why should this be included in the lead? Icewhiz (talk) 10:45, 25 July 2019 (UTC)
 * 1) WP:WEASEL - this isn't properly attributed to Moore.
 * 2) While possibly a valid assessment in 2007 in regards to modern times in 2007 (at the very least - we should state when this was said - "modern times" being an ever shifting concept) - this statement is woefully out of date given the subsequent rise of Corbyn in Labour.
 * 3) There is no particular need to highlight a particular opinion in the lede.
 * 4) This doesn't appear in the body of the article.
 * I think that you make some fair points. It might be better if we move this from the lede and into the main body of the article ("Legacy and influence" would be a good place for it). However, I think in turn it might be worth adding something similar to the lede, albeit not a direct quote; perhaps something like "Considered the most successful left-winger in British politics of his generation". The fact that Livingstone was basically one of the only self-declared "socialists" to hold a major office in the late 20th/early 21st century is significant and lede-worthy. Midnightblueowl (talk) 11:06, 25 July 2019 (UTC)
 * It could be in the body - properly attributed to Moore (I think we should also be wary of the No true Scotsman nature of this blurb - the "trueness" of left-wingers is also quite contested (at least among left-wingers) - it should be attributed). I agree Livingstone was notable in this sense 2000-2010 - though I suspect that if we dig we'll find newer sources see as a first of a wave if you may (e.g. tying to Corbyn) - if we can find a retrospective source stating this (e.g. something from the past five years - looking back) - it would be good. Icewhiz (talk) 11:11, 25 July 2019 (UTC)
 * I'm happy for it to be in the body but not the lede. Corbyn hasn't yet held office, so I think it is still a fair comment. Bellowhead678 (talk) 12:42, 25 July 2019 (UTC)
 * Moving it to the body with an appropriate attribution and reference to the date on which it was made seems reasonable. Burrobert (talk) 13:32, 25 July 2019 (UTC)
 * Agree. By the way, 'truly' is intended to be applied to 'successful', rather than 'left-wing' if that is not universally understood, as an alternative to really successful or genuinely successful. Jontel (talk) 13:44, 25 July 2019 (UTC)
 * Agree with the move and attribution. This change shouldn't be controversial at all. --MarioGom (talk) 17:10, 25 July 2019 (UTC)

Misleading passage in section " Suspension from the Labour Party"
The following passage is misleading:

"A few days later, a transcript came into the possession of LBC of his comments during the March 2017 hearing into his conduct.[351] He told the internal party inquiry that he had been advised by members of Corbyn's staff, including Seumas Milne and Simon Fletcher, about his comments to the media. The former London Mayor also said tweets had been posted in his name by people from Corbyn's office.[351]"

This paragraph gives the impression that Livingstone had been "fed" things to say by Corbyn's staff all along. In other words it implies, without any factual support, that Corbyn was involved in the "Nazi-Zionism" statements. The reference cited (351) does not contain any factual indication that this was the case. It only reports that Livingstone, being overwhelmed by media attention around that episode, coordinated with Corbyn's staff. Which is a completely legitimate thing for him and them to have done. Finally, Harpin Lee and the Jewish Chronicle (ref 351) are far from an impartial source on this topic, having shown personal animosity in several occasions against Corbyn, Livingstone and the Labour Party's left-wing in general, including individual members.

I think that the paragraph above should be simply removed, as it does not add anything to the facts and to the understanding of this issue. Alternatively, it should be explicitly separated from the preceding paragraph, and it should be stated clearly that Corbyn's staff had nothing to do with the "Nazi-Zionism" interview. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Simongella (talk • contribs) 13:04, 5 May 2020 (UTC)

 * Any chance this can be addressed any time soon? Simongella (talk) 20:48, 11 May 2020 (UTC)
 * I have separated it and made it more direct. The source does not say that staff had nothing to do with the interview you mention. If you can find a source saying that, we can include it. Jontel (talk) 05:10, 12 May 2020 (UTC)
 * Thanks for the response. However this sentence still seems misleading to me and I don't understand what does it really add to the specific issue. From the actual LBC source, it is not clear what does he refer to when he says that he asked for advice. He says that "when there was a big row blow up I'd be overwhelmed". It is not explicitly related to a particular episode. That quote follows a mention by the interviewer that Corbyn had been elected leader, so Livingstone might be referring more in general to the fact that he was a prominent party figure seen as being close to Corbyn, and that as a result media attention towards him increased after Corbyn was elected leader; in order to manage that exposure without damaging Corbyn (whom he supported), he would ask for their advice. This does not show any evindence that Corbyn staff was involved in the "Hitler-Zionism" interview directly, as the original paragraph kind of implied (and the present one still does, to a certain extent). It is a burden of those who are trying to imply something, to supply facts in support of their implications. If there are no facts to start with, it seems an odd exercise to be trying to demonstrate that those facts indeed do not exist.

 * I suggest the following re-phrasing: "According to LBC, Livingstone told the inquiry that, after Corbyn's election as leader of the party, he asked members of Corbyn's staff for advice on how to react to increased media exposure.

 * The link to the direct LBC source should substitute the strongly "cherry picked" Jewish Chronicle's source, as it gives less "interpretation" and more of what he actually said.Simongella (talk) 18:55, 16 May 2020 (UTC)
 * I've replaced the source as you suggest and changed the quote to reflect more clearly the pattern of events. Jontel (talk) 09:54, 17 May 2020 (UTC)

EHRC
Does the section on the EHRC criticism of Labour and of Livingstone perhaps need more balance? EHRC commissioners are political appointees, many appointed by Conservative governments. The inquiry into Labour was led by a commissioner with very, very rightwing views ( https://www.theguardian.com/society/2020/nov/30/ehrc-board-member-under-scrutiny-over-social-media-use ). — Preceding unsigned comment added by 95.197.88.229 (talk) 10:44, 3 June 2021 (UTC)

Labour Herald
I seem to remember buying Labour Herald in 1986, so it could not have folded in 1985 as the sentence at the end of para 2 of the section on Republicanism, Ireland...... following the ref 112 states. 2A00:23C8:2E24:F300:78A2:C878:7CD3:E97F (talk) 13:00, 13 February 2022 (UTC)
 * The Splits and Fusions archive has put online copies of Labour Herald up to vol 7 no 2, dated November 1986. So the source cited in our article is clearly in error when it says that the paper folded in 1985. RolandR (talk) 22:07, 13 February 2022 (UTC)

Error on my behalf, sorry.

First 68 lines no references
The first 68 lines has only one reference (a quote from Charles Moore. Most of the rest I guess has been largely written by Livingstone himself.  Could we at least have some references?  — Preceding unsigned comment added by Rustygecko (talk • contribs) 02:28, 19 August 2022 (UTC)
 * These lines are the introduction, which is supposed to summarise the article. It should not include content that is not included, with relevant citations, in the body of the article, and it is not usually necessary to include references in this section.
 * If you have any evidence that parts of the article are written by Livingstone himself, or otherwise problematic, please present this here. Otherwise, your musings and speculation are of no relevance. RolandR (talk) 10:29, 19 August 2022 (UTC)

Comment on Duplication
Just to point out that, currently, these two entries under separate headings, referencing his health, are effectively duplications. First reference [361] to a BBC article. Second reference [2] to a Guardian article:

Post-mayoral career

Retirement: 2020- His family announced in September 2023 that Livingstone was now retired from public life.[361]

Personal Life

Health On 19 September 2023, Livingstone's family announced that he had been diagnosed with Alzheimer's disease.[2] CatNip48 (talk) 08:17, 20 September 2023 (UTC)

Semi-protected edit request on 27 October 2023
Under “office” in the information session, change “Mayor of London” to “1st Mayor of London” since he’s the first person to hold the office. 162.211.37.146 (talk) 22:07, 27 October 2023 (UTC)
 * Red information icon with gradient background.svg Not done: please provide reliable sources that support the change you want to be made. M.Bitton (talk) 20:11, 29 October 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Ken Livingstone


text:
San Juan Children's Choir

The San Juan Children's Choir (Coro de Niños de San Juan in Spanish) is a children's choir from San Juan, Puerto Rico. The group was founded in 1966 by its director, Evy Lucío Córdova. The Choir usually accepts participants from the age of 6 and on. Auditions are held every year. Singers who participate at this institution leave at about age of 17 or 18.

The San Juan Children's Choir has performed in many countries. The choir performed at the second inauguration of Barack Obama.

title: San Juan Children's Choir


text:
CSXT

CSXT may refer to:
 * CSX Transportation, a freight railroad company
 * Civilian Space eXploration Team, an amateur rocketry group

title: CSXT


text:
CSX Transportation

CSX Transportation, known colloquially as simply CSX, is a Class I freight railroad company operating in the Eastern United States and the Canadian provinces of Ontario and Quebec. Operating about 21,000 route miles (21,000 mi) of track, it is the leading subsidiary of CSX Corporation, a Fortune 500 company headquartered in Jacksonville, Florida.

CSX Corporation was formed in 1980 from the merger of Chessie System and Seaboard Coast Line Industries, two holding companies that controlled railroads operating in the Eastern United States. Initially only a holding company, the subsidiaries that made up CSX Corporation completed merging in 1987. CSX Transportation formally came into existence in 1986, as the successor of Seaboard System Railroad. In 1999, CSX Transportation acquired about half of Conrail in a joint purchase with competitor Norfolk Southern Railway. In 2022, it acquired Pan Am Railways, extending its reach into northern New England.

Norfolk Southern remains CSX's chief competitor; the two share a duopoly on transcontinental freight rail lines in the east half of the US.

Early years

CSX Corporation was formed on November 1, 1980, as a merger between Chessie System and Seaboard Coast Line Industries.

The name came about during merger talks between Chessie System and SCL, commonly called "Chessie" and "Seaboard". The company chairmen said it was important for the new name to include neither of those names because it was a partnership. Employees were asked for suggestions, most of which consisted of combinations of the initials. At the same time a temporary shorthand name was needed for discussions with the Interstate Commerce Commission. "CSC" was chosen but belonged to a trucking company in Virginia. "CSM" (for "Chessie-Seaboard Merger") was also taken. The lawyers decided to use "CSX", and the name stuck. In the public announcement, it was said that "CSX is singularly appropriate. C can stand for Chessie, S for Seaboard, and X, which actually has no meaning." However, an August 9, 2016, article on the Railway Age website stated that " ... the 'X' was for 'Consolidated' ". A fourth letter had to be added to CSX when used as a reporting mark because reporting marks that end in X means that the car is owned by a leasing company or private car owner.

The originator of SCL was the former Seaboard Air Line Railroad, which previously merged with the Atlantic Coast Line Railroad in 1967 to form the Seaboard Coast Line. In later years, it merged with the Louisville & Nashville Railroad, as well as several smaller subsidiaries such as the Clinchfield Railroad, Atlanta & West Point Railroad, Monon Railroad and the Georgia Railroad. From the late 1970s onward, these railroads were known collectively as the Family Lines. In 1982, they were merged into a single railroad, the Seaboard System Railroad.

The origin of the Chessie System was the former Chesapeake & Ohio Railway, which had merged with the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, and the Western Maryland Railway.

Despite the merger in 1980, CSX was a paper railroad (meaning no CSX painted locomotives or rolling stock) until 1986. In that year, Seaboard System changed its name to CSX Transportation. On April 30, 1987, the B&O merged into the C&O. With the Western Maryland having already merged into the C&O, this left the C&O as the sole operating railroad under the Chessie System banner. Finally, on August 31, 1987, C&O/Chessie System merged into CSX Transportation, bringing all of the major CSX railroads under one banner.

Conrail acquisition
On June 23, 1997, CSX and Norfolk Southern Railway (NS) filed a joint application with the Surface Transportation Board for authority to purchase, divide, and operate the assets of the 11000 mi Conrail, which had been created in 1976 by bringing together several ailing Northeastern railway systems into a government-owned corporation. On June 6, 1998, the STB approved the CSX–NS application and set August 22, 1998, as the effective date of its decision. CSX acquired 42 percent of Conrail's assets, and NS received the remaining 58 percent. As a result of the transaction, CSX's rail operations grew to include some 3800 mi of the Conrail system (predominantly lines that had belonged to the former New York Central Railroad). CSX began operating its trains on its portion of the Conrail network on June 1, 1999. CSX now serves much of the Eastern United States, with a few routes into nearby Canadian cities.

In actuality, not all of Conrail was eliminated. There were a few parts of Conrail that both CSX and NS wanted, and neither wanted to allow the other to have total control over. Those small pieces remained owned by the renamed "Conrail Shared Assets," (later "Conrail Shared Assets Operations") so that the pieces were effectively owned and operated by a separate railroad owned by both railroads, thus neither railroad would control those pieces.

Into the 21st century
The company introduced its current slogan, "How Tomorrow Moves", in 2008.

In 2014, Canadian Pacific Railway approached CSX with an offer to merge the two companies, but CSX declined, and in 2015 Canadian Pacific made an attempt to purchase and merge with Norfolk Southern, but NS declined to do so as well.

In 2017, CSX announced Hunter Harrison would become its new chief executive officer; a settlement with activist investor Paul Hilal and Mantle Ridge. CSX added five new directors to their board, including Harrison and Mantle Ridge founder Paul Hilal. Mantle Ridge owns 4.9% of CSX. Harrison quickly moved to convert CSX rail operations to precision railroading. On December 14, 2017, CSX announced that Hunter Harrison was on medical leave. Two days after the announcement, Harrison died, one day after being hospitalized for complications of an ongoing illness. CSX initially saw a 10% drop in its stock price, but turned around to hit a new 52-week high less than a month later (January 2018). Harrison's successors have continued the shift to precision railroading, with most hump yards converted to flat yards, low volume shipping lanes eliminated and reductions in rolling stock and work force.

Pan Am Railways acquisition
On November 30, 2020, CSX Transportation's parent company CSX Corporation announced on social media that they had come to an agreement with Pan Am Systems to purchase New England based Class II Pan Am Railways, pending regulatory approval from the Surface Transportation Board. The STB approved the purchase on April 14, 2022. As part of the acquisition, Norfolk Southern Railway will gain trackage rights over several CSX lines, and Pan Am Southern, 50 percent owned by Pan Am Railways, will be operated by the Berkshire and Eastern Railroad, a new Genesee & Wyoming subsidiary formed explicitly for this purpose. CSX completed the purchase on June 1, 2022.

Meridian and Bigbee Railroad acquisition announcement
On June 28, 2023, CSX and Canadian Pacific Kansas City (CPKC) announced the intention to purchase Meridian and Bigbee Railroad (MNBR). The MNBR creates a connection 168 mi between CSX in Burkville, Alabama near Montgomery, and Meridian, Mississippi, where it joins the Meridian Speedway heading west. Under the proposed agreement, CSX will resume operations between Montgomery and Myrtlewood, terminating the lease currently in place with MNBR, while CPKC will acquire the 50.4 mi segment of the line between Myrtlewood and Meridian. MNBR will cease operations between Montgomery and Myrtlewood although it may continue to operate between Myrtlewood and Meridian, and continue to serve existing customers on that segment of the line. If the STB approves the purchase, it will provide a connection between the two companies' networks and allow CSX traffic destined for Mexico to be delivered directly to CPKC, eliminating the need for a third intermediate railroad to move such traffic. Currently, CSX traffic bound for Mexico is exchanged with the Union Pacific Railroad in New Orleans, who then takes it to the cross-border gateway in Laredo, Texas, where it is delivered to CPKC.

Unit trains

CSX operated the Juice Train which consisted of Tropicana cars that carried fresh orange juice between Bradenton, Florida, and the Greenville section of Jersey City, New Jersey. The northbound train was originally designated on CSX as K650 during the 1990s, and Q740 in the 2000s. The Juice Train has previously been studied as a model of efficient rail transportation that can compete with trucks and other modes in the perishable-goods trade. In 2017, the train was abolished from north of Tampa, Florida, and now mixed freight trains deliver the cars to their respective destinations. It still operates between Bradenton and Tampa however, but is designated as local O823.

CSX operates Coke Express unit trains. They carry coke for steelmaking, power generation and other various uses, running between Pittsburgh and Chicago, and other places in the Rust Belt.

Locomotives
CSX has rebuilt a significant number of locomotives. Some of the EMD GP38-2, GP40-2, and SD40-2 have been rebuilt to Dash 3 standards with updated Wabtec Electronically Controlled Air Brakes, air conditioning, automated starting controls, a crash safe cab, a new electronic control stand, and Positive Train Control (PTC). In 2019, 25 SD70AC locomotives were rebuilt at the CSX Huntington Heavy Repair Facility, with rebuilt prime movers, in-cab electronic and comfort improvements, New York Air Brake CCB II airbrake systems, and new Mitsubishi drive controls. CSX has also partnered with Wabtec to rebuild GE locomotives at their Fort Worth facility with prime movers upgraded to the FDL Advantage spec and new electronic controls such as the Wabtec Trip Optimizer Zero-to-Zero system.

CSX has also obtained a few EMD F40PH-2s—nos. 9992, 9993, 9998, and 9999 (All locomotives except 9999 have been renumbered to CSX 1, 2, and 3 and were repainted into a heritage Baltimore and Ohio Railroad scheme)—that were retired from Amtrak for executive office car service and geometry trains. Another locomotive, ex-MARC GP40WH-2 no. 9969 was acquired for the same purpose.

With the arrival of Hunter Harrison, CSX began to store many locomotives. Following Harrison's death, his replacement James Foote largely continued his policies. The company had over 900 locomotives in storage in January 2018.

CSX ordered ten SD70ACe-T4s in August 2018, which were delivered in July the following year. They are classified as ST70AHs. CSX also has a contract with Wabtec for modernizing their fleet of CW44s. The modernized locomotives, nearly thirty in number as of June 2020, are being classified as CM44AC. In February 2024, CSX and Wabtec reached a new agreement, of which, involves the modernization of over 200 locomotives. This accounts for the rest of the active roster of CW44ACs & CW44AHs. The locomotives will be modernized through 2028.

On April 30, 2019, CSX unveiled locomotives 911 and 1776, two locomotives created to honor the first responders and veterans. Another special unit, CSX 3194, was unveiled on August 22, 2019, in honor of the law enforcement. On September 13, 2022, CSX unveiled locomotive 4568 painted in honor of operation lifesaver's 50th anniversary.

Heritage units
In May 2023, CSX unveiled their heritage unit program, beginning with ES44AH number 1827 being painted for the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. CSX then stated that a total of 20 heritage locomotives would be painted over the coming months, with the locomotive number coinciding with the year the railroad was founded or the name began being used.

Safety
In 1995, CSX started a new liability insurance requirement of $200 million to introduce their official policy, "no steam on its own wheels", banning the operation of steam locomotives and other antique rail equipment on their trackage due to safety concerns, and increased risk.

List of accidents and incidents

 * 1986 Miamisburg train derailment near Miamisburg, Ohio
 * 1993 Big Bayou Canot rail accident, near Mobile, Alabama
 * 1996 Maryland train collision, in Silver Spring, Maryland
 * 1997 West Virginia train collision; one killed
 * 2000 Tennga, Georgia bus–train collision; 3 killed, 4 injured
 * 2001 CSX 8888 incident, in northwest Ohio, 1 minor injury. This was the inspiration for the 2010 action film Unstoppable
 * 2001 Howard Street Tunnel fire, in Baltimore, Maryland
 * 2007 Brooks derailment, in Brooks, Kentucky
 * 2011 Mineral Springs, North Carolina, train wreck-fire involving 2 (Union Pacific) units and its train of fuel tankers at the back, 2 killed
 * 2012 Ellicott City, Maryland, train derailment, two killed
 * 2013 Spuyten Duyvil derailment
 * 2014 Midnight Rider train incident
 * 2015 Mount Carbon train derailment, Mount Carbon, West Virginia
 * 2015 Tennessee train derailment, Maryville, Tennessee
 * 2017 Biloxi, Mississippi collision with tour bus stuck on tracks; 4 killed, 44 injured
 * 2017 Pittsburgh suburb coal cars derailment
 * 2017 Hyndman, Pennsylvania derailment, chemical release and fire
 * 2017 Atlanta derailment destroys occupied home
 * 2018 Cayce, South Carolina, train collision involving Amtrak Silver Star and a CSX autorack train (Q210-03). 2 dead, 116 injured.
 * 2018 Worcester, Massachusetts, derailment – On July 21, 2018, a CSX Intermodal train from Worcester, Massachusetts, hits a low overpass, causing 12 cars to derail. One car nearly crashed into a car full of toxic chemicals, engineer injured.
 * 2021 Barnsley, Kentucky, tornado – On December 10, 2021, a tornado struck and derailed a CSX train, throwing several cars uphill, including one that landed on a house.
 * 2023 Rockland County, New York, wildfire – On April 14 and 15, 2023, a multitude of wildfires broke out in suburban Rockland County, New York. Several firefighters suffered heat exhaustion battling the flames, and the fires inflicted some damage on property and structures. An investigation into these incidents is underway, with local officials claiming that a CSX train passing through several towns lit sparks, which then ignited on an unseasonably dry day with record-high temperatures upwards of 90 °F.
 * 2023 Rockcastle County, Kentucky. 16 cars, two containing molten sulphur and two filled with magnesium hydroxide derailed, causing a large fire that required hundreds of responders to contain. A state of emergency was declared by the governor and residents of the town of Livingston were evacuated. There were no reports of injuries.

Hump Yards
In hump yards, trains are slowly pushed over a small hill as cars are uncoupled at the crest of the hill and allowed to roll down the hump into the appropriate tracks for outbound trains.
 * Avon, Indiana – Avon Yard
 * Cincinnati, Ohio – Queensgate Yard
 * Cumberland, Maryland –
 * Nashville, Tennessee – Radnor Yard
 * Selkirk, New York – Selkirk Yard
 * Waycross, Georgia – Rice Yard

title: CSX Transportation


text:
Atlanta Committee for the Olympic Games

The Atlanta Committee for the Games of the XXVI Olympiad (ACOG, or the Atlanta Committee) was an informal name for the Atlanta Committee for the Games of the XXVI Olympiad and the Games of the X Paralympiad. The President of ACOG was Billy Payne.

title: Atlanta Committee for the Olympic Games