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 the maid over the dusting of the ornaments and the arrangement of the flowers, and ended with the inevitable threat that she would in future do them both herself. This she began at once to carry into effect by walking about the room with a duster and making herself very hot and cross. When she had broken a valuable Venetian glass, and made the startling discovery that all the dust she dissipated settled somewhere else directly afterwards, she hid the duster under a sofa cushion, collected all the flowers out of all the vases and piled them in a heap in the fender. Then she sat down on the hearth-rug and looked at them helplessly, and felt very foolish, when Margaret came in without being announced and laughed at her.

"My dear Cynthia, what is the matter, and whatever are you doing on the floor?" cried the girl.

"I'm doing the flowers," cried Cynthia briskly; "how jolly you look. Did you trim that hat yourself?"

"Yes, it s my old Louise, don't you remember? But what s the matter?"

"Matter?" cried Mrs. Angelo in a tone of amazement, "what should be the matter? I am particularly happy this morning. Something very nice that I wanted very much indeed has happened to me, and I never felt more pleased about anything in my life."

"You've got a very funny way of looking pleased," said Margaret candidly, "and it's more than I feel myself. I've come round to tell you something, Cynthia, something very important and not at all pleasant to either of us. But hadn't you better get off the floor first?"

"Well, what is it, child?" asked Mrs. Angelo when she had limped with two cramped legs to the nearest chair.

"I only wish you to understand quite clearly that I am not in love

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Rh and the electromotive intensity, by 's law, which states that $$\mathfrak{K}=C\mathfrak{E}$$, becomes $$\mathfrak{K}^{2}/C$$, where C is the specific conductivity. But this is the energy appearing as heat in the circuit per unit volume according to 's law. If we sum up the quantity in (3) thus transformed, for the whole space within a closed surface the integral of the first term can be integrated by parts, and we find that it consists of two terms — one an expression depending on the surface alone to which each part of the surface contributes a share depending on the values of the electromotive and magnetic intensities at that part, the other term being the change per second in the magnetic energy (that is, the second term of (2)) with a negative sign. The integral of the second term of (3) is the total amount of heat developed in the conductors within the surface per second. We have then the following result.

The change per second in the electric energy within a surface is equal to a quantity depending on the surface — the change per second in the magnetic energy — the heat developed in the circuit.

Or rearranging.

The change per second in the sum of the electric and magnetic energies within a surface together with the heat developed by currents is equal to a quantity to which each element of the surface contributes a share depending on the values of the electric and magnetic intensities at the element. That is, the total change in the energy is accounted for by supposing that the energy passes in through the surface according to the law given by this expression.

On interpreting the expression it is found that it implies that the energy flows as stated before, that is, perpendicularly to the plane containing the lines of electric and magnetic force, that the amount crossing unit area per second of this plane is equal to the product

$\frac{\mathrm{electromotive\ intensity\times magnetic\ intensity\times sine\ included\ angle}}{4\pi}$|undefined

while the direction of flow is given by the three quantities, electromotive intensity, magnetic intensity, flow of energy, being in right-handed order.

It follows at once that the energy flows perpendicularly to the fines of electric force, and so along the equipotential surfaces where these exist. It also flows perpendicularly to the lines of magnetic force, and so along the magnetic equipotential surfaces where these exist. If both sets of surfaces exist their lines of intersection are the lines of flow of energy.

The following is the full mathematical proof of the law:—

The energy of the field may be expressed in the form ('s 'Electricity', vol. ii, 2nd ed., p. 253)

$\frac{1}{2}\iiint(Pf+Qg+Rh)dx\ dy\ dz+\frac{1}{8\pi}\iiint(a\alpha+b\beta+c\gamma)dx\ dy\ dz$

the first term the electrostatic, the second the electromagnetic energy.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

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346 But since $$f=\tfrac{K}{4\pi}P$$, with corresponding values for $$g$$ and $$h$$, and $$a=\mu\alpha$$, $$b=\mu\beta$$, $$c=\mu\gamma$$, substituting, the energy becomes

Let us consider the space within any fixed closed surface. The energy within this surface will be found by taking the triple integrals throughout the space.

If any changes are taking place the rate of increase of energy of the electric and magnetic kinds per second is

Now 's equations for the components of the true current are

$u=p+\frac{df}{dt},\ v=q+\frac{dg}{dt},\ w=r+\frac{dh}{dt},$

where $$p, q, r$$ are components of the conduction current.

But we may substitute for $$\tfrac{df}{dt}$$ its value $$\tfrac{K}{4\pi}\tfrac{dP}{dt}$$, and so for the other two, and we obtain

{{MathForm2|(3)|$$\left.\begin{array}{c} \frac{K}{4\pi}\frac{dP}{dt}=u-p\\ \\\frac{K}{4\pi}\frac{dQ}{dt}=v-q\\ \\\frac{K}{4\pi}\frac{dR}{dt}=w-r\end{array}\right\}$$}}

Taking the first term in (2) and substituting from (3) we obtain

Now the equations for the components of electromotive force are ( vol. ii, p. 222)

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Rh {{MathForm2|(5)|$$\left.\begin{array}{c} P=c\dot{y}+b\dot{z}-\frac{dF}{dt}-\frac{d\psi}{dx}=c\dot{y}+b\dot{z}+P'\\ \\Q=a\dot{z}+c\dot{x}-\frac{dG}{dt}-\frac{d\psi}{dy}=a\dot{z}+c\dot{x}+Q'\\ \\R=b\dot{x}+a\dot{y}-\frac{dH}{dt}-\frac{d\psi}{dz}=b\dot{x}+a\dot{y}+R'\end{array}\right\} $$}}

where P', Q', R' are put for the parts of P, Q, R which do not contain the velocities.

Then

$\begin{array}{ll} Pu+Qv+Rw & =(c\dot{y}-b\dot{z})u+(a\dot{z}-c\dot{x})v+(b\dot{x}-a\dot{y})w+P'u+Q'v+R'w\\ \\ & =-\left\{ (vc-wb)\dot{x}+(wa-uc)\dot{y}+(ub-va)\dot{z}\right\} +P'u+Q'v+R'w\\ \\ & =-(X\dot{x}+Y\dot{y}+Z\dot{z})+P'u+Q'v+R'w,\end{array}$

where X, Y, Z are the components of the electromagnetic force per unit of volume (, vol. ii, p. 227).

Now substituting in (4) and putting for $$u, v, w$$ their values in terms of the magnetic force (, vol. ii, p. 233) and transposing we obtain

$\begin{array}{l} \frac{K}{4\pi}\iiint\left(P\frac{dP}{dt}+Q\frac{dQ}{dt}+R\frac{dR}{dt}\right)dx\ dy\ dz+\iiint\left\{ (X\dot{x}+Y\dot{y}+Z\dot{z})+(Pp+Qq+Rr)\right\} dx\ dy\ dz\\ \\\qquad=\iiint(P'u+Q'v+R'w)dx\ dy\ dz\\ \\\qquad=\frac{1}{4\pi}\iiint\left\{ P'\left(\frac{d\gamma}{dy}-\frac{d\beta}{dz}\right)+Q'\left(\frac{d\alpha}{dz}-\frac{d\gamma}{dx}\right)+R'\left(\frac{d\beta}{dx}-\frac{d\alpha}{dy}\right)\right\} dx\ dy\ dz\\ \\\qquad=\frac{1}{4\pi}\iiint\left(R'\frac{d\beta}{dx}-Q'\frac{d\gamma}{dx}\right)dx\ dy\ dz\\ \\\qquad+\frac{1}{4\pi}\iiint\left(P'\frac{d\gamma}{dy}-R'\frac{d\alpha}{dy}\right)dx\ dy\ dz\\ \\\qquad+\frac{1}{4\pi}\iiint\left(Q'\frac{d\alpha}{dz}-P'\frac{d\beta}{dz}\right)dx\ dy\ dz\end{array}$

[Integrating each term by parts)]

$\begin{array}{c} =\frac{1}{4\pi}\iint(R'\beta-Q'\gamma)dy\ dz+\frac{1}{4\pi}\iint(P'\gamma-R'\alpha)dz\ dx+\frac{1}{4\pi}\iint(Q'\alpha-P'\beta)dx\ dy\\ \\-\frac{1}{4\pi}\iiint\left\{ \beta\frac{dR'}{dx}-\gamma\frac{dQ'}{dx}+\gamma\frac{dP'}{dy}-\alpha\frac{dR'}{dy}+\alpha\frac{dQ'}{dz}-\beta\frac{dP'}{dz}\right\} dx\ dy\ dz\end{array}$

[The double integral being taken over the surface]

where $$l, m, n$$ are the direction cosines of the normal to the surface outwards.

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 love with Dicky Askew, whatever Dicky Askew may be with me, and that I won't be left alone with Dicky Askew until I have heard all his stories twice over and he is obliged to propose for the sake of more conversation. I never want to speak to Dicky Askew again; I should like him to be obliterated."

"My dear," said Cynthia, "I don't keep Dicky Askew on the premises. Did you really put on a new hat on purpose to come and tell me something that doesn't concern me at all? " "Doesn't concern you?" cried Margaret. "I should like to know whom it does concern then."

"Dicky Askew, I should say. Really, my dear child, I am very sorry I mistook your feelings; I won t make up a party for you again."

"It was not," said Margaret with great dignity, "the party that I objected to. It was only Dicky Askew." "I did it out of kindness," replied Cynthia, ignoring her insinuation.

"Then I hope you will never ask me to dinner again out of kindness, or if you do, please shut me in here with the man I am not in love with," responded Margaret. "I should not have minded at all if I had spent the evening with the man I was not in love with, last night."

"I think you are right," said Cynthia quietly, and she stroked the child s hot cheek soothingly as she spoke, "passing the evening with the man you are in love with is very exhausting indeed. We will try the opposite arrangement next time. Will you come out with me this afternoon?"

"Where to?" asked Margaret suspiciously.

"Hurlingham, of course."

"It's too bad," cried the girl indignantly, "you knew he was going

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348 But from the values of P', Q', R' in (5) we see that

$\begin{array}{ll} \frac{dQ'}{dz}-\frac{dR'}{dy} & =-\frac{d^{2}G}{dt\ dz}-\frac{d^{2}\psi}{dx\ dz}+\frac{d^{2}H}{dt\ dy}-\frac{d^{2}\psi}{dz\ dx}\\ \\ & =\frac{d}{dt}\left(\frac{dH}{dy}-\frac{dG}{dz}\right)\\ \\ & =\frac{da}{dt}=\mu\frac{d\alpha}{dt}\ (\mathrm{Maxwell,\ vol.\ ii.\ p}.\ 216)\end{array}$

similarly

$\begin{array}{c} \frac{dR'}{dx}-\frac{dP'}{dz}=\frac{db}{dt}=\mu\frac{d\beta}{dt}\\ \\\frac{dP'}{dy}-\frac{dQ'}{dx}=\frac{dc}{dt}=\mu\frac{d\gamma}{dt}\end{array}$

Whence the triple integral in (6) becomes

$-\frac{\mu}{4\pi}\iiint\left(\alpha\frac{d\alpha}{dt}+\beta\frac{d\beta}{dt}+\gamma\frac{d\gamma}{dt}\right)dx\ dy\ dz$

Transposing it to the other side we obtain

The first two terms of this express the gain per second in electric and magnetic energies as in (2). The third term expresses the work done per second by the electromagnetic forces, that is, the energy transformed by the motion of the matter in which currents exist. The fourth term expresses the energy transformed by the conductor into heat, chemical energy, and so on; for P, Q, R are by definition the components of the force acting at a point per unit of positive electricity, so that $$Ppdxdydz$$ or $$Pdxpdydz$$ is the work done per second by the current flowing parallel to the axis of $$x$$ through the element of volume $$dxdydz$$. So for the other two components. This is in general transformed into other forms of energy, heat due to resistance, thermal effects at thermoelectric surfaces, and so on.

The left side of (7) thus expresses the total gain in energy per second within the closed surface, and the equation asserts that this energy comes through the bounding surface, each element contributing the amount expressed by the right side.

This may be put in another form, for if $$\mathfrak{E'}$$ be the resultant of P', Q', R', and $$\theta$$ the

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Rh angle between its direction and that of $$\mathfrak{H}$$, the magnetic intensity, the direction cosines L, M, N of the line perpendicular to the plane containing $$\mathfrak{E'}$$ and $$\mathfrak{H}$$ are given by

$L=\frac{R'\beta-Q'\gamma}{\mathfrak{E'}\mathfrak{H}\sin\theta};\ M=\frac{P'\gamma-R'\alpha}{\mathfrak{E'}\mathfrak{H}\sin\theta};\ N=\frac{Q'\alpha-P'\beta}{\mathfrak{E'}\mathfrak{H}\sin\theta};$

so that the surface integral becomes

$\frac{1}{4\pi}\iint\mathfrak{E'}\mathfrak{H}\sin\theta(Ll+Mm+Nn)dS$

If at a given point $$dS$$ be drawn to coincide with the plane containing $$\mathfrak{E'}$$ and $$\mathfrak{H}$$, it then contributes the greatest amount of energy to the space; or in other words the energy flows perpendicularly to the plane containing $$\mathfrak{E'}$$ and $$\mathfrak{H}$$, the amount crossing unit area per second being $$\mathfrak{E'}\mathfrak{H}\sin\theta/4\pi$$. To determine in which way it crosses the plane take $$\mathfrak{E'}$$ along $$Oz$$, $$\mathfrak{H}$$ along $$Oy$$. Then

$\begin{array}{ccccccc} & & P'=0, & & Q'=0, &  & \frac{R'}{\mathfrak{E}'}=1,\\ \\ & & \alpha=0, &  & \frac{\beta}{\mathfrak{H}}=1, &  & \gamma=0,\\ \\\mathrm{and\ if}\ \sin\theta=1\\ & & L=1, &  & M=0, &  & N=0.\end{array}$|undefined

If now the axis $$Ox$$ be the normal to the surface outwards, $$l = 1$$, $$m = 0$$, $$n = 0$$, so that this element of the integral contributes a positive term to the energy within the surface on the negative side of the $$yz$$ plane; that is, the energy moves along $$xO$$, or in the direction in which a screw would move if its head were turned round from the positive direction of the electromotive to the positive direction of the magnetic intensity. If the surface be taken where the matter has no velocity, $$\mathfrak{E'}$$ becomes equal to $$\mathfrak{E}$$, and the amount of energy crossing unit area perpendicular to the flow per second is

$\frac{\mathrm{electromotive\ intensity\times magnetic\ intensity\times sine\ included\ angle}}{4\pi}$|undefined

Since the surface may be drawn anywhere we please, then wherever there is both magnetic and electromotive intensity there is flow of energy.

Since the energy flows perpendicularly to the plane containing the two intensities, it must flow along the electric and magnetic level surfaces, when these exist, so that the lines of flow are the intersections of the two surfaces.

We shall now consider the applications of this law in several cases.

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350 (1) A straight wire conveying a current.

In this case very near the wire, and within it, the lines of magnetic force are circles round the axis of the wire. The lines of electric force are along the wire, if we take it as proved that the flow across equal areas of the cross section is the same at all parts of the section. If AB, fig. 1, represents the wire, and the current is from A to B,

then a tangent plane to the surface at any point contains the directions of both the electromotive and magnetic intensities (we shall write E.M.I. and M.I. for these respectively in what follows), and energy is therefore flowing in perpendicularly through the surface, that is, along the radius towards the axis. Let us take a portion of the wire bounded by two plane sections perpendicular to the axis. Across the ends no energy is flowing, for they contain no component of the E.M.I. The whole of the energy then enters in through the external surface of the wire, and by the general theorem the amount entering in must just account for the heat developed owing to the resistance, since if the current is steady there is no other alteration of energy. It is, perhaps, worth while to show independently in this case that the energy moving in, in accordance with the general law, will just account for the heat developed.

Let $$r$$ be the radius of the wire, $$i$$ the current along it, $$\alpha$$ the magnetic intensity at the surface, P the electromotive intensity at any point within the wire, and V the difference of potential between the two ends. Then the area of a length $$l$$ of the wire is $$2\pi rl$$, and the energy entering from the outside per second is

$\begin{array}{ll} \frac{\mathrm{area\times E.M.I.\times M.I}.}{4\pi} & =\frac{4\pi rl\cdot P\cdot\alpha}{4\pi}\\ \\ & =\frac{2\pi r\alpha\cdot Pl}{4\pi}\\ \\ & =\frac{4\pi iV}{4\pi}\\ \\ & =iV\end{array}$

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Rh for the line integral of the magnetic intensity $$2\pi r\alpha$$ round the wire is $$4\pi\times$$ current through it, and $$Pl=V$$.

But by 's law $$V=iR$$ and $$iV=i^{2}R$$, or the heat developed according to 's law.

It seems then that none of the energy of a current travels along the wire, but that it comes in from the nonconducting medium surrounding the wire, that as soon as it enters it begins to be transformed into heat, the amount crossing successive layers of the wire decreasing till by the time the centre is reached, where there is no magnetic force, and therefore no energy passing, it has all been transformed into heat. A conduction current then may be said to consist of this inward flow of energy with its accompanying magnetic and electromotive forces, and the transformation of the energy into heat within the conductor.

We have now to inquire how the energy travels through the medium on its way to the wire.

(2.) Discharge of a condenser through a wire.

We shall first consider the case of the slow discharge of a simple condenser consisting of two charged parallel plates when connected by a wire of very great resistance, as in this case we can form an approximate idea of the actual path of the energy.

Let A and B, fig. 2, be the two plates of the condenser, A being positively and B negatively electrified. Then before discharge the sections of the equipotential surfaces will be somewhat as sketched. The chief part of the energy resides in the part of the dielectric between the two plates, but there will be some energy wherever there is electromotive intensity. Between A and B the E.M.I. will be from A to B, and everywhere

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352 it is perpendicular to the level surfaces. Now connect A and B by a fine wire LMN of very great resistance, following a line of force and with the resistance so adjusted that it is the same for the same fall of potential throughout. We have supposed this arrangement of the resistance so that the level surfaces shall not be disturbed by the flow of the current. The wire is to be supposed so fine that the discharge takes place very slowly.

While the discharge goes on a current flows round LMN in the direction indicated by the arrow, and there is also an equal displacement current from B to A due to the yielding of the displacement there. The current will be encircled by lines of magnetic force, which will in general form closed curves embracing the circuit. The direction of these round the wire will be from right to left in front, and round the space between A and B from left to right in front. The E.M.I. is always from the higher level surfaces—those nearer A, to the lower—those nearer B, both near the wire and in the space between A and B.

Now, since the energy always moves perpendicularly to the lines of E.M.I. it must travel along the equipotential surfaces. Since it also moves perpendicularly to the lines of M.I. it moves, as we have seen in case (1), inwards on all sides to the wire, and is there all converted into heat—if we suppose the discharge so slow that the current is steady during the time considered. But between A and B the E.M.I.. is opposed to the current, being downwards, while the M.I. bears the same relation to the current as in the wire. Remembering that E.M.I., M.I., and direction of flow of energy are connected by the right-handed screw relation, we see that the energy moves outwards from the space between A and B. As then the strain of the dielectric between A and B is gradually released by what we call a discharge current along the wire LMN, the energy thus given up travels outwards through the dielectric, following always the equipotential surfaces, and gradually converges once more on the circuit where the surfaces are cut by the wire. There the energy is transformed into heat. It is to be noticed that if the current may be considered steady the energy moves along at the same level throughout.

(3.) A circuit containing a voltaic cell.

When a circuit contains a voltaic cell we do not know with certainty what is the distribution of potential, but most probably it is somewhat as follows: —Suppose we

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Rh have a simple copper, zinc, and acid cell producing a steady current. There is probably a considerable sudden rise in passing from the zinc to the acid, the place where the chemical energy is given up, a fall through the acid depending on the resistance, a sudden fall on passing from the acid to the copper, where some energy is absorbed with evolution of hydrogen, and then a gradual fall through the wire of the circuit round to the zinc again. There will be a slight change of potential in passing from copper to zinc, but this we shall neglect for simplicity. The equipotential surfaces will probably then be somewhat as sketched in fig. 3, all the surfaces starting from where the acid comes in contact with the zinc, some of the highest potential passing through the acid, others passing between the acid and copper, and crowding in there, the rest lower than these cutting the circuit at right angles in points at intervals representing equal falls of potential.

If this be the actual arrangement, then it is seen that the current, which travels round the circuit from zinc through acid to copper, is in opposition to the E.M.I. between the zinc and acid, while the M.I. is related to the current in the ordinary way. The energy will therefore pass outwards from there along the level surfaces. In fact, the medium between the zinc and acid behaves like the medium between the plates of the condenser in case No. (2), and it seems possible that the chemical action produces continually fresh "electric displacement" from acid towards zinc which yields as rapidly as it is formed, the energy of the displacement moving out sideways.

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354 Some of this energy which travels along the highest level surfaces will converge on the acid, and there be, at any rate ultimately, converted into heat. Some of it will move along those surfaces which crowd in between the acid and copper and there converge to supply the energy taken up by the escaping hydrogen. The rest spreads out to converge at last at different parts of the circuit, and there to be transformed into heat according to 's law.

It may be noticed that if the level surfaces be drawn with equal differences of potential, equal amounts of energy travel out per second between successive pairs of surfaces. For the amount transformed in the circuit in a length having a given difference of potential V between its ends will be $$V\times$$ current, and therefore the amount transformed between each pair of surfaces drawn with the same potential difference will be the same. But since the current and the field are steady, the energy transformed will be equal to the energy moving out from the cell between the same surfaces—the energy never crossing level surfaces. This admits of a very easy direct proof, but the above seems quite sufficient.

This result has a consequence which, though already well known, is worth mentioning here. Let $$V_1$$ be the difference of potential between the zinc and acid, $$V_2$$ that between the acid and copper. If $$i$$ be the current, $$V_{1}i$$ is the total energy travelling out per second from the zinc surface. Of this $$V_{2}i$$ is absorbed at the copper surface, the rest, viz., $$\left(V_{1}-V_{2}\right)i$$, being transformed in the circuit. The fraction, therefore, of the whole energy sent out which is transformed in the circuit is$$\tfrac{V_{1}-V_{2}}{V_{1}}$$, a result analogous to the expression for the amount of heat which can be transformed into work in a reversible heat-engine.

One or two interesting illustrations of this movement of energy may be mentioned here in connection with the voltaic circuit.

Suppose that we are sending a current through a submarine cable by a battery with, say, the zinc to earth, and suppose that the sheath is everywhere at zero potential. Then the wire will everywhere be at higher potential than the sheath, and the level surfaces will pass from the battery through the insulating material to the points where they cut the wire. The energy then which maintains the current, and which works the needle at the further end, travels through the insulating material, the core serving as a means to allow the energy to get in motion.

Again, when the only effect in a circuit is the generation of heat, we have energy moving in upon the wire, there undergoing some sort of transformation, and then moving out again as heat or light. If 's theory of light be true, it moves out again still as electric and magnetic energy, but with a definite velocity and intermittent in type. We have in the electric light, for instance, the curious result that energy moves in upon the arc or filament from the surrounding medium, there to be converted into a form which is sent out again, and which, though still the same in kind, is now able to affect our senses.

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Rh (4.) Thermoelectric circuits.

Let us first take the case of a circuit composed of two metals, neither of which has any effect. Let us suppose the current at the hot junction flows from the metal A to the metal B, fig. 4. According to Professor {{sc|Tait's]] theory it would appear that

the E.M.I. at the hot junction is to that at the cold as the absolute temperature at the hot is to that at the cold junction. If the current is steady there is probably then a sudden rise in potential from A to B at the hot junction, a gradual fall along B, a sudden fall at the cold junction—less, however, than the sudden rise at the other—and a gradual fall along A. The level surfaces will then all start from the hot junction, the higher ones cutting the circuit at successive points along B, several converging at the cold junction, and the rest cutting the circuit at successive points along A. The heat at the hot junction is converted into electric and magnetic energy, which here moves outwards, since the current is against the E.M.I. Some of this energy converges upon B and A, to be converted into heat, according to {{sc|Joule}}'s law, and some on the cold junction, there producing the {{sc|Peltier}} heating effect.

Let us now suppose that we have a circuit of the same two metals, now all at the same temperature, but with a battery interposed in B, which sends a current in the same direction as before (fig. 5). Then if C be the junction which was hot, and D that which was cold in the last case, we know that the current will tend to cool C and to heat D. In going from A to B at C there will be a sudden rise of potential, and in going from B to A at D there will be a sudden fall. Then, since the potential falls, as we go with the current along A, there will be a point on A near C which has the

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Portal:Panama Canal

Works

 * Letter to the Parker Independent Clubs, 1913 by Carl Schurz
 * Theodore Roosevelt from The Presidents of the United States, 1789-1914, 1914, edited by James Grant Wilson
 * Riley E. Scott, "Can the Panama Canal be destroyed from the air?", Sunset, April 1914.
 * The U.S. Army in the Root Reform Era, 1899-1917, by James L. Yarrison

Court cases

 * Wilson v. Shaw, October 1906—January 1907
 * United States v. Press Publishing Company, October 1910—January 1911
 * Panama Company v. Bosse, January—March 1919
 * Panama Company v. Pigott, January 1921
 * Inland Waterways Corporation v. Young, October 1939—March 1940
 * Panama Canal Company v. Grace Line Grace Line, April 1958
 * National Board of Young Men's Christian Associations v. United States, March—May 1969

United States government

 * Panama Canal Act, August 24, 1912 by the 62nd Congress of the United States
 * 1976 U.S. Presidential Debate - October 6, James Earl Carter and Gerald R. Ford
 * Statement on the Panama Canal Treaty Signing, 1977 by Jimmy Carter
 * Presidential Radio Address - 14 April 1984, by Ronald Reagan
 * Presidential Radio Address - 13 October 2007 by George Walker Bush

Proclamations

 * Proclamation 1225, November 13, 1912 by William Howard Taft: Panama Canal Toll Rates
 * Proclamation 1258, November 21, 1913 by Woodrow Wilson: Rules for the Measurement of Vessels for the Panama Canal
 * Proclamation 1287, November 13, 1914 by Woodrow Wilson: Neutrality - Panama Canal Zone
 * Proclamation 1570, July 12, 1920 by Woodrow Wilson: Opening of the Panama Canal

Executive orders

 * Executive Order 1722½
 * Executive Order 1885
 * Executive Order 1888
 * Executive Order 1897
 * Executive Order 1902
 * Executive Order 1917
 * Executive Order 1944
 * Executive Order 1990
 * Executive Order 2073
 * Executive Order 2208
 * Executive Order 2428
 * Executive Order 2440
 * Executive Order 3255
 * Executive Order 3585, December 3, 1921, Warren G. Harding regarding conditions of employment governing employees of the Panama Canal and Panama Railroad Co. on the Isthmus of Panama

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356 same potential as B at the junction. From this point to C, A will have lower potentials, and points with the same potentials will exist on B between C and the battery. Then either the level surfaces passing through C are closed surfaces, cutting A or B, and not passing through the battery at all, or, as seems much more probable, the surfaces from the battery which pass through C cut the circuit in three points in all outside the battery: once somewhere along A, once at C, and once somewhere along B. I have drawn and numbered the surfaces in the figure on this supposition. The heat developed in the parts of the circuit near C will thus be partly supplied

from the junction C, where the current is against the E.M.I. The energy therefore moves out thence, giving a cooling effect.

The effect may be considered in somewhat the same way. Let us suppose

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Rh that a metal BC of the iron type, and with temperature falling from B to C, forms part of a circuit between two neutral metals of the lead type AB and CD, fig. 6, and let us further, for simplicity, suppose that these metals are each at the neutral temperatures with respect to BC, so that there is no E.M.I. at the junction. If we drive a current from A to D by means of some external E.M.I., say at a junction elsewhere in the circuit, the potential will tend to fall from A to D. But a current in iron from hot to cold cools the metal, that is, the E.M.I. appears to be in opposition to the current, so that the energy moves outwards. The potential, therefore, tends to rise from B to C, and actually will do so if the resistance of BC is negligible compared with that of the rest of the circuit. In this case the level surfaces will probably be somewhat as indicated in the figure (6), where they are numbered in order, each surface which cuts BC also cutting AB and CD, and the energy moving outwards will come into the circuit again at the parts of AB and CD near the junctions, where it will be transformed once more into heat. If the resistance of BC be gradually increased the fall of potential, according to 's law, will tend to lessen the rise, and fewer surfaces will cut BC. It would seem possible so to adjust matters that the two exactly neutralised each other so that no energy either entered or left BC. In this case we should only have hues of magnetic force round BC, and no other characteristic of a current in that part of the circuit.

If this is the true account of the effect it would appear that it should be described not as an absorption of heat or development of heat by the current but rather as a movement of energy outwards or inwards, according as the E.M.I. in the unequally heated metal opposes or agrees with the direction of the current.

(5.) A circuit containing a motor.

This case closely resembles the third case of a circuit containing a copper-zinc cell, the motor playing a part analogous to that of the surface of contact of the acid with the copper. Let us, for simplicity, suppose that the motor has no internal resistance. When it has no velocity all the level surfaces cut the circuit, and the energy leaving the dynamo or battery is all transformed into heat due to resistance. But if the motor is being worked the current diminishes, the level surfaces begin to converge on the motor and fewer cut the circuit. Some of the energy therefore passes into the motor, and is there transformed into work. As the velocity increases the number cutting the rest of the circuit decreases, for the current diminishes, and, therefore, by 's law, the fall of potential along the circuit is less; and ultimately when the

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 going to be there! One would think there was no one in the world but Dicky Askew."

"One would, to hear you talk," said Cynthia.

When she was alone again, she went to the writing-table and tried to write a letter. She made two rough copies and tore them up, began a third and burst into tears in the middle. The anticipa tion of the artistic atmosphere for the rest of her life did not seem to be exhilarating.

"Mr. Ruthven," announced the man-servant.

"Oh, how do you do?" said Cynthia with desperate com posure.

"What's the matter?" he asked bluntly, just as Margaret had done, "and what are all those flowers on the floor for? It looks like a funeral."

"It isn't—they're not—oh don't," said Cynthia with an hysterical sob.

Willis had hold of her hand still and drew her on to the sofa beside him.

"Something seems to have disturbed you," he said, and cleared his throat sympathetically; "what is it, eh?"

"I can't very well tell you," she replied with an effort to be calm.

"Then don't," said Willis, in the tone he might have used in soothing a child; "we'll talk about something else instead. I was down at Johnson's just now——"

"Johnson's? Whatever did you go to my agent's for?" she asked in a surprised tone.

"To ask him if your affairs were in a satisfactory condition," he replied frankly.

"Why did you want to know!"

"For reasons I will tell you presently." "And

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358 velocity of the motor becomes very great the current becomes very small. In the limit no level surface cuts the circuit, all converging on the motor. That is, all the energy passes into the motor when it is transformed into work, and the efficiency of the arrangement is perfect, though the rate of doing work is infinitely slow.

(6.) Induced currents.

It is not so easy to form a mental picture of the movement of energy which takes place when the field is changing and induced currents are created. But we can see in a general way how these currents are accounted for. When there is a steady current in a field there is corresponding to it a definite distribution of energy. If there is a secondary circuit present, so long as the primary current is constant, there is no E.M.I. in the secondary circuit for it is all at the same potential. The energy neither moves into nor out of it, but streams round it somewhat as a current of liquid would stream round a solid obstacle. But if the primary current changes there is a redistribution of the energy in the field. While this takes place there will be a temporary E.M.I. set up in the conducting matter of the secondary circuit, energy will move through it, and some of the energy will there be transformed into heat or work, that is, a current will be induced in the secondary circuit.

(7.) The electromagnetic theory of light.

The velocity of plane waves of polarised light on the electromagnetic theory may be deduced from the consideration of the flow of energy. If the waves pass on unchanged in form with uniform velocity the energy in any part of the system due to the disturbance also passes on unchanged in amount with the same velocity. If this velocity be v, then the energy contained in unit volume of cubical form with one face in a wave front will all pass out through that face in $$1/v$$th of a second. Let us suppose that the direction of propagation is straightforward, while the displacements are up and down; then the magnetic intensity will be right and left. If $$\mathfrak{E}$$ be the E.M.I. and $$\mathfrak{H}$$ the M.I. within the volume, supposed so small that the intensities may be taken as uniform through the cube, then the energy within it is $$K\mathfrak{E}^{2}/8\pi+\mu\mathfrak{H}^{2}/8\pi$$. The rate at which energy crosses the face in the wave front is $$\mathfrak{EH}/4\pi$$ per second, while it takes $$1/v$$th of a second for the energy in the cube to pass out.

Then

Now, if we take a face of the cube perpendicular to the direction of displacement, and therefore containing the M.I., the fine-integral of the M.I. round this face is equal to $$4\pi\times$$ current through the face. If we denote distance in the direction of propagation

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Rh from some fixed plane by $$z$$, the line integral of the M.I. is $$-\tfrac{d\mathfrak{H}}{dz}$$, while the current, being an alteration of displacement, is $$\tfrac{K}{4\pi}\tfrac{d\mathfrak{E}}{dt}$$

Therefore

But since the displacement is propagated unchanged with velocity $$v$$, the displacement now at a given point will alter in time $$dt$$ to the displacement now a distance $$dz$$ behind, where $$dz=vdt$$.

Therefore

Substituting in (2)

$\frac{d\mathfrak{H}}{dz}=Kv\frac{d\mathfrak{E}}{dz}$|undefined

whence

the function of the time being zero, since $$\mathfrak{H}$$ and $$\mathfrak{E}$$ are zero together in the parts which the wave has not yet reached.

If we take the line-integral of the E.M.I. round a face perpendicular to the M.I. and equate this to the decrease of magnetic induction through the face, we obtain similarly

It may be noticed that the product of (4) and (5) at once gives the value of $$v$$, for dividing out $$\mathfrak{E}\mathfrak{H}$$ we obtain

$1=\mu Kv^{2}$

or

$v=\frac{1}{\sqrt{\mu K}}$|undefined

But using one of these equations alone, say (4), and substituting in (1) K for $$\mathfrak{H}$$ and dividing by $$\mathfrak{E}^{2}$$, we have

$\frac{K}{4\pi}=\frac{K}{8\pi}+\frac{\mu K^{2}v^{2}}{8\pi}$|undefined

or

$1=\mu Kv^{2}\,$

whence

$v=\frac{1}{\sqrt{\mu K}}$|undefined

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360 This at once gives us the magnetic energy equal to the electric energy, for

$\frac{\mu\mathfrak{H}^{2}}{8\pi}=\frac{\mu K^{2}v^{2}\mathfrak{E}^{2}}{8\pi}=\frac{K\mathfrak{E}^{2}}{8\pi}$|undefined

It may be noted that the velocity $$\tfrac{1}{\sqrt{\mu K}}$$ is the greatest velocity with which the two energies can be propagated together, and that they must be equal when travelling with this velocity. For if $$v$$ be the velocity of propagation and $$\theta$$ the angle between the two intensities, we have

$\frac{\mathfrak{EH}\sin\theta}{4\pi v}=\frac{K\mathfrak{E}^{2}}{8\pi}+\frac{\mu\mathfrak{H^{2}}}{8\pi}$|undefined

or

$v=\frac{2\sin\theta}{\frac{K\mathfrak{E}}{\mathfrak{H}}+\frac{\mu\mathfrak{H}}{\mathfrak{E}}}$|undefined

The greatest value of the numerator is 2 when $$\theta$$ is a right angle, and the least value of the denominator is $$2\sqrt{\mu K}$$, when the two terms are equal to each other and to $$\sqrt{\mu K}$$.

The maximum value of $$v$$ therefore is $$\tfrac{1}{\sqrt{\mu K}}$$, and occurs when $$\theta=\frac{\pi}{2}$$ and $$K\mathfrak{E}^{2}=\mu\mathfrak{H^{2}}$$.

The preceding examples will suffice to show that it is easy to arrange some of the known experimental facts in accordance with the general law of the flow of energy. I am not sure that there has hitherto been any distinct theory of the way in which the energy developed in various parts of the circuit has found its way thither, but there is, I believe, a prevailing and somewhat vague opinion that in some way it has been carried along the conductor by the current. Probably 's use of the term "displacement" to describe one of the factors of the electric energy of the medium has tended to support this notion. It is very difficult to keep clearly in mind that this "displacement" is, as far as we are yet warranted in describing it, merely a something with direction which has some of the properties of an actual displacement in incompressible fluids or solids. When we learn that the "displacement" in a conductor having a current in it increases continually with the time, it is almost impossible to avoid picturing something moving along the conductor, and it then seems only natural to endow this something with energy-carrying power. Of course it may turn out that there is an actual displacement along the lines of electromotive intensity. But it is quite as likely that the electric "displacement" is only a function of the true displacement, and it is conceivable that many theories may be formed in which this is the case, while they may all account for the observed facts. Mr. has already worked out one such theory in which the component of the electric displacement

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Rh at any point in the direction of $$x$$ is $$\tfrac{1}{8\pi}\nabla^{2}\xi$$, where $$\xi$$ is the component of the true displacement (Phil. Mag., June 1881). It seems to me then that our use of the term is somewhat unfortunate, as suggesting to our minds so much that is unverified or false, while it is so difficult to bear in mind how little it really means.

I have therefore given several cases in considerable detail of the application of the mode of transfer of energy in current-bearing circuits according to the law given above, as I think it is necessary that we should realise thoroughly that if we accept 's theory of energy residing in the medium, we must no longer consider a current as something conveying energy along the conductor. A current in a conductor is rather to be regarded as consisting essentially of a convergence of electric and magnetic energy from the medium upon the conductor and its transformation there into other forms. The current through a seat of so-called electromotive force consists essentially of a divergence of energy from the conductor into the medium. The magnetic lines of force are related to the circuit in the same way throughout, while the lines of electric force are in opposite directions in the two parts of the circuit,—with the so-called current in the conductor, against it in the seat of electromotive force. It follows that the total E.M.I. round the circuit with a steady current is zero, or the work done in carrying a unit of positive electricity round the circuit with the current is zero. For work is required to move it against the E.M.I. in the seat of energy, this work sending energy out into the medium, while an equal amount of energy comes in in the rest of the circuit where it is moving with the E.M.I. This mode of regarding the relations of the various parts of the circuit is, I am aware, very different from that usually given, but it seems to me to give us a better account of the known facts.

It may seem at first sight that we ought to have new experimental indications of this sort of movement of energy, if it really takes place. We should look for proofs at points where the energy is transformed into other modifications, that is, in conductors. Now in a conductor, when the field is in a steady state, there is no electromotive intensity, and therefore no motion and no transformation of energy. The energy merely streams round the outside of the conductor, if in motion at all in its neighbourhood. If the field is changing, energy can pass into the conductor, as there may be temporary E.M.I. set up within it, and there will be transformation. But we already know the nature of this transformation, for it constitutes the induced current. Indeed, the fundamental equation describing the motion of energy is only a deduction from 's equations, which are formed so as to express the experimental facts as far as yet known. Among these are the laws of induction in secondary circuits, and they must therefore agree with the law of transfer. We can hardly hope, then, for any further proof of the law beyond its agreement with the experiments already known until some method is discovered of testing what goes on in the dielectric independently of the secondary circuit.

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 "And pray, what did he say about my affairs? "

"Oh, excellent report, never been selling better, largely owing to that new poster he says; it just wanted that to freshen up the sale a bit. Bless me, what have I said now, Cynthia?"

"Oh, nothing. I am sick of that new poster. Margaret was full of it yesterday. Everybody is full of it. Why did they want a new poster to freshen up the sale just now? I don t want the horrible money."

She wondered why he looked so pleased.

"Don't you really, Cynthia? Would you give it up willingly if—if you, well, if the terms of the will had to be fulfilled? "

She turned and looked at him with a hunted look in her eyes.

"How did you know? What makes you ask me that r" she burst out.

"Of course I knew, my dear," he answered with his genial smile; "why, I made Jim add that codicil myself."

"You? You made him? Willis, I don't understand. Why did you? "

"For the same reason that I have come here this morning, Cynthia. Is it so difficult to understand, then? "

There was a slight tremble in the bluff tones, but she did not notice it. She was so absorbed in her own engrossing affairs this morning that her faculties had grown incapable of receiving any impression from outside. She continued to look at him questioningly.

"What reason?" she asked.

"Because I knew what you didn't know then, poor child—that Jim was dying. And I meant to come back for you after seven years and take you for my own—if you would come. We were such good friends, Cynthia, and—I thought perhaps you would come

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 against. Catholicism and against every positive view of life is gradvially growing in strength. While the Kulturkampf legislation in Prussia, at least in so far as its most oppressive features are concerned, has been long repealed, the Jesuit Law still remains in force, forbidding the members of this order (even though they are subjects of the empire) to settle in Germany. So far the Centre has been able to secure a mitigation of this law (the removal of §2), but not its complete repeal. Vain have been its previous efforts to carry the so-called "Tolerance Law", which aims at securing full religious liberty for Catholics in all the states of the German Empire. The Centre has to wage a constant warfare against the slighting of Catholics in public life. Even to-day complete equality with their Protestant fellow-citizens is with- held from Catholics. This is especially seen in the exclusion of Catholics from the higher offices in the state, for only very rarely is a practical Catholic en- trusted with such an office, although more than one- third of the population of Germany belongs to the Catholic Church. Since the end of the Kulturkampf an additional and most important task of the Centre Party in the Prussian Chamber of Deputies has been the defence of Christian and Catholic principles in public education, while it has also had to fight con- stantly against the difficulties placed in the way of the foundation of religious institutions, etc. The chairmen of the Centre were: (a) in the Reichs- tag: Karl Friedrich von Savigny (1871-75); Freiherr von und zu Franckenstein (1875-90); Franz Graf von Balle.strem (1890-93); Alfred Graf von Hompesch (1893-1909); Freiherr von Hertling (1909-11); Presi- dent of the High Court of Appeal, Dr. Spahn (1911-); (b) in the Prussian Chamber of Deputies: Karl Fried- rich von Savigny (1870-75) ; Freiherr von Schorlemer- Alst (1875-89) ; Freiherr von Heeremann (1889-1901) ; Sheriff (Landrat) Fritzen (1901-03); Councillor of Justice Dr. Porsch (1904 — ). The most celebrated leaders of the Centre were Dr. Ludwig Windthorst and Dr. Ernst Maria Lieber. From 1879 to 1912— with the exception of the Cartel and the Block periods (1887-90; 1907-09)— the Centre was always repre- sented in the presidency of the Reichstag. In the Reichstag elected in 1912 the Centre renounced its claim to a presidential position on account of the alliance between the Liberals and Socialists. In 1879-87 the Centre secured the appointment of Freiherr von Franckenstein as first vice-president; in 1890-93 of Count Ballestrem; in 1893-95 of Freiherr von Buol-Bercnberg. When in 1895 the Conser- vative president resigned because the majority of the Reichstag refused to vote for the official congratulat ion of Prince Bismarck on the occasion of his eightieth birthday, a member of the Centre (Freiherr von Buol- Berenberg) for the first time occupied the presidential chair. This honour remained with the Centre until the dissolution of the Reichstag in 1906, and the ex- ceptional skill with which Count; Bellestrem conducted the business of the Reichstag was universally recog- nized. In 1910-11 the leader of the Centre, Dr. Spahn, was first vice-president. In the Prussian Chamber of Deputies the Centre has appointed the first vice-president since 1882; since 1903 Dr. Porsch has filled this position. An "Imperial Committee of the German Centre Party" (15 members), to deal with all the interests of the party throughout the empire, was founded in 1911. Previous to that date there were only the still existing national com- mittees for the different states. In important affairs representatives of the other states of the confederacy are invited to the sessions of the Prussian national committee. Of the 397 members of the German Reichstag, the Centre (■luime3 in 1S71 ; 93 in 1877; 94 in 1878; 100 in ISSl ; 9!) in ISSl; 98 in 1887; 106 in 1890; 96 in 1893; 102 in 1S9S; 100 in 1903; 109 in 1907; 92 in 1912. Of the 433 (since 1906, 443) mem- bers of the Prussian Chamber of Deputies the Centre numbered 54 in 1870, 86 in 1873, and since that date always over 90 (since 1909, 104). (a) Bavakia. — In 1869 the "Bavarian Patriotic Party" was founded in Bavaria. It was called into existence by the strong opposition to the surrender of the Bavarian claims to the sovereignty in favour of Prussia (i. e. of the North German Confederacy), and also for the purpose of opposing the anti-religious policy of Liberahsm, which found ex-pression espe- cially in the Bavarian School Bill of 1868. The first leader of the Patriotic Party was Dr. Edmund Joerg (1819-1901), who performed such valuable service during his long occupancy of the editorial chair (1853-1901) of the Catholic periodical "Historisch- poUtische Blatter." Through their affection for and sympathy with neighbouring Austria, whose peo- ple were descended from the same stock and were kindred in their ideas, and through their dishke and suspicion of Prussia, which was little friendly towards Catholics, Joerg and a section of the Patriotic Party opposed the union of Germany under the leadership of Prussia in 1870-71. They voted against the war appropriation moved by the Bavarian Government on the outbreak of the Franco-German War, sup- ported oidy the armed neutrality of Bavaria, and voted against the Treaty of Versailles. The Patriotic Party, however, later acquiesced in the reorganization of the relations of the German states, and did not refuse its consent to the extension of the competence of the German Empire. From 1871 to 1875 the party waged a vigorous warfare against the Bavarian Government in view of the anti-CathoMc legislation introduced after the Prussian model and of its extensive support of the Old Catholic movement. Even in 1875, when the party had the majority in the Chamber, the Govern- ment cont-nued the Kulturkampf (Minister of Public Worship von Lutz), although now in an underhand manner. Only since 1890 have the Old Catholics no longer been officially considered as Catholics, and in that year was passed the vote for the recall of the Re- demptorist Fathers (expelled in 1872). The attempt of Dr. Johann Sigl (editor of the extravagantly particu- laristic daily paper "Das bayrische Vaterland") to found a "Catholic Popular Party" in 1876, because in the minds of individuals the Patriotic Party had not been sufficiently energetic in ecclesiastical questions, proved unsuccessful. In 1887 the Patriotic Party adopted the name of the "Bavarian Centre Party". In 1890, owing to the gi-owth of the Bavarian Peas- ants' League, the party lost its majority in the diet. The quarrel between Church and State having ceased, the Centre inserted in its programme a sys- tematic policy in favour of agi'iculture and small in- dustries (1893), and in the elections of 1899 again secured a majority. This they still (1912) retain in spite of the attacks of the united Liberal and Social Democratic parties. During this period the Party took the lead in the constitutional development of the Bavarian legislation and administration as regards both education and economics. In 1912 a member of the Centre was for the first time appointed president of the Bavarian Ministry (Freiherr von Hertling). The most celebrated leaders of the party, after the retirement of Joerg, were: Councillor of the High Court of Appeal Geiger (1S33-1912) and Dr. von Daller, gymnasial rector and professor of theology (1835-191 1). The most prominent leaders of to-day (1912) are Dr. von Orterer (b. 1849), gymnasial rector and councillor for higher studies, Dr. Pichler (b. 1852), provost of the cathedral of Passau, and Dr. Heim (b. 1865), leader of the Peasants. The leader of tlie B;ivari;in Centre in the German Reichstag is Dr. S( luidliT (b. 1852), cathedral dean of Bamberg. Of the 159 (since 1905, 163) members of the Bavarian Chamber the Patriotic Party (i. c. the Centre)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Worcester, William


text: On the Transfer of Energy in the Electromagnetic Field


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Worde, Wynkyn de


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Author:John Athelstan Laurie Riley

Works

 * Athos; Or, The Mountain of the Monks (1887)
 * Ye Watchers and Ye Holy Ones (1906)
 * (in part)

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 Here he gave some offence to a neighbouring gentleman, Sir Amias Paulet (d. 1538) [q. v.], who, according to Cavendish, set him in the stocks—an indignity for which Wolsey called him, in after years, to severe account. Even then he had good friends besides Dorset, who died in September 1501; for on 3 Nov. of that year he obtained a dispensation from the pope to hold two incompatible benefices along with Limington, and the archbishop of Canterbury, Henry Deane [q. v.], about the same time appointed him one of his domestic chaplains. The archbishop, however, died in February 1503, and Wolsey next became chaplain to Sir Richard Nanfan [q. v.], deputy of Calais, who apparently entrusted to him the entire charge of his money affairs, and commended him to the service of Henry VII.

Wolsey accordingly about 1507, when Nanfan died, became the king's chaplain, and grew intimate with the most powerful men at court, especially with Richard Foxe [q. v.], bishop of Winchester, and Sir Thomas Lovell [q. v.], who remained his lifelong friends. On 8 June 1506 he had been instituted to the parish church of Redgrave in Suffolk, on the presentation of the abbot of Bury St. Edmund's. In the spring of 1508 he was sent to Scotland by the king to prevent a rupture which James seemed almost anxious to provoke. On 31 July the pope gave him a bull permitting him to hold the vicarage of Lydd and two other benefices along with Limington. He must have been presented to Lydd by the abbot of Tintern, and he is said to have raised at his own expense the height of the church tower there. To this year also probably belongs the marvellous story told from memory by Cavendish, as reported to him by Wolsey himself, of his having been despatched by the king as a special envoy to Maximilian the emperor, then in Flanders, not far from Calais, and, getting an immediate answer, of his having performed the double journey and double crossing of the Channel with such extraordinary celerity that he arrived again at Richmond on the evening of the third day after his despatch, and next morning incurred at first an undue reproof from the king, who thought he had not yet started. The affair seems to have taken place at the beginning of August, but he could not have visited the emperor then. The matter, we know, related to the king's intended marriage to Margaret of Savoy, about which Wolsey was certainly in the Low Countries again later in the year.

Henry VII, however, died in April following; but before his death, on 2 Feb. 1509, he had made Wolsey dean of Lincoln. Six days later he obtained also the prebend of Welton Brinkhall in that cathedral, which on 3 May he exchanged for that of Stow Longa. He was installed as dean by proxy on 25 March. Henry VIII at once made him almoner, and on 8 Nov. 1509 granted him all the goods of felones de se and all deodands in England, in augmentation of the royal alms. On 9 Oct. he had a grant of the parsonage of St. Bride's in Fleet Street, of which Sir Richard Empson [q. v.] had taken a long lease from the abbot of Westminster; but the patent seems to have been invalid, and was renewed in a more effectual form on 30 Jan. 1510. On 21 Feb. following one Edmund Daundy of Ipswich obtained a license to found a chantry there, with masses for the souls of Wolsey's father and mother. On 24 April Wolsey, being then M.A., supplicated for the degrees of B.D. and D.D. at Oxford (, Register of the University, i. 67, 296). On 5 July he obtained the prebend of Pratum Minus in Hereford Cathedral, and on 27 Nov. he was presented to the parish church of Torrington in Devonshire, which he held till he became a bishop. On 17 Feb. 1511 he was made a canon of Windsor, and was a few months after elected by the knights of the Garter as their registrar. In the latter part of the same year his signature appears for the first time in documents signed by privy councillors, and it is to be remarked that he always spells his own surname ‘Wulcy.’

We then trace his hand for the first time in public affairs under the new reign; for the plan of operations against France in 1512 was clearly due to him. England, besides attacking the northern coast of that country, sent that unfortunate expedition to Spain under Thomas Grey, second marquis of Dorset [q. v.], which was so ill supported by Ferdinand, and came home in defiance of orders. The mutineers seem to have been encouraged by a knowledge of Wolsey's unpopularity at home; for the special confidence shown in ‘Mr. Almoner’ was very distasteful to the old nobility. A letter of 7 Aug. 1512 from Lord Darcy at Berwick shows that some important intelligence from spies at Berwick was communicated to Wolsey alone of all the council; and in September, when Thomas Howard, first earl of Surrey (afterwards Duke of Norfolk) [q. v.], had retired from court under a cloud, Wolsey ventured to suggest to Bishop Foxe that he might as well be kept out of it henceforth altogether. The king relied on Wolsey to devise new expeditions to wipe out a national disgrace, and he not only drew up estimates of the nature, amount, and expenses of the armaments required, but was busy for months pro-


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 viding shipping, victuals, transports, conduct-money, and other details; so that Bishop Foxe was seriously afraid of his health breaking down under his ‘outrageous charge and labour.’

In 1512 Wolsey was made dean of Hereford, but resigned on 3 Dec. That same month Dean Harrington of York died, and first his prebend of Bugthorpe was given to Wolsey on 16 Jan. 1513, then his deanery, to which Wolsey was elected on 19 Feb., and admitted on the 21st. At this time he was also dean of St. Stephen's, Westminster, and on 8 July he was made precentor of London. On 30 June he had crossed to Calais with the king with a retinue of two hundred men—double that of Bishop Foxe and of Bishop Ruthall. He accompanied Henry through the campaign when Thérouanne and Tournay successively surrendered. He received letters in France from Bishop Ruthall of the Scots king's invasion and defeat at Flodden. He had also letters about it from Catherine of Arragon, who, left at home and anxious for news of her husband, was at this time his frequent correspondent. He no doubt came back with the king in the end of October.

He had his own share, too, in the king's conquests. The bishopric of Tournay, being vacant, was conferred upon him by the pope at the king's request. A French bishop had, however, already been elected, and it was not till peace was made that Wolsey could hope to obtain possession, which, indeed, he never actually did; but in 1518 he surrendered his claims on the bishopric for a pension of twelve thousand livres. Meanwhile he received from the king the bishopric of Lincoln, for which he obtained bulls on 6 Feb. 1514, and was consecrated at Lambeth on 26 March. In May we already find the pope had been urged to consider the expediency of making him a cardinal, which, however, was not done for more than a year later. Meanwhile the death of Cardinal Bainbridge at Rome [see ] vacated the archbishopric of York, which was conferred on Wolsey by bulls dated 15 Sept.

In the marked increase of his correspondence during the past two years we see that his paramount influence was now acknowledged. He was gradually leading foreign policy back to traditions of Henry VII's time, from which the new king had departed by his alliance with Ferdinand. Young Henry had occasion to resent the perfidy of his father-in-law, who not only was a faithless ally himself, but won over Maximilian to desert England likewise. But Wolsey saw the means of retribution, and when the marriage of Charles of Castile with the king's sister Mary, which was to have taken place in May 1514, was broken off by the double dealing of Maximilian, he laid secretly the foundations not only of a peace but also of an alliance with France. In August the match was arranged between Louis XII and the king's sister Mary (1496–1533) [q. v.]; and in October the young bride went over to France, and was actually married there. To crown the political alliance there was a very secret proposal for an interview between the two kings in March following, and for a joint campaign for the expulsion of Ferdinand from Navarre. But Louis XII died on 1 Jan. 1515, and young Francis I succeeded, intent on the conquest of Milan. Suffolk's embassy to the new French king was rendered futile for political purposes by his private love affair with Mary [see, first ]. Wolsey certainly saved the duke at this time from the consequences of his indiscretion. But Francis set off for Italy in the summer without having given any pledge to prevent John Stewart, duke of Albany, from going to Scotland.

On 10 Sept. Leo X created Wolsey ‘cardinal sole’—not, as usual, one in a batch of promotions. His title was ‘S. Cæcilia trans Tiberim.’ The hat was sent to England with a very valuable ring from the pope, and the prothonotary who brought it (who was supplied at Wolsey's expense with more costly apparel than he brought with him) was conducted in a stately procession through the streets to Westminster on Thursday, 15 Nov. On Sunday, the 18th, it was placed on Wolsey's head in the abbey, amid a great concourse of bishops, Colet preaching the sermon. On 24 Dec. following Wolsey was appointed lord chancellor in the room of William Warham [q. v.], who had resigned two days before. He now, as the Venetian ambassador expressed it, might be called ‘ipse Rex,’ for it seemed that the whole power of the state was lodged in him.

That same month that Wolsey was made cardinal Francis won the battle of Marignano, and at once became master of Milan. Henry VIII did not like it, and, as Ferdinand's position in Naples was threatened, the latter's ambassador on 10 Oct. concluded with Wolsey a new league for commerce and defence against invasion, which was ratified by Henry on the 27th. Wolsey also sent his secretary, Richard Pace [q. v.], with secret instructions to enlist Swiss mercenaries to serve the Emperor Maximilian against France, taking care that the money for their


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 pay did not fall into his majesty's own most untrustworthy hands. Maximilian, indeed, though he actually managed to clutch a small portion (by no fault on Pace's part), betrayed the enterprise most shamefully in the spring of 1516, when there really seemed great hope of driving out the French from Milan, and made very lame excuses for his conduct. But meanwhile the death of Ferdinand in January produced a new change. Young Charles of Castile, Maximilian's grandson, became king of Spain; but he remained for the present in Belgium, and his councillors leaned to France. Maximilian said he would come down from the Tyrol and remove them and get him to join the league. It was only another pretence for extracting money from England, but it was convenient to humour him. He did come down; but having got what he wanted out of England, before the end of the year he sold all his claims on Italy for two hundred thousand ducats by accepting the treaty of Noyon, made in August between France and Spain. Wolsey's comment on the news was that the emperor seemed to be like a participle, which was in some degree a noun, in some degree a verb. But the king, under his guidance, accepted the most transparent excuses for Maximilian's conduct and made no change in his policy, thereby bringing the emperor under suspicion of his new friends and destroying completely his significance in European politics.

Wolsey's policy now was to let both Francis and the young king of Spain find out the value of alliance with England; for France wanted to recover Tournay, and Charles wanted money to take him to his new kingdom, where there was serious danger, if he delayed, that his brother Ferdinand would be crowned in his place. But delayed Charles was, both by want of money and by an invasion of his Dutch dominions by the Duke of Gueldres. A loan from Henry VIII, however, ultimately enabled him to sail for Spain in September 1517. As to France, England was still supposed to be watching her with jealousy and ill-will. But very secret communications had begun even in February 1517 between Charles Somerset, first earl of Worcester [q. v.], at Brussels and the dean of Tournay, referring probably in the first place to difficulties in the ecclesiastical administration (for the diocese of Tournay lay chiefly in Flanders), but leading ultimately to correspondence with the Duke of Orleans, and a suggestion that the city itself might be surrendered to Francis for four hundred thousand crowns. In November Stephen Poncher, bishop of Paris, and Peter de la Guiche came over to England to arrange matters.

Meanwhile the riot on ‘Evil Mayday’ (1517) had been met by prompt measures of repression, by which Wolsey earned the gratitude of the foreign merchants in London; and a few days after he no less earned the gratitude of many of the rioters themselves, who, after the execution of twenty of the ringleaders, were pardoned at his earnest intercession. Shortly afterwards the sweating sickness became alarmingly prevalent. Wolsey had four repeated attacks during the summer, and in June his life was despaired of. Still he was so unremitting in his attention to business that the king himself, besides various messages, wrote to him with his own hand, both to thank him and to urge him to take some relaxation. Acting perhaps on this advice, he set out on pilgrimage to Walsingham in August, which, however, seems to have done him little good, as he still suffered from fever after his return and was ill again next year.

At Rome, in the spring of 1517, Cardinal Adrian de Castello [q. v.], papal collector in England, was involved in the conspiracy of two other cardinals to poison Leo X, and fled to Venice. His quondam sub-collector, Polydore Vergil [q. v.], had already been imprisoned by Wolsey just before he was made cardinal for letters reflecting on the king and him, and had only been released after some time at the pope's intercession. There is no doubt, moreover, that Cardinal Adrian himself had acted against Wolsey's interests at Rome. The king now urged Leo to deprive him of his cardinalate, and promised Wolsey his bishopric of Bath and Wells. Leo, however, was timid and interposed delays for a whole year, till circumstances compelled him to give way.

In the spring of 1518 Bishop Poncher, having returned to Paris, sent his secretary to England suggesting that the proposed agreement for Tournay should be made the foundation for a European peace, as the Turk was threatening Christendom. The pope was just then urging a crusade, and a legate for the purpose had been received at Paris in December. Other legates were to be sent to other princes and Cardinal Campeggio to England. The king at once intimated to the pope that it was an unusual thing to admit a foreign cardinal in England as legate, but that he would waive his objection on that point if the legate's powers were restricted and Wolsey were joined with him in equal authority. The pope felt compelled to yield, and on 17 May created Wolsey legate de latere as Campeggio's asso-


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I see thee, and my soul is swung

In golden trances of delight ;

I hear thee, and my tremulous tongue

Hurls forth a flight

Of bird-like songs, saluting thee.

Oh, come and dwell and dream with me.

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 ciate. Still, Cardinal Adrian was not yet deprived, and Campeggio, when he reached Calais in June, had to wait there till the king was satisfied on this point also; so that it was only on 23 July that he landed at Deal, and on the 29th that he entered London. On 3 Aug. the two legates were received by the king in state at Greenwich. Meanwhile, on 30 July at Rome, Leo X granted to Wolsey the administration of the bishopric of Bath and Wells; he held this bishopric for four years in commendam.

But under cover, partly of the proposed general European peace, partly of an arrangement for Tournay, plans were now formed for a closer union between France and England. A son had been born to Francis in February, and on 9 July secret articles were signed by the king and Wolsey and the French ambassador for the marriage of the dauphin to the Princess Mary and for the surrender of Tournay. A special commission was issued to Wolsey next day to treat with Villeroy, the French king's secretary of finances, for a peace and for the marriage. A splendid embassy then arrived from France, with Bonnivet and Bishop Poncher at the head, to treat with the representatives of Leo X, Henry VIII, and other princes for a general European league, but certainly with a view to a more particular treaty with England. And though the French raised objections at first to some points in the general league, they had to waive them in order to conclude the closer alliance, in which, besides very advantageous terms for the marriage and the redemption of Tournay (a town of no value to England), Wolsey obtained from them a concession that Albany was not to be allowed to go to Scotland during the minority of James V [see ]. On Sunday, 3 Oct., Wolsey sang mass at St. Paul's, when the king took his oath to the treaty in a scene which Bonnivet declared ‘too magnificent for description.’ On the 5th the proxy marriage took place at Greenwich; and in the evening Wolsey gave a supper at Westminster, which in the opinion of the Venetian ambassador must have exceeded the banquets of Cleopatra and Caligula. The whole hall was decorated with huge vases of gold and silver. Of the disguisings and pageants a description is given by Hall which partly resembles a well-known scene described by Cavendish and dramatised in the play of ‘Henry VIII,’ except that nothing is mentioned on this occasion of the discharge of cannon. Finally, on 8 Oct., it was agreed that an interview should take place between the kings of England and France near Calais before the end of July 1519.

The world had been for some time blinded as to what was going on when this new French alliance emerged into the light of day. It was not relished in England, and no doubt Polydore Vergil expresses only the ignorant feeling of the time when he says that the giving up of Tournay was a triumph to the French. The whole thing was managed, as Sir Thomas More told the Venetian ambassador, ‘most solely’ by the cardinal, and the king's other councillors had only been called in to approve after the matter was already settled. Charles's ambassador was disgusted at the separate treaty with France, and insisted that it should be cancelled before he accepted the general one, beneficial as he admitted that it was for his master's interests. But Charles himself, desiring to be included as a principal contrahent, ratified the league at Saragossa on 19 Jan. 1519 (, Corps Diplomatique, iv. 266–9).

Charles was ignorant at that date that his grandfather, the Emperor Maximilian, had died in Austria on the 12th. Although the empire was elective, Maximilian had done his best to secure beforehand the succession of his grandson; but Francis I entered the field as a competitor, and spent much money in bribing the electors. Henry VIII, too, hoping for encouragement from the pope, who dreaded the election of either prince, felt his way towards offering himself as a third candidate, and sent his secretary, Pace (who had been Wolsey's secretary before), to show each of the electors in great confidence the serious objections that existed to either of the other two. To retain his hold on the king Wolsey was obliged to be the instrument of this policy, though he evidently did not think it judicious. Pace's mission was fruitless, and his machinations, not having been effectually concealed, opened the eyes of Francis to the perfidy of Henry VIII, who had actually promised to advance his candidature. Wolsey, however, made a curious use of the affair in his despatches to Rome, getting the bishop of Worcester, Silvestro Gigli [q. v.], to tell the pope that he had done his best to mitigate the king's displeasure with his holiness for having latterly acquiesced in the election of Charles, and to urge that for his services to the universal peace his legateship, which was only temporary like Campeggio's, should be prolonged indefinitely. Campeggio, on his return to Rome, backed up the suggestion, and the pope extended Wolsey's legateship for three years. It was afterwards continued for


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 various terms, and with increased powers for the visitation of monasteries and other objects, both by Leo X and his successors.

Wolsey had supported a French alliance notwithstanding its unpopularity, knowing well the valuable concessions Francis would willingly make to secure it. But he was opposed not only by the nobility at home, but by the queen, who saw clearly that the interests of France were opposed to those of her nephew, the new emperor. So the alliance had been scarcely formed when efforts were made to loosen it. In May 1519, before the struggle for the empire, there were secret meetings of old councillors, who made bold to represent to the king that some young men of his privy chamber who had seen the fashions of the French court used too great familiarity with him; and on this remonstrance Henry dismissed them—a thing of which much was said in Paris. But their places were supplied by older men who stood well in Wolsey's favour, so that if the blow was aimed at him, it was a failure; and Francis, who was very anxious for the interview, offered, if Wolsey sought to be pope, to secure for him the votes of fourteen cardinals. But there was so much negotiation necessary that the summer of 1519 was far spent, and the great meeting had to be put off till the following spring, when, to facilitate matters, Francis made Wolsey his proctor, and the arrangements on both sides being left entirely in his hands, very little further obstacle was encountered.

Wolsey, however, by no means aimed at an exclusive alliance with France; and these negotiations had the effect, which he fully intended, of exciting the jealousy of the new-made emperor. His object was to make England arbiter of the destinies of Europe. Charles had cordially accepted an invitation sent him by Henry just after his election to visit England on his way from Spain. By paying England this honour he hoped to frustrate the interview with France. But Spanish diplomacy was slow, and arrangements had to be made beforehand with the disadvantage of a stormy sea between Spain and England, so that in the spring of 1520 Jean de la Sauch, the emperor's Flemish secretary, who had been flitting to and fro between Spain, England, and the Netherlands, was afraid the French would win. The time was getting short, and Wolsey seemed distinctly in the interest of France. La Sauch believed that it was only because he had been well bribed, and that the emperor to win him should give him substantial preferments in Spain, for nobody else in England favoured the French interview at all. At the very time this was written the emperor had already signed at Compostella a promise that within two months, and before parting company with Henry, he would apply to the pope to give Wolsey the bishopric of Badajoz, worth in itself five thousand ducats, with an annual pension of two thousand ducats besides out of the bishopric of Palencia; and to this agreement the pope gave effect by a bull on 29 July following.

At last, on 11 April 1520, a treaty for the meeting with the emperor was drawn up in London. Charles was to land at Sandwich by 15 May, and visit the king at Canterbury next day. But if, owing to unfavourable weather or other causes, he should fail to do this, he and the king were to have a meeting on 22 July between Calais and Gravelines. Undoubtedly the emperor did his best to arrive in time to anticipate the French meeting, but he did not land until 26 May at Dover. Wolsey first visited him on board his own vessel, and brought him to land; then the king and he next day (Whit Sunday) conducted him to Canterbury to attend the day's solemnities and see the queen, his aunt. On Thursday, the 31st, he embarked again for Flanders, while Henry and Catherine, with a great company, Wolsey's train alone consisting of two hundred gentlemen in crimson velvet, sailed from Dover to Calais.

The French interview took place on 7 June. On the day preceding a treaty was signed by Francis at Ardres, and by Henry VIII at Guisnes, making arrangements for the continuance of a French pension to Mary, even in the event of her succession to the crown, and also providing that Francis should do his best to settle disputes between England and Scotland; in doing which he promised to stand to the arbitration of Wolsey and his own mother, the Duchess of Angoulême. But no other business seems to have been done, though the festivities continued till the 24th, when the kings separated. The Field of the Cloth of Gold was undoubtedly a scene of matchless splendour, and the grandeur of the temporary palace and chapel built by Wolsey for the occasion was the theme of endless admiration. But the show of warm friendship with France was altogether deceptive. Henry was at heart more inclined to the interests of the emperor. It is certain that a secret compact had been signed between them at Canterbury, and, as the emperor's visit had been necessarily hurried, a further meeting had been arranged between them, to take place immediately after the French interview. It took place


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 accordingly on 10 July at Gravelines, and next day the emperor, with his aunt, Margaret of Savoy, visited the king at Calais, and stayed with him till the 14th, when he took his leave.

This further meeting was naturally not relished in France. Without knowing what was done at it, the French saw that they were overreached. The fact was, a proposal had been discussed, both at Calais and at Canterbury, for the marriage of the emperor to the Princess Mary, so lately betrothed to the dauphin; and on the very day that the emperor took his leave a new treaty was signed between him and Henry, whereby each of them engaged for two years to make no new treaty with France which should bind either of them further to those matrimonial alliances which both had already contracted in that quarter; for Charles had pledged himself to marry the French king's daughter Charlotte, and Henry to give his own daughter to the dauphin. This and some further points being concluded, Henry sent to inform Francis that he had consented to the interview at Gravelines only out of courtesy, and that it had been made the occasion of most dishonourable proposals from Charles's ministers for the breaking off of marriage treaties on both sides with France that Henry might assist the emperor to be crowned in Italy. Francis was not deceived, and showed his real feelings at first by ordering Ardres to be fortified; but Wolsey, as a friend, remonstrated so strongly against his doing so that he forbore. He was afraid to give England provocation, promised not to let Albany go to Scotland, and deferred an intention he had announced in September of going in person to Italy to secure Milan against the emperor.

The arrest and execution of the Duke of Buckingham in the spring of 1521 were not due to Wolsey, as stated by the cardinal's great enemy, Polydore Vergil [see, third ]. It is true that Buckingham, like other noblemen, bore him ill will, and the examination of some of the duke's servants showed that he had said, if the king had died of a recent illness, that he would have had Wolsey's and Sir Thomas Lovell's heads chopped off. But the duke's fall was procured by a secret informer, whose name we do not know, in a paper delivered to Wolsey at the Moor in Hertfordshire, and it appears that Wolsey, far from being over-ready to take action, had given the duke warning at first to be cautious what he said about the king, whatever he might think fit to say about himself.

Matters were now tending to war between the emperor and Francis, and errors on both sides favoured Wolsey's policy of making England arbiter between them. Charles was too eager to commit Henry to take his part, while evading fulfilment of his secret pledge to marry Mary; but Wolsey advised the king not to press for further guarantees, assuring him that the imperialists would ere long seek to him ‘on their hands and knees’ for assistance. The French made a brave start in the war, and were soon masters of Navarre, but, attempting to push their conquests further, were defeated and lost all they had gained. They thus became more willing to accept England's mediation, which they had at first refused. But Charles called upon Henry to declare war against France, as he had bound himself to take part with either side if attacked by the other. Henry, however, required first to ascertain who was the real aggressor, and it was arranged that Wolsey should cross to Calais and hear deputies from both sides on the merits of their dispute, pledges being taken in the meanwhile from both parties that neither should make any private arrangement with the other till England had given its decision.

Wolsey accordingly left England with a number of alternative commissions, dated 29 July 1521, to settle differences between the emperor and Francis, to make a league with both powers and the pope, to treat for a closer amity with France, or for a league with the emperor against France. He landed at Calais on 2 Aug., and the conferences opened under his presidency on the 7th. The principal speakers were the imperial chancellor Gattinara, the French chancellor, Du Prat, and the nuncio, Jerome Ghinucci, then bishop of Ascoli (afterwards of Worcester), who had been despatched from Rome in the year preceding to be present at the great interview between Henry and Francis I. The proceedings were extraordinary. Wolsey proposed a truce during the deliberations of the conference, but neither the nuncio nor the imperialists had any commission for this, and the latter declared that Charles was so offended with Francis that he had forbidden them to treat at all. Wolsey might, however, negotiate with the emperor himself, who had come to Bruges to be near at hand. On this suggestion he acted, and persuaded the French deputies to remain at Calais till his return, giving them to understand that he would be only eight days absent.

Shameful to state, this suspension of the conference and visit to the emperor at Bruges had been planned before Wolsey left England, and under the pretence of removing diffi-


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 culties he was instructed to make in secret an offensive and defensive alliance against France. Henry was quite bent on a new war with that country, and desired negotiation in the meantime only to secure from the emperor an indemnity for the loss of his French pension and to gain time for preparation. Wolsey's own policy was certainly not warlike, but, as in the case of the imperial election, he felt it necessary to give in to the king's will. In their correspondence he only criticised details and suggested expedients, leaving events to teach their own lesson, without daring to oppose the king directly. His stay at Bruges with the emperor, instead of being limited to eight days, lasted three weeks, and no doubt the delay was due to long debates on the terms of the secret treaty, which was at length signed by himself and Margaret of Savoy (as representing England and the emperor) at Bruges on 25 Aug. During his stay there he twice met with the emperor's brother-in-law, Christian II of Denmark, who first sent an archbishop and two other personages to his lodging to request that he would come to him in the garden adjoining the house occupied by the emperor. Wolsey, as he informed the king, at first hesitated to comply, considering that he was the king's lieutenant, and the king of Denmark ought not to claim superiority over his sovereign; but as the garden lay in his way to the emperor he agreed, and next day Christian came to visit him.

On the resumption of the conference Wolsey was unable to procure a suspension of hostilities, but was obliged to hear long arguments on both sides as to the causes of the war. The imperialists meanwhile took Mouzon, and laid siege to Mézières; but they had to withdraw from the latter place and give up the former. They then advanced to besiege Tournay, but in Spain the French took Fontarabia, and the hopes of a truce were finally wrecked by their refusal to restore the latter place to the emperor, or even into the hands of the king of England as surety. Wolsey, whose health had broken down repeatedly during the conference, was at length recalled by the king, and returned to England in November. Before he left Calais a new league was concluded against France on 24 Nov., in which the pope was a contracting party, his nuncio having just received authority to join it. For Leo X, who had been in serious fear lest the conference should end in a peace, was now better assured. But his forces, with those of the emperor, had just taken Milan from the French, when he rather suddenly died on 2 Dec.

To maintain imperial authority at Rome, it was of the utmost importance that a successor should be chosen favourable to the new alliance. At Bruges Charles had promised Wolsey that on such an occurrence he would use his influence to secure his election, and he wrote to Wolsey himself to assure him that he had not forgotten his promise. Henry also sent Pace to the emperor about it, with instructions to go on to Rome with letters to influence the cardinals. Wolsey himself had but slight expectations, as the Spanish ambassador believed, but did not altogether despair. He was in truth very comfortable at home, where the king had just given him in November the abbey of St. Albans, in addition to his other preferments, in consideration that he had spent, by Henry's own estimate, 10,000l. in connection with the Calais conferences. His name really was proposed in the conclave, but he apparently received not more than seven votes. Adrian VI was elected on 6 Jan. 1522, and it is certain that no imperial influence was used in Wolsey's favour.

But Wolsey knew quite well that the emperor had more real need of England than England had of him. The one thing Charles urgently required was a loan, besides getting Henry to subsidise the Swiss and pay Spanish and Burgundian troops in the Netherlands. Moreover, he wanted to get England committed to an immediate declaration of war, that he himself might not be driven to make separate terms with France. Now he was already considerably in the king's debt, but by Wolsey's advice a hundred thousand crowns was advanced to him on condition that the king should not be called on to make an open declaration against France till the money was repaid. Charles was sadly disappointed, and pressed for leave to visit Henry again in England before Easter on his way to Spain. But this was found impossible, and he did not arrive at Dover until 26 May, the very day he had landed there two years before. He had meanwhile corresponded with Wolsey, writing him letters in his own hand with a secret mark agreed between them at Bruges, strongly urging an additional loan to prevent Italy and the pope coming under French influence. This was conceded to the extent of fifty thousand crowns more; and the emperor, after being feasted at Greenwich and London, went on with the king to Windsor. There, on 19 June, a new treaty was made and sworn before Wolsey by both sovereigns under ecclesiastical censures, binding the emperor to marry Mary when she should be twelve years old—that is to


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 say, six years later—and Henry to give her a very considerable dower, deducting, however, the debts of the emperor and his grandfather Maximilian. Both princes also agreed to invade France before May 1524, and the emperor to pay Henry those pensions which Francis, out of very natural suspicion, had already withheld from him for a whole year.

But Henry, in his eagerness for war, had already before the emperor's arrival despatched Clarencieux herald to declare it to Francis; and Clarencieux did so at Lyons on 29 May of this year (1522), and returned to the king at Greenwich while the emperor was still with him. The two princes then made a further treaty on 2 July to arrange for the joint war which was to commence at once, and on the 6th the emperor sailed from Southampton. Three days before leaving he had given Wolsey a new patent for his pension, which was now to be charged on the vacant bishoprics in Spain instead of the bishopric of Badajoz. But Wolsey's Spanish pensions were always in arrear, like the debts which the emperor owed the king.

Wolsey's hand had been forced by the war party in the council, and on 6 July he declared to the lords in the Star-chamber the first success of the war—the sacking of Morlaix by Surrey—urging them to aid the king with their money. A loan of 20,000l. had already been obtained from the city of London under promises of repayment by the king and cardinal. But the nation was really ill prepared for war, and of course it was involved with Scotland as well as with France. For Francis, seeing the turn things were taking, had let Albany escape in the end of 1521. The Scots, however, were also ill prepared for war; and when Albany at last moved to the borders, he did not know how easily he might have captured Carlisle. But Lord Dacres, putting a bold face on the matter, induced him to negotiate a truce and to withdraw his forces.

Wolsey was immensely relieved, and easily got Dacres pardoned for his felix culpa in having negotiated a truce without commission. But popular ignorance and hatred of the Scots lamented a great opportunity thrown away, while levies raised in various parts had been sent home unpaid. Skelton's bitter invective against Wolsey, ‘Why come ye not to Court?’ written clearly just at this time, is full of this and other popular complaints which are very significant of the feeling against the cardinal (SKELTON, Works, ed. Dyce, ii. 26–67). One of his complaints was that the king's court was comparatively deserted by ambassadors and suitors crowding to Hampton Court or York Place at Westminster. Hampton Court was a mansion of the knights of St. John, of which Wolsey had taken a ninety-nine years' lease on 11 Jan. 1514–[15], just before he became a cardinal. It had been visited even by Henry VII, but Wolsey spared neither pains nor cost to make it far more magnificent. No doubt it was owing to cavils like Skelton's that three years later (1525) Wolsey made over his lease of it to the king, who, however, allowed him not only still to occupy it, but to lodge, when he saw fit, in his own palace of Richmond, rather to the annoyance, it would seem, of some old servants of Henry VII, in whose days that place of pleasure had been reared.

In the city Wolsey was hated, not for the truce made with the Scots, but for his too cogent measures to get in money for the war. The loan already raised had itself lightened many pockets, when on 20 Aug. he sent for the mayor and aldermen and the most wealthy citizens, and told them that for defence of the realm commissioners were appointed all over the country to swear every man as to the value of his movable property; and he desired to be certified within a reasonable time of the names of all who were worth 100l. and upwards, that they might contribute a tenth. The citizens remonstrated that many of them had already lent a fifth. But Wolsey insisted that the 20,000l. already subscribed could only be allowed as part of the tenth required from the whole city, and the citizens made their own conscientious returns to his secretary, Dr. Toneys, at the chapter-house of St. Paul's.

Yet for all this, more money was required; and next year (1523) parliament was called together on 18 April to vote supplies for the war. It was opened at the Blackfriars by the king in person, with Wolsey at his right hand; but as the cardinal's weak health forbade him to make a long address as chancellor, Cuthbert Tunstall [q. v.] did so in his place, declaring the causes of the war. On the 29th Wolsey, accompanied by divers lords both spiritual and temporal, entered the House of Commons and stated that a subsidy of 800,000l. would be required, which might be raised by a tax of four shillings in the pound on every man's goods and land. Next day Sir Thomas More, as speaker (whose election Wolsey himself had procured), did his best to enforce the demand; but the debates were so long and serious that Wolsey visited the commons again and addressed the members in a way that compelled More to plead