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  In a Trial with a Lead, whose Nail was set awry (like that of the Fig 5.) the Ball returned in 34. After which Trial the depth was found to be just 14 fathom.

The last Lead and Ball being let down without a Line, the Ball returned at 35.

In another Trial with a Lead that never failed, the Ball returned in 34, and the Lead toucht the bottom at 17.

By a Trial with another Lead, the same time was found exactly.

By a third Trial with this last, the very same.

These Trials were made near about High-water, at the depth of 14 fathom just by measure: And in them, the motions seem to be 5 foot every second.

In all these Trials, the greatest difficulty was, in the use of Conical Figures, with Iron Crooks, to bend the Iron, that it might be sure to carry down the Bill with it to the bottom, and when come thither, to let it go: for almost every one of these Leads failed in one of these requisites, till by several Trials they had been adjusted.

It is not to be omitted, That the last Trials being made near High-water, the Ball was found to rite (by the Boat, being permitted to drive) far off upon one side, out of the way, that any light thing, suffered to swim on the water, would be carried; which seemed to argue a motion of the under parts of the water, differing from that of the upper (a thing which is said to be at certain times of the Tydes, both at the Mouth of the Sound, and of the Streights; which deserves to be further inquired into.) The Angle made by these different motions, seemed to be about 40 Degrees. Rh


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Rh wherever the Church was landlord. The principle lingered into more evil days in the form by which the Church authorities handed over culprits to the secular arm to be killed, even for religious offences. In modern romances this is treated as a mere hypocrisy; but the man who treats every human inconsistency as a hypocrisy is himself a hypocrite about his own inconsistencies.

Our world, then, cannot understand St. Thomas, any more than St. Francis, without accepting very simply a flaming and even fantastic charity, by which the great Archbishop undoubtedly stands for the victims of this world, where the wheel of fortune grinds the faces of the poor. He may well have been too idealistic; he wished to protect the Church as a sort of earthly paradise, of which the rules might seem to him as paternal as those of heaven, but might well seem to the King as capricious as those of fairyland. But if the priest was too idealistic, the King was really too practical; it is intrinsically true to say he was too practical to succeed in practice. There re-enters here, and runs, I think, through all English history the rather indescribable truth I have suggested about the Conqueror; that perhaps he was hardly impersonal enough for a pure despot. The real moral of our mediæval story is, I think, subtly contrary to Carlyle's vision of a stormy strong man to hammer and weld the state like a smith. Our strong men were too strong for us, and too strong for themselves. They were too strong for their own aim of a just and equal Rh

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Rh monarchy. The smith broke upon the anvil the sword of state that he was hammering for himself. Whether or no this will serve as a key to the very complicated story of our kings and barons, it is the exact posture of Henry II. to his rival. He became lawless out of sheer love of law. He also stood, though in a colder and more remote manner, for the whole people against feudal oppression; and if his policy had succeeded in its purity, it would at least have made impossible the privilege and capitalism of later times. But that bodily restlessness which stamped and spurned the furniture was a symbol of him; it was some such thing that prevented him and his heirs from sitting as quietly on their throne as the heirs of St. Louis. He thrust again and again at the tough intangibility of the priests' Utopianism like a man fighting a ghost; he answered transcendental defiances with baser material persecutions; and at last, on a dark and, I think, decisive day in English history, his word sent four feudal murderers into the cloisters of Canterbury, who went there to destroy a traitor and who created a saint.

At the grave of the dead man broke forth what can only be called an epidemic of healing. For miracles so narrated there is the same evidence as for half the facts of history; and any one denying them must deny them upon a dogma. But something followed which would seem to modern civilization even more monstrous than a miracle. If the reader can imagine Mr. Rh


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Rh Cecil Rhodes submitting to be horsewhipped by a Boer in St. Paul's Cathedral, as an apology for some indefensible death incidental to the Jameson Raid, he will form but a faint idea of what was meant when Henry II. was beaten by monks at the tomb of his vassal and enemy. The modern parallel called up is comic, but the truth is that mediæval actualities have a violence that does seem comic to our conventions. The Catholics of that age were driven by two dominant thoughts: the all-importance of penitence as an answer to sin, and the all-importance of vivid and evident external acts as a proof of penitence. Extravagant humiliation after extravagant pride for them restored the balance of sanity. The point is worth stressing, because without it moderns make neither head nor tail of the period. Green gravely suggests, for instance, of Henry's ancestor Fulk of Anjou, that his tyrannies and frauds were further blackened by "low superstition," which led him to be dragged in a halter round a shrine, scourged and screaming for the mercy of God. Mediævals would simply have said that such a man might well scream for it, but his scream was the only logical comment he could make. But they would have quite refused to see why the scream should be added to the sins and not subtracted from them. They would have thought it simply muddle-headed to have the same horror at a man for being horribly sinful and for being horribly sorry.

But it may be suggested, I think, though with Rh


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Rh the doubt proper to ignorance, that the Angevin ideal of the King's justice lost more by the death of St. Thomas than was instantly apparent in the horror of Christendom, the canonization of the victim and the public penance of the tyrant. These things indeed were in a sense temporary; the King recovered the power to judge clerics, and many later kings and justiciars continued the monarchical plan. But I would suggest, as a possible clue to puzzling after events, that here and by this murderous stroke the crown lost what should have been the silent and massive support of its whole policy. I mean that it lost the people.

It need not be repeated that the case for despotism is democratic. As a rule its cruelty to the strong is kindness to the weak. An autocrat cannot be judged as a historical character by his relations with other historical characters. His true applause comes not from the few actors on the lighted stage of aristocracy, but from that enormous audience which must always sit in darkness throughout the drama. The king who helps numberless helps nameless men, and when he flings his widest largesse he is a Christian doing good by stealth. This sort of monarchy was certainly a mediæval ideal, nor need it necessarily fail as a reality. French kings were never so merciful to the people as when they were merciless to the peers; and it is probably true that a Czar who was a great lord to his intimates was often a little father in innumerable little Rh


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He strength of the winds is measured by an Instrument, such is represented by Figure 6; which being exposed to the Wind, so as the flat side may be right against it, the number of Degrees upon the Limb A B, to which the Wind blows-up, or raises, that flat side C D, shews the force or strength of the Wind, in proportion to the resistance of the flat side of the Instrument; and is to be recorded. The


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Rh homes. It is overwhelmingly probable that such a central power, though it might at last have deserved destruction in England as in France, would in England as in France have prevented the few from seizing and holding all the wealth and power to this day. But in England it broke off short, through something of which the slaying of St. Thomas may well have been the supreme example. It was something overstrained and startling and against the instincts of the people. And of what was meant in the Middle Ages by that very powerful and rather peculiar thing, the people, I shall speak in the next chapter.

In any case this conjecture finds support in the ensuing events. It is not merely that, just as the great but personal plan of the Conqueror collapsed after all into the chaos of the Stephen transition, so the great but personal plan of the first Plantagenet collapsed into the chaos of the Barons' Wars. When all allowance is made for constitutional fictions and afterthoughts, it does seem likely that here for the first time some moral strength deserted the monarchy. The character of Henry's second son John (for Richard belongs rather to the last chapter) stamped it with something accidental and yet symbolic. It was not that John was a mere black blot on the pure gold of the Plantagenets, the texture was much more mixed and continuous; but he really was a discredited Plantagenet, and as it were a damaged Plantagenet. It was not that he was much more of a bad man than many opposed to Rh


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Translation:Mishnah/Seder Moed/Tractate Pesachim/Chapter 9

Mishnah 1

Mishnah 2

Mishnah 3

Mishnah 4

Mishnah 5

Mishnah 6

Mishnah 7

Mishnah 8

Mishnah 9

Mishnah 10

Mishnah 11

משנה פסחים ט


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Rh combine them into ideas—into things with a meaning. An object, stone, orange, tree, chair, is supposed to convey different impressions of color, shape, size, hardness, smell, taste, etc., which aggregated together constitute the characteristic meaning of each thing. But as matter of fact, it is the characteristic use to which the thing is put, because of its specific qualities, which supplies the meaning with which it is identified. A chair is a thing which is put to one use; a table, a thing which is employed for another purpose; an orange is a thing which costs so much, which is grown in warm climes, which is eaten, and when eaten has an agreeable odor and refreshing taste, etc.

The difference between an adjustment to a physical stimulus and a mental act is that the latter involves response to a thing in its meaning; the former does not. A noise may make me jump without my mind being implicated. When I hear a noise and run and get water and put out a blaze, I respond intelligently; the sound meant fire, and fire meant need of being extinguished. I bump into a stone, and kick it one side purely physically. I put it to one side for fear some one will stumble upon it, intelligently; I respond to a meaning which the thing has. I am startled by a thunderclap whether I recognize it or not—more likely, if I do not recognize it. But if I say, either out loud or to myself, that is thunder, I respond to the disturbance as a meaning. My behavior has a mental quality. When things have a meaning for us, we mean (intend, propose) what we do: when they do not, we act blindly, unconsciously, unintelligently.

In both kinds of responsive adjustment, our activities are directed or controlled. But in the merely blind response, direction is also blind. There may be training, but there is no education. Repeated responses to recurrent stimuli may fix a habit of acting in a certain way. All of us have many habits of whose import we are quite unaware, since they were formed without our knowing what we were about.

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36 they possess us, rather than we them. They move us; they control us. Unless we become aware of what they accomplish, and pass judgment upon the worth of the result, we do not control them. A child might be made to bow every time he met a certain person by pressure on his neck muscles, and bowing would finally become automatic. It would not, however, be an act of recognition or deference on his part, till he did it with a certain end in view—as having a certain meaning. And not till he knew what he was about and performed the act for the sake of its meaning could he be said to be "brought up" or educated to act in a certain way. To have an idea of a thing is thus not just to get certain sensations from it. It is to be able to respond to the thing in view of its place in an inclusive scheme of action; it is to foresee the drift and probable consequence of the action of the thing upon us and of our action upon it.

To have the same ideas about things which others have, to be like-minded with them, and thus to be really members of a social group, is therefore to attach the same meanings to things and to acts which others attach. Otherwise, there is no common understanding, and no community life. But in a shared activity, each person refers what he is doing to what the other is doing and vice-versa. That is, the activity of each is placed in the same inclusive situation. To pull at a rope at which others happen to be pulling is not a shared or conjoint activity, unless the pulling is done with knowledge that others are pulling and for the sake of either helping or hindering what they are doing. A pin may pass in the course of its manufacture through the hands of many persons. But each may do his part without knowledge of what others do or without any reference to what they do; each may operate simply for the sake of a separate result—his own pay. There is, in this case, no common consequence to which the several acts are referred, and hence no genuine intercourse or association, in spite of juxtaposition, and in spite of the fact that their

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Rh uncommon we should think it to-day. And in the last chapter we have already seen how in the Crusading age the strangest things grew homely, and men fed on travellers' tales when there were no national newspapers. A many-coloured pageant of martyrology on numberless walls and windows had familiarized the most ignorant with alien cruelties in many climes; with a bishop flayed by Danes or a virgin burned by Saracens, with one saint stoned by Jews and another hewn in pieces by negroes. I cannot think it was a small matter that among these images one of the most magnificent had met his death but lately at the hands of an English monarch. There was at least something akin to the primitive and epical romances of that period in the tale of those two mighty friends, one of whom struck too hard and slew the other. It may even have been so early as this that something was judged in silence; and for the multitude rested on the Crown a mysterious seal of insecurity like that of Cain, and of exile on the English kings. Rh


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Translation:Mishnah/Seder Moed/Tractate Pesachim/Chapter 9/1

Introduction
Mishnah 9:1 interprets Numbers 9:9–10, regarding the second Passover.

Hebrew Text
מי שהיה טמא או בדרך רחוקה ולא עשה את הראשון, יעשה את השני.

שגג או נאנס ולא עשה את הראשון, יעשה את השני.

אם כן, למה נאמר טמא או שהיה בדרך רחוקה?

שאלו פטורין מן ההכרת, ואלו חיבין בהכרת.

English Translation
 “[The Lord spoke to Moses, saying: Speak to the children of Israel, saying: If anyone of you or of your generations] Was unclean [by reason of contact with a dead body] or on a distant journey” (Numbers 9:9–10) And did not observe the first [Passover], [Then] he must observe the second [Passover].

[If] he [unintentionally] erred Or was prevented And did not observe the first [Passover], [Then] he must observe the second [Passover].

If so [asked the Mishnah], Why is it said (in Numbers 9:10): [That those] “unclean [by reason of contact with a dead body] or on a distant journey” [observe the second Passover]?

[The Mishnah answers: It is to teach] that these [“unclean by reason of contact with a dead body or on a distant journey”] are exempt from being cut off from their kin, But those [who deliberately fail to observe the Passover] are liable to being cut off from their kin.

Explanation
In the Babylonian Talmud, the discussion of Mishnah Pesachim 9:1 begins on Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 92b.

משנה פסחים ט א


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Rh respective doings contribute to a single outcome. But if each views the consequences of his own acts as having a bearing upon what others are doing and takes into account the consequences of their behavior upon himself, then there is a common mind; a common intent in behavior. There is an understanding set up between the different contributors; and this common understanding controls the action of each.

Suppose that conditions were so arranged that one person automatically caught a ball and then threw it to another person who caught and automatically returned it; and that each so acted without knowing where the ball came from or went to. Clearly, such action would be without point or meaning. It might be physically controlled, but it would not be socially directed. But suppose that each becomes aware of what the other is doing, and becomes interested in the other's action and thereby interested in what he is doing himself as connected with the action of the other. The behavior of each would then be intelligent; and socially intelligent and guided. Take one more example of a less imaginary kind. An infant is hungry, and cries while food is prepared in his presence. If he does not connect his own state with what others are doing, nor what they are doing with his own satisfaction, he simply reacts with increasing impatience to his own increasing discomfort. He is physically controlled by his own organic state. But when he makes a back and forth reference, his whole attitude changes. He takes an interest, as we say; he takes note and watches what others are doing. He no longer reacts just to his own hunger, but behaves in the light of what others are doing for its prospective satisfaction. In that way, he also no longer just gives way to hunger without knowing it, but he notes, or recognizes, or identifies his own state. It becomes an object for him. His attitude toward it becomes in some degree intelligent. And in such noting of the meaning of the actions of others and of his own state, he is socially directed.

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He Viol is to be made with a very narrow Neck, and when it is almost full, water is to be dropt into it, drop by drop, till it can hold no more, drying well the Viol before it be weiged. The weight of the empty Viol is also to be recorded every time, weighing all to grains. And by evaporating gently the water, till the Salt be left dry on the bottom; they, who list, may have the satisfaction to know, what proportion the Salt of each water holdeth to its weight.

There is, among some other ways of finding the different gravities of Water, a very pretty one, mentioned by some Authors, as Johannes Toldenus (a German Artist) Cabæus, and Kircher in his


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Translation:Mishnah/Seder Moed/Tractate Pesachim/Chapter 9/2

Introduction
Mishnah 9:2 continues to interpret Numbers 9:10, regarding the second Passover.

Hebrew Text
איזו היא דרך רחוקה?

מן המודיעים ולחוץ, וכמדתה לכל רוח, דברי רבי עקיבא.

רבי אליעזר אומר: מאסקפת העזרה ולחוץ.

אמר רבי יוסי, לפיכך נקוד על ה' לומר, לא מפני שרחוקה ודאי, אלא מאסקפת העזרה ולחוץ.

English Translation
 What is “a distant journey” (within the meaning of Numbers 9:10)?

From Modi’in and beyond, And the same distance in any direction [from Jerusalem is a distant journey] — [These are] the words of Rabbi Akiva.

Rabbi Eliezer says: [A journey is distant anytime one leaves] from the threshold of the Temple Court and beyond.

Said Rabbi Yose [to Rabbi Eliezer]: For that reason there is a dot over the letter hei [(ה) in the word “distant” (רְחֹקָה, rechokah) in Numbers 9:10 in a Torah scroll], [In order] to teach: Not because it is really distant, But [when one has departed] from the threshold of the Temple Court and beyond [One is regarded as being on “a distant journey”].

Explanation
In the Babylonian Talmud, the discussion of Mishnah Pesachim 9:2 begins on Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 93b.

משנה פסחים ט ב


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38 It will be recalled that our main proposition had two sides. One of them has now been dealt with: namely, that physical things do not influence mind (or form ideas and beliefs) except as they are implicated in action for prospective consequences. The other point is persons modify one another's dispositions only through the special use they make of physical conditions. Consider first the case of so-called expressive movements to which others are sensitive; blushing, smiling, frowning, clinching of fists, natural gestures of all kinds. In themselves, these are not expressive. They are organic parts of a person's attitude. One does not blush to show modesty or embarrassment to others, but because the capillary circulation alters in response to stimuli. But others use the blush, or a slightly perceptible tightening of the muscles of a person with whom they are associated, as a sign of the state in which that person finds himself, and as an indication of what course to pursue. The frown signifies an imminent rebuke for which one must prepare, or an uncertainty and hesitation which one must, if possible, remove by saying or doing something to restore confidence.

A man at some distance is waving his arms wildly. One has only to preserve an attitude of detached indifference, and the motions of the other person will be on the level of any remote physical change which we happen to note. If we have no concern or interest, the waving of the arms is as meaningless to us as the gyrations of the arms of a windmill. But if interest is aroused, we begin to participate. We refer his action to something we are doing ourselves or that we should do. We have to judge the meaning of his act in order to decide what to do. Is he beckoning for help? Is he warning us of an explosion to be set off, against which we should guard ourselves? In one case, his action means to run toward him; in the other case, to run away. In any case, it is the change he effects in the physical environment which is a sign to us of how we should conduct ourselves. Our action is socially

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Translation:Mishnah/Seder Moed/Tractate Pesachim/Chapter 9/3

Introduction
Mishnah 9:3 continues to interpret the laws of the second Passover in Numbers 9:9–13.

Hebrew Text
מה בין פסח ראשון לשני?

הראשון אסור בבל יראה ובל ימצא,

והשני, מצה וחמץ עמו בבית.

הראשון טעון הלל באכילתו, והשני אינו טעון הלל באכילתו.

זה וזה טעון הלל בעשיתן, ונאכלין צלי על מצות ומרורים, ודוחין את השבת.

English Translation
 What is the difference between the first Passover and the second [Passover]?

The first [Passover] is subject to the prohibition that “[Leaven] shall not be seen [with you]” (Exodus 13:7) And “[leaven] shall not be found [in your houses]” (Exodus 12:19);

While at the second [Passover, One may have both] leavened and unleavened bread in the house.

The first [Passover] requires [the reciting of] Hallel (Psalms 113–118) when [the Passover lamb] is eaten, While the second [Passover] does not require [the reciting of] Hallel when it is eaten.

But both [first and second Passover] require [the reciting of] Hallel when they are offered, And they [both] are eaten roasted with unleavened bread and bitter herbs, And they [both] override the Sabbath.

Explanation
In the Babylonian Talmud, the discussion of Mishnah Pesachim 9:3 begins on Babylonian Talmud Pesachim 95a.

משנה פסחים ט ג


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Rh because we endeavor to refer what we are to do to the same situation in which he is acting.

Language is, as we have already seen (Ante, p. ) a case of this joint reference of our own action and that of another to a common situation. Hence its unrivaled significance as a means of social direction. But language would not be this efficacious instrument were it not that it takes place upon a background of coarser and more tangible use of physical means to accomplish results. A child sees persons with whom he lives using chairs, hats, tables, spades, saws, plows, horses, money, in certain ways. If he has any share at all in what they are doing, he is led thereby to use things in the same way, or to use other things in a way which will fit in. If a chair is drawn up to a table, it is a sign that he is to sit in it; if a person extends his right hand, he is to extend his; and so on in a never ending stream of detail. The prevailing habits of using the products of human art and the raw materials of nature constitute by all odds the deepest and the most pervasive mode of social control. When children go to school, they already have 'minds'—they have knowledge and dispositions of judgment which may be appealed to through the use of language. But these 'minds' are the organized habits of intelligent response which they have previously required by putting things to use in connection with the way other persons use things. The control is inescapable; it saturates disposition.

The net outcome of the discussion is that the fundamental means of control is not personal but intellectual. It is not 'moral' in the sense that a person is moved by direct personal appeal from others, important as is this method at critical junctures. It consists in the habits of understanding, which are set up in using objects in correspondence with others, whether by way of coöperation and assistance or rivalry and competition. Mind as a concrete thing is precisely the power to understand things in terms of the use made of them; a

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40 socialized mind is the power to understand them in terms of the use to which they are turned in joint or shared situations. And mind in this sense is the method of social control.

3. .—We have already noted the defects of a psychology of learning which places the individual mind naked, as it were, in contact with physical objects, and which believes that knowledge, ideas, and beliefs accrue from their interaction. Only comparatively recently has the predominating influence of association with fellow beings in the formation of mental and moral disposition been perceived. Even now it is usually treated as a kind of adjunct to an alleged method of learning by direct contact with things, and as merely supplementing knowledge of the physical world with knowledge of persons. The purport of our discussion is that such a view makes an absurd and impossible separation between persons and things. Interaction with things may form habits of external adjustment. But it leads to activity having a meaning and conscious intent only when things are used to produce a result. And the only way one person can modify the mind of another is by using physical conditions, crude or artificial, so as to evoke some answering activity from him. Such are our two main conclusions. It is desirable to amplify and enforce them by placing them in contrast with the theory which uses a psychology of supposed direct relationships of human beings to one another as an adjunct to the psychology of the supposed direct relation of an individual to physical objects. In substance, this so-called social psychology has been built upon the notion of imitation. Consequently, we shall discuss the nature and rôle of imitation in the formation of mental disposition.

According to this theory, social control of individuals rests upon the instinctive tendency of individuals to imitate or copy the actions of others. The latter serve as models. The imitative instinct is so strong that the young devote themselves to conforming to the patterns set by others and reproducing

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 his Fundus subterram, and improved and first brought into use here, divers years agoe, by the Noble R. Boyle, who also, as himself informed the Publisher, hath in some of his Writings, yet unpublisht, set down a full Description thereof.

It is such a Glass-Tube as is represented by Fig. 7. blown at a Lamp, and poised in good common Water by putting Quick-silver into it, until it sink so low, that nothing appear above the Superficies of the Water, but the Top; which done it is to be sealed up, and to be graduated on its side, into what parts you please; which may be done with a Diamond. And then, being put into any Water to be weighed, it will, by its more or less sinking into it, shew the differences of the Waters gravity.

O perform this, let there be made a Square Wooden Bucket (such as C in Fig. 8.) whole bottoms E E are to be so contrived, that the weight A do sink the Iron B (to which the Bucket C is fastned by two Handles D D, on the ends of which are the moveable bottoms or Valves E E) and thereby draws down the Bucket, the resistance of the Water keeps up the Bucket in the posture C, whereby the Water hath-a-clear thorow-passage all the while it is descending; whereas as soon as the Bucket is pulled upwards by the Line F, the resistance of the Water to that motion, beats the Bucket downward, and keeps it in the posture G; whereby the included Water is preserved from going out, and the Ambient Water kept from getting in.

By the advantage of which Vessel, or such like, you may come to know the Degrees of Saltness of Sea-Water, according to its nearness to the Top or Bottom; or rather, the Constitution of the Sea-Water in several Depths of several Climates: Likewise, whether in some places of the Sea, there be any sweet Water at the Bottom; the Affirmative whereof is to be met with in the East-Indian Voyages of Van Linschoten, who pag. 16 of that Work, as 'tis Englished, records, that in the Persian Gulf, about the Isle of Baharem, fetch up with certain Vessels (which he de-


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Rh them in their own scheme of behavior. According to our theory, what is here called imitation is a misleading name for partaking with others in a use of things which leads to consequences of common interest.

The basic error in the current notion of imitation is that it puts the cart before the horse. It takes an effect for the cause of the effect. There can be no doubt that individuals in forming a social group are like-minded; they understand one another. They tend to act with the same controlling ideas, beliefs, and intentions, given similar circumstances. Looked at from without, they might be said to be engaged in 'imitating' one another. In the sense that they are doing much the same sort of thing in much the same sort of way, this would be true enough. But 'imitation' throws no light upon why they so act; it repeats the fact as an explanation of itself. It is an explanation of the same order as the famous saying that opium puts men to sleep because of its dormitive power.

Objective likeness of acts and the mental satisfaction found in being in conformity with others are baptized by the name imitation. This social fact is then taken for a psychological force, which produced the likeness. A considerable portion of what is called imitation is simply the fact that persons being alike in structure respond in the same way to like stimuli. Quite independently of imitation, men on being insulted get angry and attack the insulter. This statement may be met by citing the undoubted fact that response to an insult takes place in different ways in groups having different customs. In one group, it may be met by recourse to fisticuffs, in another by a challenge to a duel, in a third by an exhibition of contemptuous disregard. This happens, so it is said, because the model set for imitation is different. But there is no need to appeal to imitation. The mere fact that customs are different means that the actual stimuli to behavior are different. Conscious instruction plays a part;

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42 prior approvals and disapprovals have a large influence. Still more effective is the fact that unless an individual acts in the way current in his group, he is literally out of it. He can associate with others on intimate and equal terms only by behaving in the way in which they behave. The pressure that comes from the fact that one is let into the group action by acting in one way and shut out by acting in another way is unremitting. What is called the effect of imitation is mainly the product of conscious instruction and of the selective influence exercised by the unconscious confirmations and ratifications of those with whom one associates.

Suppose that some one rolls a ball to a child; he catches it and rolls it back, and the game goes on. Here the stimulus is not just the sight of the ball, or the sight of the other rolling it. It is the situation—the game which is playing. The response is not merely rolling the ball back; it is rolling it back so that the other one may catch and return it,—that the game may continue. The 'pattern' or model is not the action of the other person. The whole situation requires that each should adapt his action in view of what the other person has done and is to do. Imitation may come in but its rôle is subordinate. The child has an interest on his own account; he wants to keep it going. He may then note how the other person catches and holds the ball in order to improve his own acts. He imitates the means of doing, not the end or thing to be done. And he imitates the means because he wishes, on his own behalf, as part of his own initiative, to take an effective part in the game. One has only to consider how completely the child is dependent from his earliest days for successful execution of his purposes upon fitting his acts into those of others to see what a premium is put upon behaving as others behave, and of developing an understanding of them in order that he may so behave. The pressure for likemindedness in action from this source is so great that it is quite superfluous to appeal to imitation.

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Rh As matter of fact, imitation of ends, as distinct from imitation of means which help to reach ends, is a superficial and transitory affair which leaves little effect upon disposition. Idiots are especially apt at this kind of imitation; it affects outward acts but not the meaning of their performance. When we find children engaging in this sort of mimicry, instead of encouraging them (as we would do if it were an important means of social control) we are more likely to rebuke them as apes, monkeys, parrots, or copy cats. Imitation of means of accomplishment is, on the other hand, an intelligent act. It involves close observation, and judicious selection of what will enable one to do better something which he already is trying to do. Used for a purpose, the imitative instinct may, like any other instinct, become a factor in the development of effective action.

This excursus should, accordingly, have the effect of reënforcing the conclusion that genuine social control means the formation of a certain mental disposition; a way of understanding objects, events, and acts which enables one to participate effectively in associated activities. Only the friction engendered by meeting resistance from others leads to the view that it takes place by forcing a line of action contrary to natural inclinations. Only failure to take account of the situations in which persons are mutually concerned (or interested in acting responsively to one another) leads to treating imitation as the chief agent in promoting social control.

4. .—Why does a savage group perpetuate savagery, and a civilized group civilization? Doubtless the first answer to occur to mind is because savages are savages; beings of low-grade intelligence and perhaps defective moral sense. But careful study has made it doubtful whether their native capacities are appreciably inferior to those of civilized man. It has made it certain that native differences are not sufficient to account for the difference in culture. In a sense the mind of savage peoples is an effect,

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44 rather than a cause, of their backward institutions. Their social activities are such as to restrict their objects of attention and interest, and hence to limit the stimuli to mental development. Even as regards the objects that come within the scope of attention, primitive social customs tend to arrest observation and imagination upon qualities which do not fructify in the mind. Lack of control of natural forces means that a scant number of natural objects enter into associated behavior. Only a small number of natural resources are utilized and they are not worked for what they are worth. The advance of civilization means that a larger number of natural forces and objects have been transformed into instrumentalities of action, into means for securing ends. We start not so much with superior capacities as with superior stimuli for evocation and direction of our capacities. The savage deals largely with crude stimuli; we have weighted stimuli.

Prior human efforts have made over natural conditions. As they originally existed they were indifferent to human endeavors. Every domesticated plant and animal, every tool, every utensil, every appliance, every manufactured article, every æsthetic decoration, every work of art means a transformation of conditions once hostile or indifferent to characteristic human activities into friendly and favoring conditions. Because the activities of children to-day are controlled by these selected and charged stimuli, children are able to traverse in a short lifetime what the race has needed slow, tortured ages to attain. The dice have been loaded by all the successes which have preceded.

Stimuli conducive to economical and effective response, such as our system of roads and means of transportation, our ready command of heat, light, and electricity, our readymade machines and apparatus for every purpose, do not, by themselves or in their aggregate, constitute a civilization. But the uses to which they are put are civilization, and without the things the uses would be impossible. Time otherwise

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Rh, but the only system that is practicable in a free country.

Reviewing the authorities to which Judge Hazel refers in his opinion, it may be noted that the cases he cited are plainly and clearly within the Nash Case and as plainly and clearly distinguishable from and unlike the Collins or Harvester Cases, and do not in any way touch the present matter. The Fox Case, to which he refers, could not have been decided otherwise than it was. Mr. Justice Holmes there repeats what has been contended for that "so far as statuses fairly may be construed in such a way as to avoid doubtful constitutional questions, they should be so construed"—a rule of law that has been disregarded in all the cases under the Lever Act—and shows that the offense there was plainly wrongful because it was an encouragement to a positive breach of law. The Miller Case, cited by Judge Hazel, was one of gross and perhaps criminal negligence, and the Supreme Court properly says in its opinion: "The case falls, therefore, under the rule of Nash vs. United States, and not under the rule of International Harvester Co. vs. Missouri"—recognizing the distinction which none of


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 describes not) Water out of the Sea, from under the Salt-Water, four or five fathom deep, as sweet as any Fountain-water, And since 'tis argued by some, that such Sweet-water proceeds from certain Sweet Water-Springs, that were formerly on the Continent, at some distance from the Sea, and came afterwards to be covered by the Sea; it may be presumed, that in other places we may find the like. Besides, we know not, but that there may be in many parts, Eruptions of large Springs at the Bottom of the Sea, that were never taken in by any of its encroachments.

These Experiments are to be repeated every New Voyage, the multitude and frequency of them being necessary for finding out and confirming the truth of them; which as it will conduce exceedingly to the Enlargement of Natural Knowledge, so it may in time produce New and more accurate Sea-Maps and Cards, than hitherto have been publisht; and great helps and advantages to Navigation: especially those of the Variation, and Dipping of the Needle; the Depth and Saltness of the Water, the Nature of the Ground at the Bottom of the Sea; and indeed almost every one of the rest; there being a Design to consider all, and to draw out of them such Rules and Directions, as may bring no less Honour, than Benefit to the English Nation.

The Instruments, described and represented in these Papers, may be had from Mr. Richard Shorgrave, Operator to the R. Society, to be found at Gresham Colledge; who also will be ready, if there be occasion, to give more particular Directions for the use of the same.

ADVERTISEMENT.

T is desired by Christopher Merret M. D. to inform the Publick, that within the space of four Months, he shall re-publish his Pinax Rerum Naturalium Britanicarum, with many additions, and in his proposed New Method; and that he wholly disclaims the Second Edition of that Book, as being printed and published without his knowledge.

In the ,

Printed by T.N. and John Martin at the Bell, a little without Temple-Bar, for James: Allestry in Duck-Lane, Printers to the Royal Society, 1667.


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Rh devoted to wresting a livelihood from a grudging environment and securing a precarious protection against its inclemencies is freed. A body of knowledge is transmitted, the legitimacy of which is guaranteed by the fact that the physical equipment in which it is incarnated leads to results that square with the other facts of nature. Thus these appliances of art supply a protection, perhaps our chief protection, against a recrudescence of these superstitious beliefs, those fanciful myths and infertile imaginings about nature in which so much of the best intellectual power of the past has been spent. If we add one other factor, namely, that such appliances be not only used, but used in the interests of a truly shared or associated life, then the appliances become the positive resources of civilization. If Greece, with a scant tithe of our material resources, achieved a worthy and noble intellectual and artistic career, it is because Greece operated for social ends such resources as it had.

But whatever the situation, whether one of barbarism or civilization, whether one of stinted control of physical forces, or of partial enslavement to a mechanism not yet made tributary to a shared experience, things as they enter into action furnish the educative conditions of daily life and direct the formation of mental and moral disposition.

Intentional education signifies, as we have already seen, a specially selected environment, the selection being made on the basis of materials and method specifically promoting growth in the desired direction. Since language represents the physical conditions that have been subjected to the maximum transformation in the interests of social life—physical things which have lost their original quality in becoming social tools—it is appropriate that language should play a large part compared with other appliances. By it we are led to share vicariously in past human experience, thus widening and enriching the experience of the present. We are enabled, symbolically and imaginatively, to anticipate situations. In

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46 countless ways, language condenses meanings that record social outcomes and presage social outlooks. So significant is it of a liberal share in what is worth while in life that unlettered and uneducated have become almost synonymous.

The emphasis in school upon this particular tool has, however, its dangers:—dangers which are not theoretical but exhibited in practice. Why is it, in spite of the fact that teaching by pouring in, learning by a passive absorption, are universally condemned, that they are still so intrenched in practice? That education is not an affair of 'telling' and being told, but an active and constructive process, is a principle almost as generally violated in practice as conceded in theory. Is not this deplorable situation due to the fact that the doctrine is itself merely told? It is preached; it is lectured; it is written about. But its enactment into practice requires that the school environment be equipped with agencies for doing, with tools and physical materials, to an extent rarely attained. It requires that methods of instruction and administration be modified to allow and to secure direct and continuous occupations with things. Not that the use of language as an educational resource should lessen; but that its use should be more vital and fruitful by having its normal connection with shared activities. "These things ought ye to have done, and not to have left the others undone." And for the school "these things" mean equipment with the instrumentalities of coöperative or joint activity.

For when the schools depart from the educational conditions effective in the out-of-school environment, they necessarily substitute a bookish, a pseudo-intellectual spirit for a social spirit. Children doubtless go to school to learn, but it has yet to be proved that learning occurs most adequately when it is made a separate conscious business. When treating it as a business of this sort tends to preclude the social sense which comes from sharing in an activity of common concern and value, the effort at isolated intellectual learning contradicts

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Rh its own aim. We may secure motor activity and sensory excitation by keeping an individual by himself, but we cannot thereby get him to understand the meaning which things have in the life of which he is a part. We may secure technical specialized ability in algebra, Latin, or botany, but not the kind of intelligence which directs ability to useful ends. Only by engaging in a joint activity, where one person's use of material and tools is consciously referred to the use other persons are making of their capacities and appliances, is a social direction of disposition attained.

.—The natural or native impulses of the young do not agree with the life-customs of the group into which they are born. Consequently they have to be directed or guided. This control is not the same thing as physical compulsion; it consists in centering the impulses acting at any one time upon some specific end and in introducing an order of continuity into the sequence of acts. The action of others is always influenced by deciding what stimuli shall call out their actions. But in some cases as in commands, prohibitions, approvals, and disapprovals, the stimuli proceed from persons with a direct view to influencing action. Since in such cases we are most conscious of controlling the action of others, we are likely to exaggerate the importance of this sort of control at the expense of a more permanent and effective method. The basic control resides in the nature of the situations in which the young take part. In social situations the young have to refer their way of acting to what others are doing and make it fit in. This directs their action to a common result, and gives an understanding common to the participants. For all mean the same thing, even when performing different acts. This common understanding of the means and ends of action is the essence of social control. It is indirect, or emotional and intellectual, not direct or personal. Moreover it is intrinsic to the disposition of the person, not external and coercive. To achieve this internal control

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 to be the case with Pandanus, exists only within the influence of the sea air."

This last remark of Mr. Allan Cunningham quite agrees with my own observations: the pine I have never seen growing any where, except in brushes bordering on the salt-water estuaries of rivers, or salt-water inlets near the coast; and the Australian Pandanus, which closely resembles the African Pandanus, (and which bears a large golden-coloured fruit, of the size of a pumpkin, and somewhat resembling a pine-apple in its external appearance,) grows only on the grassy headlands along the coast, and on the sandy hillocks which extend along the low beaches.

The next river, the native name of which is Bellengen, was first found in the year 1841, by a party of sawyers who went out on an expedition to discover new rivers to cut cedar at. On their return, they said, that after travelling four days from Kempsey, on the MacLeay, keeping as near the coast as they could, they came to a salt-water inlet, as large as the MacLeay river at its mouth. On questioning the Yarra-Bandini tribes of blacks, at the MacLeay river, I learnt from them, that, in their Corroberrees, or dances of ceremony, with some of the tribes from the Nambucca, they had heard that there was another river, always containing plenty of fresh water, farther on. Having been at that time constantly engaged, for nearly twelve months, in the survey of the MacLeay river, I


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48 through identity of interest and understanding is the business of education. While books and conversation can do much, these agencies are usually relied upon too exclusively. Schools require for their full efficiency more opportunity for conjoint activities in which those instructed take part, so that they may acquire a social sense of their own powers and of the materials and appliances used.

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 to give the men assigned to me for my surveying party, a little repose; whilst I started with our stockman—an active intelligent fellow, on whose coolness and courage I knew I could rely, in case we encountered any hostility from the blacks—on an excursion over the mountains towards this new river, keeping inland as much as possible, as by so doing I should be better enabled to judge if it were a stream of any importance. I will here insert my journal of this excursion, written at that time, as it will serve to give some idea of the nature of the broken mountainous country north of the MacLeay river.

March 6th. 1841.—Got ready a small sack of flour, ten pounds of cooked bacon, a bag foil of tea and sugar mixed together, a stone bottle of rum, some tobacco, three hatchets, and a pair of blankets. Having arranged these articles securely on the back of the most sure-footed pack-horse I had, I started on the excursion, with Miles our stockman, both of us being mounted on strong bush horses, and well armed with carbines, pistols, and swords.

Having left our cattle station, at Yarra-Bandini, late in the day, we did not get further, before dusk, than twenty miles from it. We stopped for the night at a brushy water-course, a few miles on the other side of the main range, dividing the basin of the MacLeay river, from that of the Nambucca river, to the north of it. The country thus far was grassy forest land, thickly timbered with gigantic


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 black-butt gums, and other eucalypti, and abundantly watered with numerous permanent chains of water-holes, and gravelly water-courses in brushy hollows. Having unloaded the pack-horse, tethered out our horses, and lit a fire, we suddenly heard the loud shrill couis of the natives, who turned out to be some old friends of mine belonging to the Tanban tribe. Having heard that they were now at peace with the tribes we should have to encounter on our journey towards the Bellengen, I persuaded a couple of them to accompany me, by the promise of a red shirt each, and plenty of smoke, (tobacco,) whilst they remained with me; for I was well aware that they would be of great utility in searching out the best crossing places for our horses over the creeks, cutting a passage through the entangled creepers of the brushes, and acting as interpreters to the wild blacks. They had just succeeded in killing a kangaroo, and good-naturedly offered us some of it. Having finished our supper, we laid down to sleep with our saddles for pillows, but were much teased during the night by the clouds of musquitos [sic] which issued forth from the dense brush to attack us.

March 7th.—Having boiled our tea, and breakfasted on toasted bacon, and bush biscuit, (thin cakes of flour and water baked on hot embers,) I started on our journey soon after six o'clock. After a ride of half an hour, we crossed the first large brook


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140 these learned Judges in the lower Courts have referred to or recognized.

And finally in the Omaechevarri case, to which Judge Hazel refers upon the point that rules of conduct must necessarily be expressed in general terms and depend upon varying circumstances, it was clearly pointed out that in a criminal statute general provisions are not necessarily in violation of constitutional rights where common experience in the subject matter renders such terms definite. The Court said in this case, construing an Act regulating sheep rangers: "Men familiar with range conditions and desirous of observing the law will have little difficulty in determining what is prohibited by it." This decision, therefore, is directly contrary to that arrived at by Judge Hazel in the Weed case.

Consequently a close analysis of the Weed Case forces the conclusion that the broad, underlying principles of constitutional rights and of economic necessities have been almost completely disregarded in the course of reasoning which brought the Court to its decision. Furthermore, that the Circuit Court of Appeals, although it turned aside from the contentions and authorities given so much weight in the Court below, and based its affirmance principally upon the exigencies of a great conflict ended, nevertheless failed to realize that the remedy, for the ills of which the Act was intended to


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 which flows into the Nambucca river. I gave it the native name of Oankihi creek; it was flowing on a bed of dark blue rock, which appeared to be limestone. In the thick brushes which skirt this stream, I saw a great number of gigantic ferns, which are common enough at lllawarra, and many other parts of the colony, but which I had never seen in the MacLeay river brushes. After proceeding a few miles farther, over a country of alternate low ranges, and gravelly water-courses in brushy hollows, we crossed a high leading range of grassy forest hills; a descending spur of which brought us to, the brink of a rapid stream, dashing along in a very irregular bed of slaty rock, the strata of which had a great inclination. We had some trouble in getting our horses across the jagged and pointed rocks, which rose out of the water. The native name of this stream was Algomerra. On the other side of the Algomerra, we entered a dense brush, which continued unbroken for several miles. Here we had to dismount, and assist the blacks in cutting a passage for our horses through the masses of briars and creepers, that bound the trees together. On emerging from this brush, we continued crossing a never-ending succession of densely- wooded ranges, and brushy gullies, containing small gravelly watercourses, and at length reached one of the main streams flowing into the Nambucca. It was about one hundred feet wide here, being a limpid, shallow stream, with a gravelly bed. On entering


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Rh be curative, lay in a reaffirmance of the principles of free competition in trade, by which only, through forces naturally operating, prices of commodities could be maintained at a level fair, just and non-excessive.

There are no men so gifted with wisdom and prescience who can tell what future replacements will cost, what future taxes are to be or when levied, what strikes, what transportation difficulties, what idleness, what storms, what droughts, what earthquakes, what fires, what wars, what revolutions, what crop failures, and really what everything else is going to be.

As has been pointed out, the general tendency is to underestimate these things, just as the President of the United States underestimated them in the case of sugar.

The sugar refining industry affords a striking illustration of the uncertainties for which due allowance should be made in determining prices. A Refiner, having in mind the possible results of these uncertainties, inquired of the greatest Insurance Agency in the world what would be the rate of insurance against a decline from the high prices of its supplies of raw sugars, owned or under contract.

The correspondence is so interesting and instructive that it may prove of real value to those engaged in the effort to solve the same problems. The following are fac-similes of the letters, but with the name of the Refiner omitted:

Philadelphia, May 1, 1920.

-

-

Referring to your recent inquiry for insurance to pay any loss which you might sustain during the policy period by reason of a fall in market value on raw sugar, held or contracted for by you, no loss to be payable unless such


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 scarcely taken the saddles off our horses when it began to rain heavily; however, we set ourselves busily to work, and by the light of the fire, for it was now quite dark, we soon managed to strip off two or three sheets of bark from the surrounding black-butt trees, and erect with them a precarious shelter from the rain. After having collected enough wood to keep up a large fire all night, and eaten our supper, we lay down to sleep. About midnight we were awakened by the loud barking of my dogs, and starting up, were very much astonished to see a number of blazing torches advancing towards us. We thought, at first, that we were going to be attacked, and accordingly snatched up our pieces to be in readiness for our supposed enemies; however, it proved to be a false alarm, for it appeared that our black companions, whose keen senses had detected the smell of the smoke from the fires of a black tribe in our vicinity, had slipped off, after we were asleep, to see them, and these wilder blacks, unable to restrain until morning their impatience to see the "white fellows," thought proper to pay us this nocturnal visit.

March 8th.—Having got our clothes somewhat dry, we started early in the morning, and soon encountered the whole tribe of natives. They drew up in a body as we passed them, and after gazing on us in silence, they commenced following us, keeping about one hundred yards in our rear; however, they soon came close to us, talking loudly with my


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 two tame blacks. They seemed inclined to be pretty friendly, and were of great assistance in enabling us to get rapidly through the entangled briars in the brush, which they beat down with their boomerangs; and in showing us the best crossing places over the rocky, steep-sided creeks and gullies, which we continually encountered. We soon crossed another large stream flowing to the Nambucca over a pebbly bed, with magnificent cedar trees in its brush; and after travelling over a succession of low, brushy ranges for several miles, we crossed another stream of similar size, with abundance of cedar on its banks. The enormous fig-tree was very common here; the fruit was now ripe, and scattered in great quantities under the trees. We ate plentifully of these figs, as their flavour was agreeable enough, being of an acid sweetness. Large numbers of the crested flock-pigeon were feeding on this fruit. We halted a little distance beyond this stream for a short time, during which there was a violent thunder-storm. I amused the natives very much by placing my compass on the ground, and making the needle move about with the point of my sword; they laughed uproariously at this, as though it were a good joke. This tribe now left us to go on a pademella hunt; five of their number remained, however, with my tame blacks, and were of the greatest assistance, for without them I could never have reached the Bellengen river with horses. I am sorry to observe, that this tribe,


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 which behaved so well to me, was the one which subsequently attacked and murdered the cedar sawyers on their first migration to the Nambucca river.

We had been rising from the last stream along a brushy, narrow ridge, with dense brushy hollows on both sides of us, and we now came to a very steep ascent. Although my pack-horse had a very light load, we were here obliged to take it off, and distribute it among the blacks, who carried their burdens on their heads; and dismounting ourselves, we toiled up to the summit, leading the horses after us. I now perceived I was on a high range, dividing the last crossed stream from the deep, narrow valley of another stream, which lay at my feet enveloped in brush. Beyond this was an abrupt range of much greater altitude than the one I was upon, rising in very steep pointed summits, and densely wooded all over;whilst, between each of its narrow, razor-backed spurs, deep gullies, and chasms full of brush, dived down into the glen below. Beyond this range I could distinguish two other chains of mountains, of still greater elevation, and running parallel to it, in an east and west direction; the 'most distant being the elevated level ridge of mountains already noticed, and which evidently divided the Bellengen river from the Clarence river. We descended the range we were on by a steep, grassy slope, which became invaded by the brush as we got lower down; and we now arrived at the last stream which flows to the Nambucca. Here we had great trouble in crossing,


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 as the banks were high and steep, and composed of rotten, decomposed vegetation, in which the horses sank deeply, whilst the bed of the stream was foil of huge round masses of rock. We now crossed a low, brushy hill, and descended into the bed of a mountain torrent, which was at least thirty feet wide, and full of shingles and large boulders of rock, worn round by attrition. Our course now lay along the rapidly ascending bed of this torrent for some distance, until masses of fallen trees, choked together in one inextricable mass, forced us once more to enter the brush. We found it so dense that we were obliged to cut every yard of our way; night was coming on, and to increase our discomfort, it began to rain heavily. The brush-leeches, issuing forth from the dank rotten leaves, soon attacked the calves of our legs; at length we got into a more open brush, and finally reached the forest on the narrow spur we were ascending. Dwarf palms, and ferns, however, usurped the place of grass; it was now night, but still indispensable that we should reach a place where grass was to be had. We were, therefore, obliged to unload the pack-horse again, to attack the formidable ascent up the narrow ridge before us. The rain had now increased, and the wind sounded hollow and dismal as it swept-up the ravines on either side of us; at length, after great fatigue, we dragged ourselves and horses up to the very crest of the range, which was about two thousand feet above the level of the sea. Although the


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 ridge we were now on was so razor-backed as to be only a few feet wide, and then shelved down like the roof of a house to the glens, the grass on it was of the utmost luxuriance, and large black-butt and turpentine trees grew along its crest. Having tethered our horses, while the blacks were still toiling up the lateral ridge with the provisions, we struck a light, and soon established an immense fire in spite of the rain. When the blacks arrived we stripped some sheets of bark from the turpentine trees, and with the aid of a few boughs, soon erected a shelter from the rain. Having given the blacks some flour and tea, and made some hot rum and water, we stripped off our wet clothes, and enveloping ourselves in our blankets, soon felt quite comfortable. The night was very tempestuous, many a tree, uprooted by the wind, fell with a thundering crash down the precipitous ravines; whilst the trees over our heads rocked fearfully under the influence of the violent gusts which swept over that exposed mountain top. I frequently expected that our frail erection of bark and branches would be blown over the side of the range by the force of the wind.

March 9th.—Having dried our clothes as well as we could, we started soon after sun-rise, and travelled to the westward along the narrow ridge of the range on which we had passed the night, until it rose in a steep cone; we then turned to the north-west down a steep descending, lateral ridge, covered


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User talk:THX-1138

— billinghurst  sDrewth  03:46, 5 June 2011 (UTC)

Doing great; some cheats
Some cheats for you. For a poem, rather than center you can look to use block center (just a centered table) to get a straight left edge. To note that gap has a default of 2em, but can take more values, eg., though for something like Page:The Life of Michael Angelo.djvu/175 I would generally use a hack like right to push it to the right, and as it is inside a table (which constricts the width) I generally add a to the longest line above, and let that pushed width allow it to spread. — billinghurst  sDrewth  11:46, 5 June 2011 (UTC)
 * Thank you for your help; there are so many templates that it's not that easy to find the right one. I'll definitely use these templates in the future! --THX-1138 (talk) 11:54, 5 June 2011 (UTC)

Curly quotes
Hi! I've done a little bit of proofing on The Life of Michael Angelo, and I've noticed that you're using curly quotes (e.g. djvu 39). I haven't been, sorry! Generally, I try to conform to whatever a project's precedents are, but with quotation marks I follow WS:STYLE. Do you think I should go back and fix the bits I've done? — Sam Wilson ( Talk • Contribs ) … 00:53, 9 June 2011 (UTC)
 * I wasn't aware that it's the consensus to use the normal quotes and therefore used the curly quotes because I know this from other wikis that are using them. However, I am going to use the normal quotes from now on. If you want to, you can change the quotes on The Life of Michael Angelo to the normal quotes; I will help you with that. By the way, can I use the sign for the three dots (…) or should I use three separate dots (. . .)? --THX-1138 (talk) 14:18, 9 June 2011 (UTC)
 * I always use a 'proper' ellipsis (i.e. the single-character three dots) because I've heard that it makes things easier for screen readers (proper intonation etc.), and it's easy to type on a Mac keyboard (option-semicolon). There's been extensive discussion about these sorts of things in the past, and I think there's always some disagreement.  For example, I use the ls template for long Ss in Terræ-filius: or, the Secret History of the University of Oxford, but most people seem to see the long S as akin to curly quotes, or ﬆ ligatures, and not desirable in the main namespace.  Basically, I don't know where the consensus is, other than what gets ratified in WS:STYLE!  As for changing The Life of Michael Angelo curly quotes: let's ask on its talk page what the other contributors think.  Oh, and while we're on the subject: what's your take on em dashes and their spacing?  I've added a note about them to WS:STYLE.  — Sam Wilson ( Talk • Contribs ) … 02:13, 10 June 2011 (UTC)
 * Thank you for your reply; I also think that the ellipsis sign is better than the three dots and am glad that it can be used here. Regards the long S and the em template, I rather use the character itself because every template in a page increases the load time a little bit; therefore it's better to write — than   even if the change in load time is only very small. For em dashes I put no spaces around them because to me it then seems to be closer to the original. However, in the German wikisource where I'm also active we use the shorter en dash with spaces around it because this is how it is typed in German literature. --THX-1138 (talk) 13:35, 10 June 2011 (UTC)

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Page:Earle, Does Price Fixing Destroy Liberty, 1920, 142.jpg

142  market value fell below 15c. a pound, we regret to advise you that we have been unsuccessful in finding any market for an insurance of this character.

We have made a thorough canvass of the Insurance market, and, through our London correspondents, have thoroughly tried the market at London Lloyd's, but have not obtained a single offer to write such a policy at any rate.

We regret our inability to assist you in obtaining this protection, but it is our opinion that losses of this character are uninsurable losses at any obtainable premium.

Yours faithfully,

May 29, 1920. Mather & Co., 226 Walnut Street, Phila., Pa.

Gentlemen:—

After the trouble that you took in communicating with Lloyd's, I dislike troubling you again, but, can you accomplish my purpose, you will render me a great service.

In estimating the cost of our production, we have, among other things, to include risk, and would very much like to insure this item. Raw sugars usually sell at about one-fourth of the present market price. We are compelled to buy large quantities, and, on the average, considerably ahead of the dates of delivery, and are under the constant necessity of replacing the sugars manufactured by us. If we have to estimate these items, we are largely guessing on a very uncertain and highly speculative market. Under these circumstances, it would be a relief to us and prevent misunderstandings between ourselves and the Government, if we could cover this risk for the periods likely to be involved.

Don't you think if you made a serious effort, and were able to pay say three cents a pound on a 20c. market, that Lloyd's or some one else in like enterprises, might be willing to assume the risk for us, and, could it be arranged, I feel great confidence that our Board would not only approve, but highly appreciate your service.

Yours truly, etc.


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Sukarno's Proclamation of Indonesian Independence

SUKARNO'S PROCLAMATION OF INDONESIAN INDEPENDENCE George McT. Kahin

 * Many readers of Indonesian history have been surprised at how Spartan was the statement with which Sukarno declared Indonesia's independence on August 17,1945. I am as guilty as anyone for having given such short shrift in previous writing to the full speech and limiting its reproduction to only the final proclamation declaration, issuing from both Hatta and Sukarno, following Sukarno's actually quite significant preamble.

 * When I was in Indonesia in October 1948 I had been aware of the brevity and reticence of Sukarno's reported statement, and in a discussion with Haji Agus Salim, the foreign minister of the Republic, on October 17,1948, had asked about this curious circumstance. It was hard for me to accept that Sukarno would pass up an opportunity for a bit of eloquence. Haji Salim had then dispatched one of his assistants to a particular file to fetch a document which gave the full text of Sukarno's statement on August 17, 1945. That statement I incorporated with papers that I planned to bring back with me to the United States.

 * Unfortunately when the Dutch attacked Yogyakarta on December 19, 1948, the Dutch military police seized my papers and held them temporarily when they arrested me and sent me back to Jakarta (Batavia). My friend, Mohd. Yunus, who lived directly across Jalan Terban Taman from the house where I was staying, was kind enough to volunteer to look after my possessions after I was arrested. (He was serving as Indian consul and had been sent to Yogyakarta as a gesture of Indian support of the Republic by Jawarhalal Nehru, whom he had previously served as private secretary.) He did his best, but when I was able to return to Yogyakarta about three weeks later to claim my sequestered possessions he told me that he had seen the military police pawing through my substantial collection of documents. Consequently, when I recovered them I found they were no longer in the order I had left them, and I was unable to put them in order before I sent the lot of them back to the United States.

 * Later, when I was writing a book about the revolution I was handicapped by the disorder in which the Dutch police left my files, and it was because of that that I mislaid the document pertaining to the declaration of independence. I only found it again recently when I was attempting to write further about some of my experiences during the revolution. Even though it is very long since my book was published, in any case I do feel now it is important to bring to the attention of scholars of Indonesia what I had been unable to incorporate in the all too brief account of Sukarno's role in my book. And so here I wish to make available the full text of his statement when he proclaimed Indonesia's independence on August 17, 1945, with Hatta standing by his side.

 * Brothers and Sisters All!

 * I have asked you to be in attendance here in order to witness an event in our history of the utmost importance.

 * For decades we, the People of Indonesia, have struggled for the freedom of our country—even for hundreds of years!

 * There have been waves in our actions to win independence which rose, and there have been those that fell, but our spirit still was set in the direction of our ideals.

 * Also during the Japanese period our efforts to achieve national independence never ceased. In this Japanese period it merely appeared that we leant upon them. But fundamentally, we still continued to build up our own powers, we still believed in our own strengths.

 * Now has come the moment when truly we take the fate of our actions and the fate of our country into our own hands. Only a nation bold enough to take its fate into its own hands will be able to stand in strength.

 * Therefore last night we had deliberations with prominent Indonesians from all over Indonesia. That deliberative gathering was unanimously of the opinion that NOW has come the time to declare our independence.

 * Brothers and Sisters:

 * Herewith we declare the solidarity of that determination.

 * Listen to our proclamation:

 * Sukarno then concluded:

 * So it is, Brothers and Sisters!

 * We are now already free!

 * There is not another single tie binding our country and our people!

 * As from this moment we build our state. A free state, the State of the Republic of Indonesia—evermore and eternally independent. Allah willing, God blesses and makes safe this independence of ours!

Proclamation de l’indépendance de l’Indonésie Sukarno's Proclamation of Indonesian Independence


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Page:Australia, from Port Macquarie to Moreton Bay.djvu/60

 with the common fern, the tree-ferns, and low dwarf palms, the timber being mahogany and turpentine. At the subsidence of this lateral range we came upon a gravelly brook, which the natives called Deletalmia. We traced it down through the brush to its junction with a fine stream, to which I gave the native name "Odalberree." This stream is a tributary to the Bellengen. In the brushes here I saw the finest cedar and rosewood trees I had yet noticed; I also saw several creeping plants, climbing among the trees, which were quite new to me. We were here caught in another heavy thunder shower, which soon drenched us to the skin. On leaving this stream we began ascending a steep, brushy range, the forest trees having a dense underwood of the gigantic fern; this was the only lateral range which seemed accessible to climb up, with horses, to gain the crest of the next main range. At length we gained the summit of a high, grassy cone, which, however, was only an angle in the outline of the lateral ridge. As it had now ceased raining, we halted on this green cone, and refreshed ourselves and our horses, which we found a great source of inconvenience in this mountainous country; for the last twenty miles we had been constantly on foot, one side of the ranges being too steep to ride up, and the other too steep to ride down, whilst the blacks had to divide the pack-horse's load among them. It was only among the crests of the main ridges, and now and then in the brushy


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, that we could ride for two or three hundred yards without dismounting. Having descended from this conical summit, we climbed up a steep, narrow, razor-backed slope, flanked by precipitous, brushy gullies, and gained the crest of the main range at about four o'clock. This range, which was composed of soft micaceous talc, was covered with luxuriant grass; in fact, notwithstanding its steepness, there was so much soil on it, that just over the side I half buried the ramrod of my carbine in loose earth. This range was serrated by a chain of conical summits, the average height of which I estimated to be about two thousand five hundred feet above the level of the sea; this range divides the Bellengen river from its tributary, which we had lately crossed. We scrambled along the serrated crest of this range, for about four miles to the westward, before we found a lateral spur, by which 'We could descend without difficulty to the valley of the river. The view from the range was magnificent. At our feet was the narrow glen of the Bellengen, choked up with dark green, impervious brush, whilst immediately opposite to us, on the north side of the river, a gigantic range rose up in perpendicular buttresses, three thousand feet high, and the total altitude of the range itself could not be less (judging from analogy) than five thousand feet. Opposite the point we had attained, the outline of this high range was a level table land, but nearer the coast it became broken into an undulating


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 outline of steep, conical summits. Exactly opposite to us, in a deep cleft, a beautiful cascade dashed down a fall several hundred feet perpendicular, like a long band of silver, glittering in the rays of the declining sun; to the east we could discern the dim outline of the horizon over the Pacific Ocean; and turning to the west, mountains beyond mountains rose in varied contour, whilst snow-white clouds floated in serpentine wreaths among the narrow glens, and dark mountain recesses. We had some trouble in getting down the lateral spur descending into the valley, as it undulated in steep, short, pointed hummocks; it was night before we got half way down, but as the moon was shining brightly, and the blacks had made torches of turpentine bark, I determined to push on to the brink of the river before I halted. We now crossed a small, gravelly brook, and in ascending the steep bank on the other side, one of my horses rolled backwards into the brook; he would have been killed, had not his fell been arrested by some creepers. We next traversed a thicket swarming with fire-flies, and with luxuriant fern reaching to my shoulders as I sat on horseback; and after passing another gravelly brook, we found ourselves on a beautiful grassy forest bank, overlooking the river Bellengen. We fortunately found here a deserted blacks' camp, so that we had abundance of bark to build a secure shelter for the night.

March 10th.—As soon as I awoke I ran down to


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Author:George McTurnan Kahin

Works

 * Asian-African Conference: Bandung, Indonesia, April 1955
 * Southeast Asia: a testament
 * Nationalism and revolution in Indonesia
 * Some aspects of Indonesian politics and nationalism (Secretariat paper)
 * Governments and politics of Southeast Asia
 * Intervention: how America became involved in Vietnam
 * Some aspects of Indonesian politics and nationalism
 * The political position of the Chinese in Indonesia
 * Consequences of the invasion of Cambodia
 * The American involvement in Vietnam: an address
 * Recent development of Laotian problem and Chinese attitude
 * Aneta press releases: selections on Indonesia
 * Teaching and research relating to Southeast Asia in American colleges and universities, April 1952 (Cornell University. Dept. of Far Eastern Studies. Southeast Asia Program. Data paper)
 * Testimony on the Philippines before the Subcommittee on International Organizations of the Committee on International Relations, House of Representatives
 * Address to the Inter-faith Seminar for Clergy on Vietnam, Boston University, October 1, 1965
 * A polarization of knowledge: Specialization on contemporary Asia in the United States
 * Some questions relating to American policy in Vietnam: Remarks delivered at the seminar on Southeast Asia of the Council for a Livable World, 5 March 1965 (Study paper)
 * Sukarno's Proclamation of Indonesian Independence (2000)
 * George McTurnan Kahin, John W. Lewis, THE UNITED STATES IN VIETNAM
 * George McTurnan Kahin, John W. Lewis, The United States in Vietnam: An Analysis in Depth of the History of America's Involement in Vietnam
 * George McTurnan Kahin, Lukman Hakiem, PRRI: pergolakan daerah atau pemberontakan?
 * George McTurnan Kahin, Daniel S. Lev,, Making Indonesia
 * George McTurnan Kahin, Audrey R. Kahin, Subversion as foreign policy: the secret Eisenhower and Dulles debacle in Indonesia
 * George McTurnan Kahin, John Wilson Lewis, The United States in Vietnam
 * George McTurnan Kahin, Harold C. Hinton, Major governments of Asia
 * George McTurnan Kahin, Nin Bakdi Soemanto, Nasionalisme dan revolusi di Indonesia: refleksi pergumulan lahirnya Republik
 * George McTurnan Kahin, Ruth T. MacVey,The rise of Indonesian communism
 * George McT. Kahin, Harold C. Hinton, Nobutaka Ike, Norman D. Palmer, Keith Callard and Richard S. Wheeler, Major Governments of Asia: China, Japan, India, Pakistan, Indonesia

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Page:Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile - In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773 volume 2.djvu/370

 therefore did most deservedly seal his own condemnation and punishment, which overtook him in the end, though it did not follow till long afterwards.

these violent proceedings were added others still more violent. A solemn excommunication was pronounced against all such as did not keep that oath, and a proclamation was forthwith made, "That all people, in the line of being ordained priests, should first embrace the Catholic religion upon pain of death; that all should observe the form of the church of Rome in the celebration of Easter and Lent, under the same penalty; and with that the ceremonies of the day ended.
 * Tempus erit cura magna optaverit emptum,
 * Intallum Pallanta.

it was a day ever to be marked with black, not only in the annals of Ethiopia, but in those of Rome.

the arrival of the patriarch at Bilur had been happily effected, both as to himself and those that attended him, it was not so with some of his brethren sent to assist him in that million. Two Jesuits, Francisco Machado and Bernard Pereira, had received the king's letters in India for their safe conduct to Bilur in Dancali. Whether by malice, or inadvertency, the king's secretary, instead of Bilur, had mentioned Zeyla in the letter.

, an island belonging to the king of Adel, was of all other places that where the people were moll inveterate against the Catholic religion. No sooner did the Shekh know


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 the river, which I found to be a rapid stream, upwards of one hundred feet wide at this point, and flowing over a bed of large shingles. After breakfast, I had the horses saddled to commence ascending the river. Upon crossing a brushy creek, we got down into the bed of the river and forded it, entering a dense cedar brush on the other side.

In a straight line of ten miles, we crossed and recrossed the river no less than twelve times; this was unavoidable on account of the steep, inaccessible, forest banks, which formed tangents to the convex bends of the river on either side. Our course, therefore, lay from necessity along the alluvial land, which consisted of brush, cedar plains, and forest flats. The brush contained the finest cedar and rosewood I had ever seen; the trunks of these trees were often six feet in diameter, and ninety feet high, before they threw out a single branch. The Casuarina also grew to such an uncommon height, and its foliage assumed such an unusual form, that I thought at one time it was a species of Pine. . The small clear plains, just mentioned, were covered exclusively with coarse broad-bladed grass, growing as high as a man's middle, and having the appearance of small wheat fields; the grassy forest flats were principally wooded by that species of Eucalyptus called Forest Mahogany. I halted for the night on a grassy flat on the brink of the Bellengen. An annoying accident had happened to me this day; in crossing one of the fords, my pack-horse slipped backwards down a


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 bank into the river, and wetted every thing on his back. On examining what damage had been done, we found that all the sugar was melted, and a large portion of the flour caked together; our blankets also were quite wet.

March 11th.—I continued my course up the river, over the same kind of ground as the day before, until I attained a point where the brush seemed to be almost entirely superseded by narrow, lightly wooded flats; with patches of the Swamp oak (Casuarina paludosa) growing among the shingles of the stream. I now thought it useless to go on farther, towards the source of this river. My provisions were decreased 'from yesterday's accident, and we were separated from the MacLeay by numerous lofty ranges, almost inaccessible for our horses. I had now ascertained the existence of a fresh-water stream, between the MacLeay and Clarence rivers, little inferior in size to the Hastings, but was much disappointed at its total inutility; for, notwithstanding the romantic beauty of the scenery at the Bellengen, and the rich luxuriance of the vegetation on its banks, the steep lofty ranges which hem it in on every side, and contract its valley to the most insignificant dimensions, render it perfectly unavailable for grazing purposes.

March 12th.—This day we descended the river, until five o'clock in the afternoon, when we stopped to refresh our horses and ourselves, on a small grassy plain of about fifty acres in extent. I amused myself, whilst waiting for our pots to boil, in cutting out


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Author:Li Xisheng

Works

 * 1900 National Upheaval

title: Author:Li Xisheng


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 my initials on a tree at this place. As our horses did not seem very much fatigued, I now determined to gain the crest of the high range dividing the Bellengen and Odalberree before stopping for the night; for as the moon was nearly full, it would be more pleasant to ascend the range in the cool of the evening, than to wait until the morning at the Bellengen; besides, the grass on the mountains was younger and sweeter than that in the valley. The blacks, however, were much displeased at my determination; for the poor fellows were excessively fatigued, as they had undergone the most severe toil, during the last few days, in carrying our baggage on their heads, up and down those mountain slopes which were too steep for horses. I had very great trouble in persuading them to go any farther this evening, but at length, by promising them an extra quantity of tobacco, and half the remainder of the rum in the spirit flask, I succeeded in rousing them up to resume their march. We now commenced ascending the range along a steep spur of undulating outline, wooded by large black-butt trees, and covered with a luxuriant growth of common fern; whilst the tree-ferns and a dwarf kind of palm formed a thick underwood. After a smart clamber we gained the summit of the ridge, about an hour after the rising of the moon. When we arrived here, panting and perspiring, the cool bracing breeze seemed very refreshing; but we soon found it too cold at so great an elevation, and were glad to make a large fire, and throw ourselves


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 at full length before it. My black companions had procured some honey in the course of the day, and had killed an opossum and a large dew-lizard, which is very well tasted, somewhat resembling the flesh of chickens in flavour. I gave to the blacks a larger portion of flour than usual, in exchange for their honey, which I employed to sweeten my tea, as the sugar was lost when the pack-horse fell into the river. We brought sufficient water to the top of the range in the baskets of the wild natives with us. These baskets were made of the leaf of a large aquatic plant, and were perfectly water tight. As to our horses we allowed them to drink plentifully at the foot of the range. The blacks being in good spirits, on account of our return towards the MacLeay, indulged for two or three hours in loud singing as they lay extended on the grass. It is astonishing what a fondness the Australian natives display for the tribes to which they belong, and the localities in which they are accustomed to roam; they cannot bear even a short separation from their fellows, and their usual haunts, without feeling a strong desire to return to them.

The glen of the Bellengen, and the surrounding mountains, appeared singularly romantic from the high range on which we bivouacked, beneath the dear moonlight sky. The deep narrow valley yawned in misty obscurity, like a fathomless abyss at our feet, whilst the lofty mountains, which bounded it to the northward, stood forth in bold,


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 well defined outline against the illuminated sky Around us, and down the steep slopes of the range we were upon, the dazzling whiteness of the branches, and upper parts of the trunks of the huge black-butt trees, and the grassy slopes bathed in mellow moonlight, formed a strong contrast to the pitchy darkness of the glen and the mountains opposite. The weather being beautifully serene, and there being no musquitos, ticks, or other noxious insects on the mountains, I enjoyed an unbroken invigorating sleep until daylight.

March 13th.—This morning we descended from the range, and watered our horses in the Odalberree river. We saw a number of fish in the waters of this clear pebbly stream, being of that kind vulgarly called in the colony, "fresh-water herrings." We next crossed the range bounding the Nambucca, some miles lower down than we had done before, and after crossing one of the Nambucca streams, we stopped for the night on a high range. Our supply of provisions was almost expended, as I did not calculate on having so many blacks in my train; we had only a small quantity of flour and a piece of cheese left, so I had taken the opportunity, before we left the range, on which we had passed the preceding night, to shoot a number of parrots, which had alighted in swarms on the black-butt trees. This evening we broiled them on the embers, and I now intimated to the Nambucca blacks that they must leave us next morning, as I could not


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 afford to give them any more flour, for which they had formed a great predilection.

I was sorry to see that the horses, which were first-rate ones, and possessed extraordinary powers of endurance, frequently exemplified on previous occasions, were nearly knocked up, although we had walked on foot all this day, with the exception of a short distance on the more gently inclined lower slopes of the ranges: they had abundance of good grass and water during this excursion, but the steepness of the hills was almost too much for them, and they had, on two or three occasions this day^ made stumbles at the sides of gullies, into which they narrowly escaped falling.

March 14th.— This morning we crossed another of the Nambucca streams. As we entered the brush we heard the loud shouts of the blacks who were busily engaged in hunting. The plan adopted by the natives in this pursuit, was somewhat similar, on a small scale, to the mode of hunting pursued by some of the Indian princes. The blacks first of all dispersed, and formed in the brush a circle of a quarter of a mile in diameter, and then, on a given signal, they all commenced shouting and advancing towards the centre, gradually lessening the circle. The brush-kangaroos or pademellas were thus gradually enclosed, and driven into a small space, where, being surrounded on all sides, they were dispatched by the natives, who carried for this purpose short cylindrical pieces of wood, formed from a species of tree


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 growing in the brushes, and which is of greater specific gravity than any wood I am acquainted with. This tribe was the same we had met a few days before, and to which the five blacks, whom I had just dismissed, belonged. They had apparently been performing a corroberree dance on the preceding evening, as their bodies still preserved traces of the pigments with which they adorn themselves for that occasion. Among these blacks were several old men with white beards, and one man surprised me very much, as his skin was variegated by white patches. On inquiring from my two tame blacks the cause of this, they told me he had been burnt, but in what manner I could not ascertain. On emerging from the brush, we passed the encampment of these natives, where we saw a number of women and boys, who seemed excessively alarmed at our appearance. We now travelled back along our former track, and refreshed our horses on the grassy conical hill I have previously mentioned. Whilst here we encountered the tribe to which my two blacks belonged, and who were en route, either to dance a corroberree, or else fight with the Nambucca tribe. These blacks crowded round the two natives with me, to hear the news respecting those whom we had lately seen; they were all acquaintances of mine, and spoke fluently the jargon in which the whites and blacks converse. They gave to the natives accompanying me a wooden bowl full of cobberra, a long white worm, eaten by them,


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 which is found in wood that has been immersed for some time in the brackish water, in those parts of rivers affected by the tide. One of the most violent thunder-storms I ever saw, occurred whilst we rested here; and after it had passed away, it still continued raining during the remainder of the day. We now crossed the middle arm of the Nambucca, and began to see the large forest kangaroos again, which we had not encountered on the steep ranges we had passed over, although the brushes abounded with the small brush kangaroo. It was late in the evening when we entered the wide brush on the north side of Algomerra creek, and it was quite dark soon afterwards. I therefore regretted that we had not stopped at the last water-course, as it was raining heavily, and we would have to cross the jagged and pointed rocks in the bed of the Algomerra, before we emerged on open forest land again. We now wended our way slowly through the brush, preceded by the blacks, to avoid being entangled in the matted creepers. We experienced, as I had anticipated, great difficulty in getting our horses across the Algomerra by night, especially as this stream was much swollen; and as I was dragging my horse over the rocks, he made a sudden spring, and struck me violently with his forefeet, but I was not hurt. We then stopped on the open forest, and tethered out the horses. This was the most uncomfortable night we had passed during the excursion, as we had scarcely anything to eat, and could not