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 You have done good by stealth. The rest is upon record. You have still left ample room for speculation, when panegyric is exhausted.

are indeed a very considerable man. The highest rank;—a splendid fortune; and a name, glorious, till it was yours; were sufficient to have supported you with meaner abilities than I think you possess. From the first, you derive a constitutional claim to respect; from the second, a natural extensive authority;—the last created a partial expectation of hereditary virtues. The use you have made of these uncommon advantages, might have been more honourable to yourself, but could not be more instructive to mankind. We may trace it in the veneration of your country, the choice of your friends, and in the accomplishment of every sanguine hope which the public might have conceived from the illustrious name of Russel.

eminence of your station gave you a commanding prospect of your duty. The road which led to honour, was open to your view. You could not lose it by mistake, and you had no temptation to depart from it by design. Compare the natural dignity


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 and importance of the righesthighest[?] [sic] peer of England;—the noble independence which he might have maintained in parliament, and the real interest and respect, which he might have acquired, not only in parliament, but through the whole kingdom; compare these glorious distinctions, with the ambition of holding a share in government, the emoluments of a place, the sale of a borough, or the purchase of a corporation; and though you may not regret the virtues, which create respect, you may see with anguish, how much real importance and authority you have lost. Consider the character of an independent virtuous Duke of Bedford; imagine what he might be in this country, then reflect one moment upon what you are. If it be possible for me to withdraw my attention from the fact, I will tell you in the theory what such a man might be.

of his own weight and importance, his conduct in parliament would be directed by nothing but the constitutional duty of a peer. He would consider himself as a guardian of the laws. Willing to support the just measures of government, but determined to observe the conduct of the minister

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 with suspicion, he would oppose the violence of faction with as much firmness, as the encroachments of prerogative. He would be as little capable of bargaining with the minister for places for himself, or his dependents, as of descending to mix himself in the intrigues of opposition. Whenever an important question called for his opinion in parliament, he would be heard, by the most profligate minister, with deference and respect. His authority would either sanctify or disgrace the measures of government.—The people would look up to him as their protector, and a virtuous prince would have one honest man in his dominions, in whose integrity and judgment he might safely confide. If it should be the will of Providence to afflict him with a domestic misfortune, he would submit to the stroke with feeling, but not without dignity. He would consider the people as his children, and receive a generous heartfelt consolation, in the sympathizing tears, and blessings of his country.

Grace may probably discover something more intelligible in the negative part of


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 this illustrious character. The man I have described would never prostitute his dignity in parliament by an indecent violence either in opposing or defending a minister. He would not at one moment rancorously persecute, at another basely cringe to the favourite of his Sovereign. After outraging the royal dignity with peremptory conditions, little short of menace and hostility, he would never descend to the humility of soliciting an interview with the favourite, and of offering to recover, at any price, the honour of his friendship. Though deceived, perhaps, in his youth, he would not, through the course of a long life, have invariably chosen his friends from among the most profligate of mankind. His own honour would have forbidden him from mixing his private pleasures or conversation with jockeys, gamesters, blasphemers, gladiators, or buffoons. He would then have never felt, much less would he have submitted to the dishonest necessity of engaging in the interests and intrigues of his dependents; of supplying their vices, or


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 relieving their beggary, at the expence of his country. He would not have betrayed such ignorance, or such contempt of the constitution, as openly to avow, in a court of justice, the purchase and sale of a borough. He would not have thought it consistent with his rank in the state, or even with his personal importance, to be the little tyrant of a little corporation. He would never have been insulted with virtues which he had laboured to extinguish, nor suffered the disgrace of a mortifying defeat, which has made him ridiculous and contemptible, even to the few by whom he was not detested.—I reverence the afflictions of a good man,—his sorrows are sacred. But how can we take part in the distresses of a man, whom we can neither love or esteem; or feel for a calamity, of which he himself is insensible? Where was the father's heart, when he could look for, or find an immediate consolation for the loss


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 of an only son, in consultations and bargains for a place at court, and even in the misery of balloting at the India House!

, then, that you have mistaken or deserted those honourable principles which ought to have directed your conduct; admitting that you have as little claim to private affection as to public esteem, let us see with what abilities, with what degree of judgment, you have carried your own system into execution. A great man, in the success, and even in the magnitude, of his crimes, finds a rescue from contempt. Your Grace is every way unfortunate. Yet I will not look back to those ridiculous scenes, by which, in your earlier days, you thought it an honour to be distinguished ;—the recorded stripes, the public infamy, your own sufferings, or Mr.


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 Rigby's fortitude. These events undoubtedly left an impression, though not upon your mind. To such a mind, it may perhaps be a pleasure to reflect, that there is hardly a corner of any of his Majesty's kingdoms, except France, in which, at one time or other, your valuable life has not been in danger. Amiable man! we see and acknowledge the protection of Providence, by which you have so often escaped the personal detestation of your fellow-subjects, and are still reserved for the public justice of your country.

history begins to be important at that auspicious period, at which you were deputed to represent the Earl of Bute, at the court of Versailles. It was an honourable office, and executed with the same spirit, with which it was accepted. Your patrons wanted an ambassador,who would submit to make concessions, without daring to insist upon any honourable condition for his sovereign. Their business required a man who had as little feeling for his own dignity, as for the welfare of his country; and they found him in the first rank of the nobility. Belleisle, Goree, Guadaloupe, St. Lucia, Martinique, the Fishery, and the Havannah,


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 are glorious monuments of your Grace's talents for negotiation. My Lord, we are too well acquainted with your pecuniary character, to think it possible that so many public sacrifices should have been made without some private compensations. Your conduct carries with it an internal evidence, beyond all the proofs of a court of justice. Even the callous pride of Lord Egremont was alarmed. He saw and felt his own dishonour in corresponding with you; and there certainly was a moment at which he meant to have resisted, had not a fatal lethargy prevailed over his faculties, and carried all sense and memory away with it.

not pretend to specify the secret terms on which you were invited to support an administration which Lord Bute pretended to leave in full possession of their ministerial authority, and perfectly masters of themselves. He was not of a temper to relinquish


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 power, though he retired from employment. Stipulations were certainly made between your Grace and him, and certainly violated. After two years' submission, you thought you had collected strength sufficient to control his influence, and that it was your turn to be a tyrant, because you had been a slave. When you found yourself mistaken in your opinion of your gracious Master's firmness, disappointment got the better of all your humble discretion, and carried you to an excess of outrage to his person, as distant from true spirit, as from all decency and respect. After robbing him of the rights of a King, you would not permit him to preserve the honour of a gentleman. It was then Lord Weymouth was nominated to Ireland, and dispatched (we well remember with what indecent hurry) to plunder the treasury of the first fruits of an employment which you well knew he was never to execute.


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 sudden declaration of war against the favourite might have given you a momentary merit with the public, if it had either been adopted upon principle, or maintained with resolution. Without looking back to all your former servility, we need only observe your subsequent conduct, to see upon what motives you acted. Apparently united with Mr, Grenville, you waited until Lord Rockingham's feeble administration should dissolve in its own weakness.—The moment their dismission was suspected, the moment you perceived that another system was adopted in the closet, you thought it no disgrace to return to your former dependence, and solicit once more the friendship of Lord Bute. You begged an interview, at which he had spirit enough to treat you with contempt.

would now be of little use to point out, by what a train of weak, injudicious measures, it became necessary, or was thought so, to call you back to a share in the administration. . The friends, whom you did not in the last


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 instance desert, were not of a character to add strength or credit to government; and, at that time, your alliance with the Duke of Grafton, was, I presume, hardly foreseen. We must look for other stipulations, to account for that sudden resolution of the closet, by which three of your dependants (whose characters, I think, cannot be less respected than they are) were advanced to offices, through which you might again control the minister, and probably engross the whole direction of affairs.

possession of absolute power is now once more within your reach. The measures you have taken to obtain and confirm it, are too gross to escape the eyes of a discerning, judicious Prince. His palace is besieged; the lines of circumvallation are drawing round him; and, unless he finds a resource in his own activity, or in the attachment of the real friends of his family, the best of Princes must submit to the confinement of a state prisoner, until your Grace's death, or some less fortunate event shall raise the siege. For the present you may safely resume that stile of insult and menace, which even a private gentleman


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 cannot submit to hear without being contemptible. Mr. MacKenzie's history is not yet forgotten; and you may find precedents enough of the mode, in which an imperious subject may signify his pleasure to his sovereign. Where will this gracious Monarch look for assistance, when the wretched Grafton could forget his obligations to his master, and desert him for a hollow alliance with such a man as the Duke of Bedford?

us consider you, then, as arrived at the summit of worldly greatness; let us suppose, that all your plans of avarice and ambition are accomplished, and your most sanguine wishes gratified in the fear, as well as the hatred of the people; can age itself forget that you are now in the last act of life? Can grey hairs make folly venerable? and is there no period to be reserved for meditation and retirement? For shame! my Lord: let it not be recorded of you, that the latest moments of your life were dedicated to the same unworthy pursuits, the same busy agitations, in which your youth and manhood were exhausted. Consider, that, although you cannot disgrace your former life, you are violating the character of age, and exposing


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 the impotent imbecility, after you have lost the vigour of the passions.

friends will ask, perhaps, Whither shall this unhappy old man retire? Can he remain in the metropolis, where his life has been so often threatened, and his palace so often attacked? If he returns to Wooburn, scorn and mockery await him. He must create a solitude round his estate, if he would avoid the face of reproach and derision. At Plymouth, his destruction would be more than probable; at Exeter, inevitable. No honest Englishman will ever forget his attachment, nor any honest Scotchman forgive his treachery to Lord Bute. At every town he enters, he must change his liveries and name. Which ever way he flies, the Hue and Cry of the country pursues him.

another kingdom, indeed, the blessings of his administration have been more sensibly felt; his virtues better understood: or, at worst, they will not, for him alone, forget their hospitality.—As well might have returned to Sicily. You have twice escaped, my Lord; beware of a third experiment. The indignation of a whole people,


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 plundered, insulted, and oppressed, as they have been, will not always be disappointed.

is in vain, therefore, to shift the scene. You can no more fly from your enemies, than from yourself. Persecuted abroad, you look into your own heart for consolation, and find nothing but reproaches and despair. But, my Lord, you may quit the field of business, though not the field of danger; and though you cannot be safe, you may cease to be ridiculous. I fear you have listened too long to the advice of those pernicious friends, with whose interests you have sordidly united your own, and for whom you have sacrificed every thing that ought to be dear to a man of honour. They are still base enough to encourage the follies of your age, as they once did the vices of your youth. As little acquainted with the rules of decorum, as with the laws of morality, they will not suffer you to profit by experience, nor even to consult the propriety of a bad character. Even now they tell you, that life is no more than a dramatic scene, in which the hero should preserve his consistency to the last; and that, as you lived without virtue, you should die without repentance. JUNIUS.


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Rh

SIR,

AVING accidentally seen a republication of your letters, wherein you have been pleased to assert, that I had sold the companions of my success, I am again obliged to declare the said assertion to be a most infamous and malicious falsehood; and I again call upon you to stand forth, avow yourself, and prove the charge. If you can make it out to the satisfaction of any one man in the kingdom, I will be content to be thought the worst man in it; if you do not, what must the nation think of you? Party has nothing to do in this affair: you have made a personal attack upon my honour, defamed me by a most vile calumny, which might possibly have sunk into oblivion, had not such uncommon pains been taken to renew and perpetuate this scandal, chiefly because it has been told in good language: for I give you full credit for your elegant diction, well-turned periods, and attic wit: but wit is oftentimes false, though


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 though it may appear brilliant; which is exactly the case of your whole performance. But, Sir, I am obliged, in the most serious manner, to accuse you of being guilty of falsities. You have said the thing that is not. To support your story, you have recourse to the following irresistible argument: "You sold the companions of your victory, because, when the 16th regiment was given to you, you was silent". The conclusion is inevitable. I believe that such deep and acute reasoning could only come from such an extraordinary writer as Junius. But, unfortunately for you, the premises, as well as the conclusion are absolutely false. Many applications have been made to the ministry on the subject of the Manilla ransom since the time of my being colonel of that regiment. As I have for some years quitted London, I was obliged to have recourse to the Honourable Colonel Monson, and Sir Samuel Cornish to negotiate for me; in the last autumn, I personally delivered a memorial to the Earl of Shelburne at his seat in Wiltshire. As you have told us of your importance, that you are a person of rank and fortune, and above a common bribe, you may, in all probability, be not unknown to his lordship, who can satisfy you of the truth of what I say. But I shall


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 now take the liberty, Sir, to seize your battery, and turn it against yourself. If your puerile and tinsel logic could carry the least weight or conviction with it, how must you stand affected by the inevitable conclusion, as you are pleased to term it? According to Junius, Silence is Guilt. In many of the public papers, you have been called, in the most direct and offensive terms, a liar, and a coward. When did you reply to these foul accusations? You have been quite silent, quite chop-fallen: therefore, because you was silent, the nation has a right to pronounce you to be both a liar and a coward, from your own argument: but, Sir, I will give you fair play; will afford you an opportunity to wipe off the first appellation; by desiring the proofs of your charge against me. Produce them! To wipe off the last, produce yourself. People cannot bear any longer your Lion's skin, and the despicable imposture of the old Roman name which you have affected. For the future assume the name of some modern bravo and dark assassin: let your appellation have some affinity to your practice. But if I must perish,


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 Junius, let me perish in the face of day: be for once a generous and open enemy. I allow that gothic appeals to cold iron, are no better proofs of a man's honesty and veracity, than hot iron and burning plough-shares are of female chastity: but a soldier's honour is as delicate as a woman's; it must not be suspected; you have dared to throw more than a suspicion upon mine: you cannot but know the consequences, which even the meekness of Christianity would pardon me for, after the injury you have done me. WILLIAM DRAPER.

25. September, 1769. SIR,

FTER so long an interval, I did not expect to see the debate revived between us. My answer to your last letter shall be short; for I write to you with reluctance, and I hope we shall now conclude our correspondence for ever.


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iv

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text: Ralph in the Switch Tower

title: Ralph in the Switch Tower


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title: Category:Qing Dynasty history


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Additional Agreement defining Boundaries of Leased and Neutralized Territory in Liaotung Peninsula

The Governments of Russia and China being desirous of adding some stipulations to the Treaty concluded at Peking on the 15/27th March, 1898, the Plenipotentiaries of both Governments have agreed upon the following:

In accordance with Article II of the original Treaty the northern territory leased and yielded to Russia — Port Arthur, Talienwan, and the Liaotung Peninsula — shall commence from the north side of Ya Tang Bay on the west coast of Liaotung and shall pass through the ridge of Ya-tang Mountain (the mountain ridge being included in the leased ground) to the east coast of Liaotung near the north side of the P'i-tzii-wo Bay.

Russia shall be allowed the use of all the waters adjacent to the leased territory and all the islands around it.

Both countries shall appoint special officers to survey the ground and determine the limits of the leased territory.

To the north of the boundary fixed in Art. I, there shall, in accordance with Art. V of the Peking Treaty, be a neutral ground, the northern boundary of which shall commence on the west coast of Liaotung at the mouth of the Kai-chou River, shall pass north of Yu-yen-cheng to the Ta-yang River, and shall follow the left bank of the river to its mouth, this river also to be included in the neutral territory.

The Russian Government consents that the terminus of the branch line connecting the Siberian Railway with the Liaotung Peninsula shall be at Port Arthur and Talienwan, and at no other port in the said peninsula.

It is further agreed in common that railway privileges in districts traversed by this branch line shall not be given to the subjects of other Powers. As regards the railway which China shall [may] herself build hereafter from Shan-hai-kuan in extension to a point as near as [lit., nearest to] possible to this branch line, Russia agrees that she has nothing to do with it.

The Russian Government assents to the request of the Chinese Government that the Administration and police of the City of Kinchow shall be Chinese. Chinese troops will be withdrawn from Kinchow and replaced by Russian troops. The inhabitants of the city have the power to use the roads from Kinchow to the north boundary of the leased territory, and the waters usually required near the city, the use of which has been granted to Russia; but they have no power to use the sea-coast (round about).

The Chinese Government agrees [lit., agrees to recognize] :

1. That without Russia's consent no concession will be made in the neutral ground for the use of subjects of other Powers.

3. That the ports on the sea-coast east and west of the neutral ground shall not be opened to the trade of other Powers.

3. And that without Russia's consent no road and mining concessions, ' industrial and mercantile privileges shall be granted in the neutral territory.

The Articles agreed to above will be drawn up, one copy in Chinese and one in Russian, and signed by the plenipotentiaries of the two countries.

For purposes of interpretation, the Russian will be the authoritative text.

Kuang-hsu, 24th year, 3rd intercalary month, 17th day: Russian Calendar, April 25, 1898 (May 7th, 1898).


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Author:Ernest Clarke (1857-1932)

Works

 * Refraction of the Eye
 * (Errors of Refraction)

title: Author:Ernest Clarke (1857-1932)


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 rounded and in many the disk is distinctly heart-shaped. About the center are two darker spots which represent a pair of pitlike depressions. The scales are largest and most crowded on the anterior half of the segment. The overlapped anterior fifth of the segment is sharply set off from the remainder by a line of oval disklike scars and the overlapped part itself is densely crowded with smaller scales which in front consist of crescents and behind change gradually into the disks, thereby evincing the morphologic and functional identity of these peculiar disklike scales with the crescentic scale of other eurypterids.

A brief study of the ornamentation of Pohlman's type of  ( =   Hall) figured on the same plate as his , shows it to be of quite the same character and relative dimensions as the latter, the fact being taken into account that the sculpture pustules of the eurypterids are always of smaller size and at the same time more prominent on the carapace than on the body. The enlargements of the ornamentation of the type of  [ pl. 24, fig. 2, 3] show that the carapace was covered with large wartlike pustules in front of the eyes, which are flat on top or slightly sunken in. They are now filled with rock and were hence originally hollow and probably rounded on top. Between them are found many smaller ones, scalelike, with thicker test, which exhibit the disk shape of those of, as seen on the anterior portions of the segments [ pl. 24, fig. 4]. Like scales are observed on the first tergite of the type of   and since the sculpturing as a rule increases in coarseness from the first tergites posteriorly, there is no doubt that this ornamentation fully corresponds to that seen on the postabdomen of.

It is hence, manifest that  and   are of the same species and as   is identical with   the original   represents the postabdomen of. The species characters are then the following:


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 Description. Body medium-sized to large. Carapace semicircular, nearly twice as wide at base as long (length : width as 6 : 11), probably originally quite high (as indicated by concentric wrinkles); lateral and frontal margins forming a continuous circular curve, when the carapace is flattened; the thickened edge scalloped; posterior margin straight and transverse, genal angles nearly rectangular; compound eyes relatively small (one seventh the length of carapace), consisting of a bean-shaped, very prominent ocular node and narrow reniform visual surface, situated halfway between the frontal and basal margins, far apart (three fourths as far from lateral margin as apart); the ocellar node prominent, in exact middle of carapace.

First tergite one fifth as long as the carapace, nine times as wide as long. Postlateral angles truncate. Postabdomen at its anterior end about three fourths as wide as long and tapering to about one third of its anterior width. The segments possess distinct epimera which become increasingly winglike posteriorly, on the last segments possessing sigmoidal margins.

Ornamentation. The ornamentation of the carapace and postabdominal segments has been described above. From an exfoliated portion of one specimen [ pl. 23, fig. 1] it is seen that the test of the marginal shield of the cephalothorax was furnished with wartlike, round pustules.

Measurements. Carapace of type, 67 × 120 mm (as 6 : 10.7); that of Pohlman's type of  50 × 93 mm (as 6 : 11). Eyes in type 41 mm apart and 30 mm from lateral margin; in other specimen 7 mm long, 31 mm apart and 24 mm from margins. First tergite of this specimen 9.5 mm long. Postabdomen about 150 mm wide at anterior end, 210 mm long and about 50 mm at posterior end.

Horizon and locality. Bertie waterlime at Buffalo.

Remarks. A third carapace (with attached first tergite) of like dimensions with the type of the species is in the Buffalo Museum. It is noteworthy for the distinctness of the ornamentation of the first tergite, consisting of a narrow anterior zone of very closely arranged tubercles and the characteristic disklike scales which here are larger, more numerous, and


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 more prominent than in the other two specimens. This specimen also demonstrates that the scalloping of the edge of the carapace is due to the presence of scales.

The National Museum contains a fragment [ pl. 23, fig. 2] of a very large carapace of this species from the waterlime at Buffalo which indicates that the species must have attained much larger proportions than any other known Eurypterus. This carapace was approximately 250 mm wide in front of the eyes, to which a basal width of about 300 mm and a length of the carapace of about 160 mm would correspond. The whole body must have measured fully one meter.

There is no species of Eurypterus which this form closely resembles, and it must represent an aberrant branch of the genus, if, indeed, it actually belongs in the genus at all. Only the carapace and the postabdomen of the animal are known and the appendages may prove to be quite different from those of Eurypterus. In this connection it is suggestive that the Scottish representatives of Laurie's genus Drepanopterus possess some of the features in which  differs from typical Eurypterus [Laurie. 1892, pl. 3, fig. 16; 1899, pl. 3, fig. 17; pl. 4, fig. 22]. exhibits strong "granular markings" which, judging from his figure [pl. 4, fig. 22], may well resemble those of  in size and distribution, while in   the posterior angles of the postabdominal segments are produced into like processes. On the other hand,  does not possess the characteristic form of the carapace of the Drepanopterus-Stylonurus group and in the lobation of the postabdominal segments and its strong ornamentation, it suggests the last Carbonic representatives of the race, notably   Hall and.

Description. Carapace broadly subrectangular, about one half longer than wide (width, 20.5 mm, length, 13.5 mm). Anterior margin slightly


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 convex, antelateral angles well rounded, lateral margins nearly parallel, slightly concave in the middle and curving outward toward the genal angles which are slightly produced sideways; posterior margin nearly straight transversely; eye nodes subcircular, small (about one seventh the length of the carapace), situated just forward of the center and twice their diameter from the lateral margin; the form and size of the visual surface have not been made out.

The surface of the type specimen exhibits, especially on the posterior portion, low, rather broad nodes, so closely arranged as to be in contact at their bases. A body segment lying close to the carapace possesses a similar ornamentation.

Patches of integument are found associated with the eurypterids at Schenectady which present the aspect of a shagreen, their surface being covered with low, flat nodes which in many places become so crowded that they assume polygonal outlines. We consider it probable that these patches belong to this species.

Horizon and locality. Frankfort shale. Dettbarn quarry, Schenectady, N. Y.

Description. Body of small size, very plump in general appearance, the carapace and preabdomen forming a broad oval from which the postabdomen is set off rather abruptly.

The carapace is strikingly broad (length : width as 5 : 7) and nearly as wide as the broad preabdomen; subrectangular in outline; anterior margin straight to slightly emarginate in the middle and rounded at the anterior corners; lateral margins gently convex, slightly contracted toward the posterior angles; its doublure remarkably broad, forming a wide rim (4 mm) that gradually narrows along the sides; it bears a deep broad furrow in the middle that ends somewhat abruptly just behind the anterior corner, and fine parallel striae on the flat portion outside of the furrow; along the inner edge of the furrow runs a narrow crest. The rim seems to have been


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 produced into a relatively large triangle in the middle line. The eyes were large (between one third and one fourth the length of the carapace), reniform in outline and situated on the anterior half of the carapace, separated by about their own length from the outer margin. The preabdomen is so broad that its length is to its width almost as 2 : 3. The broadest part is in the region of the fourth tergite or third sternite. On account of the complete flattening of the specimens, both the tergites and sternites appear only as ill defined bands, the overlap, and consequently the true length, of which can not be determined. So much, however, is certain that they were rather short and wide, about seven times as wide as long. Their doublures can not be satisfactorily seen. The postabdominal segments are better shown and their broad posterior doublures well observed in all specimens. The postabdomen is relatively short and broad, it reaches not more than one third the length of the body while in the typical species of Eurypterus it amounts to one half of that length. It tapers gradually to not quite one third its anterior width. The postabdominal segments are short, the length of the penultimate segment to its width having the proportion of 2 : 3. The ultimate postabdominal segment is furnished with two short blunt lobes of the postlateral angles. The telson, corresponding to the rest of the body, is short and strong, rapidly tapering to the distal extremity. Its length was apparently only about one fourth or one fifth of the whole body.

Appendages. The limbs indicate that this species was a better walker than swimmer, for while the walking legs were strong and well developed, the swimming legs are rather slender and furnished with but small paddles. These paddles also seem to have ended in a spine although the evidence on this point is not conclusive, only a single indication of the spine having been seen. The details of the walking legs are not very distinct. The last pair, which typically in Eurypterus is comparatively slender, is here short when compared to the great width of the carapace, but somewhat broad jointed. The swimming legs are long in comparison with the short body. When turned back they reach to the posterior edge of the preabdomen.


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 The coxae of the swimming legs are apparently large, occupying in length one half that of the carapace and of the usual trapezoidal outline. The following segments of the swimming legs are short and stout but not as short as in the typical forms. Likewise the next two segments (nos. 4 and 5) are long and tubular like those of the walking legs. The sixth segment is shorter, and the seventh and eighth are broadened to about double the width of the other segments to form the paddle. They were of subequal size; the eighth segment formed a broad oval approaching a circle.

The metastoma appears to have been broadly elliptic (length to width as 3 : 2), not half as long as the carapace.

The genital appendages have been seen only as faint shadows, too indistinct to describe.

The ornamentation of the surface is also obscured to such an extent by secondary roughening and wrinkling of the integument that nothing reliable can be ascertained.

Measurements. The largest specimen (no. 12905, University of Chicago collection) measures 160.5 mm in length and 53.5 mm in greatest width. Its carapace measures 35 × 49 mm. The rim is 4 mm wide, the eyes are 10 mm long, the metastoma 14.5 mm. The swimming leg projects 41 mm beyond the margin of the carapace. The preabdomen is 40 mm long and 53.5 mm wide; the postabdomen is 50 mm long, 43 mm wide at its proximal end and 14 mm at its distal extremity. The telson measures 35+ mm. In another well preserved specimen (no. 12907, University of Chicago collection), which is 154+ mm long, the dimensions of the carapace are 33 × 48 mm; those of the preabdomen 43.5 × 52.5 mm, of the postabdomen 41.5 mm, of the telson 36+ mm.

Horizon and locality. Kokomo waterlime, Kokomo, Indiana.

Remarks. This is probably the species cited by Claypole [1890, p. 259] as  from Kokomo, for in its broad carapace it is most likely to suggest that form. It resembles still more, however, the  of the Buffalo waterlime, which is built on like proportions,


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 possessing a similar broad carapace and preabdomen and a still shorter postabdomen. The slender swimming legs of  serve at once to distinguish it from this Buffalo species. Its nearest relative is obviously the  of the same locality with which it has many characters in common, notably the broad plump form of the body, the broad doublure and the weak development of the swimming legs. Its principal distinguishing character from the latter is the greater width of the carapace, as a comparison of figure 7, plate 17, and figure 1 on plate 25 will readily show. In  the width surpasses the length by one fifth and in   by one third. It is possible that these differences are only those of sex, a point that at present can not be determined since the opercular appendages of  are not distinctly shown.

A younger specimen (no. 12906, University of Chicago collection) [ pl. 18, fig. 2] is interesting in showing a relatively broader carapace and preabdomen, a shorter body, and more abrupt contraction to the postabdomen, which is much more slender than the rest of the body. It thus displays distinctly immature features, corresponding well to those observed in other eurypterids.

Description. Carapace subtrapezoidal, width (22 mm) a little less than twice the length (13.5 mm). Posterior margin slightly arched forward in the middle third, lateral margins curved, flatly sigmoidal, slightlv converging forward; frontal margin not clearly seen, but apparently gently convex.

The compound eye is elongate elliptical in outline, very large, one third of the length of the carapace (4 mm in type specimen), situated near the antelateral angle; the visual surface is long and curves far inward at both ends. The ocelli seem to be situated behind the center of the carapace.


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 The ornamentation of the carapace consists of sharply elevated, hollow tubercles, densely arranged and evenly distributed (absent, however, on the eye nodes) and frequently with a stellate form or provided with a few radiating ridges or wrinkles. A fine granulation occupies the interspaces between the tubercles.

Horizon and locality. Frankfort shale (Schenectady facies) in Dettbarn quarry at Schenectady, N. Y.

Remarks. The forward position and form of the eyes suggest that the species may belong to Dolichopterus, but the carapace is markedly shorter than that of other members of the genus.

Besides the carapace a number of patches of integument have been found which still better display the peculiar stellate ornamentation and the finer granules.

This subgenus is proposed for  to give expression to the phylogenetic importance of the species as indicating the path of development of Dolichopterus, Drepanopterus and Stylonurus from Eurypterus. Its distinctive characters are the large, squarish carapace, the lack of differentiation of the fourth pair of endognathites, the spurlike form of the ninth segment of the swimming legs and the styliform telson.

Miller & Gurley. Illinois State Mus. Bul. 10. 1896. p. 90, pl. 5, fig. 1

Description. Body of small size, relatively broad, about three and a half times as long as wide, attaining its greatest width in the region of the fourth tergite, thence tapering gradually to the telson.

The carapace is decidedly squarish in outline, its anterior angles are rounded and it is little wider than long. The anterior margin is slightly convex and emarginate, the lateral margins subparallel and nearly straight.


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 The lateral eyes are apparently reniform and not very large, about one fourth to one fifth the length of the head shield. They lie on the anterior half of the carapace, just in front of the bisecting transverse line. The ocelli have not been seen. The doublure of the carapace is very broad in front, about one ninth the length of the head, narrowing somewhat posteriorly, distinctly produced in the median line to form a small triangular shield.

The abdomen is little wider than the carapace, the preabdomen as wide as long, and the postabdomen relatively short and compact, longer by one third than the preabdomen. The tergites are short, the length about one sixth of the width, with broadly concave posterior margins in the middle half. The sternites are longer (length : width as 1 : 4.5), the operculum apparently but little different from the other sternites in size and outline. In compressed specimens their anterior margins are almost straight. The doublure is apparently narrow. The posterior margins are deeply concave in the middle portion and project into broad, rounded lobes at the lateral angles. The doublure widens under these lobes so that its anterior margin is approximately transverse. All sternites bear transverse oval gill plates whose major diameter is twice the minor. Those of the operculum are but half the size of the others and those on the last pair of sternites are smaller. The postabdominal segments gradually increase in length posteriorly, the last being twice as long as the first, but only one third as wide. The posterior doublure is narrow (1.5 mm). The last segment is produced at the postlateral angles into two short broad lobes with blunt extremities. The telson is short and thick, a little more than one fifth the length of the body. It contracts very rapidly in its first third, then more gradually to its blunt extremity.

Appendages. Only four pairs of limbs have been observed, viz, the three last pairs of walking legs and the swimming legs. The walking legs, notably the last pair, are relatively a little stronger than those of most other members of the genus, while the swimming legs are slender and bear a long terminal spine in place of the "claw," thereby indicating their


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 primitive condition as natatory organs and their functional adaptation to walking organs. The coxae of the swimming legs are distinctly seen in the type specimen. They are relatively small, considerably less than one half the length of the carapace, long at their inner margin and subrhomboidal in general outline, the anterior and posterior margins being rather oblique and long. The fourth, fifth and sixth segments are longer than in the later species of Eurypterus and distinctly tubular, while the seventh and eighth are not nearly of the relative size and width in  or. Both are about equal in length, not longer than the preceding ones. The seventh segment is as wide as long and the eighth subcircular. The terminal spine is more than half as long as the preceding segment, slightly curved. The metastoma is small, measuring little more than one third the length of the carapace, oval in form; the anterior portion slightly narrower than the posterior one.

The genital appendages have been clearly seen in only one specimen, a female [ pl. 26, fig. 2]. They are here so long that they reach to the posterior margin of the third sternite. The paired basal plates are visible only in faint outline. They were apparently of the usual shape. The first median lobe distinctly spreads in posterior direction and its paired extremities are produced into relatively long laterally curved alae that extend to the posterior margin of the second sternite. The second median lobe is but little shorter than the first and of less, though uniform, width. The terminal paired appendages are long (as long as the second median lobe) and slender, slightly curved outward.

Ornamentation. The type specimen shows on the last postabdominal segments where patches of the surface are preserved, very small, evenly distributed, sharply angular or pointed scales.

Measurements. The type specimen is 136 mm long. Its carapace measures 28 mm in length and 34.7 mm in width; the preabdomen is 32.3 mm long and 39.4 mm wide; the postabdomen 42.2 mm long, 31 mm wide at its beginning and 12.5 mm at its posterior end. The telson is 30.4 mm. The metastoma is 9.5 mm long, the swimming legs are


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Möllendorf, Richard Joachim Heinrich von


text: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Franz, Robert


text: Author:George Earl Church

title: Author:George Earl Church


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 you been, originally, and without provocation, attacked by an anonymous writer, you would have some right to demand his name. But in this cause you are a volunteer. You engaged in it with the unpremeditated gallantry of a soldier. You were content to set your name in opposition to a man who would probably continue in concealment. You understood the terms upon which we were to correspond, and gave at least a tacit assent to them. After voluntarily attacking me, under the character of Junius, what possible right have you to know me under any other? Will you forgive me if I insinuate to you, that you foresaw some honour in the apparent spirit of coming forward in person, and that you were not quite indifferent to the display of your literary qualifications?

cannot but know that the republication of my letters was no more than a catch-penny contrivance of a printer, in which it was impossible I should be concerned, and for which I am no way answerable. At the same time I wish you to understand, that if I do not take the trouble of reprinting these papers,


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 it is not from any fear of giving offence to Sir William Draper.

remarks upon a signature adopted merely for distinction, are unworthy of notice: but when you tell me I have submitted to be called a liar and a coward, I must ask you, in my turn, whether you seriously think it any way incumbent on me to take notice of the silly invectives of every simpleton who writes in a news-paper; and what opinion you would have conceived of my discretion, if I had suffered myself to be the dupe of so shallow an artifice?

appeal to the sword, though consistent enough with your late profession, will neither prove your innocence, nor clear you from suspicion.—Your complaints with regard to the Manilla ransom, were, for a considerable time, a distress to government. You were appointed (greatly out of your turn) to the command of a regiment; and during that administration we heard no more of Sir William Draper. The facts of which I speak may, indeed, be variously accounted for; but they are too notorious to be denied; and I think


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 you might have learned at the university, that a false conclusion is an error in argument, not a breach of veracity. Your solicitations, I doubt not, were renewed under another administration. Admitting the fact, I fear an indifferent person would only infer from it, that experience had made you acquainted with the benefits of complaining. Remember, Sir, that you have yourself confessed, that, considering the critical situation of this country, the ministry are in the right to temporize with Spain. This confession reduces you to an unfortunate dilemma. By renewing your solicitations, you must either mean to force your country into a war at a most unseasonable juncture, or, having no view or expectation of that kind, that you look for nothing but a private compensation to yourself.

to me, it is by no means necessary that I should be exposed to the resentment of the worst and the most powerful men in this country, though I may be indifferent about yours. Though you would fight, there are others who would assassinate.

, after all, Sir, where is, the injury? You assure me, that my logic is puerile and


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 tinsel; that it carries not the least weight or conviction; that my premises are false, and my conclusions absurd. If this be a just description of me, how is it possible for such a writer to disturb your peace of mind, or to injure a character so well established as yours? Take care, Sir William, how you indulge this unruly temper, lest the world should suspect that conscience has some share in your resentments. You have more to fear from the treachery of your own passions, than from any malevolence of mine.

, Sir, you will never know me. A considerable time must certainly elapse before we are personally acquainted. You need not, however, regret the delay, or suffer an apprehension, that any length of time can restore you to the Christian meekness of your temper, and disappoint your present indignation. If I understand your character, there is in your own breast a repository, in which your resentments may be safely laid up for future occasions, and preserved without the hazard of diminution. The odia in longum jacens, quae reconderet, auctaque promeret, I thought had only belonged to the worst character


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 about 52 mm long each. Judging from the size of the genital appendages (in specimen 12909 University of Chicago) all specimens before us are of mature age and the species probably did not reach a much larger size than that exhibited by the largest specimen before us. This attained a length of 125 mm to the base of the telson (which is but partly preserved), to which may be added at least 34 mm for the telson, giving a total length of 159+ mm, to which corresponds a greatest width of 50.5 mm, a figure clearly exaggerated by the strong flattening of the specimen. The carapace measures 33.7 × 40 mm. The eyes were about 7.6 mm long and the amount of their length distant from the margin. The limbs appear very small in this specimen; the swimming legs extending but 44 mm beyond the lateral margin of the carapace.

Horizon and locality. Noblesville waterlime at Kokomo, Indiana.

Remarks. The material before us consists of four specimens, three from the museum of Chicago University, among these the type, and one from the collections of the State Museum. The type specimen is exceptionally preserved for Kokomo eurypterids. It exhibits all details of structure but the original figure does not do it justice as the specimen had not then been worked out nor the extremities of the limbs, among them the curious spines of the paddles, exposed. For these reasons this specimen has been refigured [ pl. 25, fig. 1] and a drawing added of one of the other specimens [ pl. 25, fig. 2] which shows the faint outlines of the eyes, and is remarkable for its size and exhibits well the terminal spines of the paddles. The third specimen is entirely unique in its preservation [ pl. 26, fig. 2]. As shown in the reproduction, the gill plates are preserved as thick, black, roughly surfaced blotches, while the whole specimen appears as hardly more than a color stain. We have more fully referred to this specimen in the general remarks on Eurypterus. The doublures of the segments also come out with remarkable distinctness as dark bands and the female opercular appendage is distinctly set off from the darker background. The sutures of the basal plates of this appendage are barely discernible.


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Rh of antiquity. The text is in Tacitus: you know best where to look for the commentary. JUNIUS.

7. October, 1769. SIR,

S you have not favoured me with either of the explanations demanded of you, I can have nothing more to say to you upon my own account. Your mercy to me, or tenderness for yourself, has been very great. The public will judge of your motives. If your excess of modesty forbids you


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 to produce either the proofs or yourself, I will excuse it. Take courage; I have not the temper of Tiberius, any more than the rank or power. You, indeed, are a tyrant of another sort; and, upon your political bed of torture, can excruciate any subject, from a first minister down to such a grub or butterfly as myself; like another detested tyrant of antiquity, can make the wretched sufferer fit the bed, if the bed will not fit the sufferer, by disjointing or tearing the trembling limbs, until they are stretched to its extremity. But courage, constancy, and patience, under torments, have sometimes caused the most hardened monsters to relent, and forgive the object of their cruelty. You, Sir, are determined to try all that human nature can endure, until she expires: else, was it possible that you could be the author of that most inhuman letter to the Duke of Bedford, I have read with astonishment and horror. Where,


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 The fourth specimen is very fragmentary, poorly preserved and recognizable as belonging here only by the presence of the terminal spines of the paddles.

bears some similarity to  in the squarish outline of its carapace and the proportions of the carapaces and preabdomina. It was not so well adapted to swimming as is shown by the less developed and more slender swimming legs and the presence of a terminal spine, obviously used in walking, and also by the shorter and stouter postabdomen. While the species may have been a less active swimmer, the extremely broad doublure of the carapace may indicate an adaptation of the front edge to shoveling or digging.

This subgenus is proposed for the species,, described by Whiteaves from the Guelph formation of Ontario; a form which exhibits a number of characters that show it to be an aberrant type distinctly adapted to the peculiar conditions of the Guelph sea. These special traits are found in the thick integument of carapace and abdomen which apparently was not only chitinous but calcareo-chitinous; the highly raised lateral margins of the carapace and the presence of elevated and divided knots on the second to fifth tergites.

The extraordinary thickness of the test is shown not alone in the wholly uncompressed condition of the carapace but more in the fact that, though the abdomen has been shoved forward so that the segments are pushed into each other like joints of a telescope, they have not suffered from crumbling or folding as they always do in the other eurypterids and their greatly thickened posterior edges stand out freely. The front margin of the carapace forms a broad beveled shoveling edge, while the lateral margins are much thickened and elevated into prominent ridges. The abdomen seems to have been very compact and short, as shown by the relatively short last two postabdominal segments. The telson spine is


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 Sir, where were the feelings of your own heart, when you could upbraid a most affectionate father with the loss of his only and most amiable son? Read over again those cruel lines of yours, and let them wring your very soul! Cannot political questions be discussed, without descending to the most odious personalities? Must you go wantonly out of your way to torment declining age, because the Duke of Bedford may have quarrelled with those whose cause and politics you espouse? For shame! For shame! As you have spoke daggers to him, you may justly dread the use of them against your own breast, did a want of courage, or of noble sentiments, stimulate him to such mean revenge. He is ahove it; he is brave. Do you fancy that your own base arts have infected our whole island? But your own reflections, your own conscience, must, and will, if you have any spark of humanity remaining, give him most ample vengeance. Not all the power of words with which you are so graced, will ever wash out, or even palliate, this foul blot in your character. I have not time, at present, to dissect your letter so minutely as I could wish; but I will be bold enough to say, that it is (as to reason and argument) the


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User talk:Jackiespeel

— billinghurst  sDrewth  13:12, 29 May 2011 (UTC)

title: User talk:Jackiespeel


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 most extraordinary piece of florid impotence that was ever imposed upon the eyes and ears of the too credulous and deluded mob. It accuses the Duke of Bedford of high treason. Upon what foundation? You tell us, "the Duke's pecuniary character makes it more than probable, that he could not have made such sacrifices at the peace, without some private compensations; that his conduct carried with it an interior evidence, beyond all the legal proofs of a court of justice."

academical education, Sir, bids me tell you, that it is necessary to establish the truth of your first proposition, before you presume to draw inferences from it. First prove the avarice, before you make the rash, hasty, and most wicked conclusion. This father, Junius, whom you call avaricious, allowed that son eight thousand pounds a-year. Upon his most unfortunate death, which your usual good-nature took care to remind him of, he greatly increased the jointure of the afflicted lady, his widow. Is this avarice? Is this doing good by stealth? It is upon record.


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 exact order, method, and true economy as a master of a family; if splendour and just magnificence, without wild waste and thoughtless extravagance, may constitute the character of an avaricious man, the Duke is guilty. But for a moment let us admit that an ambassador may love money too much; what proof do you give that he has taken any to betray his country? Is it hearsay, or the evidence of letters, or ocular; or the evidence of those concerned in this black affair? Produce your authorities to the public. It is a most impudent kind of sorcery to attempt to blind us with the smoke, without convincing us that the fire has existed. You first brand him with a vice that he is free from, to render him odious and suspected. Suspicion is the foul weapon with which you make all your chief attacks; with that you stab. But shall one of the first subjects of the realm be ruined in his fame; shall even his life be in constant danger, from a charge built upon such sandy foundations? Must his house be besieged by lawless ruffians, his journies impeded, and even the asylum of an altar be insecure, from assertions so base and false? Potent as he is, the Duke is amenable


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 to justice; if guilty, punishable. The parliament is the high and solemn tribunal for matters of such great moment; to that be they submitted. But I hope, also, that some notice will be taken of, and some punishment inflicted upon, false accusers, especially upon such, Junius, who are wilfully false. In any truth I will agree even with Junius; will agree with him that it is highly unbecoming the dignity of Peers to tamper with boroughs. Aristocracy is as fatal as democracy. Our constitution admits of neither. It loves a King, Lords, and Commons really chosen by the unbought suffrages of a free people. But if corruption only shifts hands, if the wealthy commoner gives the bribe, instead of the potent Peer, is the state better served by this exchange? Is the real emancipation of the borough effected, because new parchment bonds may possibly supersede the old? To say the truth, wherever such practices prevail, they are equally criminal to and destructive of our freedom.

rest of your declamation is scarce worth considering, except for the elegance of the language. Like Hamlet in the


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 play, you produce two pictures: you tell us, that one is not like the Duke of Bedford; then you bring a most hideous caricatura, and tell us of the resemblance; but multum abludit imago.

your long tedious accounts of the ministerial quarrels, and the intrigues of the cabinet, are reducible to a few short lines; and to convince you, Sir, that I do not mean to flatter any minister, either past or present, these are my thoughts: they seem to have acted like lovers, or children; have pouted, quarrelled, cried, kissed, and been friends again, as the objects of desire, the ministerial rattles, have been put into their hands. But such proceedings are very unworthy of the gravity and dignity of a great nation. We do not want men of abilities; but we have wanted steadiness; we want unanimity: your letters, Junius, will not contribute thereto. You may one day expire by a flame of your own kindling. But it is my humble opinion, that lenity and moderation, pardon and oblivion, will disappoint the efforts of all the seditious in the land, and extinguish their wide-


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192 spreading fires. I have lived with this sentiment; with this I shall die. WILLIAM DRAPER.

13. October, 1769. SIR,

F Sir William Draper's bed be a bed of torture, he has made it for himself. I shall never interrupt his repose. Having changed the subject, there are parts of his last letter not undeserving of a reply. Leaving his private character and conduct out of the question, I shall consider him merely in the capacity of an author, whose labours certainly do no discredit to a newspaper.

say, in common discourse, that a man may be his own enemy, and the frequency of the fact makes the expression intelligible. But that a man should be the bitterest enemy of his friends, implies a contradiction of a peculiar


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 nature. There is something in it, which cannot be conceived, without a confusion of ideas, nor expressed, without a solecism in language. Sir William Draper is still that fatal friend Lord Granby found him. Yet I am ready to do justice to his generosity; if, indeed, it be not something more than generous, to be the voluntary advocate of men, who think themselves injured by his assistance; and to consider nothing in the cause he adopts, but the difficulty of defending it. I thought however he had been better read in the history of the human heart, than to compare or confound the tortures of the body with those of the mind. He ought to have known, though perhaps it might not be his interest to confess, that no outward tyranny can reach the mind. If conscience plays the tyrant, it would be greatly for the benefit of the world that she were more arbitrary, and far less placable, than some men find her.

it seems I have outraged the feelings of a father's heart.—Am I, indeed, so injudicious? Does Sir William Draper think I would have hazarded my credit with a generous nation, by so gross a violation of the


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 also short and thick. The surface of the carapace exhibits in front an unusual sculpture consisting of intricately mingled short, coarse, curved ridges of confluent tubercles. On the posterior part of the carapace the tubercles are mostly separated. The axial knots on the segments were solid bodies. All these features combined demonstrate that the integument of this subgenus was not merely chitinous as in the typical Eurypterus, but much strengthened by calcareous deposits which became most prominent in the sculpture of the carapace and in the knots of the tergites.

This thickening of the carapace is entirely in accord with the character of the Guelph fauna described by the authors from New York, where the fact of the peculiar thickening of the shells in all classes, notably the brachiopods and mollusks, has been emphasized and been ascribed to the strongly saline water and in part to the life of the organisms on wave-beaten coral reefs. seems to be an adaptation to the same peculiar conditions which are also indicated by the character of the matrix of the fossil, a porous, coarse-grained dolomite.

It would suggest itself to compare this species with the Carbonic eurypterids described by Etheridge (, see text fig. 48) and Woodward in which the integument has become greatly thickened by deposition of globular calcite ("calculi"). We have in another place considered these features as phylogerontic in the Carbonic subgenus Anthraconectes and as due to the waning vitality of the race. It is hardly to be assumed that the characters of the Siluric  are due to the same gerontic conditions and that the latter is an ancestor of the Carbonic Anthraconectes. It would


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 laws of humanity? Does he think I am so little acquainted with the first and noblest characteristic of Englishmen? Or how will he reconcile such folly with an understanding so full of artifice as mine? Had he been a father, he would have been but little offended with the severity of the reproach, for his mind would have been filled with the justice of it. He would have seen that I did not insult the feelings of a father, but the father who felt nothing. He would have trusted to the evidence of his own paternal heart, and boldly denied the possibility of the fact, instead of defending it. Against whom then will his honest indignation be directed, when I assure him, that this whole town beheld the Duke of Bedford's conduct, upon the death of his son, with horror and astonishment. Sir William Draper does himself but little honour in opposing the general sense of his country. The people are seldom wrong in their opinions,—in their sentiments they are never mistaken. There may be a vanity perhaps in a singular way of thinking;—but, when a man professes a want of those feelings, which do honour to the multitude, he hazards something infinitely more important than the character of his understanding.


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 After all, as Sir William may possibly be in earnest in his anxiety for the Duke of Bedford, I should be glad to relieve him from it. He may rest assured, this worthy nobleman laughs, with equal indifference, at my reproaches, and Sir William's distress about him. But here let it stop. Even the Duke of Bedford, insensible as he is, will consult the tranquillity of his life, in not provoking the moderation of my temper. If, from the profoundest contempt, I should ever rise into anger, he should soon find, that all I have already said of him, was lenity and compassion.

of a long catalogue, Sir William Draper has confined himself to the refutation of two charges only. The rest he had not time to discuss; and, indeed, it would have been a laborious undertaking. To draw up a defence of such a series of enormities, would have required a life, at least, as long as that which has been uniformly employed in the practice of them. The public opinion of the Duke of Bedford's extreme economy is, it seems, entirely without foundation. Though not very prodigal abroad, in his own family at least, he is regular and magnificent. He pays his debts, abhors a beggar, and


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 makes a handsome provision for his son. His charity has improved upon the proverb, and ended where it began. Admitting the whole force of this single instance of his domestic generosity, (wonderful indeed, considering the narrowness of his fortune, and the little merit of his only son) the public may still perhaps be dissatisfied, and demand some other less equivocal proofs of his munificence. Sir William Draper should have entered boldly into the detail—of indigence relieved—of arts encouraged—of science patronized; men of learning protected, and works of genius rewarded;—in short, had there been a single instance, besides Mr. Rigby, of blushing merit, brought forward by the duke for the service of the public, it should not have been omitted.

it were possible to establish my inference with the same certainty, on which I believe the principle is founded. My conclusion however was not drawn from the principle alone. I am not so unjust as to reason from one crime to another; though


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 I think, that, of all the vices, avarice is most apt to taint and corrupt the heart. I combined the known temper of the man with the extravagant concessions made by the ambassador; and though I doubt not sufficient care was taken to leave no document of any treasonable negociation, I still maintain that the conduct of this minister carries with it an internal and convincing evidence against him. Sir William Draper seems not to know the value or force of such a proof. He will not permit us to judge of the motives of men, by the manifest tendency of their actions, nor by the notorious character of their minds. He calls for papers and witnesses, with a triumphant security, as if nothing could be true, but what could be proved in a court of justice. Yet a religious man might have remembered, upon what foundation some truths, most interesting to mankind, have been received and established. If it were not for the internal evidence, which the purest of religions carries with it, what would have become of his once well-quoted decalogue, and of the meekness of his Christianity?


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 generous warmth of his resentment makes him confound the order of events. He forgets that the insults and distresses which the Duke of Bedford has suffered, and which Sir William has lamented with many delicate touches of the true pathetic, were only recorded in my letter to his Grace, not occasioned by it. It was a simple, candid narrative of facts; though, for aught I know, it may carry with it something prophetic. His Grace undoubtedly has received several ominous hints; and I think, in certain circumstances, a wise man would do well to prepare himself for the event.

I have a charge of a heavier nature against Sir William Draper. He tells us, that the Duke of Bedford is amenable to justice;—that parliament is a high and solemn tribunal; and that, if guilty, he may be punished by due course of law; and all this, he says, with as much gravity as if he believed one word of the matter. I hope indeed, the day of impeachments will arrive before this nobleman escapes out of life;—but to refer us to that mode of proceeding now, with such a ministry, and such a house


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Rh of commons as the present, what is it, but an indecent mockery of the common sense of the nation? I think he might have contented himself with defending the greatest enemy, without insulting the distresses of his country.

concluding declaration of his opinion, with respect to the present condition of affairs, is too loose and undetermined to be of any service to the public. How strange is it that this gentleman should dedicate so much time and argument to the defence of worthless or indifferent characters, while he gives but seven solitary lines to the only subject, which can deserve his attention, or do credit to his abilities! JUNIUS.


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 for this reason be unwarranted to unite it with the latter subgenus, especially since both lived under unlike abnormal marine conditions, that is, Tylopterus in very saline water, Anthraconectes in brackish or fresh water.

Whiteaves. Paleozoic Fossils, v. 3, pt 1. 1884. p. 42. pl. 7. fig. 3

The species was very carefully described by Whiteaves as follows:

Carapace moderately convex, broader than long, greatest breadth a little above the middle; semiovate, broadly rounded in front and squarely truncated behind; sides somewhat convex at their margin above, but straighter below; front and sides bordered by an elevated, narrow ridge, which is highest and most strongly marked on the posterior half of the sides. Eyes reniform, prominent, about 4 mm in the greatest diameter; 9 mm apart (as measured from the center of their inner margins) and placed at a distance of 6 mm from the anterior, and of 7 mm from the lateral margin. Ocelli not clearly indicated, but probably placed on or near a small rounded prominence or elevation, which is situated exactly in the middle of the space between the two eyes. Surface of the carapace apparently finely granulose, and ornamented with minute rounded tubercles, some of which are isolated and others confluent in sets of two or three.

Thoracic and caudal portions together consisting of 12 segments, exclusive of the telson or caudal spine; the first, second, third and fourth thoracic segment each bearing on the median line a single, large and prominent, transversely elongated tubercle, which is arcuate or reniform at its base and somewhat bilobate at its summit. The lateral diameter of each of these tubercles greatly exceeds the longitudinal, and measuring at their base, the proportions of each tubercle may be thus approximately estimated; that on the first thoracic segment, lat. diam. 4 mm, long diam. not quite 1 mm; that on the third, lat. diam. nearly 5 mm, long diam. rather more than 1 mm; that on the third, lat. diam. 5 mm, long. diam., 2 mm; and that on the fourth, lat. diam. 5½ mm, long diam., 3 mm.

Telson produced into a gradually narrowing, slightly curved, and rather obtusely pointed linear spine, which seems to be triangular in transverse section.

Antennae, endognaths and ectognaths unknown, as is also the nature of the surface markings of the test of the thoracic and caudal segments.

Entire length, including the telson, about 75 mm (or 3 in.); length of carapace, 20 mm, greatest breadth of the same, 27 mm; length of telson, 15 mm.


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200

20. October 1769. SIR,

VERY sincerely applaud the spirit with which a lady has paid the debt of gratitude to her benefactor. Though I think she has mistaken the point, she shews a virtue which makes her respectable. The question turned upon the personal generosity or avarice of a man, whose private fortune is immense. The proofs of his munificence must be drawn from the uses, to which he has applied that fortune. I was not speaking of a Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, but of a rich English duke, whose wealth gave him the means of doing as much good in this country, as he derived from his power in another. I am far from wishing to lessen the merit of this single benevolent action;—perhaps it is the more conspicuous, from standing alone. All I mean to say is, that it proves nothing in the present argument. JUNIUS.


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  is known in only a single specimen preserved as a mold of the dorsal surface. Guttapercha squeezes of this show that the knots are not located on the first to fourth segments as stated in the original description but on the second to fifth. The squeezes also show distinctly the ocelli on the prominence between the lateral eyes. On the right side also two segments of the fourth ectognathite (balancing leg) are seen and on the opposite side the edges of two flat segments, apparently the oar plate of the swimming leg. The legs seem, therefore, to have agreed with those of Eurypterus.

Meek and Worthen suspected that their species  from the Lower Coal Measures (Pennsylvanian) represented a distinct subgenus, if not a genus, for which they proposed the name Anthraconectes. They state that this fossil "differs from the typical forms of Eurypterus particularly in the great length and single extremity of the mesial appendage of its operculum, as well as in the possession of two little spatulate supplementary pieces." Hence they "strongly suspect that other characters will be found, when better specimens can be studied, showing it to belong to a distinct subgenus, if not indeed to an entirely distinct genus from Eurypterus proper."

Hall suggested that these differences may not be of great importance [ op. cit. p. 26] and emphasized the fact that the species from the Pennsylvania Carbonic are typical Eurypteri [ p. 27].

While we agree with Meek and Worthen that the peculiar character, of the opercular appendage would warrant a separation of the species from typical Eurypterus, we believe that the preservation of this organ is not so distinct that its characters are beyond doubt. On the other hand, we have no doubt that  has a number of characters in common with the Pennsylvania and also with British Carbonic species which distinctly indicate a phylogerontic condition


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 own borders, and to express certain views which I hoped might find favour in the expected reforms.

Without following the same plan, I propose now to take up, and, in the desultory way which is almost necessary under the circumstances, to remark upon some of the more important points which have varied our own history, as academic and historic workers, since that time. If I speak too much of myself, I will ask you to believe that it is not because I set an especially high value on my own services, for none knows or feels better than I do how much more I ought to have done, or how little my share has been in what has been done; still less because I undervalue the labours of my fellow-workers, who have had far more personal anxiety and more direct and more measurable responsibilities than I have had; it is mainly because the retrospect of my own work is forced upon me by the circumstances of my departure from Oxford; also because, not only as Professor, but in several other capacities, as Delegate of the Press, Curator of the Bodleian, a Member of Council, and as having a share too of the representation of our Oxford School of History before the outside world, I have had work to do and a place to fill which it would be very mock humility on my part to leave out of sight now that I am parting from such a home as this. You will pardon me, I hope and trust, because it is the last time.

A word first on our losses and our gains: and our losses and gains are so intimately bound together that I must take them in the order in which they most naturally occur to me, balancing one another by a law of compensation inseparable from all progress: it is surely a matter of congratulation that since 1876 we have so much enlarged the number of our students that our class lists contain nearly double the tale of names, and that, as a road to an honourable degree in arts, our study is now followed by nearly, if not quite, as large a body of pilgrims as any of the other honour schools. This is the result of no lowering of the standard of the History Examination, but of the greater educational vivacity of the University, of the increased interest felt in the country at


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Rh

19. October 1769. SIR,

AM well assured that Junius will never descend to a dispute with such a writer as Modestus (whose letter appeared in the Gazetteer of Monday) especially as the dispute must be chiefly about words. Notwithstanding the partiality of the Public, it does not appear that Junius values himself upon any superior skill in composition, and I hope his time will always be more usefully employed than in the trifling refinements of verbal criticism. Modestus, however, shall have no reason to triumph in the silence and moderation of Junius. If he knew as much of the propriety of language, as I believe he does of the facts in question, he would have been as cautious of attacking Junius upon his composition, as he seems to be of entering into the subject of it: yet after all, the last is the only article of any importance to the public.


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202 not wonder at the unremitted rancour with which the Duke of Bedford and his adherents invariably speak of a nation, which we well know has been too much injured to be easily forgiven. But why must Junius be an Irishman? The absurdity of his writings betrays him. Waving all consideration of the insult offered by Modestus to the declared judgment of the people (they may well bear this amongst the rest), let us follow the several instances, and try whether the charge be fairly supported.

then,—the leaving a man to enjoy such a repose as he can find upon a bed of torture, is severe indeed; perhaps too much so, when applied to such a trifler as Sir William Draper; but there is nothing absurd either in the idea or expression. Modestus cannot distinguish between a sarcasm and a contradiction.

2. with Junius, that it is the frequency of the fact, which alone can make us comprehend how a man can be his own enemy. We should never arrive at the complex idea conveyed by those words, if we had only seen one or two instances of a man acting to


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 large in historical work, of the efforts of some of the Public Schools to make a beginning of such work a part of elementary education, but chiefly I think to the zeal, and self-denial, and labour, and personal sympathy of the History tutors. The work is, so far as it is the bringing to bear of historical influences, interests, and inducements on the individual students, entirely their work; and their work also mainly in the other bearings of our common design, in which professorial teaching or other professorial working could be at all utilised. I wish to say this distinctly, and shall say it again before I close; all the more distinctly, because I, for my part, am well aware that, in many details of organisation and division of labour, my opinions have differed from theirs, and I would like them to remember that, where we have differed, it has not been for want of sympathy on my part, or for any wish to spare myself

Since 1876 in the body of tutors we have had some few losses; our dear friend the Dean of Winchester has left us for a place of more dignity, and more freedom for the working of his unrivalled and peculiar gifts: we are sure that he will never be idle, and whatever he does will be done well. Mr. Jayne has left us, also for a place of honour and responsibility, where his presence will be to us the earnest of sound work in our own as well as in the other departments of clerical education, and where he has already enlisted the help of one of the most successful and zealous of the younger men who have followed our line here. Of our dear friend Laing, whose absence we feel more and more every term, what can I say, but that we trust and hope that one day he may be restored to us and to the studies that he was so wonderfully qualified to develope and adorn? Well, with these home losses we have counterbalancing gains in the enlisting of new men. The continued vigour of our veterans is hardly to be called a gain, but it is a matter of profound congratulation: I rejoice to think that the Chichele Professor, Mr. Owen, and Mr. Boase are as young, and zealous, and kind, and sympathetic as they ever were, and that is as much as the best and kindest of men can be; seventeen


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Rh his own prejudice. Offer the proposition to a child, or a man unused to compound his ideas, and you will soon see how little either of them understand you. It is not a simple idea, arising from a single fact, but a very complex idea, arising from many facts well observed, and accurately compared.

3. could not, without great affectation, mistake the meaning of Junius, when he speaks of a man, who is the bitterest enemy of his friends. He could not but know, that Junius spoke, not of a false or hollow friendship, but of a real intention to serve, and that intention producing the worst effects of enmity. Whether the description be strictly applicable to Sir William Draper, is another question. Junius does not say that it is more criminal for a man to be the enemy of his friends than his own; though he might have affirmed it with truth. In a moral light, a man may certainly take greater liberties with himself, than with another. To sacrifice ourselves merely is a weakness we may indulge in, if we think proper, for we do it at our own hazard and expence; but, under the pretence of friendship, to sport with the reputation, or sacrifice the honour of another, is something


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204 worse than weakness; and if, in favour of the foolish intention, we do not call it a crime, we must allow at least that it arises from an overweening, busy, meddling impudence.—Junius says only, and he says truly, that it is more extraordinary, that it involves a greater contradiction than the other; and is it not a maxim received in life, that, in general, we can determine more wisely for others, than for ourselves? The reason of it is so clear in argument, that it hardly wants the confirmation of experience. Sir William Draper, I confess, is an exception to the general rule, though not much to his credit.

4. this gentleman will go back to his Ethicks, he may, perhaps, discover the truth of what Junius says, that no outward tyranny can reach the mind. The tortures of the body may be introduced, by way of ornament or illustration to represent those of the mind, but strictly there is no similitude between them. They are totally different both in their cause and operation. The wretch, who suffers upon the rack, is merely passive; but when the mind is tortured, it is not at the command of any outward power; it is the sense of guilt


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 years of a very trying Regius Professor have not worn out their goodwill.

Another point I will mention, though I need not tell too much of the secrets of the Seminar: there is a great gain to us in the spontaneous working of the little clubs of Historical debate which have sprung up within the last few years, collegiate and inter-collegiate. I will not talk of comparing great things with small, but I rejoice to see in these a continuity, with differentiation, of the old circles which I remember when I was an undergraduate and a bachelor: I was always proud of having been for a little time secretary of the Hermes, which Archdeacon Palmer, and, alas! how few besides, must recollect as a very small and earnest and affectionate literary brotherhood, well to be remembered as a seed-bed in the sowing time, not only of germinating ideas that spring and die with or without fruit-bearing, but of high sympathies and dear friendships that grow stronger and immortal by age. I would augur for our little History clubs as fair a future.

Another gain, which is still perhaps a matter for augury, is the formation of the Oxford Historical Society; if the choice of subject, singularly and universally attractive, rich in materials and full of varied interest, if the zeal, ability and perseverance of the promoters, and the sympathy of all historical students, can secure success, the Society has a most happy future in prospect.

But the mention of it suggests irrepressibly the memory of the man whose genius inspired the idea, and of whom the Society is in this place the fittest possible monument. John Richard Green, the dear friend of many amongst us, has left behind him a name which cannot soon be forgotten. His books are by themselves the warrant of the fame which he so widely gained; the extent of his reading, the power of his grasp, the clearness of his insight, the picturesque reality of his narration, are patent to all who are capable of judging. We, who knew him better than the world of his readers, know too of his unwearied industry, his zeal for truth, and the inspiring force of his conversation. For twenty years he


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Rh which constitutes the punishment, and creates that torture with which the guilty mind acts upon itself.

5. misquotes what Junius says of conscience, and makes the sentence ridiculous, by making it his own.

much for composition. Now for fact.—Junius it seems has mistaken the duke of Bedford. His Grace had all the proper feelings of a father, though he took care to suppress the appearance of them. Yet it was an occasion, one would think, on which he need not have been ashamed of his grief;—on which less fortitude would have done him more honour. I can conceive, indeed, a benevolent motive for his endeavouring to assume an air of tranquillity in his own family, and I wish I could discover any thing, in the rest of his character, to justify my assigning that motive to his behaviour. But is there no medium? Was it necessary to appear abroad, to ballot at the India-house, and make a public display, tho' it were only of an apparent insensibility?—I know we are treading on tender ground, and Junius, I am convinced, does not wish to urge


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 and I were close friends; with countless differences of opinion, we never quarreled; with opposite views of the line of history and of the value of character, we never went into controversy; his letters were a delight and honour to me; I believe that my visits were a pleasure and in some way a comfort to him. In the joint dedication of his book I confess that I received a compliment which I place on a level with the highest honours I have ever received.

I am tempted to modify the excessive dryness, as the Edinburgh Reviewer puts it, of my discourse, by telling the story of our first introduction to one another, chiefly because it has been made the subject of a myth which has made us both a little, or not a little ridiculous. Some of you I dare say remember a paragraph that went the round of the September papers years ago; and told how two persons, a stout and pompous professor and a bright ascetic young divine, met in a railway carriage; how the burly professor aired his erudition by a little history lecture (an anticipation of the informal instruction of the Commissioners) on every object of interest that was passed on the road, and how each of his assumptions and assertions was capped by an answer from the ascetic divine which showed that he knew it all and knew it better. The professor at last, exasperated by the rejoinders, broke into a parody of the famous address of Erasmus, 'aut Morus aut diabolus,' substituting for Morus 'Johnny Green.' Could this be true? It was in 1863 that we met; I was not yet a professor, he had not begun to wear the air of an ascetic. We were invited to Wells, to a meeting of the Somerset Archaeological Society, to stay with a common friend whom you will have no difficulty in identifying. I was told, 'if you leave the station at two you will meet Green, and possibly Dimock,' the biographer of S. Hugh whom I knew already. I knew by description the sort of man I was to meet; I recognised him as he got into the Wells carriage, holding in his hand a volume of Renan. I said to myself, 'if I can hinder, he shall not read that book.' We sat opposite and fell immediately into conversation. I dare say that I aired my erudition so far as to tell him that


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206 this question farther. Let the friends of the Duke of Bedford observe that humble silence which becomes their situation. They should recollect that there are still some facts in store, at which human nature would shudder. I shall be understood by those whom it concerns, when I say that these facts go farther than to the Duke.

is not inconsistent to suppose that a man may be quite indifferent about one part of a charge, yet severely stung with another; and though he feels no remorse, that he may wish to be revenged. The charge of insensibility carries a reproach indeed, but no danger with


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 But, although we grieve over personal and special losses, the work in which we are engaged goes on without flagging. The accumulation of historical literature since 1876, within and without our own particular, range, has been remarkable for extent and interest. I cannot attempt to enumerate even the more conspicuous additions to our store, and it would be invidious to make a selection except in reference to our own share in the work. The Government publications, however, I may say, continue to maintain and even increase their value and interest: Mr. Gairdner, who has succeeded to Mr. Brewer's position, is giving us annual instalments of the history of Henry VIII, full of extraordinary revelations: before the year 1900 it may be possible that some one of us, gifted with strength, sight and perseverance, may write a complete history of the most critical of all reigns. Mr. Rawson Gardiner, a man who should be claimed and must be reclaimed for Oxford, is working, like a great constructive historian as he is, at the next most critical epoch. Mr. Creighton, even more entirely our own, has given us a splendid instalment of a great work which places him at once in the forefront of our phalanx. Mr. Freeman has completed his History of the Norman Conquest by the addition of the History of William Rufus. Mr. Fyffe has begun what will be a standard book on later history. I myself have finished my contributions, in a third volume, to Constitutional History; have edited six stout volumes of Chronicles in the Rolls series; and in the Appendices to the Report of the Ecclesiastical Courts Commission have put together a mass of matter, which, whether or no it is worth the paper on which it is printed, is both true history and the result of hard work: of other designs, the accomplishment of which my removal from Oxford will probably prevent, I can scarcely speak: but I hope that I may find time to complete two or three things on which I have made considerable progress, a fourth volume of Councils, an edition of William of Malmesbury, a second series of Select Charters, and possibly a sketch of the Constitutional History of the Reformation. I am, as I warned you, running off into my own concerns. Mr. Tozer's beautiful edition of


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Rh it.—Junius had said, There are others who would assassinate. Modestus, knowing his man, will not suffer the insinuation to be divided, but fixes it all upon the Duke of Bedford.

determining upon what evidence Junius would choose to be condemned, I will venture to maintain, in opposition to Modestus, or to Mr. Rigby (who is certainly not Modestus) or any other of the Bloomsbury gang, that the evidence against the Duke of Bedford is as strong as any presumptive evidence can be. It depends upon a combination of facts and reasoning, which require no confirmation from the anecdote of the Duke of Marlborough. This anecdote was referred to merely to shew how ready a great man may be to receive a great bribe; and if Modestus could read the original, he would see that the expression, only not accepted, was probably, the only one in our language that exactly fitted the case. The bribe, offered to the Duke of Marlborough, was not refused.

conclude without taking notice of this honest gentleman's learning, and wishing


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208 he had given us a little more of it. When he accidentally found himself so near speaking truth, it was rather unfair of him to leave out the non potuisse refelli. As it stands, the pudet hæc opprobria may be divided equally between Mr. Rigby and the Duke of Bedford. Mr. Rigby, I take for granted, will assert his natural right to the modesty of the quotation, and leave all the opprobrium to his Grace. PHILO JUNIUS.


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The New International Encyclopædia/Müller, Lucian

MÜLLER, (1836-98). A German Latinist. He was born at Merseburg, and studied at the universities of Berlin and Halle. In 1870 he was made professor of the Latin language and literature at the Philologico-Historical Institute at Saint Petersburg. His works, which display great erudition and critical acumen, are marred by his bitter attacks on eminent scholars whose opinions differ from his own. They include his famous De Re Metrica Poetarum Latinorum præter Plautum et Terentium (2d ed. 1894); editions for the Bibliotheca Teubneriana of Horace (2d ed. 1879); of Catullus (1870): and other Latin poets; editions of Lucilius (1872); Phædrus (1877); Ennius (1884); Nævius (1885); Horace's Odes and Epodes, with German commentaries (1882); and Horace's Satires and Epistles (1841-43). His treatise entitled Ein Horazjubiläum (1892) contains a short autobiography.


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Author talk:Frederick York Powell

Sources available
Death Of Professor York Powell. (News)

The Times Tuesday, May 10, 1904; pg. 11; Issue 37390; col A

title: Author talk:Frederick York Powell


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 Finlay's Greece, Mr. Hodgkin's Italy and her Invaders, Professor Rogers' Extracts from Gascoigne, and two new volumes of the History of Agriculture, the collections and comments of Dr. Vigfusson and Mr. York Powell, Mr. Kitchin's third volume of French History, Mr. Sidney Owen's Selection of Wellesley and Wellington Dispatches, not to speak of the works in which History claims an equal share with Language or Law, testify to the zeal which the Delegates of the Press have encouraged in the same direction. Outside of our lines, time would fail me to tell of Mr. Skene's completed labours on Early Scotland, of the interesting aud suggestive work of Mr. Seebohm, of Mr. Elton's searching and comprehensive examination into the history of Primitive Britain; or going further ahead, of the immensely valuable editions and republications of the Laws and Chronicles of Germany, now proceeding under the management of Dr. Waitz, and full of illustration of the history of the common institutions of the German races.

It is most gratifying to a student of the institutions of England to find that in the literature of more distant nations the study of our constitution is taking an important place. I cannot refrain from expressing the great pleasure which it gives me to receive, from time to time, heavy volumes and light pamphlets of dissertations on the subjects at which we have been at work here, from scholars in Germany, Russia, Denmark, France, Italy and America, who read and criticise and utilise our books. From Berlin we hear of Dr. Gneist, reissuing and rewriting on his old subject; from Munich, of Dr. Liebermann re-editing the Anglo-Saxon Laws for the Bavarian Academy; from Vienna we have Dr. Budinger's lectures on the Englische Verfassungs-Geschichte; from Parma Signer Cardon's Svolgimento Storico; from Wiirzburg Dr. Schanz's Handelspolitik; Sickel doing the same work at Gottingen; Bronner at Berlin; Kovalefski and Vinogradojff in Russia; Steenstrup in Denmark; and in America, where our study has taken root with remarkable and most promising vigour, the clusters of searchers, such as the men of the Johns Hopkins University, and to specify particularly, Mr. Bigelow, the author of the work