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Bobby Labonte

Robert Allen Labonte (born May 8, 1964) is an American semi-retired professional stock car racing driver and current analyst for NASCAR on Fox. He also currently competes part-time in the SMART Modified Tour, driving the No. 18L for Hermie Sadler and Bill Stanley. Labonte is the 2000 NASCAR Cup Series champion. He and his older brother, Terry Labonte, are one of only two pairs of brothers to have both won the Cup championships (along with Kurt Busch and Kyle Busch). He is also the uncle of former Xfinity Series race winner Justin Labonte.

A native of Corpus Christi, Texas, Labonte was the first driver (second overall) to have won both the Winston Cup championship (2000) and the Busch Series championship (1991) since Ned Jarrett and the first to do so under the revised points championship format. He also won the IROC title in 2001. Labonte is also the first driver to complete the NASCAR Triple Threat at the same track, by winning races at Martinsville in each of NASCAR's top three racing series.

Early life
Labonte was born on May 8, 1964, in Corpus Christi, Texas. He began racing in 1969 in quarter midgets in his home state of Texas, winning his first feature race one year later. From then until 1977, he drove in quarter-midgets throughout the United States, winning many races. In 1978, he advanced to the go-kart ranks but moved to North Carolina with his family following older brother Terry's advancement to the Winston Cup Series. In 1980, Bobby made his NASCAR International Sedan Series debut in Atlanta, finishing third. Two years later, he made his debut in the NASCAR Xfinity Series (subsequently rebranded as the Busch Series) at Martinsville Speedway, where he finished 30th. Following his graduation from Trinity High School, he worked as a fabricator on Terry's cars at Hagan Racing. Labonte returned to the Busch Series in 1985, running two races in a car he owned himself at Martinsville. In his first race, he finished 30th, bringing home only $220, but he improved to 17th place in his next race.

The next season, he helped prepare a car that his older brother would drive, which resulted in Terry's first ever NASCAR Busch Grand National Series pole position start and a subsequent second-place finish at Road Atlanta. Labonte's main success came driving late-model stock cars. In 1987, Labonte won twelve races at Caraway Speedway, clinching the track championship, in addition to working for Jay Hedgecock. The following season, he competed at Concord Motorsports Park, winning six times, and ran six more Busch races, finishing 16th at Darlington Raceway. The next season, he ran seven more races in the Busch Series and had his first top-five finish at North Carolina Speedway to go with two more finishes in the top ten.

1990
By 1990, Labonte had finally earned enough money to race in the Busch Series on a full-time basis. He founded his own team and drove the No. 44 Oldsmobile. He was successful, winning two poles (both at Bristol Motor Speedway), scoring six top-5s, and 17 top-10s. He ended up finishing fourth in the standings and was also voted the Busch Series' "Most Popular Driver."

1991
In the next season, he continued his second-division success by winning the NASCAR Busch Series championship with two wins, 10 top-five, and 21 top-10 finishes. He also won his first Busch Series race, at Bristol, then won again at O'Reilly Raceway Park in August. In addition to his Busch Series schedule, he made two Winston Cup starts in a Bobby Labonte Racing car at Dover International Speedway and Michigan International Speedway, finishing 34th and 38th, respectively. He won his first Busch Series title.

1992
Labonte's 1992 season was a successful one, and he ended up winning three races (at Lanier, Hickory, and Martinsville respectively), but lost the championship title to Joe Nemechek by three points. That championship finish is, to date, the second-closest finish in the history of NASCAR's top three series (behind the tiebreaker between Tony Stewart and Carl Edwards in the Sprint Cup Series in 2011).

1993
In 1993, Labonte was called up by Bill Davis Racing to drive in the Winston Cup Series. He signed a contract to drive the No. 22 Ford Thunderbird. In his rookie season, he won his first pole at Richmond International Raceway, collected six top-10s, and finished 19th in points. He was also second place behind Jeff Gordon for Rookie of the Year honors. He also competed in two Busch Series races, winning a pole and finishing second and 24th respectively. Also, Labonte continued to operate his main Busch Series team, hiring David Green to drive for him. Green finished third in points for Bobby Labonte Racing.

1994
The next season, 1994, Labonte achieved his second major success as a car owner when his Busch Series driver, David Green, won the championship. It was the second championship, and fifth top-five points finish in five years for Bobby Labonte Racing. He also ran in the Busch Series himself, making 12 starts and earning a victory at Michigan in August. In addition to his Busch Series exploits, Bobby continued running full-time in the Winston Cup series for Bill Davis Racing. He collected one top-5 and two top-10s and finished 21st in the standings, just missing out on the top 20 because of Todd Bodine's two-position points standings gain in the final race of the season.

1996–present
In 2007, Labonte won the Busch Series race at Talladega Speedway in April 2007, edging Tony Stewart to the line in a thrilling finish. This was his first Busch Series win since 1998. In the offseason following the 2007 season, Labonte agreed to a 15-race contract to drive the No. 21 Chevrolet for Richard Childress Racing in the now-Nationwide Series for the 2008 season. RCR's No. 21 team earned six victories in 2007 with driver Kevin Harvick and has earned two of the organization's four series championships.

In 2016, Labonte returned to Joe Gibbs Racing to compete in the Xfinity Series opener at Daytona, driving the No. 18 Camry.

1995–2000
At the end of the 1994 season, Labonte departed to replace Dale Jarrett as the driver of the No.18 Interstate Batteries-sponsored Chevrolet for Joe Gibbs Racing. Labonte would pick up his first career win in the Coca-Cola 600 in 1995, a win he would call later in 2018 the favorite of his career. He would also go on to sweep the races at Michigan and finish 10th in the standings.

In 1996, Labonte won the season-ending race at Atlanta, the same race where his brother Terry won the championship. The two took a victory lap together in what Labonte said was one of the "most emotional and memorable moments of [his] life". That year, he finished 11th in the points standings. In 1997, Gibbs switched car makes to a Pontiac Grand Prix. Labonte would go on to win the season-ending race at Atlanta for the second year in a row. He ended up seventh in the standings, his best finish at that point in his career. In 1998, Labonte won at both Atlanta and Talladega, as well as pole positions for both Daytona races, finishing second to Dale Earnhardt in the 500. He finished the year in sixth in final points, improving by a position.

In 1999, Labonte won five Winston Cup races, the most he has ever won in a single season. He won at Dover in the spring, swept both Pocono races (he was the third to accomplish this particular sweep, after Bobby Allison in 1982 and Tim Richmond in 1986; since 1999, Jimmie Johnson in 2004, Denny Hamlin in 2006, and Dale Earnhardt Jr. in 2014 have also done this), the second Michigan race, and the season finale at Atlanta. However, during the season, he suffered a broken shoulder in an accident while qualifying for a Busch Series race at Darlington Raceway, but raced in the Cup event two days later. Labonte started the race, but at the 1st caution was relieved by Matt Kenseth. He finished second in the points to Dale Jarrett, losing the championship by 201 points.

In 2000, Labonte won four races, the early-season race at Rockingham, the Brickyard 400 at Indianapolis, the Southern 500 at Darlington, and the fall race at Charlotte. He led the point standings for 25 weeks straight after taking over at California, and never relinquished it on the way to winning the Winston Cup championship, finishing ahead of Earnhardt by 265 points, completing all but nine of the 10,167 laps that season, with 4 wins, 19 top-five finishes, 24 top ten finishes, 3 poles, an average finish of 7.4, and had zero times of finishing with a Did not finish (DNF). Labonte became the second driver in NASCAR history to win the championship and not score a single DNF and first since Cale Yarborough in 1977. Labonte is currently the last to accomplish this.

2001–2005

Labonte began the 2001 season with a seventh-place finish in the Bud Shootout. At the Daytona 500, he and his teammate Tony Stewart were two of the 18 drivers involved in a crash on lap 173. Labonte's hood broke off and got attached to Stewart's car, which flipped over twice. After getting out of his, Labonte was seen checking on Stewart to make sure he was okay. The accident was overshadowed by Dale Earnhardt's fatal crash on the last lap of the same race.

The following week at Rockingham, Labonte was narrowly beaten to the finish line by Steve Park in the rain-delayed Dura Lube 400. He did not have another Top 10 finish until the Virginia 500 at Martinsville, where he finished in eighth. This was followed by a fifth-place finish in the Talladega 500. His next Top 10 was another fifth-place finish in the Coca-Cola 600. After less successful finishes at Dover and Michigan, Labonte had a second eighth-place finish at Pocono and a seventh-place finish at Sonoma, and a third fifth-place finish in the Pepsi 400. At the end of July, Labonte won his first points race of the year in the Pennsylvania 500 at Pocono.

After the win, Labonte's next Top 10 was a ninth-place finish at Watkins Glen, then eighth and third-place finishes at Bristol and Darlington, and a sixth-place finish at Richmond. He did not have back-to-back Top 10's again until the autumn races at Charlotte and Martinsville, where he finished 10th and fourth respectively.

In the fall at Talladega, Labonte started 34th. He managed to work his way up the field and took the lead on lap 107. He led for 23 laps before falling back in the pack. He retook the lead on lap 184 but was involved in a frightening last-lap crash. After leading three laps, Labonte was leading at the white flag on the outside lane. Going into turn 1, Dale Earnhardt Jr. overtook him in the lower groove, bringing Tony Stewart and Jeff Burton with him. Labonte moved up the track, trying to block Bobby Hamilton, but coming onto the back straightaway, Hamilton tapped him from behind. Labonte made contact with Johnny Benson Jr. — sending that driver into the outside wall — and then spun, flipping over, and skidding partway down the track on his roof. This crash also collected Jason Leffler, Sterling Marlin, Robby Gordon, Mike Wallace, Ricky Craven, Terry Labonte, Buckshot Jones, Ricky Rudd, Ward Burton, and more.

Labonte's next Top 10 was another ninth-place finish at Rockingham. After winning at Atlanta and a third-place finish at the postponed New Hampshire 300, he finished sixth in the final points standings.

During 2001, Labonte won the IROC XXV title, becoming the 13th consecutive NASCAR driver to win the IROC championship.

In 2002, Labonte only had one win, which was at Martinsville in the spring. He also drove a 9/11 Tribute car in 2002 with the phrase "Let's Roll" on the hood. It was his first career short-track win at Martinsville. He went on to finish 16th in the final points standings and failed to finish in the Top 10 for the first time since 1996, while his teammate Stewart went on to win the championship.

In 2003, Labonte rebounded and finished eighth in the standings after winning two races (Atlanta and Homestead [leading only the final lap]). Also, Labonte went on a tear during the spring with three straight second-place finishes.

In 2004, Labonte did not win a race for the first time since 1994 (ten years later) and finished 12th in the standings.

2005 saw much of the same. Labonte fell out of the Top 20 in points, and only had four Top 5s, one of which was a dramatic second at Lowe's Motor Speedway in the Coca-Cola 600. He also went on to race some Truck Series events, which included a win at Martinsville. His win there made him join an elite group of drivers that have won in all three divisions at one track. In fact, with his win, he became the first driver to do so.

He also ran the 24 Hours of Daytona road race, sharing a car with his brother Terry, Jan Magnussen and Bryan Herta. After the disappointing 2005 season, Labonte asked and was granted to be released from Joe Gibbs Racing, having spent the last eleven seasons there. Labonte joined Petty Enterprises to drive the famous No. 43.

2006–2008
In his inaugural season in the famous No. 43 car, Labonte collected three Top 5's and eight Top 10's. His Top 5's included an impressive run at the Martinsville Speedway, where he finished third after being in contention for the win much of the day. He ended up finishing 21st in the points standings, three spots better than he did two years before.

Labonte began the 2007 season with a 21st-place finish in the Daytona 500, after avoiding the many accidents the race had. Labonte would end the year with no Top 5's and only three Top 10's. However, due to a more consistent season, he finished 18th in the standings, a three-position improvement over 2006. In November, Labonte formed a full-service marketing agency, Breaking Limits, which is based in Huntersville, North Carolina.

In 2008, Labonte continued his contract with Petty Enterprises, but experienced a largely unsuccessful season, gathering only three Top 10's and no Top 5's on his way to finishing 21st in the Sprint Cup point standings. In December of that year, Labonte was released from Petty Enterprises while the team was negotiating a deal with a private equity firm that fell through, and Petty partnered with Gillett Evernham Motorsports.

2009
On January 13, 2009, Labonte was confirmed to be the driver of the No. 96 Ford Fusion for Hall of Fame Racing, now in a partnership with Yates Racing. In the 2009 Spring Las Vegas race, the Shelby 427, Labonte recorded his first Top 5 with Hall of Fame Racing and his best finish since he finished third in the Fall Martinsville race in 2006. However, that was his only Top 5 run for the year. With eleven races remaining in the 2009 season, Labonte was replaced for Erik Darnell for 7 of the final eleven races due to sponsorship problems with the No. 96. Labonte found a ride with TRG Motorsports and it's 71 for the 7 races he was out of the 96. In his first race at Atlanta, Labonte ran inside the Top 20 all night and scored an 18th-place finish. Two races later Labonte gave TRG its best qualifying effort with an eighth-place start, Labonte came home 22nd. At Talladega, Labonte finished 10th after, at one point, running second in that race to Dale Earnhardt Jr.

2010
From February 2010 – June 2010, Labonte drove for TRG Motorsports and its No. 71. Even though TRG's 2009 owner points were not enough to make the field guaranteed for the first five races of 2010, Labonte's past championship provisional gave the team that to fall back on, in the case that Labonte's qualifying runs are not fast. For 2010, Labonte was also reunited with Doug Randolph as his crew chief. Randolph finished the 2007 season with Labonte in the No. 43 for Petty Enterprises, posting two of three of Labonte's Top 10 runs. TRG also announced an alliance with Richard Childress Racing for 2010. RCR shared technology and equipment with TRG for the season. They also allied with Stewart Haas Racing, as Tony Stewart will provide a pit crew to the team.

In his first race in the TRG, Labonte finished 21st in the Daytona 500 after he started 42nd with a champions provisional. For much of the race, Labonte was in the Top 25. He would end up fading back over the next few races, as he and the team would struggle for consistency. On the May 16th Dover race, due to lack of sponsorship, Labonte and the 71 team parked the car after 66 laps. Arguably, some people might say that this season is the worst of his full-time career, as he only had two top 20 finishes in 2010 one at the Daytona 500 and one at the Infineon Raceway road course event.

On June 22, 2010, it was announced that Labonte would be leaving the No. 71 due to the team being unable to secure sponsorship. On June 23, Labonte was hired to drive car No. 7 for Robby Gordon Motorsports at New Hampshire in a one-race deal.

C&J Energy Services entered into a partnership with Phoenix Racing which allowed Labonte to be hired to take over the No. 09 car beginning at Daytona and Labonte split the rest of the 2010 season between Phoenix Racing and TRG Motorsports. On October 11, Stavola-Labonte Racing hired Labonte to drive its No. 10 car at Charlotte and Texas in a two-race deal. The team is co-owned by Bobby's older brother Terry. Despite bouncing around, Labonte competed in every race for the 2010 season.

2011–2012
Labonte replaced Marcos Ambrose as the full-time driver of the No. 47 JTG Daugherty Racing Toyota Camry, with support from Michael Waltrip Racing. He finished 4th in the Daytona 500, earning Labonte his 200th career top 10 finish in the NASCAR Sprint Cup Series. Earning only one more top 10 finish so far in the season. JTG Daugherty Racing and Michael Waltrip Racing received a penalty for violating sections 12-1, 12-4-J, and 20-3.2.1A. Crew Chief Frankie Kerr was fined $50,000 and was suspended from 4 NASCAR Sprint Cup Championship events, and suspended from NASCAR until November, 23. The same penalty was for Michael Waltrip Racing and the car chief for each team. The owners of the numbers 47 (Tad Geschickter); 56 (Michael Waltrip); and 00 (Rob Kauffman); were penalized 25 owner points. The drivers were also penalized 25 driver points.

For the 2012 season, Labonte returned to the No. 47 car with most of the sponsors returning also. JTG Daugherty Racing also announced they will no longer operate out of the Michael Waltrip Racing shop. Todd Berrier took over the role as the crew chief. The crew chief at the time, Frank Kerr, moved to the position of shop foreman.

2013–2016
Labonte ran in the 47 for the entire season until the 2013 Quicken Loans 400 at Michigan International Speedway, in which he ran the No. 51 for Phoenix Racing. Labonte ran at Sonoma Raceway in the 47, but was subsequently replaced by A. J. Allmendinger in the 47 for selected races starting at the 2013 Quaker State 400 at Kentucky Speedway, ending Labonte's streak of consecutive starts at 704. The streak was second only to Jeff Gordon's. Later in the year Labonte suffered broken ribs in a cycling accident, forcing him to miss three races, starting with the AdvoCare 500 at Atlanta.

His last race with JTG Daughtery was at Phoenix International Raceway in November 2013; released afterwards, in December 2013 he announced that he would be running part-time in the 2014 NASCAR Sprint Cup Series in a second car for HScott Motorsports. During practice for the 2014 Daytona 500 Labonte blew an engine, and although he qualified for his 22nd consecutive 500, he was relegated to the back of the starting grid. Labonte finished the race in 15th. A deal to run for James Finch in additional races fell through, thus Labonte did not make another start for the first half of the season. Instead, he tested cars for Richard Childress Racing. At the summer Daytona race, he drove the No. 33 RCR Chevrolet that Brian Scott had driven to the pole at Talladega, running under the Circle Sport banner. Labonte qualified 4th and contended for the lead at the beginning of the race, but was caught up in the Big One, finishing 26th. Tommy Baldwin Racing would field the No. 37 car with Accell Construction as the sponsor for Labonte at Indianapolis.

In December 2014, Labonte announced that he would drive for Go FAS Racing on the restrictor-plate tracks in 2015, taking over for his brother Terry who retired after the 2014 GEICO 500. He finished 24th at the 2015 Daytona 500. In the spring Talladega race, Labonte finished 27th. The 2015 Coke Zero 400 did not go well for Labonte, as he was caught up in an early crash caused by David Gilliland and finished 43rd. For the Fall Talladega race, he finished 23rd, his best finish of the season. In 2016, Labonte received the sponsorship of Bombardier Recreational Products and Cyclops Gear allowing him to run the four restrictor-plate races for Go FAS Racing. For the Daytona 500, Labonte would finish 31st. For Talladega, Labonte would finish 19th. Coming back to Daytona, Labonte would finish 24th. Coming back to Talladega, Labonte would finish 31st. Following the 2016 season, it was announced that Labonte would not return to Go FAS.

Whelen Euro Series
In June 2017, Labonte competed in the NASCAR Whelen Euro Series race weekend at Brands Hatch, driving the No. 1 Ford for Alex Caffi Motorsport. He became the first Cup Series champion to race in the Euro Series. He started 22nd in both of the weekend's two races, and finished 10th and 14th.

In 2018, Labonte joined RDV Competition to drive the No. 18 Toyota full-time in the Euro Series.

Modifieds / SRX (2021-)
Labonte began competing on the SMART Modified Tour in 2021. He won two features in 2021 but couldn't run full-time because of conflicts with him racing in the Superstar Racing Experience (SRX). In 2022, the two series do not have conflicting dates and he is competing full-time on the SMART Tour.

Broadcasting career
In February 2014, it was announced that Labonte would appear as a racing analyst for the new program NASCAR America on NBCSN. He made his TV debut early in the 2014 season.

In 2017, Labonte moved to FS1 as an analyst on Race Hub and Race Day programs.

Personal life
Labonte currently resides in High Point, North Carolina, with his wife Kristin. He has two children from his previous marriage to Donna Slate, Robert Tyler, and Madison, and is an avid outdoorsman. Tyler recently graduated from Texas A&M and is now in law school at Campbell University in Buies Creek, North Carolina. Tyler has worked on political campaigns for Thom Tillis and served in 2014 as an intern for Interstate Batteries, which sponsored Bobby's 2000 championship season. Madison began school at Appalachian State University in the spring of 2017. Labonte's father, Bob, passed away on April 8, 2024.

Labonte founded Breaking Limits, a marketing, public relations, events and sponsorship agency, working out of High Point, North Carolina. Labonte continues to own a Red Mango yogurt shop on the campus of Duke University. The Bobby Labonte Foundation continues to provide grants to non-profit organizations located in the Triad of North Carolina whose work supports building stronger foundations for children and their families. Labonte also founded Longhorn Chassis with his brother Terry in 2010. Longhorn Chassis builds dirt late model race cars.

NASCAR
(key) ( Bold – Pole position awarded by qualifying time. Italics – Pole position earned by points standings or practice time. * – Most laps led. )

Whelen Euro Series – Elite 1
$$ Season still in progress $1$ Ineligible for series points

International Race of Champions
(key) ( Bold – Pole position. * – Most laps led. )

24 Hours of Daytona
(key)

Superstar Racing Experience
(key) * – Most laps led. 1 – Heat 1 winner. 2 – Heat 2 winner.

$$ Season still in progress

title: Bobby Labonte


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Blaise Compaoré

Blaise Compaoré (born 3 February 1951) is a Burkinabé-Ivorian former politician who served as the second president of Burkina Faso from 1987 to 2014. He was a close associate of the first president, Thomas Sankara, during the 1980s and in October 1987 he led a coup d'état during which Sankara was killed. Subsequently, he introduced a policy of 'rectification', overturning the leftist and Third Worldist policies pursued by Sankara. He won elections in 1991, 1998, 2005, and 2010, in what were considered unfair circumstances. His attempt to amend the constitution to extend his 27-year term caused the 2014 Burkinabé uprising. On 31 October 2014, Compaoré resigned, whereupon he fled to the Ivory Coast. In April 2022, he was found guilty by a special military tribunal of complicity in Sankara’s murder. He is also the longest-serving president of Burkina Faso.

Early career
Compaoré was born in Ziniaré, Upper Volta on 3 February 1951. His father was a military veteran. He studied at a Catholic school in Fada N'gourma, followed by a Lycée in Ouagadougou. His mother died suddenly when he was 15, followed by the death of his father several years later. Compaoré subsequently became very close to the family of Thomas Sankara, whose father Joseph treated him as his own son. After being expelled from the Lycée, Compaoré underwent basic military training. During his service he decided to pursue a military career, continuing his studies at the Yaoundé Military Academy in Cameroon. There he became acquainted with Henri Zongo and labor union leader Soumane Touré. Following the end of the 1974 Agacher Strip border clashes between Upper Volta and Mali, Compaoré was posted north of Ouahigouya. There he met Thomas Sankara, with whom he developed a close friendship.

Compaoré played a major role in the coups d'état against Saye Zerbo and Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo. He has been married to Chantal Compaoré (née Chantal Terrasson de Fougères) since 1985.

Under Sankara's leadership, which lasted from 1983 to 1987, Compaoré was his deputy and was a member of the National Revolutionary Council. He served as Minister of State at the Presidency  and subsequently as Minister of State for Justice.

Politics
Compaoré was involved in the 1983 and 1987 coups, taking power after the second in which his predecessor Sankara was killed. He was elected as the president of Burkina Faso in 1991, in an election that was boycotted by the opposition, and re-elected in 1998, 2005 and 2010.

1983 coup
On 4 August 1983, Compaoré organized a coup d'état, which deposed Major Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo. The coup d'état was supported by Libya, which was, at the time, on the verge of war with France in Chad. Other key participants were Captain Henri Zongo, Major Jean-Baptiste Boukary Lingani and the charismatic Captain Thomas Sankara, who was pronounced President.

During the Agacher Strip War with Mali in December 1985, Compaoré commanded Burkinabé soldiers who split into small groups and employed guerrilla tactics against Malian tanks.

1987 coup
Compaoré took power on 15 October 1987 in a coup during which Sankara was killed. Deteriorating relations with France and the neighboring Ivory Coast was the reason given for the coup. Compaoré described the killing of Sankara as an 'accident', but the circumstances have never been properly investigated. Upon taking the presidency, he reverted many of the policies of Sankara, claiming that his policy was a 'rectification' of the Burkinabé revolution.

He initially ruled in a triumvirate with Henri Zongo and Jean-Baptiste Boukary Lingani: in September 1989 those two were arrested, charged with plotting to overthrow the government, summarily tried and executed.

First years and 1990s
In October 1987, Compaoré and many others formed a new political party called the Popular Front, centered around communist, as well as Marxist–Leninist ideals. He pledged to continue pursuing the goals of the revolution, but rectify policies which he saw as deviations of its ultimate goal carried out by Thomas Sankara.

In September of 1989, while Compaoré was returning from a two-week trip to Asia, there were rumors of people plotting to overthrow Compaoré’s government. The plotters would be arrested that same day. This event would lead Compaoré to reorganize the young nations government.

In 1990 Compaoré introduced only limited democratic reforms.

In June 1991, Compaoré announced that Burkina Faso was going to adopt a new constitution.

In the 1990s, Compaoré supported rebels in Sierra Leone during the country's civil War. The war would kill over 45,000 people and last for 11 years.

Compaoré was elected as the president of Burkina Faso in 1991, in an election boycotted by the main opposition parties in protest at the questionable means Compaoré had used to take office in the first place. Only 25 percent of the electorate voted. In 1998, Compaoré was re-elected as president.

Between 1998 and 1999, an insurgency took place over reasons with economic violations in Burkina Faso. Many protests, riots, strikes, rallies and marches took place throughout the country and shocked many people. Many protesters even destroyed government properties or houses. Those events at the time were one of the greatest challenges that Compaoré and his administration faced.

2000s

Compaoré agreed to meet with United Nations supervised bodies to export weapons after allegations that he and his government has been involved in smuggling arms to rebels in Sierra Leone and Angola. Just a week before that, Blaise Compaoré met with German, France, and with a European Union representative. They discussed their concerns that the country had violated the arms embargo against Sierra Leone and Unita rebels and were being accused of it.

In 2003, numerous alleged plotters were arrested, following accusations of a coup plot against Compaoré. A trial would take place in April 2004 in which they were found guilty. Many sympathizers gathered around the court cheering the plotters for their actions.

In August 2005, he announced his intention to contest the next presidential election. Opposition politicians regarded this as unconstitutional due to a constitutional amendment in 2000 limiting a president to two terms and reducing term lengths from seven to five years. Compaoré's supporters disputed this, saying that the amendment could not be applied retroactively, and in October 2005, the constitutional council ruled that because Compaoré was a sitting president in 2000, the amendment would not apply until the end of his second term in office, thereby allowing him to present his candidacy for the 2005 election. On 13 November 2005, Compaoré was re-elected as president, defeating 12 opponents and winning 80.35 percent of the vote. Although sixteen opposition parties announced a coalition to unseat Compaoré early on in the race, ultimately nobody wanted to give up their spot in the race to another leader in the coalition, and the pact fell through.

Following Compaoré's victory, he was sworn in for another term on 20 December 2005.

In 2008 many protests took place because of high living costs and call for wage increases. Compaoré responded by suspending import taxes on products like food for half a year and by increasing commodity for water and electricity.

Spanish Hostages Ransom

Two Spanish aid workers were abducted in November 2009. A hunt was undertaken to find the kidnappers. Just one week before the hostages were freed, Ould Sid Ahmed Ould Hama the kidnapper fled to Mali before he was found and imprisoned for 12 years. It turned out the ransom was paid by Blaise Compaoré, and the hostages were taken to the presidential palace and were given phones. The hostages thanked him for paying the ransom.

Final years in power (2010-2014)

President Compaoré announced an establishment of a new Senate with 89 members and with 29 of the senators who would be selected by the president themselves while the rest chosen by local politicians.

2011 protests
On 14 April 2011, Compaoré was reported to have fled from the capital Ouagadougou to his hometown of Ziniare after mutineering military bodyguards began a revolt in their barracks reportedly over unpaid allowances. Their actions eventually spread to the presidential compound and other army bases. In the night, gunfire was reported at the presidential compound and an ambulance was seen leaving the compound. Soldiers also looted shops in the city through the night.

2014 uprising

In June 2014 Compaoré's ruling party, the Congress for Democracy and Progress (CDP), called on him to organise a referendum that would allow him to alter the constitution in order to seek re-election in 2015. Otherwise, he would be forced to step down due to term limits.

On 30 October 2014, the National Assembly was scheduled to debate an amendment to the constitution that would have enabled Compaoré to stand for re-election as president in 2015. Opponents protested against this by storming the parliament building in Ouagadougou, starting fires inside it and looting offices. Billowing smoke was reported by the BBC to be coming from the building. Opposition spokesman Pargui Emile Paré of the People's Movement for Socialism / Federal Party described the protests as 'Burkina Faso's black spring (sic), like the Arab spring (sic)'.

Compaoré reacted to the events by shelving the proposed constitutional changes, dissolving the government, declaring a state of emergency and offering to work with the opposition to resolve the crisis. Later in the day, the military, under General Honore Traore, announced that it would install a transitional government 'in consultation with all parties' and that the National Assembly was dissolved; he foresaw 'a return to the constitutional order' within a year. He did not make clear what role, if any, he envisioned for Compaoré during the transitional period. Compaoré said that he was prepared to leave office at the end of the transition.

On 31 October, Compaoré announced he had left the presidency and that there was a 'power vacuum'. He also called for a 'free and transparent' election within 90 days. Presidential guard officer Yacouba Isaac Zida then took over as head of state in an interim capacity. It was reported that a heavily-armed convoy believed to be carrying Compaoré was traveling towards the southern town of Pô. However, it diverted before reaching the town and he then fled to Ivory Coast with the support of President Alassane Ouattara.

A week later, Jeune Afrique published an interview with Compaoré in which he alleged that 'part of the opposition was working with the army' to plot his overthrow and that 'history will tell us if they were right'. He added that he would 'not wish for his worst enemy' to be in Zida's place.

The first head of state that has been in office for more than a short time after Blaise Campaoré is Roch Marc Christian Kaboré as of 29 December 2015.

Liberian Civil War
Compaoré introduced Charles Taylor to his friend Muammar Gaddafi. Compaoré also helped Taylor in the early 1990s by sending him troops and resources.

International and regional roles

In 1993, Compaoré headed the Burkina-Faso delegation that participated in the first Tokyo International Conference on African Development.

Compaoré has been active as a mediator in regional issues. On 26 July 2006, he was designated as the mediator of the Inter-Togolese Dialogue, which was held in Ouagadougou in August 2006 and resulted in an agreement between the government and opposition parties. He has also acted as mediator in the crisis in Ivory Coast, brokering the peace agreement signed by the Ivorian president, Laurent Gbagbo, and the New Forces leader, Guillaume Soro, in Ouagadougou on 4 March 2007. In March 2012, he acted as a mediator in talks between representatives of the Malian coup d'état and other regional leaders. He hosted talks with them to discuss peace to the conflict.

The BBC noted in 2014 that he was 'the strongest ally to France and the US in the region' and that 'despite his own history of backing rebels and fuelling civil wars in the West African neighbourhood ... more importantly, he used his networks to help Western powers battling Islamist militancy in the Sahel'.

During 2016, the capital was in the grip of a terrorist attack. Jihadists who had suites and tables in town, following agreements with Campaoré of non-aggression. As a result, the military group of the presidential guard received enormous credits while the army was impoverished to avoid any military coup.

He served on the International Multilateral Partnership Against Cyber Threats (IMPACT) International Advisory Board.

Views on sexuality
In an interview with the magazine Famille Chrétienne, Compaoré asserted that the notion of sexual abstinence was not a monopoly of the Roman Catholic Church and that European non-governmental organizations that disagreed with traditional morality were profiting from the situation to intervene in regional African affairs.

Indictment
In April 2021, a military court in Burkina Faso indicted Compaoré in absentia, charging him with the 1987 murder of his immediate predecessor, Thomas Sankara. Another trial against him, on counts of attacking state security, concealing a corpse, and complicity in a murder, began on 11 October 2021. In April 2022, he was found guilty and sentenced to life in prison.

Honors

 * Order of Brilliant Jade (Taiwan; July 1994)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Blaise Compaoré


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Garmisch-Partenkirchen (district)

Garmisch-Partenkirchen (Bavarian: Garmasch-Partakurch) is a Landkreis (district) in Bavaria, Germany. It is bounded by (from the west and clockwise) the districts of Ostallgäu, Weilheim-Schongau and Bad Tölz-Wolfratshausen, and by the Austrian state of Tyrol.

History
In medieval times the alpine lands were owned by the bishops of Freising and the abbots of Ettal Abbey. In 1803, when the clerical states of Germany were dissolved, the region was acquired by Bavaria.

Geography
The district is located in the Bavarian Alps and includes the highest mountain of Germany, the Zugspitze (2,962 m). The highest peaks are grouped along the Austrian border, where the mountain ridges of the Wettersteingebirge and the Karwendelgebirge rise. Between them the Isar river runs northwards. North of these ridges is a valley housing the tourist resort of Garmisch-Partenkirchen. The valley together with the surrounding mountains is called the Werdenfelser Land. Further north the ridges of the Ammergebirge and the Estergebirge rise, which are still over 2000 m high. In the northernmost parts of the district there is alpine uplands (about 600 m high). Here the Staffelsee is located, a lake of 8 km2.

Coat of arms
The coat of arms displays:
 * a lion with the head of a griffin, being the symbol of Steingaden Abbey
 * a portrait of a moor, often used in European coats of arms (https://blackcentraleurope.com/sources/1000-1500/moors-on-crests/
 * the white and blue checked pattern of Bavariahttps:

Towns and municipalities
The district includes no towns. All places have the status of municipalities.

title: Garmisch-Partenkirchen (district)


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User:Thalmeier

See: http://home.in.tum.de/~thalmeie/

title: User:Thalmeier


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Minor (law)

In law, a minor is someone under a certain age, usually the age of majority, which demarcates an underage individual from legal adulthood. The age of majority depends upon jurisdiction and application, but it is commonly 18. Minor may also be used in contexts that are unconnected to the overall age of majority. For example, the smoking and drinking age in the United States is 21, and younger people below this age are sometimes called minors in the context of tobacco and alcohol law, even if they are at least 18. The terms underage or minor often refer to those under the age of majority, but may also refer to a person under other legal age limits, such as the age of consent, marriageable age, driving age, voting age, working age, etc. Such age limits are often different from the age of majority.

The concept of minor is not sharply defined in most jurisdictions. The age of criminal responsibility, of ability to legally consent to sexual activity, at which school attendance is no longer compulsory and thus a person may leave school, at which legally-binding contracts may be entered into, and so on and so forth, may be different from one another.

In many countries, including Australia, Serbia, India, Brazil, Croatia, Colombia, and the UK a minor is defined as a person under the age of 18. In the United States, where the age of majority is set by individual states, "minor" usually refers to someone under 18 but can in some areas (such as alcohol, gambling, and handguns) mean under 21. In the criminal justice system a minor may be tried and punished either "as a juvenile" or "as an adult".

In Taiwan and Thailand, a minor is a person under 20 years of age, and, in South Korea, a person under 19 years of age. In New Zealand, the age of majority is also 20 years of age, but most of the rights of adulthood are assumed at lower ages.

Canada
For all provincial laws (such as alcohol and tobacco regulation), the provincial and territorial governments have the power to set the age of majority in their respective province or territory, and the age varies across Canada.

Alberta, Manitoba, Ontario, Quebec, Saskatchewan, and Prince Edward Island have the age of majority set at 18, while in British Columbia, Yukon, Northwest Territories, Nunavut, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick the age of majority is 19. In the provinces of Saskatchewan, Ontario, New Brunswick, British Columbia, Nova Scotia, the legal gambling age and the legal drinking age are both 19, while in Alberta, Quebec, and Manitoba it is 18 which is the age of majority.

Under cannabis laws, a minor means anyone under 19 in the country except for Quebec which has a legal age of 21, and Alberta which is age 18.

Italy
In Italy, law nr. 39 of March 8, 1975, states that a minor is a person under the age of 18. Citizens under the age of 18 may not vote, be elected, obtain a driving license for automobiles or issue or sign legal instruments. Crimes committed in Italy by minors are tried in a juvenile court.

Mexico
In all 31 states, a minor is referred to as someone under the age of 18.

Minors aged 16 or 17 who are charged with crimes could sometimes be treated as an adult.

India
In all 28 states and 8 union territories, a minor is referred to as someone under the age of 18. In rare cases minors aged 16 or 17 who are charged with extremely heinous crimes could sometimes be treated as an adult.

Thailand
The Civil and Commercial Code of the Kingdom of Thailand does not define minor; however, sections 19 and 20 read as follows:
 * Section 19 – A person, on completion of 20 years of age, ceases to be a minor and becomes sui juris.
 * Section 20 – A minor becomes sui juris upon marriage, provided the marriage is made in accordance with the provisions of Section 1448.

Hence, a minor in Thailand refers to any person under the age of 20, unless they are married. A minor is restricted from doing juristic acts – for example, signing contracts. When minors wish to do a juristic act, they have to obtain the consent from their legal representative, usually (but not always) the parents and otherwise the act is voidable. The exceptions are acts by which a minor merely acquires a right or is freed from a duty, acts that are strictly personal, and acts that are suitable to the person's condition in life and are required for their reasonable needs. A minor can make a will at the age of fifteen.

United Kingdom
In England and Wales, the Family Law Reform Act 1969 set the age of majority in both nations at 18. While in Northern Ireland, the age of majority is set at 18 by the Age of Majority Act (Northern Ireland) 1969 - (which directly corresponds to the former legislation, enacted in England and Wales). In Scotland, the Age of Legal Capacity (Scotland) Act 1991 sets out that the legal age of capacity within the country is 16.

The age of criminal responsibility in England and Wales and in Northern Ireland is 10; and 12 in Scotland, formerly 8, which was the lowest age in Europe.

In England and Wales, cases of minors breaking the law are often dealt with by a youth offending team. If they are incarcerated, they are sent to a Young Offender Institution.

Things that persons under 18 are prohibited from doing include sitting on a jury, voting, standing as a candidate, buying or renting films with an 18 certificate or R18 certificate or seeing them in a cinema, being depicted in pornographic materials, suing without a litigant friend, being civilly liable, accessing adoption records and purchasing alcohol, tobacco products, knives and fireworks. The rules on minimum age for sale of these products are frequently broken so in practice drinking and smoking takes place before the age of majority; however many UK shops are tightening restrictions on them by asking for identifying documentation from potentially underage customers.

Driving certain large vehicles, acting as personal license holder for licensed premises, and adopting a child are permitted only upon the age of 21. The minimum age to drive a HGV1 vehicle was reduced to 18. However, certain vehicles, e.g., steamrollers, require that someone be 21 years of age to obtain an operating license.

United States
In the United States as of 1971, minor is generally legally defined as a person under the age of 18. However, in the context of alcohol or gambling laws (see legal drinking age and gambling age), people under the age of 21 may also sometimes be referred to as minors. However, not all minors are considered juveniles in terms of criminal responsibility. As is frequently the case in the United States, the laws vary widely by state.

Under this distinction, those considered juveniles are usually (but not always) tried in juvenile court, and they may be afforded other special protections. For example, in some states a parent or guardian must be present during police questioning, or their names may be kept confidential when they are accused of a crime. For many crimes (especially more violent crimes), the age at which a minor may be tried as an adult is variable below the age of 18 or (less often) below 16. The death penalty for those who have committed a crime while under the age of 18 was discontinued by the U.S. Supreme Court case Roper v. Simmons in 2005. The court's 5–4 decision was written by Justice Kennedy and joined by Justices Ginsburg, Stevens, Breyer, and Souter, and cited international law, child developmental science, and many other factors in reaching its conclusion.

The twenty-sixth amendment to the U.S. Constitution, ratified in 1971, granted all citizens the right to vote in every state, in every election, from the age of 18, reducing the minimum ages for most privileges that had previously been set at 21 (signing contracts, marrying without parental consent, termination of legal parental custody) to 18, with the exception of drinking, which had been raised to 21 around the 1980s due to teen drunk driving cases protested by the Mothers Against Drunk Driving.

The U.S. Department of Defense took the position that they would not consider "enemy combatants" held in extrajudicial detention in the Guantanamo Bay detainment camps minors unless they were less than sixteen years old. In any event, they separated only three of more than a dozen detainees under 16 from the adult prison population. Several dozen detainees between sixteen and eighteen were detained with the adult prison population. Now those under 18 are kept separate, in line with the age of majority and world expectations.

Some states, including Florida, have passed laws that allow a person accused of an extremely heinous crime, such as murder, to be tried as an adult, regardless of age. These laws have been challenged by the American Civil Liberties Union. An estimated 250,000 youth are tried, sentenced, or incarcerated as adults every year across the United States.

Emancipation of minors
Emancipation of minors is a legal mechanism by which a minor is no longer under the control of their parents or guardians, and is given the legal rights associated with adults. Depending on country, emancipation may happen in different manners: through marriage, attaining economic self-sufficiency, obtaining an educational degree or diploma, or participating in a form of military service. In the United States, all states have some form of emancipation of minors.

title: Minor (law)


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Bored Suburban Youth

Bored Suburban Youth (also known as BSY and Bored Suburban Youths, in the plural rather than collective form) was among the hardcore punk bands that rose up in the Southeastern United States in the "second wave" of the 1980s. Along with bands such as Bedlam Hour, Massappeal and The Sex Mutants, BSY contributed to the nascent punk scene in the decidedly un-punk environs of the politically and socially conservative New South.

Inspired by an early 1980s Black Flag show, Bored Suburban Youth was formed by a group of students at Irmo High School in the suburbs of Columbia, South Carolina. The original lineup consisted of John Hathaway (guitar), Troy Tague (drums) and Shannon Burgess (bass). An early lineup featured John Dickerson on vocals, but he was soon replaced by Darren Walker, who fronted BSY for nearly all of the band's four-year run. BSY's sound was characterized as having "buzz saw guitars" and "aggressive vocals," though the band themselves referred to their sound as simply "rock'n'roll."

The longest-lived BSY lineup was Hathaway, Tague, Walker, Steve Sonic (guitar) and Brian Molin (bass). The band's work of this era is best captured in the Live at the Drama Lab recordings; another recording featuring this lineup appears on the compilation lp "Method To Our Madness" issued by Phantom Records in 1986. Sonic joined BSY after the disintegration of seminal Orangeburg, South Carolina punk band Red Menace, which had blazed trails of its own in the early 1980s. Later lineups of BSY would feature two other former members of Red Menace: Kenny "Jolt" Gillam (drums) and Carl Van Sewell (bass).

Like many punk bands of the time, BSY burned out in a few years, but they made a lasting impact on the Southeastern US punk scene by building up a loyal grassroots following and embracing all-ages venues in the region. To this end, BSY would play anytime, anywhere. This DIY ethic led to shows in barns, lodges, galleries, record shops and even high school theatres.

An 8-song 7-inch record posthumously released under the name Red Menace: Farewell Suburbia marked the end of the band in 1988, but BSY's missionary dedication to the punk ethic gave rise to a vibrant alternative music scene in South Carolina and spawned other original bands spanning many musical genres. In 2014, former BSY drummer Kenny Jolt created a video of the 1988 song "Police State" and posted it on YouTube.

Vinyl Discography
There's a Method to our Madness Various artists (1986)

U.S. release (white cover) on Phantom Records German release (yellow cover) on We Bite Records.

"Annihilation" (Live) '

Personnel: Engineered by Mike Amos, produced by BSY and Mike Amos. This track was not a live recording, and the actual title was "My Annihilation." It was recorded by Mike Amos in the basement of William's Music in Orangeburg, SC specifically for inclusion on the "Method" album. Red Menace: Farewell Suburbia (MEP001-A) (1988)
 * Darren Walker - Vocals
 * Steve Sonic - Guitar
 * John Hathaway - Guitar
 * Troy Tague - Drums
 * Brian Mollin - Bass

7-inch EP Recorded January 31, 1988, at Sun Sound, Rock Hill, S.C. 8 track recording. Personnel: Engineered by Jake Hunter, produced by Red Menace and Jake Hunter Cover layout by Jerry Axson.
 * 1) Contaminated
 * 2) Driller Killer
 * 3) Sorrow Falling
 * 4) Faces
 * 5) Police State
 * 6) Evolution
 * 7) Living In America
 * 8) The Slide
 * Darren Walker - Vocals
 * Steve Sonic - Guitar, Backing Vocals
 * John Hathaway - Guitar, Backing Vocals
 * Carl Van Sewell - Bass, Backing Vocals
 * Kenny "Jolt" Gillam - Drums, Backing Vocals

title: Bored Suburban Youth


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Victor's justice

Victor's justice is a term which is used in reference to a distorted application of justice to the defeated party by the victorious party after an armed conflict. Victor's justice generally involves the excessive or unjustified punishment of defeated parties and the light punishment of or clemency for offenses which have been committed by victors. Victors' justice can be used in reference to manifestations of a difference in rules which can amount to hypocrisy and revenge or retributive justice leading to injustice. Victors' justice may also refer to a misrepresentation of historical recording of the events and actions of the losing party throughout or preceding the conflict.

The English term "victors' justice" was first used by Richard Minear in his 1971 account of the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, and is typically (but not always) applied to the aftermath of warfare. It may be a loan translation of synonymous German Siegerjustiz, which is attested since at least the 1960s. The closely related term Vae victis behaviour is where a victor unilaterally changes the agreed treaties or their interpretations and is seen as a form of victor's justice.

History of the laws of war
Legal constraints on the conduct of war in Ancient Rome appear in Cicero: "As for war, humane laws touching it are drawn up in the fetial code of the Roman People." Specifically, "no war is just, unless it is entered upon after an official demand for satisfaction has been submitted or warning has been given and a formal declaration made." Breaches of this duty by Roman citizens were adjudicated at trial. But to enemies of war, Roman law attributed neither duties nor rights; hence judgment – and punishment – of defeated foes was at Roman discretion. Still, the exercise of that discretion must serve justice, Cicero argued: "...when the victory is won, we should spare those who have not been blood-thirsty and barbarous in their warfare" (warmaking being excused only when "we may live in peace unharmed" in no other way).

The Western tradition of thinking on just war continues into Christendom and then modernity, and from the late 19th century becomes codified in international conventions, most notably those of Geneva and the Hague, then said to express laws of war.

Allegations
Victor's justice is alleged to have occurred throughout history.

A well-known ancient example is the Siege of Plataea in 429–427 BC, during the Peloponnesian War. The town of Plataea, a staunch ally of Athens, steadfastly endured a prolonged siege by the Spartans and their allies, finally surrendering to the Spartans when all supplies they had were exhausted and no hope of relief remained. They had trusted the Spartans to a fair trial, as the Spartans had promised to "judge them all fairly", and that "only the guilty should be punished" if they yielded. Yet, when the Plataean prisoners were brought before the judges, no trial was held and they could offer no real defense. The Spartans simply asked each of the prisoners if they had done the Spartans and allies any service in the war, to which the prisoners ultimately had no choice but to answer "no". It was well known to anybody involved that during the entire war the Plataeans had fought on the Athenian side, against the Spartans, that being the duly declared policy of their city-state. Upon the Plataeans giving that negative answer, they were put to death one by one – over 200 of them. Thucydides clearly considered this an unfair judicial procedure.

Documented allegations of victor's justice became especially prevalent since the 19th century.

James Madison Page, a veteran of the Union Army during the American Civil War, presented a stark and detailed example of victor's justice in his 1908 book The True Story of Andersonville Prison, subtitled "A Defense of Major Henry Wirz". After describing his months as a prisoner of war of the Confederacy, Page recounts the imprisonment and trial of Major Henry Wirz, the only commandant of Camp Sumter prisoner of war camp near Andersonville, Georgia. The Confederacy held approximately 45,000 Union prisoners at Camp Sumter from February 1864 to April 1865, during which nearly 13,000 died due to the prison's horrific conditions. Wirz became known as "The Demon of Andersonville" in the victorious Union, and was one of only two Confederates convicted of war crimes for their actions during the American Civil War. Wirz was found guilty by a war crimes tribunal and publicly executed in Washington, D.C., on November 10, 1865. Some have questioned the charges against Wirz, his personal responsibility for the conditions at Camp Sumter, and the fairness of his post-war trial. In 1980, historian Morgan D. Peoples referred to Wirz as a "scapegoat" and his conviction remains controversial.

The war crimes trials following World War II were later observed to feature many of the phenomena and issues seen in Page's account of Wirz's trial, conviction, sentencing, and execution. The Nuremberg Criminal Court for war crimes (and subsidiary courts like the Dachau International Military Tribunal) prosecuted only Axis nationals or collaborators for war crimes and did not prosecute Allied war crimes.

By the mid-twentieth century, the armed forces of developed nations commonly issued their soldiers detailed written guidance on the customs and international treaty obligations that comprise the laws of war. For example, at the trial of SS-Obersturmbannführer Otto Skorzeny, his defense was based in part on the Field Manual published by the War Department of the United States Army in 1940, as well as on the American Soldiers' Handbook. Prosecution for war crimes therefore normally falls under the jurisdiction of the courts-martial of an offender's own military. When members of the Allied armed forces broke their military codes, they could face charges, as for example the Dachau massacre or the Biscari massacre trials. The unconditional surrender of the Axis powers was unusual and led directly to the formation of the international tribunals. International wars usually end conditionally, and the treatment of suspected war criminals makes up part of the peace treaty. In most cases those who are not prisoners of war are tried under their own judicial systems if they are suspected of committing war crimes, as happened at the end of WWII in Finland, when the Allied Control Commission provided a list of occurrences of war crimes and crimes against peace, and the investigation and judgment of these cases were left to Finnish courts according to Finnish law. However, an ex post facto law had to be instated for those cases, as the Finnish Criminal Act did not cover responsibility for politics resulting in a war. In restricting the international tribunal to trying suspected Axis war crimes, the Allies were acting within normal international law.

The Reunification of Germany in October 1990 saw the German Democratic Republic (East Germany) absorbed into the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) to form the modern unified country of Germany. Reunification saw numerous East German officials charged with crimes by German courts that were direct continuations of West German courts, which some considered to be victor's justice. Many low-ranking members of the Border Troops of the German Democratic Republic were charged with crimes related to Republikflucht, with an estimated 300 to 400 deaths at the Berlin Wall and Inner German border. These border guards, known as Todesschützen ("death shooters"), were often convicted despite arguing they were following Schießbefehl ("order to fire") from superiors which instructed guards to shoot escapees that ignored two warnings to stop. The German courts argued East German border laws were so fundamentally in conflict with the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which East Germany had signed and ratified, that they were not law at all but formalized injustice, and thus the soldiers ought to have disobeyed their commanding officers.

Attempts to ensure the fairness of war crimes prosecutions
Since World War II, the accusation of victor's justice has arisen in every subsequent conflict where war crimes prosecutions have been made. Examples of include the Yugoslav wars, the Rwandan genocide, and the war in Afghanistan.

The International Criminal Court (ICC) was set up in 2003 as a treaty arrangement between member states in an attempt to provide a neutral international court that avoids the accusation of "victor's justice", and that would prosecute all alleged war crimes, on either side of any conflict.

Current allegations

 * The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), organized by the United Nations claims jurisdiction over all acts of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes within the territory of former Yugoslavia. But so far the Tribunal has prosecuted only citizens from the Balkan states. Most defendants have been Serb politicians, soldiers and paramilitaries but Croats, Bosnians and ethnic Albanian Kosovo Liberation Army guerrillas have also been tried. However, the Tribunal has declined to investigate allegations made by Western academics and Serb politicians, who accused NATO officials of war crimes during the 1999 bombing of Serbia (the Kosovo War), including the deliberate bombing of a Serb TV station killing journalists, and the lethal bombing (possibly reckless) of a railway bridge whilst a civilian train was passing over it.
 * The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), organized by the United Nations claims jurisdiction over all acts of genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes within the territory of Rwanda. However, while the Tribunal has successfully prosecuted members of the former Hutu government for their crimes, it has largely failed to prosecute war crimes committed by the Tutsi-led Rwandan Patriotic Front, leading it to be accused of victor's justice.

title: Victor's justice


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Bottle cage

A bottle cage is device used to affix a water bottle to a bicycle. Composed of plastic, aluminum, stainless steel, titanium or carbon fiber, it is attached to the main frame of a bicycle, the handlebars, behind the saddle, or, in uncommon cases, the fork. Most modern bicycles have threaded holes in the frame to hold the bottle cage, often called braze-ons even though they may be welded, glued, riveted, or moulded into the frame material. Clamps are necessary on bicycles not so equipped, such as older or less expensive models.

Locations
The most common location for a frame-mounted bottle cage is on the top side of the downtube. The most common location for a second frame-mounted bottle cage is on the front side of the seat tube. Small bikes and mountain bikes with rear suspension often do not have enough room for two bottle cages inside the main frame triangle. Some mountain bikes have highly sloped top tubes that limit the size of bottles mounted inside the triangle.

Some touring bicycles have a third frame mounting location: under the downtube.

Bottle cages may be mounted behind the seat with a bracket that attaches to the seatpost.

Some uncommon forks include bottle cage mounts.

Tandem bicycles may have as many as six bottle cages.

Recumbent bicycles may have bottle cages mounted to the steering mechanism or behind the seat back.

Styles
The vast majority of bottle cages consist of a single hoop of metal tubing or rod bent to hold the bottle snugly and engage the neck, or an indentation in the case of larger bottles, to prevent it from bouncing out.

Varieties, often made out of plastic or carbon fiber, may completely encircle the bottle.

Some manufacturers have released non-standard bottles and cages that only work with each other in order to offer specialized shapes (streamlined, for example) or restrict consumers to purchasing brand-specific items.

Mounting points
The standard bottle cage has two mounting holes, 2+1/2 in apart, to match the threaded holes in the frame, and through which small bolts pass. Some have a strap, adjustable for non standard bottles. A fork might include bottle mounts as well. If equipped a 3 hole configuration is normally used to allow the cage to be mounted higher or lower on the fork. The holes are usually sized and threaded to accept an M5 × 0.8 bolt, which means standard course metric threads with 5 mm in diameter and 0.8 mm pitch.

Bottle
The standard size of bottle cage holds a bottle 73 mm in diameter and 127 mm tall (2-7/8 inches or 2.875″ diameter and five inches long), or bottles in other lengths with an indentation that far from the bottom for the tab on the cage to engage.

Other uses
Some examples of bicycle lighting take advantage of the bottle cage by using it to hold a bottle-shaped battery to power the lights. This sort of bicycle lighting has proved popular.

Many small tire pumps come with a mounting bracket intended to be mounted alongside a bottle cage.

The Trek Soho 3.0 comes with a stainless steel coffee mug designed to fit in the bottle cage mounted on the front side of the seat tube.

In addition to the fairly standard cycling water bottle, cages have been produced to hold commercial 1 liter and 1.5 liter water bottles.

History
Until the 1960s, cyclists often carried a second bottle on the handlebars, held by a bottle cage fixed to the handlebars themselves and by a third point to the handlebar stem. Such bottle cages are familiar from pictures of the Tour de France. Riders had a cage there rather than have two on the frame, where the centre of gravity is lower, because at the time the Tour's rules insisted that riders carry a pump. The pump took up the length of one frame tube and made a second bottle cage on the frame impossible.

title: Bottle cage


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Raymond Mhlaba

Raymond Mphakamisi Mhlaba OMSG (12 February 1920 – 20 February 2005) was an anti-apartheid activist, Communist and leader of the African National Congress (ANC) also as well the first premier of the Eastern Cape. Mhlaba spent 25 years of his life in prison. Well known for being sentenced, along with Nelson Mandela, Govan Mbeki, Walter Sisulu and others in the Rivonia Trial, he was an active member of the ANC and the South African Communist Party (SACP) all his adult life. His kindly manner brought him the nickname "Oom Ray".

Personal life
Mhlaba was born in Mazoka village in the Fort Beaufort district, Eastern Cape and was educated at Healdtown secondary school but had to drop out because of financial problems Mhlaba started working at a laundry in Port Elizabeth after leaving school in 1942. He met and married his first wife, Joyce Meke, who was also from the Fort Beaufort area in 1943. In their 17 years together, before her death in a car accident in 1960, they had three children Bukeka, Nomalungelo and Jongintshaba. In 1982, Mhlaba, who had been a political prisoner in Robben Island since 1964, was transferred to Pollsmoor Prison where he received special permission marry his common-law wife Dideka Heliso in 1986, with whom he had three children Mpilo, Nomawethu and Nikiwe.

Early political career
Mhlaba started working at a laundry in Port Elizabeth after leaving school in 1942. The horrendous conditions at the laundry converted him to a trade unionist and he became the leader of Non European Laundry Workers Union in 1943. In 1943, he joined the South African Communist Party, serving as the party's district secretary from 1946 until the party was banned in 1950. In 1944, he became a member of the African National Congress. From 1944 Mhlaba maintained dual membership of the ANC and the SACP. He rose through the ANC ranks becoming the chairman of the Port Elizabeth branch of the ANC from 1947 to 1953, and then elected to the Cape Executive committee. Mhlaba was the first to be arrested for disobeying apartheid laws during the nationwide Defiance Campaign of 1952 together with Govan Mbeki and Vuyisile Mini for three months in Rooi Hel ('Red Hell' or North End Prison, Port Elizabeth). The campaign was launched in Port Elizabeth when Mhlaba led a group of volunteers singing freedom songs through the "Whites Only" entrance of the New Brighton Railway Station. This action earned him the Xhosa nickname "Vulindlela" or "he who opens the way." That same year, Mhlaba was charged under South Africa's Suppression of Communism Act. Although his political activities continued, he was barred from attending meetings or gatherings. After the ANC was banned on 8 April under the Unlawful Organisations Act, the party took up the armed struggle forming its military wing Umkhonto we Sizwe. Mhlaba was one of its first recruits and was sent to China for military training. Before leaving he assisted Mandela in writing the Umkhonto constitution. In 1962, Mhlaba returned to South Africa, becoming a commander of the MK after Nelson Mandela's arrest.

Rivonia Trial
On 11 July 1963 the South African apartheid government raided the ANC's underground headquarters in Rivonia, north of Johannesburg. Mhlaba and 10 other ANC and SACP leaders including Ahmed Kathrada, Walter Sisulu and Govan Mbeki were arrested and Nelson Mandela was already in prison. They were charged with sabotage and conspiracy to overthrow the government. On 9 October 1963, the world-famous Rivonia Trial with all the accused charged with high treason. On 12 June 1964, Mhlaba, Mandela and seven other ANC leaders were sentenced to life imprisonment, and all were sent to Robben Island but the white Denis Goldberg was sent to Pretoria Central Prison instead of Robben Island.

Struggle from prison
During his time in Robben Island, Mhlaba and other ANC members founded the ANC High Command or High Organ with Mandela as its head. The committee educated and supported younger imprisoned members, formulated policies on day-to-day concerns, prisoners' complaints, and strikes, and enforced discipline within their isolation unit. Looking back at their time in Robben Island Mandela said of Mhlaba: "I got to know him as the peacemaker. He spent a lot of time urging fellow prisoners to forget their differences and unite so that conditions for prisoners could improve."

Release from prison
After his release from prison on 15 October 1989, he was elected to the ANC national executive and the South African Communist Party central committee. He became national chairperson of the SACP in 1995.

In January 1994 he was chosen as the ANC's nominee as Premier of the Eastern Cape, and in May 1994 he was elected to that post. He helped to establish the house of traditional leaders. He then became the High Commissioner to Uganda and Rwanda, until he retired in 2001. In April 2001 he released a book of his memoirs, narrated by him and researched and compiled by Thembeka Mafumadi. He was chairperson of a black economic empowerment consortium involved in the Coega port project, but suffered a stroke on 19 July 2003, recovering quickly.

Death
In 2004, Mhlaba was diagnosed with advanced liver cancer, and in December doctors discharged him from a private clinic saying there was nothing they could do for him. On 20 February 2005 he died in hospital. He was granted state funeral on 27 February 2005. Mhlaba is survived by his three sons and five daughters, his wife Dideka Mhlaba having died on 18 January 2010.

Legacy
Mhlaba is seen as a stalwart member of both the ANC and the SACP. He was recognised with the Isitwalandwe Medal in 1992 for his role in the liberation struggle, and the Moses Kotane Award in 2002 for his contribution to the SACP. The Nkonkobe Local Municipality which includes Alice and Mhlaba's hometown Fort Beaufort was renamed the Raymond Mhlaba Local Municipality and Andries Pretorius street, The R30 in Bloemfontein was renamed after Raymond Mhlaba to honour him. There's an ANC branch named after him in Mpumalanga, Nkangala region, sub-region Thembisile Hani ward 11 in Verena.

title: Raymond Mhlaba


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Talk:September 11th

Have changed redirect. "September 11th" does not in itself refer to the terrorist attack but to the date. This is for consistency with other dates, including 11th September. Note that September 11 has links to the attack.

(To preempt any accusations that this means that I don't care about the terrorist attack, please note that I knew one of the people who died...)

--Hrothgar 13:46, 5 Aug 2003 (UTC)

title: Talk:September 11th


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User:Martin Edelius

Just to have something here...

Born 1972 in Sweden where I currently live and work. I'm an IT-consultant with networking, Windows OS, SQL, PHP and web design knowledge.

More to come I hope. 8)

title: User:Martin Edelius


text:
William Colgate

William Colgate (January 25, 1783 – March 25, 1857) was an English-American Industrialist who founded in 1806 what became the Colgate-Palmolive company.

Early life
William Colgate was born in Hollingbourne, Kent, England, on January 25, 1783. He was the son of Robert Colgate and his wife Sarah (née Bowles). The family moved to a farm near Shoreham when William was six years old.

Robert Colgate (1758–1826) was an 18th-century English farmer, politician and sympathiser with the American War of Independence and French Revolution, whose republican ideals impelled him to leave their farm in Shoreham, Kent, in March 1798 and emigrate to Baltimore, Maryland, in the United States of America, after which the family settled on a farm in Harford County, Maryland. Colgate formed a partnership with Ralph Maher to manufacture soap and candles, and William helped the two men, but the partnership dissolved after two years. The family later settled in Delaware County, New York.

Career
William Colgate went to New York City in 1804. He there obtained employment as an apprentice in a soap-boiler. He closely watched the methods practiced by his employer, noting what seemed to him to be mismanagement, and learned useful lessons for his own guidance. At the close of his apprenticeship he was enabled, by correspondence with dealers in other cities, to establish himself in the business with some assurance of success.

In 1806 William established a starch, soap and candle business in Manhattan, on Dutch Street. In 1820, he started a starch factory across the Hudson in Jersey City. William followed his goal of prosperity throughout life, and became one of the most prosperous men in the city of New York. This circumstance, together with his great wisdom in counsel, and his readiness to aid in all useful and practicable enterprises, gave him a wide influence in the community, and especially in the denomination of which he was from early life an active and honored member.

Personal life
The Rev. William Parkinson, pastor of the First Baptist Church in the City of New York, baptized him in February 1808 and Colgate became a deacon. In 1811 he transferred his membership to Oliver Street Baptist Church. In 1838 he became a member of the Tabernacle Baptist Church (Manhattan), to the erection of which he had himself largely contributed.

Colgate was a tither throughout his long and successful business career.

Family
Colgate married Mary Gilbert (1788-1855) on April 23, 1810, and they had nine children: Robert (1812-1885), Gilbert (1814-1838), Sarah (1816-1859), James (1818-1904), William III (1820-1838), Samuel (1822-1897), Mary IV (1826-1873), Joseph (1828-1865), and Martha (1831-1837). His son Robert purchased Stonehurst at Riverdale-on-Hudson in The Bronx about 1859 shortly after it was built; it was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1983. Robert's son, Romulus Riggs Colgate, built the Colgate Mansion in Sharon, Connecticut.

Philanthropy
Colgate annually subscribed money to assist in defraying the expenses of Hamilton Literary and Theological Institution (later Madison University and Theological Seminary); and he was among the most strenuous opponents of their removal to the city of Rochester. His sons James and Samuel were both benefactors of Madison University and Theological Seminary. After seven decades of the Colgates' involvement, the school was renamed Colgate University in 1890.

Colgate was a regular contributor to the funds of the Baptist Missionary Union, and took upon himself the entire support of a foreign missionary.

Archives and records

 * William Colgate and Company records at Baker Library Special Collections, Harvard Business School.

title: William Colgate


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BMW Dixi

Dixi was a brand name of cars made by originally by Automobilwerk Eisenach, later by BMW. The first Dixi car was produced in 1904. In the difficult economic climate of the 1920s the company found it hard to sell its 6/24 and 9/40 models. So the manufacturer decided to enter the small car market, and in 1927 signed a licensing agreement with the Austin Motor Company to build a variant of the Austin 7. A production level of 2000 cars a year was agreed upon, and Dixi paid Austin a royalty on each vehicle produced.

The first 100 cars were supplied by Austin as kits, but by December 1927 the first of the official Dixi-manufactured vehicles, the DA-1 3/15PS were coming off the production line. The DA designation stood for Deutsche Ausführung, meaning German Version; 3/15 indicated the taxation and actual horsepower ratings. Apart from being left-hand drive and using metric fasteners, the car was nearly identical to the Austin. Body styles available were coupé, roadster, tourer, and sedan with a few chassis going to external coachbuilders. Most cars left the factory as tourers.

Looking to move into automobile manufacturing, BMW bought the Automobilwerk Eisenach in 1928 and, with it, the rights to build the Dixi car. At first the cars were badged as BMW Dixi but the Dixi name was dropped in 1929 when the DA-1 was replaced by a slightly updated version, the BMW 3/15 DA-2.

 * Dixi DA 1 4 cyl, 15 hp, 1927–1929

title: BMW Dixi


text:
Red Clydeside

Red Clydeside was the era of political radicalism in Glasgow, Scotland, and areas around the city, on the banks of the River Clyde, such as Clydebank, Greenock, Dumbarton and Paisley, from the 1910s until the early 1930s. Red Clydeside is a significant part of the history of the labour movement in Britain as a whole, and Scotland in particular.

Some newspapers of the time used the term "Red Clydeside" to refer, largely derisively, to the groundswell of popular and political radicalism that had erupted in Scotland. A confluence of charismatic individuals, organised movements and socio-political forces led to Red Clydeside, which had its roots in working-class opposition to Britain's participation in the First World War, although the area had a long history of political radicalism going back to the Society of the Friends of the People and the "Radical War" of 1820.

1911 strike at Singer
The 11,000 workers at the largest Singer sewing machines factory, in Clydebank, went on strike in March–April 1911, ceasing to work in solidarity with 12 female colleagues protesting against work process reorganisation. This reorganisation involved an increase in workload and a decrease in wages. Following the end of the strike, Singer fired 400 workers, including Jane Rae one of the women activists, and all strike leaders and purported members of the Industrial Workers of Great Britain, among them Arthur McManus, who later went on to become the first chairman of the Communist Party of Great Britain between 1920 and 1922.

Labour unrest, in particular by women and unskilled labourers, greatly increased between 1910 and 1914 in Clydeside, with four times more days on strike than between 1900 and 1910. During these four years preceding World War I, membership of those affiliated to the Scottish Trades Union Congress rose from 129,000 in 1909 to 230,000 in 1914.

Anti-war activism
To mobilise the workers of Clydeside against the First World War, the Clyde Workers' Committee (CWC) was formed, with Willie Gallacher as its head and David Kirkwood its treasurer. The CWC led the campaign against the coalition governments of H. H. Asquith and David Lloyd George and the Munitions of War Act 1915, which forbade engineers leaving the company they were employed in. The CWC met with government leaders, but no agreement could be reached and consequently both Gallacher and Kirkwood were arrested under the terms of the Defence of the Realm Act and jailed for their activities.

Anti-war activity also took place outside the workplace and on the streets in general. The Marxist John Maclean and the Independent Labour Party (ILP) member James Maxton were both jailed for their anti-war propagandizing.

Helen Crawfurd was opposed to conscription and, although there were anti-war and anti-conscription campaigns in organisations such as the WIL being organised and run by middle-class women, few working-class women were involved in Scotland. Frustration on her part on their lack of representation, Helen Crawfurd organised a grassroots meeting called 'The Great Women's Peace Conference' involving socialist-minded women in June 1916. From this meeting, and alongside her fellow Rent Striker Agnes Dollan, The Women's Peace Crusade (WPC) arose in November 1916 in Govan, Glasgow. As intended, the organisation initially attracted working-class women in Govan to activism, and with open air meetings throughout Glasgow, Edinburgh and within Lowland Scotland they began to extend their reach. By 1917, street meetings were regularly being held all around the districts of Glasgow and beyond, including Partick, Maryhill, Bridgeton, Parkhead, Govan, Govanhill, Whiteinch, Shettleston, Springburn, Possilpark, Bellahouston, Rutherglen, Paisley, Overnewton Barrhead, Cambuslang, Blantyre, Alloa, Cowdenbeath, Drongan, Drumpark, Douglas Water and Lanark. As a further indicator of their success, a mass demonstration was organised by the WPC on Sunday 8 July 1917, in which processions marched to the sound of music and the flying of banners from two sides of the city to the famous Glasgow Green in the centre of the city. As the two streams of Crusaders approached the green they merged into a huge colourful and noisy demonstration of around 14,000 participants.

By the time that the Peace Crusade disbanded it had become a UK-wide organisation.

Rent strikes
At the turn of the twentieth century the Clydeside area in Glasgow experienced rapid industrial and population growth during which time Glasgow became Scotland's largest city, Its population grew from almost 200,000 in 1851 to over 1,000,000 in 1921. Despite this exponential growth, housing remained a huge problem for its inhabitants as few houses were added to Glasgow's housing stock to accommodate the influx of immigrants from all over Scotland, other areas of Britain and Europe. Eleven percent of Glasgow's housing stock was vacant due to speculation and few new houses were built as landlords benefited from renting out overcrowded and increasingly dilapidated flats. As Highlanders and Irish migrants came to Glasgow, the city's population increased by 65,000 people between 1912 and 1915 while only 1,500 new housing units were built. Glaswegian activists had demanded legislation and the building of municipal housing as early as 1885, when the Royal Commission on Housing and the Working Class noted the housing crisis. The Scottish Housing Council organised in 1900 and under pressure from trade unions the Housing Letting and Rating Act 1911 was passed. The act introduced letting by month, previously workers with unstable jobs had been forced to put up a year's rent payment. But as landlords increased rents protests by tenants became more frequent.

John Maclean of the British Socialist Party organised the Scottish Federation of Tenants' Associations in 1913 to fight against rent increases and championed public housing. In 1914 the Independent Labour Party Housing Committee and the Women's Labour League formed the Glasgow Women's Housing Association. Under the leadership of Mary Barbour, Mary Laird, Helen Crawfurd, Mary Jeff, Jessie Stephen and Jessie Fergusson the Glasgow Women's Housing Association became the driving force behind the rent strike that started in May 1915 in the industrialised area of Govan. Tenants refused to pay the latest increase in rents and staged mass demonstrations against evictions, resulting in violent confrontations. With the start of the First World War local young men left Glasgow to serve in the army overseas, and the first violent protest in the Govan district took place in April to resist the eviction of a soldier's family. As evictions were repeatedly attempted with support from the police, women attacked the factors and the sheriffs' men.

In early summer 1915, the rent strikers were supported by mass demonstrations and by August, the rent strikers had found widespread support in Glasgow. Rent strikes spread from heavily industrialised areas of the city to artisanal areas and slum areas. Strikes ignited in Partick, Parkhead, Pollokshaws, Pollok, Cowcaddens, Kelvingrove, Ibrox, Govanhill, St Rollox, Townhead, Springburn, Maryhill, Fairfield, Blackfriars, and Woodside. In October 1915, 15,000 tenants were on rent strike and a demonstration led by women converged on St Enoch Square. By November, 20,000 tenants were on rent strike as violent resistance against evictions continued. Trade unions threatened factory strikes if evictions supported by the police continued and following demonstrations on 17 November, legal action against rent strikers was halted. State Secretary of Scotland Thomas McKinnon Wood asked the Cabinet to freeze all rents at pre-war levels and in December, the Rents and Mortgage Interest Restriction Act 1915 received royal assent.

In March 2018, to mark International Women's Day, a bronze sculpture of Barbour was unveiled in Govan, Glasgow portraying Barbour leading a line of strikers.

The 40 Hour Strike

The left-wing activities continued after the end of the war. The campaign for a 40-hour week, with improved conditions for the workers, occupied the exertions of organised labour. On 31 January 1919, a massive rally, organised by the trade unions, took place on George Square in the city centre of Glasgow. Although it has been claimed that as many as 90,000 people were present, contemporary sources suggest 20-25,000. Once again, although it is claimed that the Red Flag was raised in the centre of the crowd, this had in reality happened on Monday 27 January. The failure of the tram drivers to join the strike had led to growing hostility, and some of the strikers tried to block the tram traffic in the Square. Police attempts to clear the way led to violence and a series of baton charges. The Riot Act was read, and attacks were made on strike leader David Kirkwood as he exited the City Chambers.

The Sheriff of Lanarkshire, who had earlier checked that troops would be available if he needed them, called for military aid. Mainly Scottish and mainly veteran troops were sent from bases elsewhere in Scotland, and one battalion was sent up from the north of England. Claims that the troops were sent by the government, as well as claims that Scottish troops were locked in their barracks during the incident, are part of the extensive mythology surrounding the event. It was only fourteen months since the Russian Revolution, and the German Revolution was still in progress in January 1919. The troops started arriving at 10 pm that evening, after the violence was over. Six tanks arrived from Dorset on Monday, 3 February.

A revolutionary moment?
There remains a debate on the left, over whether the Red Clydeside movement constituted a revolutionary opportunity for the working-class, though on the face of it, it would appear that the revolutionary potential of the Clydeside working-class has been exaggerated. Firstly, except Maclean, none of the labour leaders developed a class analysis of the war, nor did they seriously consider threatening the power and authority of the state. Furthermore, it was the behaviour of those conducting the war, not the war itself that provoked opposition within the labour movement. The Independent Labour Party's May Day Manifesto of 1918 makes this very clear in calling for A Living Wage for all and Justice for our Soldiers and their Dependants. Moreover, the massive demand for men to fight in the war meant that few Glaswegian families escaped personal loss of some kind. To undermine the war effort was to risk alienating the working-class, which many labour leaders were unwilling to do-–apart from Maxton, Gallacher and Maclean.

William Gallacher, who would later become a Communist MP claimed that, whilst the leaders of the rally were not seeking revolution, in hindsight they should have been. He claimed that they should have marched to the Maryhill Barracks and tried to persuade the troops stationed there to come out on the protesters' side.

The trade union leaders, who had organised the meeting, were arrested. Most were acquitted, although both Gallacher and Manny Shinwell were put in jail for their activities that day, Shinwell also being charged with an inflammatory speech the week before in James Watt Street in the city's docks, in an episode that later erupted into a race riot.

"Reds" in Parliament
The aura of Red Clydeside grew as delegations of organised labour replaced the Liberal Party as the political formation most popular among the working class. This manifested itself at the 1922 general election, when several of the Red Clydesiders were elected to serve in the House of Commons (most of them Independent Labour Party members). They included Maxton, Wheatley, Shinwell, Kirkwood, Neil Maclean and George Buchanan.

According to the Labour Party, the Red Clydesiders were viewed as having a dissident left-wing character. Many of them, most notably Maxton and Wheatley, were great critics of the first and second Labour governments, elected in 1924 and 1929 respectively.

The Red Clydeside era still impacts upon the politics of the area today. Ever since, Glasgow has been known for political and industrial militancy. The Upper Clyde Shipbuilders Work In of 1971 offers a pertinent example. The Labour Party has been historically dominant in Glasgow where they held the vast majority of parlimentary seats until SNP gains in 2015 from where they held all seats until their return to Labour in 2024.

This period in Glasgow's colourful past remains a significant landmark for those on the political left in Scotland. The story of the Red Clydesiders can still be politically motivating. At the 1989 Glasgow Central by-election, the Scottish National Party candidate Alex Neil called himself and the SNP member of Parliament for Govan at the time, Jim Sillars; the "new Clydesiders".

Popular culture
The album Red Clydeside by Alistair Hulett and Dave Swarbrick contains nine songs about the movement, particularly the anti-war protests and the rent strike. The Red Clydeside movement was also featured in John McGrath's play Little Red Hen, performed by 7:84.

title: Red Clydeside


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User talk:Vancew

Greetings! I hope you like the place and decide to stay. You can sign your name with ~. If you have questions or doubts of any sort, do not hesitate to post them on the Village Pump, somebody will respond ASAP. Other helpful pages include: Have fun! --Jiang 13:57, 5 Aug 2003 (UTC)
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Crab shell
A template has been added to the article Crab shell, suggesting that it be deleted according to the proposed deletion process. All contributions are appreciated, but this article may not satisfy Wikipedia's criteria for inclusion, and the deletion notice explains why (see also "What Wikipedia is not" and Wikipedia's deletion policy). You may contest the proposed deletion by removing the  notice, but please explain why you disagree with the proposed deletion in your edit summary or on its talk page. Also, please consider improving the article to address the issues raised. Even though removing the deletion notice will prevent deletion through the proposed deletion process, the article may still be deleted if it matches any of the speedy deletion criteria or it can be sent to Articles for Deletion, where it may be deleted if consensus to delete is reached. If you endorse deletion of the article, and you are the only person who has made substantial edits to the page, please tag it with db-author. FisherQueen (Talk) 15:42, 1 October 2007 (UTC)

title: User talk:Vancew


text:
User talk:SimonBooth

Greetings! I hope you like the place and decide to stay. You can sign your name with ~. If you have questions or doubts of any sort, do not hesitate to post them on the Village Pump, somebody will respond ASAP. Other helpful pages include: Have fun! --Jiang 13:58, 5 Aug 2003 (UTC)
 * Welcome, newcomers
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title: User talk:SimonBooth


text:
User talk:Martin Edelius

Greetings! I hope you like the place and decide to stay. You can sign your name with ~. If you have questions or doubts of any sort, do not hesitate to post them on the Village Pump, somebody will respond ASAP. Other helpful pages include: Have fun! --Jiang 13:58, 5 Aug 2003 (UTC)
 * Welcome, newcomers
 * Manual of style
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It's nice to see someone adding content to Mystery Science Theater 3000 — but is it my imagination, or does some of the content you added bear a suspicious resemblance to the cast&crew page on the official site? —Paul A 15:31, 5 Aug 2003 (UTC)

It does because I used a lot of material from that site. I was in a bit of hurry so I didn't have the time to rewrite as much as I had hoped. I checked for copyright notices but couldn't find any so I decided to leave it as it was until I get time to update it. Which I hope is soon. 8) — Martin Edelius 21:05, 11 Aug 2003 (UTC)

title: User talk:Martin Edelius


text:
User talk:Chrisy~enwiki

Greetings! I hope you like the place and decide to stay. You can sign your name with ~. If you have questions or doubts of any sort, do not hesitate to post them on the Village Pump, somebody will respond ASAP. Other helpful pages include: Have fun! --Jiang 14:00, 5 Aug 2003 (UTC)
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Your account will be renamed
Hello,

The developer team at Wikimedia is making some changes to how accounts work, as part of our on-going efforts to provide new and better tools for our users like cross-wiki notifications. These changes will mean you have the same account name everywhere. This will let us give you new features that will help you edit and discuss better, and allow more flexible user permissions for tools. One of the side-effects of this is that user accounts will now have to be unique across all 900 Wikimedia wikis. See the announcement for more information.

Unfortunately, your account clashes with another account also called Chrisy. To make sure that both of you can use all Wikimedia projects in future, we have reserved the name Chrisy~enwiki that only you will have. If you like it, you don't have to do anything. If you do not like it, you can pick out a different name. If you think you might own all of the accounts with this name and this message is in error, please visit Special:MergeAccount to check and attach all of your accounts to prevent them from being renamed.

Your account will still work as before, and you will be credited for all your edits made so far, but you will have to use the new account name when you log in.

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Renamed
 This account has been renamed as part of single-user login finalisation. If you own this account you can |log in using your previous username and password for more information. If you do not like this account's new name, you can choose your own using this form after logging in: . -- Keegan (WMF) (talk) 11:36, 22 April 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:Chrisy~enwiki