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222 sang; but most of the men gave vent to their feelings by improvised dances. In these the Indians took the lead, pure bloods and half-breeds alike, the cowboys and miners cheerfully joining in and forming part of the howling, grunting rings that went bounding around the great fires they had kindled.

Next morning Sergeant Wright took down the colors, and Sergeant Guitilias the standard, for the last time; the horses, the rifles, and the rest of the regimental property had been turned in; officers and men shook hands and said good-by to one another, and then they scattered to their homes in the North and the South, the few going back to the great cities of the East, the many turning again toward the plains, the mountains, and the deserts of the West and the strange Southwest. This was on September 15th, the day which marked the close of the four months' life of a regiment of as gallant fighters as ever wore the United States uniform.

The regiment was a wholly exceptional volunteer organization, and its career cannot be taken as in any way a justification for the belief that the average volunteer regiment approaches the average regular regiment in point of efficiency until it has had many months of active service. In the first place, though the regular regiments may differ markedly among themselves, yet the range of variation among


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 kind increae and multiply, hould rather himelf give them all a right to make ue of the food and raiment, and other conveniences of life, the materials whereof he had o plentifully provided for them ; than to make them depend upon the will of a man for their ubitence, who hould have power to detroy them all when he pleaed, and who, being no better than other men, was in ucceion likelier, by want and the dependence of a canty fortune, to tie them to hard ervice, than by liberal allowance of the conveniences of life to promote the great deign of God, increae and multiply : he that doubts this, let him look into the abolute monarchies of the world, and ee what becomes of the conveniences of life, and the multitudes of people.

§. 42. But we know God hath not left one man o to the mercy of another, that he may tarve, him if he pleae : God the Lord and Father of all has given no one of his children uch a property in his peculiar portion of the things of this world, but that he has given his needy brother a right to the urpluage of his goods ; o that it cannot jutly be denied him, when his preing wants call for it : and therefore no man could ever have a jut power over the life of another by right of property in land or poeions ; ince it would always be a in, in any man of etate, to let his brother perih for want of affording him relief out of his plenty. As jutice


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Rh them is nothing like so wide as that among volunteer regiments, where at first there is no common standard at all; the very best being, perhaps, up to the level of the regulars (as has recently been shown at Manila), while the very worst are no better than mobs, and the great bulk come in between. The average regular regiment is superior to the average volunteer regiment in the physique of the enlisted men, who have been very carefully selected, who have been trained to life in the open, and who know how to cook and take care of themselves generally.

Now, in all these respects, and in others like them, the Rough Riders were the equals of the regulars. They were hardy, self-reliant, accustomed to shift for themselves in the open under very adverse circumstances. The two all-important qualifications for a cavalryman are riding and shooting—the modern cavalryman being so often used dismounted, as an infantryman. The average recruit requires a couple of years before he becomes proficient in horsemanship and marksmanship; but my men were already good shots and first-class riders when they came into the regiment. The difference as regards officers and non-commissioned officers, between regulars and volunteers, is usually very great; but in my regiment (keeping in view the material we had


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 film to light, and of the other to the solvents which should remove the unaltered material, seemed to present an insuperable difficulty. Exposure through the prepared paper was attended by two grave difficulties: the passage of the light through the paper, rendered yellow by saturation with the bichromate, was exceedingly protracted; and actinic force transmitted by the negative was to a great extent arrested before it reached the sensitive coating of gelatine and pigment, a brown tint (highly adiactinic) being formed in the texture of the paper. The intervening paper between the negative and sensitive layer is further objectionable on account of the loss of brilliancy incidental to its becoming more deeply brown where the shades of the print come, and consequently offering a proportionally greater obstruction to the light there than elsewhere. Besides, the finished picture, no matter how delicate the negative, bore marks of all the granulation or defects in texture of the paper through which the light passed. The ingenious device of M. Fargier, in which the sensitive coating was applied to a plate of glass, and, after exposure, transported from the glass, by the aid of a film of collodion, in order to wash away or develop on the opposite side of the film, was manifestly impractical on a commercial scale, especially for large pictures, owing to the difficulty of manipulating a thin film of gelatine attached to a thin film of collodion, floating in a vessel of water; and the difficulty, almost amounting to impossibility, of transferring such a film perfectly to paper. The “tissue” described in Mr. Swan's specification, together with the series of ingenious devices accompanying its use, have been the means of effectually overcoming the many practical difficulties above enumerated, and of making the production of carbon prints, of any size, in any

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 number, and of unimpeachable quality, a thing commercially practicable.

There are two modes of proceeding in forming the tissue, either of which may be adopted, as circumstances may render desirable. The first consists in coating a plate of glass with plain collodion, and upon this film applying a mixture of gelatine, sugar, coloring matter, and bichromate of potash. When this is dry, it is removed from the glass, and forms a pliant tissue, ready for exposure under a negative, after which it is mounted (exposed face down) on paper, either temporarily, by means of caoutchouc cement, or permanently, by means of albumen. It is then developed, and, if temporarily mounted, is re-transferred, as we shall describe. The second and usual method consists in the application of the gelatine and coloring matter to paper, which can be rendered sensitive, when required, by immersion in a solution of bichromate of potash. It is then exposed under a negative, attached to another temporary basis of paper by a waterproof cement, the first paper being readily removed by soaking in warm water, so as to expose to the water the side of the film-opposite to that which was in contact with the negative, the development and transference following in due course. We shall describe both these methods in detail.

A patent has been issued to John C. Crosman, Boston, Mass., for an "Improved Process of Coating Sheets of Paper and Other Material with Solutions." His specifications read as follows:

"My invention relates to a process by which sheets of various material, such as leather, cloth, paper, etc, are covered by a coating applied in the form of a fluid, or a fluid solution, in such a manner that the resulting coating will be smooth and of uniform thickness, and so that when the solution applied contains chemical salts these will be equally distributed over the surface which is so

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 trines, chiefly in the south of England, and his success again brought him under the notice of the privy council. On 24 May 1546 two yeomen of the chamber were sent to arrest him, with what success does not appear (Acts P. C. ed. Dasent, 1542–7, p. 424). In any case, the accession of Edward VI soon restored him to liberty, and during his reign he was appointed vicar of Settrington in Yorkshire. He was one of the candidates suggested by Cranmer on 25 Aug. 1552 for the archbishopric of Armagh (, Works, ii. 438; Lit. Remains of Edward VI, ii. 488;, Cranmer, i. 393, ii. 906). On Mary's accession Wisdom fled abroad, ultimately settling at Frankfort, where he sided with Coxe in his defence of the English liturgy against Knox and William Whittingham [q. v.] In 1559 he returned to England, and in the autumn was restored to his living at Settrington (, Annals, . i. 246). On 29 Feb. 1559–60 he was collated to the archdeaconry of Ely (, Fasti, i. 352), to which were annexed the rectories of Haddenham and Wilburton. He preached at court on 27 March 1560, and at St. Paul's Cross on 7 April (, pp. 229, 230), and in the convocation of 1562 voted for the six puritan articles (, Annals, . i. 489, 504;, Reformation, ed. Pocock, ii. 481). He died in September 1568, and was buried at Wilburton on the 28th, and not, as has been supposed, in Carfax, Oxford (, Hist. of St. Martin's, 1896, p. 55). Margaret Wisdom, who was buried at Wilburton on 24 Sept. 1567, was probably his wife; and the names of four children also occur in Wilburton parish register.

Wisdom's ‘Postill … upon every Gospell through the year … translated from Ant. Corvinus,’ was published at London (1549, 4to). His metrical translation of the 125th Psalm was in use as late as 1693, and a metrical prayer is prefixed to the old version of the Psalms at the end of Barker's bible (see, Johnson, ed. G. B. Hill, v. 444). He also wrote some verses upon the death of the dukes of Suffolk, 1551, and others prefixed to the second edition of Bale's ‘Scriptores.’ Among the manuscripts at Emmanuel College, Cambridge, are Wisdom's ‘Revocation of his Retractation,’ ‘Summ of all such doctrine’ as he had preached, and translation of two sermons by Tilemann ‘Heshusius.’ His expositions upon the Psalms and Ten Commandments, which do not appear to have survived, were of some repute among early reformers, though his poetic defects earned him the ridicule of Sir John Denham, Sir Thomas Overbury, Sir John Birkenhead, and Samuel Butler (, Hist. Engl. Poetry, iii. 149, 150;, Cens. Lit. x. 12), while Bishop Corbet addresses him (Poems, ed. Gilchrist, p. 228) as Thou once a body, now but air, Archbotcher of a psalm or prayer, From Carfax come. [Authorities cited in text and in Cooper's Athenæ Cantabr. i. 259–61; Tanner's Bibl. Brit.-Hib.; Ritson's Bibl. Anglo-Poetica; Gough's General Index to Parker Soc. Publ.; Strype's works (General Index); Foxe's Actes and Mon. ed. Townsend; Fletcher's Hist. of St. Martin's, Oxford, pp. 53–5; Rawlinson MS. C 21 f. 205; Notes and Queries, 2nd ser. vii. 80, 3rd ser. ii. 89, 9th ser. v. 473.]

WISE, FRANCIS (1695–1767), archæologist, son of Francis Wise, mercer, of Oxford, was born in the parish of All Saints, Oxford, on 3 June 1695. He was educated at New College school and at Trinity College, Oxford, being admitted commoner on 3 Jan. 1710–11. He became scholar of his college on 31 May 1711, probationer fellow on 12 June 1718, and full fellow a year later. He graduated B.A. 1714, M.A. 1717, and B.D. 1727. In December 1719 he was appointed under-keeper of the Bodleian Library, and about this time he collated a manuscript in the Laud collection for the 1729 edition of Plutarch's ‘Lives.’

Wise was ordained deacon by the bishop of Oxford at Cuddesdon on 3 Sept. 1721, and priest at the public ordination at Oxford on 24 Sept. 1721. He took pupils at this time, and among them was Francis North (afterwards Baron and Earl of Guilford), who conferred on him in 1723 the curacy of Wroxton in Oxfordshire, and bestowed on him early in 1726 the small donative of Elsfield, about three miles from Oxford, where he much improved the residence and laid out the grounds in a fantastic manner. A view of the place is given in the tailpiece of the preface to his work on coins (1750). Later in 1726 the same patron presented him to the vicarage of Harlow in Essex, but after a few months he resigned the living, as he preferred to dwell at Oxford, where he had been appointed in April 1726 to the post of keeper of the archives.

On 2 Dec. 1729 Wise stood for the librarianship at the Bodleian Library, but after a party contest, in which he was the whig candidate, was defeated by fifteen votes (Rel. Hearnianæ, 1857 edit. ii. 711–713). His connection with the library did not thereupon cease, for so late as 1746 special payments were made to him for


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224 to handle), it was easy to develop non-commissioned officers out of men who had been round-up foremen, ranch foremen, mining bosses, and the like. These men were intelligent and resolute; they knew they had a great deal to learn, and they set to work to learn it; while they were already accustomed to managing considerable interests, to obeying orders, and to taking care of others as well as themselves.

As for the officers, the great point in our favor was the anxiety they showed to learn from those among their number who, like Capron, had already served in the regular army; and the fact that we had chosen a regular army man as Colonel. If a volunteer organization consists of good material, and is eager to learn, it can readily do so if it has one or two first-class regular officers to teach it. Moreover, most of our captains and lieutenants were men who had seen much of wild life, who were accustomed to handling and commanding other men, and who had usually already been under fire as sheriffs, marshals, and the like. As for the second in command, myself, I had served three years as captain in the National Guard; I had been deputy sheriff in the cow country, where the position was not a sinecure; I was accustomed to big game hunting and to work on a cow ranch, so that I was thoroughly familiar with the use both of horse and rifle, and knew how to handle cowboys, hunters, and miners; finally,


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 jutice gives every man a title to the product of his honet indutry, and the fair acquisitions of his ancetors decended to him ; o charity gives every man a title to o much out of another's plenty, as will keep him from extreme want, where he has no means to ubit otherwie : and a man can no more jutly make ue of another's neceity, to force him to become his vaal, by with-holding that relief, God requires him to afford to the wants of his brother, than he that has more trength can eize upon a weaker, mater him to his obedience, and with a dagger at his throat offer him death or lavery.

§. 43. Should any one make o pervere an ue of God's bleings poured on him with a liberal hand ; hould any one be cruel and uncharitable to that extremity, yet all this would not prove that propriety in land, even in this cafe, gave any authority over the perons of men, but only that compact might ; ince the authority of the rich proprietor, and the ubjection of the needy beggar, began not from the poeion of the Lord, but the conent of the poor man, who preferred being his ubject to tarving. And the man he thus ubmits to, can pretend to no more power over him, than he has conented to, upon compact. Upon this ground a man's having his tores filled in a time of carcity, having money in his pocket, being in a veel at ea, being able to wim, &c. may as well be the


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Rh I had studied much in the literature of war, and especially the literature of the great modern wars, like our own Civil War, the Franco-German War, the Turco-Russian War; and I was especially familiar with the deeds, the successes and failures alike, of the frontier horse riflemen who had fought at King's Mountain and the Thames, and on the Mexican border. Finally, and most important of all, officers and men alike were eager for fighting, and resolute to do well and behave properly, to encounter hardship and privation, and the irksome monotony of camp routine, without grumbling or complaining; they had counted the cost before they went in, and were delighted to pay the penalties inevitably attendant upon the career of a fighting regiment; and from the moment when the regiment began to gather, the higher officers kept instilling into those under them the spirit of eagerness for action and of stern determination to grasp at death rather than forfeit honor.

The self-reliant spirit of the men was well shown after they left the regiment. Of course, there were a few weaklings among them; and there were others, entirely brave and normally self-sufficient, who, from wounds or fevers, were so reduced that they had to apply for aid—or at least, who deserved aid, even though they often could only be persuaded with the greatest difficulty to accept it. The widows and orphans had to be taken care of. There were


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 work done in cataloguing and arranging the books given by Nathaniel Crymes. He published in 1738 ‘A Letter to Dr. Mead concerning some Antiquities in Berkshire, particularly shewing that the White Horse is a Monument of the West Saxons.’ This was answered by ‘Philalethes Rusticus’ (sometimes said to be Rev. William Asplin, at other times a layman called Bumpsted) in 1740 in a tract called ‘The Impertinence and Imposture of Modern Antiquaries display'd,’ in which he attributed to Wise a design to alter the arms of the royal family, sneered at his eulogies of Alfred, and pointed out that he had omitted to praise the reigning monarch. Wise resented these attacks, believing that they might damage his chance of future preferment. An anonymous defence of him, ‘An Answer to a Scandalous Libel intituled “The Impertinence and Imposture, &c.”’ (1741), was published by the Rev. George North, and he himself issued in 1742 ‘Further Observations upon the White Horse and other Antiquities in Berkshire.’

Wise was appointed by his college to the rectory of Rotherfield Greys, near Henley-on-Thames, on 7 Aug. 1745, thus vacating his fellowship in 1746. From 10 May 1748 he was Radcliffe librarian at Oxford. These preferments he retained, with that of Elsfield, until his death. He was elected F.S.A. on 6 April 1749, and collected an excellent library, particularly rich in works of northern literature. In 1754 Thomas Warton and Johnson, who liked his society, paid him several visits at Elsfield, and Wise took much interest in obtaining for Johnson from his university the degree by diploma of M.A. (, Joseph Warton, p. 228). He became ‘a cripple in every limb’ from the gout, and died at Elsfield on 5 Oct. 1767, being buried in the churchyard, but without stone or monument. He gave during his lifetime many coins to the Bodleian Library, and after his death his sister gave to the Radcliffe Library ‘a large and valuable cabinet of his medals.’

The other works of Wise comprised: 1. ‘Annales rerum gestarum Ælfredi Magni auctore Asserio Menevensi,’ 1722. A copy, with many notes, supposed to be by William Huddesford [q. v.], is in Gough's ‘Oxfordshire’ (57) at the Bodleian Library. The editing is ‘unusually careful,’ but the authenticity of the original has often been questioned (Speaker, 18 March 1899, pp. 313–14). 2. ‘Epistola ad Joannem Masson de nummo Abgari regis,’ 1736. 3. ‘Nummorum antiquorum Scriniis Bodleianis reconditorum Catalogus,’ 1750; dedicated to Lord Guilford. 4. ‘Some Enquiries on the First Inhabitants, Language, Religion, Learning, and Letters of Europe, by a Member of the Society of Antiquaries in London,’ 1758; signed at end ‘F. W. R. L.’ 5. ‘History and Chronology of the Fabulous Ages,’ 1764; also anonymous and similarly signed. This had been drawn up for some years, having been read to Johnson and Warton to their amusement. Printed letters to and from him are in Nichols's ‘Literary Anecdotes’ (v. 452, ix. 617), Nichols's ‘Literary Illustrations’ (iii. 632–7, iv. 206–7, 225–6, 433–55, 668–9); two of his manuscript letters are in Gough's ‘Berkshire’ (5, Bodl. Libr.)

Wise assisted Warton in his ‘Life of Dr. Bathurst.’ The passages stated by Thomas Warton in his ‘Life of Sir Thomas Pope’ (1st and 2nd edits. pref.) to have been copied by Wise from other manuscripts are forgeries by some one (Blakiston in Engl. Hist. Rev. xi. 282–300). In reference to them Mr. Blakiston calls Wise ‘a competent, perhaps too competent, archæologist.’

[Foster's Alumni Oxon.; Gent. Mag. 1767, p. 524; Nichols's Lit. Anecd. ii. 512, v. 527–8; Lit. Illustr. iv. 479–80; Boswell's Johnson, ed. Hill, i. 273–82, 322; Madan's Western MSS. (Bodl. Libr.) iv. 189, 259; Macray's Bodl. Libr. 2nd ed. pp. 34, 199, 207, 221, 372, 484; Blakiston's Trin. Coll. pp. 194, 196; information from Rev. H. E. D. Blakiston of Trinity College.]

WISE, HENRY (1653–1738), gardener to William III, Anne, and George I, was born in 1653, and claimed descent from Richard Wise of Cadiston, Warwickshire. He studied horticulture under George London, and during the reign of James II was admitted as sole partner in London's lucrative nursery at Brompton, the largest at that time near London. Shortly after William III's accession Wise was appointed deputy-ranger of Hyde Park and superintendent of the royal gardens at Hampton Court, Kensington, and elsewhere. In April 1694 Evelyn speaks of the methodical manner in which the ‘noble nursery’ at Brompton was cultivated, and he describes another visit to Wise's plantations and gardens on 2 Sept. 1701. Besides the royal gardens, London and Wise directed most of the great gardens of England, including Blenheim, Wanstead, Edger, and Melbourne in Derbyshire. This last was a splendid example of the French style of formal garden handed down to London by his master Rose, who had studied under André Le Nôtre, the French gardener of Charles II. The Melbourne gardens were remodelled from designs by Wise between 1704 and 1711, including a bosquet after the Versailles pattern, and ‘a water-piece.’


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 Meanwhile, on the death of William III, Anne committed the royal gardens to the care of Wise in preference to London, who had the mortification of seeing the demolition of all the box-work which he had designed at Hampton Court in conformity with the Dutch taste. In 1706 London and Wise laid out a town garden at Nottingham for Count Tallard, the French general who had fallen into Marlborough's hands at the battle of Blenheim. A description of this garden was appended to London and Wise's ‘The Retir'd Gard'ner, being a translation of “Le Jardinier Solitaire”’ [from the French of the Sieur Louis Liger], or rather a combination of two French manuals on gardening, with a small admixture of original matter (for Jacob Tonson, 2 vols. 8vo, 1706). In one of his papers in the ‘Spectator,’ ridiculing the newly introduced opera, Addison writes, on 6 March 1711: ‘I hear there is a treaty on foot with London and Wise (who will be appointed Gardeners of the Play-house) to furnish the Opera of “Rinaldo and Armida” with an Orange Grove; and that the next time it is acted, the Singing Birds will be personated by Tom-Tits.’ In the same journal, on 6 Sept. 1712, Addison describes the partners as ‘the heroic poets’ of gardening, citing the upper garden at Kensington as a signal example of their skill. By this time the famous nursery at Brompton had passed into the hands of a gardener named Swinhoe; but Wise had not yet definitely quitted his profession, for in 1714 he was reappointed head-gardener to George I. In 1709 Wise had bought the estate and mansion of the Priory, Warwick, where he spent his declining years. He died at Warwick on 15 Dec. 1738, being then ‘worth 200,000l.,’ and was buried in St. Mary's Church. By his wife, Patience Banks, he had issue Matthew (d. 12 Sept. 1776), Henry, and John. Horace Walpole visited the Priory, and declares that he unintentionally offended one of the sons by asking him if he had planted much. A portrait of the gardener is in the possession of the Wise family of Woodcote in Warwickshire.

Elwin represents Pope's ‘Fourth Moral Essay’ on false taste as especially directed against Wise; but Wise was less a typical representative of the formal Dutch style than his predecessors and teachers, though he was one of the last upholders of the old French tradition against the innovations of Bridgeman and Kent. In addition to the ‘Retir'd Gard'ner’ Wise collaborated with London in ‘The Compleat Gard'ner, or Directions for cultivating and right ordering of Fruit Gardens and Kitchen Gardens,’ abridged and improved from John Evelyn's translation from the French of J. de La Quintinye (London, 1699, 1704, 1710, 1725, enlarged).

WISE, JOHN RICHARD CAPEL (1831–1890), author and ornithologist, born in 1831, was eldest son of John Robert Wise (1792–1842), British consul-general in Sweden, by his wife Jane, daughter of Richard Ellison of Sudbrooke. The eldest branch of the Wise family has been long seated at Clayton Hall, Staffordshire. John Wise (1751–1807), the author's grandfather, was a younger son; he was recorder of Totnes, and married Elizabeth, sister of Robert Hurrell Froude, archdeacon of Totnes, the father of James Anthony Froude the historian. After attending Grantham grammar school, Wise proceeded to Lincoln College, Oxford, whence he matriculated on 15 March 1849 at the age of eighteen. He took no degree, and left the university to travel abroad. Deeply interested in ornithology, he began at an early age to collect birds' eggs, and he devoted much energy through life to perfecting his collection. At the same time all aspects of nature attracted him, and wherever he wandered he studied carefully the zoology, botany, and scenery of the district. Nor did he neglect the dialect of the inhabitants. He was also a devoted student of literature, and wrote both prose and verse with directness and feeling.

On returning to England he wandered through country districts, frequently changing his residence and maintaining little communication with his friends. In 1855 he published a pamphlet of poems called ‘Robin Hood,’ and in 1857 a lecture on ‘The Beauties of Shakespeare,’ which he delivered at Stratford-on-Avon. In 1860 he issued a novel in two volumes called ‘The Cousin's Courtship;’ but it achieved little success. Repeated visits to the neighbourhood of Shakespeare's birthplace suggested a


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226 a few light-hearted individuals, who were entirely ready to fight in time of war, but in time of peace felt that somebody ought to take care of them; and there were others who, never having seen any aggregation of buildings larger than an ordinary cow-town, fell a victim to the fascinations of New York. But, as a whole, they scattered out to their homes on the disbandment of the regiment; gaunter than when they had enlisted, sometimes weakened by fever or wounds, but just as full as ever of sullen, sturdy capacity for self-help; scorning to ask for aid, save what was entirely legitimate in the way of one comrade giving help to another. A number of the examining surgeons, at the muster-out, spoke to me with admiration of the contrast offered by our regiment to so many others, in the fact that our men always belittled their own bodily injuries and sufferings; so that whereas the surgeons ordinarily had to be on the lookout lest a man who was not really disabled should claim to be so, in our case they had to adopt exactly the opposite attitude and guard the future interests of the men, by insisting upon putting upon their certificates of discharge whatever disease they had contracted or wound they had received in line of duty. Major J. H. Calef, who had more than any other one man to do with seeing to the proper discharge papers of our men, and who took a most generous interest in them, wrote me as follows: "I also


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  kind of literary work—a description of the local scenery, the natural history, the literary associations and dialect of Stratford-on-Avon. Wise's wide reading in Shakespeare's works, his powers of observation, and his skill as a naturalist, gave genuine charm to his volume on ‘Shakspere: his Birthplace and its Neighbourhood’ (1861), which was published in December 1860. There were twenty-five illustrations engraved by W. J. Linton, and a tentative glossary of words to be found in Shakespeare which were peculiar to Warwickshire districts. This book Wise followed up next year in a volume in the same vein called ‘The New Forest: its History and its Scenery; with sixty-two Views by Walter Crane’ (December 1862, sm. 4to; 2nd ed. 1863; 3rd ed. 1867; and 4th ed. 1883, with twelve additional etchings by Heywood Sumner). Wise walked through the district with Mr. Crane, then a lad of sixteen, and the young artist's illustrations of the sylvan scenery are excellent. The book, which includes a glossary of local words, is admirable also from the naturalist's point of view, and remains a standard work. Wise's friend George Henry Lewes favourably reviewed it, on its appearance, in the ‘Cornhill Magazine’ (December 1862).

Wise, who held advanced views on religion and politics, came to know Dr. John Chapman, editor of the ‘Westminster Review.’ For many years he wrote the section on ‘Belles-Lettres’ in that magazine, but withdrew suddenly owing to political differences with Chapman. His relations with the ‘Westminster’ brought him the acquaintance of George Henry Lewes and George Eliot. Subsequently he was a contributor to the ‘Reader,’ a weekly periodical which also advocated advanced views. To the ‘Cornhill Magazine’ Wise contributed in July 1865 an admirable paper on ‘The Poetry of Provincialisms.’

It is said that in 1870 he went out as a newspaper correspondent to the Franco-German war, and met with many stirring adventures. Subsequently he resumed his wanderings in England. In 1875 he was settled at Sandsend, near Whitby. Some years later he had migrated to Edwinstow, Nottinghamshire, whence he explored Sherwood Forest, with the apparent intention, which he abandoned, of writing on it in the same manner as he had written on the New Forest. In 1881 he came into some property by the death of his mother's brother, Henry Ellison, author (under the pseudonym of Henry Browne) of ‘Stones from a Quarry’ (1875). A part of his newly acquired wealth he expended in the production of an elaborate volume called ‘The First of May: a fairy Masque,’ which he dedicated to Charles Darwin (1881, oblong folio). The text, a collection of lyrics from Wise's pen, was elaborately illustrated by Mr. Walter Crane. Mr. Crane's fifty-two designs, of which a transcription of the author's text by the artist formed part, were finely reproduced in photogravure. Wise's name did not appear in the volume, which was financially unsuccessful. His latest years were passed at Lyndhurst in Hampshire, and there he died, unmarried, on 1 April 1890, aged 59. He was buried in Lyndhurst cemetery.

WISE, MICHAEL (1646?–1687), musician and composer, was born in Wiltshire not earlier than 1646, if he was, as generally stated, one of the first set of the children of the Chapel Royal in 1660, and in 1663 lay-clerk of St. George's, Windsor. On 6 April 1668 he was appointed organist and master of the choristers of Salisbury Cathedral; on 6 Jan. 1675–6 he was admitted gentleman of the Chapel Royal, and entered as a counter-tenor from Salisbury. When attending Charles II on his progresses, Wise was said to have claimed the privilege of playing the organ in any church visited by his majesty. The charge against Wise of active participation in the schemes of the country party (1680) cannot stand after a careful examination of the ‘Wiltshire Ballad’ (Bagford Ballads, p. 741), and that contemporary rumour gave Wise the credit of being a loyal abhorrer is evident from the tory preacher's approval of the musician's ready wit (cf. Modern Fanatick, 1710, p. 50). His absence from the coronation procession of 1685 has given rise to the belief that social or political misconduct had led to his dismissal; but in a great representative ceremony it was inevitable that a singer holding appointments at Westminster and the Chapel Royal should abandon one or the other choir, and no fewer than twelve singers were thus represented by substitutes (, Coronation of James II, p. 70). On 27 Jan. 1686–7 Wise was appointed almoner and master of the boys at St. Paul's Cathedral.

Wise's character for conviviality and uncertain temper is best supported by the manner of his end. He quarrelled one night with his wife, and rushed out of his house at Salisbury only to stumble upon a watchman, who returned his assaults by a blow from a bill, fracturing Wise's skull. He died on 24 Aug. 1687, and was buried near the great west door of Salisbury


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Rh wish to bring to your notice the fortitude displayed by the men of your regiment, who have come before me to be mustered out of service, in making their personal declarations as to their physical conditions. Men who bore on their faces and in their forms the traces of long days of illness, indicating wrecked constitutions, declared that nothing was the matter with them, at the same time disclaiming any intention of applying for a pension. It was exceptionally heroic."

When we were mustered out, many of the men had lost their jobs, and were too weak to go to work at once, while there were helpless dependants of the dead to care for. Certain of my friends, August Belmont, Stanley and Richard Mortimer, Major Austin Wadsworth—himself fresh from the Manila campaign—Belmont Tiffany, and others, gave me sums of money to be used for helping these men. In some instances, by the exercise of a good deal of tact and by treating the gift as a memorial of poor young Lieutenant Tiffany, we got the men to accept something; and, of course, there were a number who, quite rightly, made no difficulty about accepting. But most of the men would accept no help whatever. In the first chapter, I spoke of a lady, a teacher in an academy in the Indian Territory, three or four of whose pupils had come into my regiment, and who had sent with them a letter


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 Cathedral. His first wife, Jane, the daughter of Robert Harward, died on 10 July 1682, aged 30, and was buried in the churchyard. The administration grant of Wise's goods, of 28 Sept. 1687, gives the names Jane and Harward as those of two elder children, while his youngest girl bears the name of a second and surviving wife, Barbara, and not Margaret, as erroneously stated by Hoare. She renounced probate, and the children, all minors, were placed under the guardianship of John Hopkins clericus.

Dr. Aldrich is said to have composed the second part of the anthem, ‘Thy beauty, O Israel,’ on the death of Wise.

Wise, Blow, and Humphrey, who were all trained together by Henry Cooke, form a transition school of English church music, and constitute a link between the foreign style which, encouraged by the king, struggled for mastery after the Restoration, and the original genius of Henry Purcell, for whose bold new harmonies and modulations they paved the way.

Among published music by Wise are: 1. ‘Old Chiron thus preached.’ 2. Catches in the ‘Musical Companion,’ 1667. 3. ‘I charge you, O Daughters,’ in Dering's ‘Cantica Sacra,’ 1674. 4. ‘New Ayres and Dialogues,’ 1678. 5. ‘I will sing,’ in Langdon's ‘Divine Harmony,’ 1774. 6. Six Anthems in Boyce's ‘Cathedral Music,’ 1849, viz. ‘Prepare ye the way,’ a 4; ‘Awake, put on,’ a 3; ‘The Ways of Sion,’ a 2; ‘Thy Beauty, O Israel,’ a 4; ‘Awake up, my Glory,’ a 3; ‘Blessed is he,’ a 3. Several of these anthems have also been republished in Novello's ‘Collections.’

The following remain in manuscript: 1. In Tudway's ‘Collections:’ ‘O praise God,’ a 3; ‘Behold how good,’ a 3; ‘I will sing a new Song,’ a 4; ‘How are the Mighty fallen!’ Morning and Evening Service in D (Harl. MSS. 7338, 7339). 2. ‘Open me the Gates,’ a 3; ‘Comfort ye’ (ascribed to Wise or Aldrich) (Addit. MS. 17840). 3. Bass part: ‘Have Pity on me;’ ‘By the Waters;’ ‘Thy Strength, O Sion’ (ib. 17784). 4. Alto part: ‘Christ rising again’ (ib.. 17820). 5. Organ part: ‘Arise, O Lord;’ ‘I will arise;’ ‘The Lord is my Shepherd,’ a 2 (ib. 30932). 6. ‘Catches’ (ib. 17481, 22099). 7. Song, with Chorus, ‘Justly now let's tribute pay’ (ib. 33234). 8. Service in E flat, at Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin. 9. ‘Gloria in excelsis,’ and ten Anthems, besides those published by Boyce, at Ely Cathedral. 10. Anthems in the Gloucester Cathedral Library. 11. ‘Christ being risen,’ composed by Wise for Easter, and for a long time in use instead of ‘Venite’ at Salisbury Cathedral. Other volumes of his church music are in the British Museum Additional MSS. 30933, 31344–5, 31404, and 31460; and of secular music in Additional MSS. 30382 and 31462.

[Hawkins's Hist. of Music, 2nd edit. ii. 719; Burney's Hist. of Music, iii. 454; Grove's Dict. of Music, iv. 334, 476; Old Cheque-book of the Chapel Royal, pp. 16, 129, 218; Bumpus's Organists and Composers, p. 270; Hoare's Wiltshire, vi. 634; Harris's Salisbury Epitaphs; P. C. C. Admon. Grants; Registers of Salisbury Cathedral, through the courtesy of the Rev. Precentor Carpenter.]  WISE, WILLIAM FURLONG (1784–1844), rear-admiral, son of George Furlong Wise of Woolston, Devonshire, by Jane, sister of Vice-admiral James Richard Dacres (1749–1810) and of Vice-admiral Sir Richard Dacres (1761–1837), was born at Woolston on 21 Aug. 1784. He entered the navy in February 1797 on board the Astræa frigate with his uncle Richard Dacres, and served, for the most part, with him, or with James Richard Dacres, on the home station, the coast of France, and in the West Indies, till promoted to be lieutenant of the Franchise at Jamaica on 1 May 1804. He continued in the Theseus and afterwards in the Hercule, flagships of James Richard Dacres, commander-in-chief at Jamaica, till promoted (1 Nov. 1805, confirmed 22 Feb. 1806) to be commander of the Drake, from which he was moved in April to the Elk; on 18 May 1806 he was posted to the Mediator, and invalided from her in July 1807. In November 1813 he commissioned the Granicus of thirty-six guns, which after nearly three years on the home station and the coast of Portugal was one of the ships with Lord Exmouth at the bombardment of Algiers on 27 Aug. 1816 [see ], in which she took a part beyond what was expected from a frigate, and sustained a loss of sixteen killed and forty-two wounded. On 21 Sept. 1816 Wise was nominated a C.B. In January 1818 he was appointed to the Spartan, which he commanded on the home station and in the West Indies till 1821. He had no further service, but became a rear-admiral on 23 Nov. 1841, and died at his residence in Plymouth, after a week's illness, on 29 April 1844. He married, on 16 June 1810, Fanny, only daughter of William Grenfell.

[Marshall's Roy. Nav. Biogr. v. (suppl. pt. i.) 151; Gent. Mag. 1810 i. 586, 1844 ii. 208, 338; Service book in the Public Record Office.]


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 covered. Said process consists in first thoroughly moistening or saturating a sheet which is to be coated, which I do preferably by immersion in suitable fluid, which may be cold or heated, according as one or the other condition is best adapted to produce the desired effect; then, in depositing the dampened sheet on a level table, and by suitable manipulation causing the sheet on its under side to come into contact with the upper surface of the table, by expressing air and any free fluid from between the sheet and table; and also, where found necessary, removing superfluous fluid from the upper surface of the sheet, by application thereunto of bibulous paper, or other suitable absorber or remover; and finally, in applying to the upper surface of the sheet, when in the condition produced by the second operation, a fluid material, or a fluid solution of the material or of the mixture, with which the said surface is to be coated. In practice the level table top should be made of substances not changeable in form on the application of fluid, and glass, slate, marble, or metal may be used, though I prefer glass.

“In applying the solution, which, upon drying, forms the desired coating of the sheet, and where the solution is of such a nature that but a small quantity will leave or deposit the requisite coating, I proceed in the manner of water-color artists when laying broad washes of flat tints. But when a considerable quantity or depth of fluid is required to make the desired coating, I then make use of such a frame as paper-makers term a deckle (the bottom of which may be faced with rubber), placing it on the top of the table around the paper, the edges of which the inside of the frame nearly touches. I then pour on the paper a suitable quantity of solution, which gravitates into uniform depth on the paper, it being prevented from flowing off from the paper by the deckle. In some cases the distribution of solution may be aided by the operator's use of a brush.

“In applying the solution use may be made of a reservoir, caused to traverse over the table, and delivering the solution uniformly over the breadth of the sheet while so passing; and, if desired, the solution may be made to flow into or upon a brush attached to said reservoir, and coming into contact with the sheet, while the amount of the solution delivered may be made to depend upon a suitable valvular arrangement, and the speed with which the reservoir is moved. With this reservoir may be employed the deckle, especially if considerable depth of solution is to be left upon the surface of the sheet.

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 WISEMAN, NICHOLAS PATRICK STEPHEN (1802–1865), cardinal-archbishop of Westminster, born at Seville on 2 Aug. 1802, was younger of the two sons by a second marriage of James Wiseman, an Irish catholic who had settled as a merchant in Spain. The family claimed descent from Capel Wiseman, protestant bishop of Dromore, third son of Sir William Wiseman, bart., and great-grandson of Sir John Wiseman, one of the auditors of the exchequer in the reign of Henry VIII. The family baronetcy is now represented by Sir William Wiseman of Lynton in Bedfordshire. The cardinal’s father married, first, Mariana Dunphy, the daughter of a Spanish general; by her he had three daughters, of whom Marianne married Thomas Tucker, and their only child became the wife of William Burke of Knocknagur, and mother of the present Sir Theobald Burke, and of [q. v.], under-secretary of state for Ireland. The cardinal’s father while on a visit to London married, in the church of SS. Mary and Michael in the Commercial Road, London, on 18 April 1800, his second wife, Xaviera, daughter of Peter Strange of Aylwardston Castle, co. Kilkenny. Two sons and a daughter were the result of the union. The elder son was named James, and the younger was the cardinal. Frances, the youngest child, married Count Andrea Gabrielli, of Fano, councillor of state under the papal government; she was mother of Count Randal Gabrielli. The cardinal’s mother lived for many years at Fano, where the poet Browning met her in 1848.

Wiseman’s parents returned from London to Seville early in 1802. On 3 Aug. in that year, the day after his birth, he was baptised at the church of Santa Cruz in that city. His paternal uncle, Patrick Wiseman, was his sponsor; 3 Aug. was commemorative of St. Stephen, whence his names Patrick and Stephen. While he was still an infant his mother laid him on one of the altars of Seville Cathedral, where he was solemnly consecrated to the service of the church. His father died suddenly of apoplexy at Seville in 1804. The young widow, with her three children, left Spain in 1805 for Waterford. There they remained two years, during which the boys received instruction at a local boarding-school. On 23 March 1810 Nicholas and his elder brother entered St. Cuthbert’s College at Ushaw, near Durham. (1748–1810) [q. v.], the president, died just two months after the boys' arrival. His post was temporarily filled for a year by the vice-president, John Lingard the historian. Despite the disparity in years, Wiseman and Lingard then laid the foundation of a lifelong friendship. Wiseman studied syntax and rhetoric under Charles Newsham, afterwards president of Ushaw. Wiseman describes himself as appearing ‘dull and stupid’ to his companions when not in class, as never having ‘said a witty or clever thing while at college,’ but he was always reading and thinking while others played. ‘No pastime,’ as Cardinal Manning said of him at his funeral, was ‘so sweet as a book.’ It was only in his last year at St. Cuthbert’s that his name appeared at the top of his class.

Before leaving St. Cuthbert’s Nicholas made up his mind to become a priest. A cottage not far from the college on the road to Durham is still pointed out as that in which he took shelter from a terrific thunderstorm, in the course of which he is said to have received his religious vocation. Before quitting St. Cuthbert’s, on 28 Sept. 1818, at the age of sixteen, Nicholas received the four minor orders. He was to complete his education at the English College at Rome. Embarking at Liverpool on 2 Oct. for Italy with five other clerical students from Ushaw, Wiseman reached Rome on 18 Dec. 1818. Six days afterwards the six youths were admitted to an audience at the Quirinal by Pius VII, to whom they were presented by [q. v.], rector of the newly reconstituted English College in the Via di Monserrato. At his own wish, Nicholas began at an early date to study at the Sapienza the Syriac and other oriental languages. Already in 1820 he was inter pares for the second prize in schola physico-mathematica, and also obtained the second prize ‘in schola physico-chimica.’ In 1822 he gained first prize in dogmatic theology, and the second prize in scholastic theology. Again, in 1823, he took the first prize in dogmatic and was ‘laudatus’ in scholastic theology, winning also the first prize in Hebrew. On 27 July 1823 Wiseman in a public discussion undertook to answer twelve objections, and to maintain as many as four hundred propositions. Cardinal Capellari (afterwards Gregory XVI) and the Abbé de Lamennais were among the auditors. In 1824 he was created doctor in divinity ‘cum præmio.’ On 18 Dec. of that year he was ordained subdeacon, on 23 Jan. in the following year deacon, and on 19 March 1825 priest.

By a special rescript of Leo XII, Wiseman was appointed assistant to the Abbate Molza, who was compiling a Syriac grammar, anthology, and lexicon, with the encouragement of the pope. In 1828 the result of


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 Wiseman's researches appeared under the title ‘Horæ Syriacæ, seu Commentationes et Anecdota res vel Litteras Syriacas spectantia, tomus i.,’ and it at once won him a European reputation among oriental scholars, although his interpretation of some Syriac texts were controverted by Samuel Lee (1783–1852) [q. v.] In this work he first described the Syriac version known as the Karkaphensian Codex of the Old Testament, which was preserved in the Vatican library. At the time that he was engaged in these researches he suffered the only temptation, according to his own account, of his life, from ‘venomous suggestions of a fiend-like infidelity,’ but the trial proved temporary and never recurred.

In October of the year in which Wiseman's ‘Horæ Syriacæ’ was published, Leo XII nominated him professor supernumerary in the two chairs of Hebrew and Syro-Chaldaic in the Roman Archigymnasium of the Sapienza, with the provisional assignment of one hundred scudi until the chairs fell vacant.

Meanwhile, in November 1827, Wiseman became vice-rector of the English College, and next year was appointed rector upon the election of Gradwell by propaganda (19 May 1828) as coadjutor to Bishop James Yorke Bramston [q. v.] He held the office of rector for twelve years, and the English College under his guidance enjoyed a new era of activity. He welcomed and entertained a throng of celebrated persons. He won high reputation as a preacher, and Leo XII appointed him special English preacher at Rome. In 1833 John Henry Newman [q. v.] came with Richard Hurrell Froude [q. v.] to consult Wiseman, hitherto a stranger to them both, as to the course they ought to pursue in the spiritual crisis through which the Anglican church was passing.

During the Lent of 1835 Wiseman delivered in the drawing-room of Cardinal Thomas Weld [q. v.] in the Palazzo Odescalchi a course of twelve lectures chiefly dealing with geology, ‘On the Connection between Science and Revealed Religion.’ In the following year the lectures were published in two volumes, and awakened widespread interest and much discussion. The book is a powerful exposition and defence of the orthodox position, and has been repeatedly reissued. A French translation appeared in 1841, and it is included in Migne's ‘Démonstrations Évangéliques’ (1843–53).

Later in 1835 Wiseman returned to England. He had arranged to exchange duties for a twelvemonth with the Abbate Baldaconni of the Sardinian embassy chapel in Lincoln's Inn Fields. In December 1835 he began a course of ‘Lectures on the Principal Doctrines and Practices of the Catholic Church’ at the Sardinian embassy chapel, which he repeated at the request of Bishop Bramston in the Advent and Lent of the following year at St. Mary's, Moorfields. These lectures were published in 1826, and excited much public attention, not only in England but in France and America. Lord Brougham was conspicuous among Wiseman's hearers when they were first delivered. In May 1836, in association with Daniel O'Connell and Michael Joseph Quin [q. v.], Wiseman founded under his own direction a catholic quarterly magazine, with the title of the ‘Dublin Review.’ Quin was the first editor. Outside catholic circles Wiseman's literary abilities were fully recognised, and he was invited to write the article on the catholic church in the ‘Penny Cyclopædia.’

In October 1836 Wiseman returned to the English College in Rome. During the following Lent he published ‘Four Lectures on the Offices and Ceremonies of Holy Week, as performed in the Papal Chapels,’ and delivered at the college ‘Eight Lectures on the Body and Blood of Our Lord in the Blessed Eucharist,’ London, 1836, 8vo. Thomas Turton [q. v.] assailed Wiseman's treatment of the last subject, and Wiseman retorted to him and other critics in a published ‘Reply’ (1839).

By Wiseman's advice Gregory XVI increased the number of vicars-apostolic in England in 1839, and in the following summer Wiseman was appointed coadjutor to Dr. Walsh, the vicar-apostolic of the Midland district, but was almost immediately transferred to the newly created central district. On 8 June 1840 he was consecrated the bishop of Melipotamus in partibus by Cardinal Fransoni in the chapel of the English College at Rome, and was also appointed president of Oscott College. He took up his duties there on 16 Sept. 1840. The Oxford movement was at the time in full progress, and Wiseman's writings and actions largely influenced its development. His article in the ‘Dublin Review’ on ‘St. Augustine and the Donatists’ was pronounced by Newman ‘the first real hit from Romanism.’ Preaching at Derby, Wiseman argued that ‘there is a natural growth in every institution,’ and defined the position of the Roman church in much the same manner as Newman in his ‘Essay on Development.’ In February 1841 ‘Tract XC’ was published. Later in the year Wiseman addressed a published ‘Letter’ to Newman, besides contributing several papers on the illogical position of the tractarians to the ‘Dublin Review;’ these were collected


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228 of introduction to me. When the regiment disbanded, I wrote to her to ask if she could not use a little money among the Rough Riders, white, Indian, and half-breed, that she might personally know. I did not hear from her for some time, and then she wrote as follows: ": I did not at once reply to your letter of September 23d, because I waited for a time to see if there should be need among any of our Rough Riders of the money you so kindly offered. Some of the boys are poor, and in one or two cases they seemed to me really needy, but they all said no. More than once I saw the tears come to their eyes, at thought of your care for them, as I told them of your letter. Did you hear any echoes of our Indian war-whoops over your election? They were pretty loud. I was particularly exultant, because my father was a New Yorker and I was educated in New York, even if I was born here. So far as I can learn, the boys are taking up the dropped threads of their lives, as though they had never been away. Our two Rough Rider students, Meagher and Gilmore, are doing well in their college work.

"I am sorry to tell you of the death of one of your most devoted troopers, Bert Holderman, who was here serving on the Grand Jury. He was stricken with meningitis in the jury-room, and died after three days of delirium. His father, who was twice


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 into a volume called ‘High Church Claims’ (1841).

In 1846 Pius IX was elected supreme pontiff, and he inaugurated his reign by a general amnesty and a complete reform of the pontifical government. Wiseman visited him in Rome next year. He returned to England as Pio Nono's diplomatic envoy to Viscount Palmerston in the year of revolution (1848). At his instance Lord Palmerston sent Lord Minto to Italy. In the same year Wiseman became pro-vicar-apostolic of the London district, and next year succeeded to the vicariate-apostolic on the death of his superior, Dr. Walsh. Already a re-establishment by the pope of the Roman catholic hierarchy in England was talked of, but events were delayed by reason of the revolutions of 1848. Wiseman sought to prepare the way for the new régime by fusing the old and unchanging with the new and progressive elements in English catholicism. In the spring of 1850 the news came that he was to be made a cardinal. On 6 Aug. he was summoned by the pope to Rome, and there learned quite unexpectedly that the hierarchy in England was to be restored without further delay. On 29 Sept. the pope issued an apostolic letter to that effect, as well as a papal brief elevating Wiseman to the dignity of archbishop of Westminster. Next day, in a private consistory, the new archbishop was created a cardinal, with the title of St. Pudentiana. The announcement of the pope's act was made to English catholics by Wiseman in a published ‘Pastoral appointed to be read … in the Archdiocese of Westminster and the Diocese of Southwark.’ He further explained his new position in ‘Three Lectures on the Catholic Hierarchy, delivered in St. George's, Southwark’ (1850). The news of the pope's action excited throughout the protestants of Great Britain a frenzy of indignation which Wiseman's first pastoral failed to allay. In August 1851 parliament identified itself with the popular outcry against ‘papal aggression,’ and passed into law the ‘ecclesiastical titles bill,’ which prohibited the catholics from assuming the title of bishops under a penalty of 100l. The statute, however, remained a dead letter, and was repealed in 1872. Wiseman issued a powerful ‘appeal to the reason and good feeling’ of the English people, and the antagonism which he, in the capacity of reviver of the Roman catholic hierarchy, had provoked gradually subsided. For fourteen years he ruled the province of Westminster benignly, and lived down the events which marked the inauguration of his archiepiscopate.

Wiseman still found time for literature. In 1854 he published ‘Fabiola, or the Church of the Catacombs,’ a charming story of the third century, which was widely read. The archbishop of Milan wittily said of it that ‘it was the first good book that had had the success of a bad one.’ The book was written as Wiseman slowly journeyed towards Rome during illness. It was popular in Italy, where no fewer than seven translations (one of them by the author) were published. It was translated besides into most of the European languages, and into many of the Asiatic. It has taken its place as a classic of catholicism. In 1858 Wiseman issued another popular work, called ‘Recollections of the last Four Popes’ (Pius VII, Leo XII, Pius VIII, and Gregory XVI). An adverse ‘Answer’ to the book appeared in a volume from the pen of Alessandro Gavazzi in the same year. Soon afterwards Wiseman produced a drama in two acts, called ‘The Hidden Gem,’ written for the jubilee of his old college of St. Cuthbert's. After its publication, in 1858, it was acted in a Liverpool theatre during the following year.

In the autumn of 1858 the cardinal made a public tour through Ireland, where he was received with enthusiasm. A volume of sermons, lectures, and speeches delivered on the occasion appeared in 1859. Meanwhile he gained wide repute as an admirable lecturer on social, artistic, and literary topics. ‘The Highways of Peaceful Commerce have been the Highways of Art,’ a lecture delivered to Liverpool merchants, and a lecture ‘On the Connection between the Arts of Design and the Arts of Production,’ addressed to Manchester artisans, were published in a single volume in 1854. On 30 Jan. 1863 he lectured at the Royal Institution in London on ‘Points of Contact between Science and Art’ (London, 1863, 8vo), and subsequently at the same place on Shakespeare. A fragment of the last lecture, edited by his successor, Cardinal Manning, was published posthumously in 1865 (German transl. Cologne, 1865). A lecture delivered in 1864 at the South Kensington Museum on ‘Prospects of Good Architecture in London,’ and another on ‘Self-Culture’ delivered at Southampton in 1863, were also published soon after their delivery.

In 1855 George Errington [q. v.], a man of iron will, was translated from Plymouth to become coadjutor to the archbishop of Westminster; but Wiseman and his coadjutor were of different temperaments, and the pope in 1862 severed Errington's connection with the Westminster archdiocese.

Wiseman died at his town house, 8 York


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318 knee the dancers wore "pads" of bells (pl. iv., Nos. 4, 5, 6, 7). These generally were pieces of thin leather, measuring about five inches by six, cut into four or six strips, which were left joined at either end. Attached to these strips were numerous small latten bells of a globular shape, in some cases treble, in others tenor. Of the treble bells twenty were fastened to each "pad," of the tenor ten only. The "pads" were buttoned to the leg by a loop at the back, and then tied with strings round the leg. The dancers stood in two rows of three each, facing one another. Those on one side wore treble, on the other, tenor, bells. The steps were those, as I am told, of the old "Country Dance." In one figure the dancers carried white handkerchiefs, which they waved about in time to the music, sometimes holding each others' kerchiefs across, sometimes joining themselves in a long string. In another figure they carried sticks some two feet long, painted with the special colours of the village (pl. iv., Nos. 2, 3). These they clashed together, or struck on the ground, as an accompaniment to the music. In some places, as at Bampton, they sang while dancing various songs suited to the air which was being played. Other songs were sung in the intervals between the dancing.

At Bampton the songs were :— "Green Garters," "Constant Billy," "The Willow Tree," "The Maid o' the Mill," "Handsome John," "Highland Mary" (not Burns's poem), and "Bob and Joan." At Field Assarts the tunes were :— "Trunk Hose," "Cockey Brown," "The Old Road," "The Cuckoo," "The Cuckoo's Nest," "Green Sleeves," "White Jock," "Moll o' the Whad," and "The Hay Morris." At Bampton there was a solo dance between two tobacco pipes lying crossed on the ground, to the air of the "'Bacca Pipes Jig, or Green Sleeves." At Spelsbury and at Chipping Warden they danced on the top of the church-tower. The dancers were under the leadership of a head man, who


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 Place, Portman Square, on 15 Feb. 1865. On Tuesday the 21st the body was conveyed to the pro-cathedral at Moorfields—now (1900) in course of demolition—where Henry Edward Manning, Wiseman's successor in the archbishopric, preached the funeral oration in the presence of the principal catholic ambassadors of Europe and the dignitaries of the catholic church in Great Britain and Ireland. The interment took place in Kensal Green cemetery amid an extraordinary demonstration of public mourning. In 1868 it was resolved to build in Wiseman's memory a catholic cathedral in Westminster. Land was acquired, but building operations were not begun until after Cardinal Vaughan became archbishop of Westminster in 1892. The street at Seville in which Wiseman was born was renamed on his death, by order of the town council, ‘Calle del Cardenal Wiseman.’

Besides the works mentioned and numerous separate sermons, lectures, and pastorals, Wiseman published ‘Essays on Various Subjects,’ chiefly from the ‘Dublin Review’ (1853, 3 vols. 8vo, and with biographical introduction by J. Murphy, 1888), and ‘Sermons on our Lord Jesus Christ,’ Dublin, 1864, 8vo.

Wiseman's reputation was worldwide. He was conspicuous for rare intellect and abilities, for ‘the general justice of his mind,’ for the suavity of his demeanour, and the wide range of his literary and artistic knowledge and sympathies. As a linguist and scholar he was especially distinguished. He was often called the English Mezzofanti. Speaking of his linguistic facility to the present writer, he once said that, if he were allowed to choose his own path westwards, he could talk all the way from the most eastern point of the coast of Asia to the most western point of the coast of Europe. The poet Browning attempted an unfavourable interpretation of Wiseman's character in his ‘Bishop Blougram's Apology’ (first published in Browning's ‘Men and Women,’ 1855); ‘Sylvester Blougram,’ Browning's bishop, was undoubtedly intended for Wiseman, but Blougram's worldly and self-indulgent justification of his successful pursuit of the clerical career in the Roman catholic church, although dramatically most effective, cannot be accepted as a serious description of Wiseman's aims in life or conduct. According to Father Prout, Wiseman in ‘The Rambler’ temperately reviewed ‘Men and Women’ on its publication, and favourably noticed ‘Bishop Blougram's Apology’ as a masterly intellectual achievement, although he regarded it as an assault on the groundworks of religion.

Wiseman was in youth tall, thin, and comely. Macaulay described him in middle age as ‘a ruddy, strapping ecclesiastic,’ in a certain sense resembling the famous master of Trinity, William Whewell [q. v.] Three portraits are reproduced in Mr. Wilfrid Ward's ‘Biography,’ viz. a full-length water-colour picture of him as Monsignor Wiseman; an engraving from the painting by J. R. Herbert; and a photograph taken of the cardinal in 1862. A magnificent gold medal, bearing Wiseman's portrait, was presented to him in 1836, in commemoration of his visit to England when rector of the English College at Rome.

[A full biography of the cardinal was undertaken, on Cardinal Vaughan's selection, by Mr. Wilfrid Ward thirty-two years after the cardinal's death, and was published in 1897 in two volumes. Personal recollections of the writer of the present memoir; Brady's Episcopal Succession, 1877, iii. 369–81; White's Life of Cardinal Wiseman; Lord Houghton's Monographs, 1873, pp. 39–61; Canon Morris's Last Illness of Cardinal Wiseman; Men of the Time, 5th edit. 1862; Ann. Reg. 1865, ii. 217.]  WISEMAN, RICHARD (1622?–1676), surgeon, born in London between 1621 and 1623, was possibly the illegitimate son of Sir Richard Wiseman, bart. (d. 1643), of Thundersley Hall in Essex. About January 1637 he was apprenticed at the Barber-Surgeons' Hall to Richard Smith, surgeon. His master was probably a naval surgeon, for as soon as Wiseman's apprenticeship was ended, but before he was admitted to the freedom of the company, he seems to have entered the Dutch naval service at a time when that nation was engaged in war with Spain. Here he saw much active service, but in 1643, or early in 1644, he joined the royalist army of the west, then under the nominal command of the Prince of Wales. He was present at the surprise of the Weymouth forts on 9 Feb. 1644–5. He remained in Weymouth during the siege, and subsequently seems to have accompanied the troops into Somerset and Cornwall, for he was present at the siege at Taunton, and took part in the fighting of Truro. The army was then under the general command of Lord Hopton, and Wiseman seems to have been especially attached to the guards, for he describes how they were beaten, and how he himself ran away in May 1645. After the rout at Truro, he says that he was the only surgeon who continuously attended Prince Charles from the west of England to Scilly, and afterwards to Jersey, France, Holland, and Scotland. He was at first merely attached to the


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Rh regulated their affairs. During the winter they would meet regularly in some barn to practise together. There was great rivalry between the dancers of different villages, and bands often met together to have competitions in combined and solo dancing, a prize being given by some local magnate. On one occasion some forty-three years ago, dancers from five different villages met at Minster Lovel to decide their supremacy, when Leafield was victorious. These contests, tho' friendly enough at first, often ended, after a drinking bout, in a free-fight, in which the sticks carried by the dancers were answerable for not a few broken heads. Most bands of dancers went on tour to different villages round their own, during and after their feasts, returning to their own villages at night. Encroachment on the district danced over by another band was bitterly resented, and often caused battles. Many of the dancers would go up to London and the south to work at the early hay harvest, and tramp northwards for the later harvest at home. During this tour they would give exhibitions of dancing, and so increase their harvest wages. The music was always supplied by the pipe and tabour, or, as it was more generally called, the "whittle-and-dub." I know of no one now living who can play these instruments, and it is to be feared that the traditional style is lost.

The pipe or "whittle" (pl. vii., Nos. 3, 4) is of wood ; of the two in my possession one is 11½ inches, the other 12 inches long. They have a mouthpiece like a whistle, with a tongue of metal in the upper opening. The other end is quite open. At a distance of l½ or 2 inches from the open end, in the upper side is a hole for fingering, with a second hole one inch nearer the mouthpiece. On the under side is a hole for thumbing, about 3½ inches from the open end. The tabour or "dub" (pl. vii., Nos. 1, 2) is about 9¼ inches in diameter, and 3 inches in depth. It consists of:


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 troops in attendance upon the prince, but when Surgeon Pyle returned to England from Jersey, perhaps upon a political mission, Lord Hopton seems to have recommended Wiseman as a proper person to become the prince's immediate medical attendant. Wiseman therefore accompanied Prince Charles from Jersey to France, and from France to The Hague, where news arrived in February 1649 of the execution of Charles I. From The Hague Wiseman accompanied Charles II to Breda, thence to Flanders and back to France, arriving at St. Germains in August 1649. He then went to Jersey again, and when Charles left Holland in June 1650 Wiseman accompanied him to Scotland. He was taken prisoner at Worcester (3 Sept. 1651) and marched to Chester. He was kept in captivity for many weeks, though he was occasionally permitted by the governor to exercise his professional skill.

Having procured a pass, he arrived in London about February 1651–2, and at once made himself free of the Barber-Surgeons' Company. His admission to the freedom was ‘per servicium,’ and it is dated 23 March 1651–2. He then acted for a time as assistant to Edward Molines of St. Thomas's Hospital, but soon set up in practice for himself, living in the Old Bailey at the sign of the King's Head, where he was much frequented by the royalists from all parts of the kingdom. Early in 1654 he was rearrested on a charge of assisting Read, one of his patients, to escape from the Tower, and in March 1654 he was sent a prisoner to Lambeth House (now Lambeth Palace). It appears that during his imprisonment he was permitted to practise, and that he owed his liberty to the intercession of his friends.

There seems to be some ground for supposing that Wiseman spent a part of his time in the Spanish navy between the period of his release from Lambeth and the eve of the Restoration. His writings, however, show that he did not leave London for at least two years after his imprisonment, and he was in England again at some time in 1657. Yet he says that he served for three years in the service of the Spanish king, a part of the time being spent in the tropics and some part at Dunkirk, then held by the Spaniards.

Early in 1660 he seems to have returned to his house in the Old Bailey, where he was living at the time of the return of Charles II; but shortly after the Restoration he moved westward to Covent Garden, then recently built, and forming an outskirt of London. Ten days after the arrival of Charles II in London, on 8 June 1660, Wiseman was made ‘surgeon in ordinary for the person.’ The appointment was made at the instance of the king himself, for it was supernumerary to the regular establishment, and it was not until 5 Aug. 1661 that Wiseman was formally appointed surgeon by royal warrant at the usual salary of 40l. a year. He was promoted to the grade of principal surgeon and serjeant-surgeon to the king on 15 Feb. 1671–2, and on 25 March he was duly sworn into office. In June 1661 a grant of an annuity or pension of 150l. a year had been conferred upon him, and it was renewed in February 1674–5, with the statement that it was a pension for life, and that it was to commence from 25 March 1671–2. He was elected a member of the Barber-Surgeons' court of assistants in 1664, and in the following year was appointed master of the company, though he had never filled the subordinate offices of warden. He died suddenly at Bath about 20 Aug. 1676, but was buried at the upper end of the church of St. Paul in Covent Garden, London, on 29 Aug.

Wiseman's first wife, named Dorothy, died on 23 Feb. 1674, and was buried in the chancel of St. Paul's Church, Covent Garden; his second wife was Mary, daughter of Sir Richard Mauleverer of Allerton Mauleverer in Yorkshire, and granddaughter of Sir Thomas Mauleverer [q. v.] the regicide. His only child was a posthumous son, who was buried near his father in November 1678. His widow married Thomas Harrison of Gray's Inn, the lawyer who settled her husband's affairs, and died in February 1678.

Wiseman deserves notice as the first of the really great surgeons who lifted the surgical profession from its state of subordination to the physicians. His work was continued by Samuel Sharp (1700?–1778) [q. v.], by Percivall Pott [q. v.], and by John Hunter (1728–1793) [q. v.], until the social position of a surgeon was sufficiently high to enable the sovereign to confer hereditary rank upon him as in the case of Sir Astley Paston Cooper and Sir Benjamin Brodie. Wiseman was professionally the descendant of the great surgeons of the reign of Elizabeth, Clowes, Gale, and perhaps Read and Halle. Like them, he was essentially a clinical observer; unlike them, it is possible to find in his writings some trace of a scientific spirit. His cases are clearly described, and their treatment is carried out to a successful issue upon a rational plan. A fervent royalist, he believed in the royal touch for the cure of scrofula even when it was applied through so degenerate a hand as that of his master. He believed too in the miracles


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 the foundation of rule and dominion, as being poeor of all the land in the world; any of thee being ufficient to enable me to ave a man's life, who would perih if uch aitance were denied him; and any thing, by this rule, that may be an occaion of working upon another's neceity, to ave his life, or any thing dear to him, at the rate of his freedom, may be made a foundation of overeignty, as well as property. From all which it is clear, that though God hould have given Adam private dominion, yet that private dominion could give him no overeignty; but we have already ufficiently proved, that God gave him no private dominion.

Of Adam's Title to Sovereignty by the Subjection of Eve.

HE next place of cripture we find our author builds his monarchy of Adam on, is iii. Gen. 26. ''And thy deire hall be to thy huband, and he hall rule over thee. Here we have (ays he) the original grant of government, from whence he concludes, in the following part of the page, Obervations'', 244. That the upreme power is ettled in the fatherhood, and limited to one kind of government, that is, to monarchy. For let his premies be what they will, this is always the concluion; let rule, in any text, be but once named, and preently abolute  Rh


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Rh wounded, four times taken prisoner, and fought in thirty-two battles of the Civil War, now old and feeble, survives him, and it was indeed pathetic to see his grief. Bert's mother, who is a Cherokee, was raised in my grandfather's family. The words of commendation which you wrote upon Bert's discharge are the greatest comfort to his friends. They wanted you to know of his death, because he loved you so.

"I am planning to entertain all the Rough Riders in this vicinity some evening during my holiday vacation. I mean to have no other guests, but only give them an opportunity for reminiscences. I regret that Bert's death makes one less. I had hoped to have them sooner, but our struggling young college salaries are necessarily small and duties arduous. I make a home for my widowed mother and an adopted Indian daughter, who is in school; and as I do the cooking for a family of five, I have found it impossible to do many things I would like to.

"Pardon me for burdening you with these details, but I suppose I am like your boys, who say, 'The Colonel was always as ready to listen to a private as to a major-general.' "Wishing you and yours the very best gifts the season can bring, I am,

Is it any wonder that I loved my regiment?


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320 :(a) The frame, a broad ring of wood or metal, over which is stretched

 * (b) The parchment, the edges of which are sewn to rings of whalebone which fit closely to the frame ;

 * (c) Two narrow rings of wood which fit down over the parchment and keep it stretched tight over the frame. These rings are fastened together by an endless tape crossing in zig-zags from side to side through holes pierced in the rings. This tape can be tightened or loosened at will ;

 * (d) A band of horse-hair which passes across one of the parchment surfaces in order to increase the vibration. It can be tightened by means of a peg fixed in the side of the frame.

The tabour stick is about nine inches long. It has a very large knob for holding in the hand, and a small knob for beating the tabour. The pipe was played with the left hand. The tabour was slung from the thumb of the left hand, which was employed in thumbing the pipe, and was beaten with the right hand. Words and airs of the Bampton Morris-Songs. First dance, to the tune of ""


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 wrought by the blood of Charles I, yet he married the granddaughter of a regicide.

A miniature in watercolours, dated 1660, by Samuel Cooper, is at Belvoir Castle in the possession of the Duke of Rutland, and is the picture of a man aged about forty years. A life-size half-length in oval attributed to Sir Balthazar Gerbier (1591–1667) is in the secretary's office at the Royal College of Surgeons of England in Lincoln's Inn Fields. It represents Wiseman about ten years older than Cooper's portrait, and obviously in delicate health.

Wiseman's works are written in so plain and simple a style that they were selected by Dr. Johnson, in the compilation of his dictionary, as a mine of good surgical nomenclature. They are: 1. ‘A Treatise of Wounds,’ London, 1672, 8vo (printed by Richard Royston). 2. ‘Severall Chirurgical Treatises,’ London, 1676, fol. (Royston and Took); 2nd edit. 1686; 3rd edit. 1696; 4th edit. 1705; 5th edit. 1719; 6th edit. 1734. A pirated edition was published by Samuel Clement at the Swan in St. Paul's Churchyard in 1692. It is called the second edition, but it seems to have been made by printing a new title-page and inserting it into copies of the 1676 and 1686 editions.

[Longmore's Biographical Study of Richard Wiseman, London, 1891; manuscript account by the late James Dixon; contributions towards a memoir of Richard Wiseman, Medical Times and Gazette, 1872, ii. 441; Asclepiad, 1886, iii. 231–255; Wiseman's Works.]

WISHART, GEORGE (1513?–1546), Scottish reformer, was a cadet of the family of Wishart of Pittarrow, near Montrose [cf. ], but whether he was a younger son of James Wishart of Pittarrow, who was justice clerk between 1513 and 1520, or his nephew, both of which conjectures have been made, is uncertain. The supposed date of his birth is taken from the inscription ‘1543 ætatis suæ 30’ on a portrait which belonged to Archibald Wishart, W.S., Edinburgh, who died in 1850, and is now in the National Portrait Gallery, Edinburgh. It is believed by good judges to be genuine, though its ascription to Holbein, who died in 1543, is very improbable. Wishart first appears on record as witness to a charter by John Erskine (1509–1591) [q. v.] of Dun on 20 March 1535 (Great Seal Register, No. 1462), in which he is styled ‘Master G. Wishart;’ and, as he is unlikely to have acted as witness under the age of twenty-one, his birth can scarcely have been later than 1514, and so corroborates the date on the portrait. It has been conjectured that he was educated and graduated in arts at King's College, Aberdeen; his designation on the above portrait as master appears to show he had taken a degree in arts. Alexander Petrie [q. v.], in his ‘Compendious Church History,’ 1662, says he heard when young, ‘from very antient men,’ that Wishart ‘had been a schoolmaster at Montrose, and there did teach his disciples the New Testament in Greek.’ If so, it was no doubt at the grammar school of that town, whither Erskine of Dun had brought in 1534 a Frenchman, Marsilier, to teach Greek, the first introduction of that language into the schools of Scotland. Wishart probably acted as assistant after learning the language from Marsilier. Richard, the father of James Melville [q. v.], is said in his son's diary to have been one of Wishart's companions at Montrose. Petrie also relates that in 1538 Wishart was summoned on a charge of heresy by John Hepburn, bishop of Brechin, for teaching the Greek New Testament, and fled the country, but after six years returned ‘with more knowledge of the truth and more zeal.’

In 1538, or more probably in 1539, a Scotsman, Wishart, is mentioned in two English documents as lecturing in Bristol, at that date in the diocese of Worcester, of which Hugh Latimer [q. v.] was then bishop. He was accused of heresy by John Kerne, dean of Worcester, and sent to the archbishop of Canterbury, by whom, the bishops of Bath, Norwich, and Chichester, and other doctors, he was convicted and condemned; he bore his fagot (i.e. recanted his heresy) on 15 July in the church of St. Nicholas, and on 20 July in Christ Church (, Kalendar, Camden Soc., p. 55; cf. Letters and Papers of Henry VIII, i. 184, 1095). It has been doubted by Dr. Grub (Ecclesiastical History of Scotland) whether these documents refer to George Wishart; but as they name George ‘Wischarde,’ a Scotsman born (the difference in spelling the name meaning nothing at that date), and correspond precisely to the time when he fled from Scotland, where also he had been accused of heresy, the inference is strong that they do. Dr. McCrie, in his ‘Life of Knox,’ through the miswriting of the word ‘nouther’ as ‘mother’ in the copy sent him of the Bristol entry, was misled into the belief that Wishart's heresy was a denial, not of the merit of Christ, but of the Virgin Mary; but Dr. Lorimer (Scottish Reformation, 1860) corrected this by inspection of the original record, which has been also correctly printed in Seyer's ‘Memoirs of Bristol.’ It may be doubted, however, whether the denial of the merit of Christ attributed to Wishart was not the misrepresentation of


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 his accusers. No similar charge was brought against him in Scotland either before or after his visit to Bristol.

Either in 1539 or in 1540 Wishart left England and visited probably both Germany and Switzerland. After his return he translated from the Latin the ‘Confession of Faith of the Church and Congregation of Switzerland,’ called the ‘Helvetic Confession.’ It was not printed till after his death, probably in 1548; it was reprinted in 1844 by David Laing in the ‘Wodrow Miscellany’ (i. 11), from a copy belonging to William Henry Miller of Craigentinny, which is believed to be unique. About 1543 Wishart returned to England and became a member of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. One of his pupils, Emery Tylney, has left a graphic portrait of his person, habits, and character. ‘Master George Wishart, commonly called Master George, of Benet's College, who was a man of tall stature, polled headed, and on the same a round French cap of the best, judged to be of melancholy complexion from his physiognomy, black-haired, long-bearded, comely of personage, well spoken after his country of Scotland, courteous, lovely, glad to teach, desirous to learn, and was well travelled; having on him for his habit a clothing never but a mantle or frieze gown to the shoes, a black Millian fustian doublet and plain black hosen, coarse new canvas for his shirts and white falling bands and cuffs at the hands, all the which apparel he gave to the poor, some monthly, some quarterly, as he liked saving his French cap, which he kept the year of my being with him. He was a man modest, temperate, fearing God, hating covetousness, for his charity had never end night, hour, nor day; he forbore one meal in three one day in four for the most part except something to comfort nature; he lay hard upon a puff of straw, coarse new canvas sheets which, when he changed, he gave away. … He loved me tenderly and I him for my age as effectually.’ He went into Scotland, Tylney adds, ‘with divers of the nobility that came for a treaty to King Henry VIII,’ probably in July 1543.

The Scottish reformer has often been identified, even by Tytler and Burton, with the Wishart who was concerned in the plot to murder Cardinal Beaton (cf. State Papers, Henry VIII, v. 377;, Burghley State Papers, i. 32–3; Hamilton Papers, ii. 344; art. ). This Wishart had relations with Crichton, laird of Brunston in Midlothian, who was undoubtedly willing to engage in a plot to murder Beaton, and who became in 1546 an active supporter of the reformer when he made a preaching tour in that county. Froude (iv. 28) argues that, whether this was so or not, the murder of such a prelate as Beaton would not have been alien to the temper of such reformers as Wishart or Knox; and Bellesheim and Canon Dixon naturally adopt the identification (Hist. Church of England, 3rd ed. ii. 389–90). The evidence, however, is inadequate to identify the two Wisharts, and it has been shown not only that the name was common, but even that there was a George Wishart, merchant and baillie, of Dundee, who had allied himself with the plotters against the cardinal's life (Laing's edition of History of the Reformation, App. ix. p. 536;, Old Dundee, p. 92). Such a part as the Wishart who came from the laird of Brunston in April 1544 played is, in spite of Froude's opinion, out of keeping with the character of George Wishart. There is no evidence that he returned to England in 1544. Nothing came of the Brunston plot, and the burning of Wishart preceded the assassination of the cardinal.

Petrie, who had private information, mentions that Wishart ‘came home’ in 1544, and this agrees with Knox. It is possible that by ‘home’ Petrie means Montrose, and not merely Scotland, whither Wishart seems to have returned about July 1543, for he goes on to say, ‘He preached first in Montrose within a private house next to the church except one,’ which had evidently been pointed out to Petrie. If he went to Montrose and began preaching there in 1544, it is extremely unlikely that he went back to England from East Lothian in the spring of the same year. He is credited by tradition with painting some frescoes in the house of Pittarrow, now destroyed, one of which showed a procession at Rome of the pope and cardinals, and had satirical verses written under it.

From this point till his death the life of Wishart has been told by John Knox, his disciple and intimate friend. Knox's vivid narrative may be relied on for facts within his personal knowledge or communicated to him by Wishart himself, or, as regards his trial and execution, by eye-witnesses, but must be received with caution when it contains inferences against Cardinal Beaton or prophecies attributed to Wishart. In 1545 Wishart went from Montrose to Dundee, where he preached on the epistle to the Romans, till Robert Myll, one of the principal men of the town, inhibited him in the name of Mary of Guise and the governor Arran. He came down from the pulpit into the


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 the kirk, but not before he had threatened his adversaries with God's vengeance by fire and sword for interfering with His messenger. The earl marshal and other noblemen entreated him to stay. He declined and passed ‘with all expedition’ to Ayrshire, another centre of the reformers, where the lollards of Kyle had sown seed which had never been wholly rooted out by persecution. He was driven from Ayr by Dunbar, the bishop of Glasgow, who took possession of the church and preached against him, though the Earl of Glencairn and the gentlemen of Kyle supported him. Before leaving he preached at the market cross ‘so notable a sermon that the very enemies themselves were confounded.’ In Kyle he remained some time, preaching commonly at the kirk of Galston, residing at the house of Lockhart of Barrs in that parish. In summer he preached at Mauchlin, and being debarred from using the kirk by Campbell of Mongaswood and other catholic gentlemen, he preached from a dyke on the Muir, near Mauchlin, saying to his supporter Campbell of Kinzeancleuch, afterwards the devoted friend of Knox, that Christ is ‘as potent in the field as in the kirk.’ News having come that Dundee was suffering from the plague, he returned thither probably in August, and preached at the head of the East Port, the sick sitting or standing outside the port, from the text, ‘He sent his word and healed them,’ Psalm cvii. Not content with preaching, though this was his special office, he visited the plague-stricken and aided the poor. A desperate priest, Sir John Wighton, was, according to Knox, sent by the cardinal to murder him. Wishart, suspecting his design, drew the whinger out of his hand, but saved Wighton from the vengeance of his followers. He remained in Dundee till the plague ceased, and then passed to Montrose, where the cardinal, by a forged letter pretending to be an invitation from Wishart's friend John Kinnear of that ilk in Fife, tried to draw him into an ambuscade laid for him within a mile and a half from Montrose. Suspecting the plot, Wishart declined to go until his followers had examined the road and discovered the ambush. Wishart, when told, exclaimed, according to Knox, ‘I know I shall finish this my life by this bloodthirsty man's hands, but it will not be in this manner.’ Having trysted the gentlemen of the west to meet him at Edinburgh, he returned to Dundee and stayed a night at Invergowrie with ‘a faithful brother,’ James Watson, where also he prophesied his own early death and the triumph of the Reformation. Next day he went to Perth, and so by the Fife ferry crossed the Forth to Edinburgh. On Sunday, 10 Dec., he preached at Leith from the parable of the sowers. Continuously preaching in various parishes in the neighbourhood, he passed after Christmas to Haddington, where his audience, which had been large at his other sermons, diminished through the influence of Patrick Hepburn, third earl of Bothwell [q. v.] He stayed at the house of David Forres (afterwards general of the mint), and at Lethington with Sir Richard Maitland [q. v.], who was ‘ever civil albeit not persuaded in religion.’ Next day he received a note that the gentlemen who promised to come from Kyle to him could not come, and he told John Knox, then acting as tutor at Longniddry, who had been with him since he came to Lothian, that ‘he wearied of the world.’ He had again few hearers, and in his sermon he inveighed against their absence. Like Knox, he had full assurance of his own mission, and never spared the denunciation of his opponents. The same day, before midnight, he was seized by Bothwell in the house of Ormiston, to which he had been taken by Cockburn, its laird, Sandilands the younger of Calder, and Crichton of Brunston. He had refused the company of Knox, who attended him since he came to Lothian with a two-handed sword, saying to him, ‘Return to your bairns, and God blesse you; one is sufficient for one sacrifice.’ After supper he had spoken of the death of God's chosen children, asked his host and fellow guests to join in singing the fifty-first Psalm in Scots metre, and gone earlier than his wont to bed, praying ‘God grant qwyet rest.’ His rest was broken by Bothwell, who declared that opposition was vain, as the governor and cardinal, who were at Elphinston Tower, were coming after him. On a promise being given by Bothwell that he would preserve him from violence and not deliver him to the will of the governor or the cardinal, he surrendered. Bothwell took Wishart to Edinburgh, and then brought him back to his own house of Hales. There, soon after 19 Jan. 1545–6, on a warrant of the privy council, he delivered Wishart, who was transported to Edinburgh Castle. At the end of January the governor gave him up to the cardinal, who took him to the Sea Tower in his castle of St. Andrews, where he remained in strict confinement. On 28 Feb. he was tried by a convocation of bishops and other clergy.

Knox and Pitscottie both give a full account of the trial and articles of accusation brought forward by John Lauder, archdeacon


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Rh Second dance, to the tune of "."

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 of Teviotdale, and Andrew Oliphant, with Wishart's answers from a tract printed by John Daye, and embodied in the first edition of Foxe's ‘Book of Martyrs,’ printed at Basle in 1559, with many affecting particulars of the last day of Wishart's life. The substance of Wishart's defence was an appeal to scripture from the leading doctrines of the catholic church on the mass, auricular confession, purgatory, the celibacy of the clergy, and the authority of the church, than which there could be in the eyes of his judges no more damning heresy. How far the narrative of the trial is accurate it would be hard to say. It was certainly embellished by Foxe and Knox with Wishart's prophecy of the cardinal's speedy death, which Pitscottie also gives: ‘God forgive that yon man that lies so glorious on yon wall head; but within a few days he shall lye as shameful as he lyes glorious now.’ Wishart was convicted of heresy, and burnt on 1 March 1545–6 on the ground at the foot of the castle wynd opposite the castle gate. His last words given by Knox were spoken to the executioner, to whose prayer for forgiveness Wishart answered, ‘Come hither to me, and when he was come kissed his cheek, and said, “Lo, here is a token that I forgive thee. My harte, do thine office.”’

Lindsay of Pitscottie (Scottish Text Society's edit. ii. 54, 56) mentions that the cardinal sent to the governor for a criminal judge to ‘give doom on Master George if the clergy found him guilty,’ and the governor wrote to the cardinal to continue the case until they had spoken together, but if he would not, that ‘his own blood would be on his own head.’ If this is true, Beaton accepted the responsibility. He seems certainly to have been present at the burning, watching it with the other bishops from the tower near the gate, nor is there any record of a sentence by a temporal judge. Beaton's murder was avowedly in revenge for Wishart's death, though some of the actors had other grievances.

Besides the portrait above referred to, there are portraits professing to be of George Wishart in the college of Glasgow, and in the Roman catholic college of Blairs, Aberdeenshire, which are of doubtful authenticity. Wishart's only known writing is the translation of the ‘Helvetic Confession’ above referred to. It has been conjectured that he may have had some share in an ‘Order for Burial of the Dead’ used at Montrose, also printed in the ‘Wodrow Society Miscellany.’

[Tylney's Narrative in Foxe's Book of Martyrs, Knox's account of Wishart in his History of the Reformation, and Pitscottie's Chronicles are the primary and contemporary authorities; Laing's notes are, as always, instructive. There is, unfortunately, no account of Wishart on the catholic side, except that of Lesley in his History, which is very brief. Petrie, in his Compendious History of the Church (The Hague, 1662), adds a few particulars. By modern writers more than one controversy has been raised over Wishart's life, which of course could not be passed over by any church historian. Grubb's Ecclesiastical History is the most impartial. The late Professor Weir's article in the North British Review, 1868, and Professor Mitchell's note in his edition of the Gude and Godlie Ballates (Scottish Text Society, 1897); Rogers's Memoir of George Wishart, 1876; Hay Fleming's Martyrs and Confessors of St. Andrews; The Truth about George Wishart, by W. Cramond, 1898.]

WISHART, GEORGE (1599–1671), bishop of Edinburgh, was the younger son of John Wishart of Logie-Wishart, Forfarshire, and grandson of Sir John Wishart of that ilk. His father did not succeed to the property till 1629, and had settled in East Lothian, where George was born in 1599 (not 1609, as stated by Chambers). He is said to have studied at Edinburgh University, but his name does not appear in the roll of graduates. In 1612 a George Wishart matriculated at St. Salvator's College, St. Andrews, graduating in 1613, and it has been conjectured from this unusual circumstance that this was the future bishop, who had begun his course at Edinburgh and graduated at St. Andrews, though then only fourteen years old. It is supposed that he afterwards travelled on the continent, and acted as secretary to Archbishop John Spottiswood (1565–1637) [q. v.] According to Hew Scott (Fasti, iii. 724) he was presented by James VI to the parish of Monifieth, Forfarshire, on 26 Aug. 1624. Murdoch and Simpson (Deeds of Montrose, pref. p. viii) suggest that this is a clerical error for 1625; but as James VI died on 27 March 1625, Scott is probably correct, otherwise Charles I must have made the presentation. Wishart was ordained at Dairsie by Spottiswood in September 1625, and then entered on his charge at Monifieth. He continued there till 10 April 1626, when he was transferred to the second charge in St. Andrews, as colleague to Alexander Gledstanes, then minister of the first charge.

In the following year the Marquis of Montrose entered St. Andrews University, and there is evidence that Wishart then formed an acquaintance with him that had an important influence upon his career. He received the degree of D.D. from St. Andrews prior to October 1634, as he is so described in the