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 resolved to issue a circular recommending the formation of a society for the establishment and support of Sunday schools throughout the kingdom of Great Britain. Fox was cordially supported by Raikes, Jonas Hanway, and other friends of education, and the result was the foundation of the Sunday School Society, with a body of officers and governors, and a committee of twenty-four persons, chosen equally from the church of England and the various bodies of protestant dissenters. The Earl of Salisbury was elected president. Before eight months had elapsed from the first meeting in the Poultry, thirty schools had been established, containing 1,110 scholars, and by the following January (1787) these had been increased to 147 schools with 7,242 children. In 1797 the Baptist Home Missionary Society was formed, with Fox as treasurer. Five years later Fox left London and went to reside at Lechlade House, Gloucestershire. He remained here till 1823, when he moved to Cirencester, where he lost his wife, a lineal descendant of Sir [q. v.] Fox died at Cirencester on 1 April 1826, and was buried at Lechlade beside his wife and daughter. Among the friends and supporters of Fox were Granville Sharp and William Wilberforce.

FOX, WILLIAM JOHNSON (1786–1864), preacher, politician, and man of letters, was born at Uggeshall Farm, Wrentham, in the north of Suffolk, 1 March 1786. From his father, a sturdy peasant-farmer, who had once got into trouble as a poacher, he inherited, he says in a fragmentary autobiography, ‘sluggish tenacity of brain;’ from his mother, a woman of sweet and liberal nature, ‘nervous irritability.’ Both parents were strict Calvinistic independents. When Fox was only three years of age his father gave up farming, and barely supported himself in several callings at Norwich. Fox was sent to a chapel school, became a weaver's boy, an errand-boy, and in 1799 clerk in a bank. Here he found leisure for self-improvement, worked hard at mathematics, and, like Leigh Hunt, Peacock, and De Quincey, won prizes offered by the ‘Monthly Preceptor,’ and planned a course of study which would have occupied him for seven years. He first studied Latin and Greek with a view to progress in mathematics, and improved his knowledge of them with a view to divinity. He appreciated, however, the melody of Greek versification, and the shrewd philosophy of Horace, ‘though much of it used to elbow and jostle my morality.’ He took to authorship, competed for essay prizes, and wrote occasionally for a local newspaper; until at length it was suggested that the pulpit was his proper destination. In September 1806 he entered the Independent College at Homerton under Dr. Pye Smith. He found there a considerable tendency to free inquiry, ‘which gradually subsided as the time came for the student to exchange his sure and safe retreat for the fiery ordeal of the deacon and the pew.’ Early in 1810 he took charge of a congregation at Fareham. He studied the unitarian controversy, reading books treating upon it for hours in bed. By March 1812 he had entirely broken with orthodoxy, and had become minister of the unitarian chapel at Chichester, after a brief and unsuccessful experience as pastor of a small seceding congregation at Fareham. At Chichester he studied hard, and formed an ill-advised engagement to his future wife, Eliza, daughter of James Florance, barrister. In 1817 he became minister of Parliament Court Chapel, London. He had now, by dint of assiduous practice, made himself a consummate rhetorician. His celebrity was enhanced by several published sermons, one of which, ‘On the Duties of Christians towards Deists,’ occasioned by the trial of Carlile, excited warm controversy. In 1820 he married, and the next few years of his life were marked by a severe illness, a visit to Scotland, his first regular contributions to a newspaper, the ‘Norwich Mercury,’ the removal of his congregation from Parliament Court to a chapel built especially for him in South Place, Finsbury (1824), a controversy with Dr. Blomfield on the gospel of St. John, and increasing connection with literature and politics. He began to be celebrated for his taste as a dramatic critic; he wrote on Nathaniel Lee, ‘Sethos,’ and other subjects for the ‘Retrospective Review;’ and, on the establishment of the ‘Westminster Review,’ he wrote the first article, entitled ‘Men and Things in 1824.’ He had already become editor, with (1782–1845) [q. v.], of the ‘Monthly Repository,’ the leading organ of the unitarian denomination, which he conducted as a theological periodical until 1831, when he purchased the copyright from the Unitarian Association, and made it an organ of political and social reform, combined with literary criticism. Fox's quick recognition of youthful genius was especially shown in his welcome of Browning's ‘Pauline,’ which occasioned a lifelong friendship with the poet. Mill contributed philosophical papers under the signature ‘Antiquus;’ and in Fox's periodical appeared Crabb Robinson's remarkable series of papers on ‘Goethe;’ Harriet Martineau's poems and essays; Eliza Flower's musical


text: The Blue Fairy Book/The White Cat

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: The Blue Fairy Book/The White Cat


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Page:Earle, Does Price Fixing Destroy Liberty, 1920, 161.jpg

Rh individual has of acquiring useful things by labor supposes necessarily ''that of preserving them, of enjoying them, and of disposing of them without reserve. * * * Thus Liberty conceived in this manner becomes property.  * * *  The, then, placed absolute freedom, or property—as the fundamental right of man—freedom of Person, freedom of Opinion, and freedom of Contract, or Exchange;'' and the violation of these as contrary to the law of Providence, and therefore the cause of all evil to man."

Another great writer says: "Natural laws which political economy discovers, whether we call them laws of production or laws of distribution, have the same proof, the same sanction and the same constancy as the physical laws.  Human laws change, but the natural laws remain, the same yesterday, to-day and to-morrow, world without end.  * * *  And so it has been with attempts of human law to fix and regulate prices, which involve the same great laws of distribution in combined forms.  Human law is always potent to do as mankind will with what has been produced but it cannot directly affect distribution.  That it can reach only through production.  * * *  If we look over the legislation by which the ruling portion of our communities have striven to affect the distribution of wealth, we shall find that (as if conscious of its hopelessness) they have seldom if ever tried directly to affect the distribution of wealth; but have tried to affect distribution indirectly through production."

It is to be remembered that Mr. Mill was ultimately driven to the same conclusion, and, accordingly,


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 ; Browning's poems; and W. Bridges Adams's essays on social subjects, signed ‘Junius Redivivus,’ whose freedom of tone gave offence in unitarian circles. Hazlitt pronounced Fox superior to Irving as a preacher, and his celebrity was extended beyond metropolitan limits by the publication of two collections of sermons, ‘Christ and Christianity’ and ‘Christian Morality.’ He was, however, drifting further and further away from theology; and during the agitation for reform he took a prominent part as a popular leader, daily addressing open-air meetings in Lincoln's Inn Fields. ‘He was,’ says Francis Place, ‘the bravest of us all.’ In 1834 his domestic difficulties came to the knowledge of leading members of his congregation. He resented their consequent interference; the majority of his congregation stood by him; and the controversy was closed by the secession of the minority in September 1834. No tangible imputation rested upon his personal conduct, but the confidence of many of his most influential supporters had been undermined by the advocacy in the ‘Repository’ of the dissolubility of marriage, and his evident alienation from theology. A separation on account of incompatibility of temper was arranged between him and Mrs. Fox.

Fox was disowned by his brother unitarian ministers, and resigned his office as a trustee of the Williams Library. His freedom from restraint, already irksome, gave him a more independent position in the pulpit. The service, under Eliza Flower's direction, became musical, Fox himself contributing some highly poetical hymns; his addresses ranged widely over the fields of morals and politics, and attracted a very intellectual auditory, including many members of parliament. Twenty-six of these discourses, published between 1835 and 1840 under the title of ‘Finsbury Lectures,’ represent the general topics and tone of his teaching. Discourses on such themes as ‘Morality illustrated by the various Classes into which Society is divided’ alternate with secular subjects, as the coronation, the corn laws, and national education. The tone, however, is invariably lofty. They were usually delivered after a few days' meditation, with slight assistance from a shorthand abstract, but published entirely from the reporter's notes. They gained greatly in delivery from the impressive intonation of the speaker. Rapturous descriptions of Fox's oratory will be found in John Saunders's sketch in the ‘People's Journal’ and in Evans's ‘Authors and Orators of Lancashire.’ Their testimony is confirmed by (1802–1879) [q. v.], writing in 1840, who infers, however, from his statue-like absence of gesture, that he would fail with a popular audience. In 1843 Fox was thrilling enthusiastic popular assemblages. To meet heavy expenses he wrote more than ever, especially upon politics. Bulwer, Talfourd, Macready, and Forster were now among his most intimate friends, and his relations with Mill led Carlyle to believe that he was to be offered the editorship of the ‘London and Westminster Review.’ He transferred the proprietorship and editorship of the unprofitable ‘Repository’ to R. H. Horne in 1836, and for a time chiefly devoted himself to journalism. [q. v.] enlisted him in the ‘Sunday Times,’ and when Harvey became proprietor of the ‘True Sun’ (1835) Fox's contributions raised the circulation from two thousand to fifteen thousand copies. He laboured at the office regularly for five days a week until the end of 1837, when Harvey's sudden relinquishment of his journal terminated the engagement. Fox joined the ‘Morning Chronicle,’ where his politics were much more under restraint. He devoted especial attention to the performances of Macready, of whom he was an intense admirer.

When, in 1840, an address from the Anti-Cornlaw League to the nation was required, Cobden drew up a paper of memoranda, and entrusted the composition to Fox as the person most competent to administer ‘a blister to the aristocracy and the House of Commons.’ The address was followed by a long series of most effective letters to leading public characters published in the ‘League’ newspaper, under the signature of ‘A Norwich Weaver Boy.’ Fox became a leading orator of the league, speaking especially at Drury Lane and Covent Garden. ‘The speech read well,’ says Prentice, ‘but the reader could have no conception of the effect as delivered with a beauty of elocution which Macready on the same boards might have envied.’ His connection with the ‘Morning Chronicle’ ceased about this time, and was followed by an engagement with the ‘Daily News,’ to which, as to the ‘Chronicle,’ he contributed four leaders weekly. When Forster retired in September 1846, Fox followed his example. He further undertook a course of Sunday evening lectures to the working classes at the National Hall in Holborn, commenced in 1844, and continued until 1846; which, after being published first in ‘The Apprentice,’ and afterwards in the ‘People's Journal,’ were collected into four volumes in 1849. They showed the author to be one of the wisest as well as the warmest friends of the working classes. This character, even more than the


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title: Author:Charles Edmund Newton Robinson


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 eloquence of his Anti-Cornlaw League orations, gained Fox an invitation to stand for the working-class constituency of Oldham, for which he was returned after a keen contest in July 1847. His congregation had already found it necessary to provide an assistant minister. He was relieved from embarrassment by the munificence of Samuel Courtauld of Braintree, who settled upon him an annuity of 400l. His last address to his congregation was given in February 1852. He had previously summed up his conclusions in his lectures of the ‘Religious Ideas’ (published in 1849), in which these ideas are treated as the natural production of the human mind in the course of its development, corresponding to external realities, as yet but dimly surmised.

Fox's later exertions were mainly confined to parliament and the composition of the ‘Publicola’ letters for the ‘Weekly Dispatch,’ which he continued until 1861. His success in parliament was limited by his age and the didacticism acquired in the pulpit. Regarded at first as ‘a sort of heterodox methodist parson,’ he soon gained general respect by his tact, discretion, and moderation. His most remarkable speeches were that delivered on seconding Mr. Hume's motion for an extension of the franchise in 1849, and that on the introduction of his own bill for establishing compulsory secular education in 1850. He made the subject of education in large measure his own, and always regretted that Lord John Russell had taken it out of his hands. He usually acted with the politicians of the Manchester school, but differed from them on the Crimean war, and declared his dissent in a great speech to his constituents in the winter of 1855. His success at Oldham had involved the rejection of [q. v.], who had thrown in his lot with Mr. J. M. Cobbett. Fox thus excited the fiercest antagonism in a section of the liberal party. He was defeated in 1852, regained his seat in the autumn of the same year, after tumults described as ‘sacrificial games dedicated to the manes of the late Mr. John Fielden,’ was again ejected in 1857, and re-elected in the same year upon another unexpected vacancy. He then held the seat without opposition until his retirement in 1863, though taking little part in public business. He died after a short illness on 3 June 1864, and was buried in Brompton cemetery. His memory was celebrated in the most fitting manner by a memorial edition of his complete writings.

Fox's master passion was philanthropy, and he had adopted the philosophy of Bentham as that apparently most conducive to human welfare. But his temperament was that of a poet, his tastes were literary, dramatic, musical. His utilitarianism was pervaded with imagination, and he was far more effective as a man of letters than as a thinker, and a speaker than as a reasoner. The orator in him was rather made than born, his seeming gift of improvisation was the acquisition of long and careful practice. The construction of his speeches was in the highest degree rhetorical, and they owed much of their effect to his marvellous elocution. They are, however, admirable for powerful diction, manly sense, and abound in fancy, humour, and sarcasm; nor were his innumerable contributions to the press less excellent in their way. No one could better popularise a truth or embody an abstraction. The great aim of his life was to benefit the classes from which he had sprung. No one has counselled those classes more freely, or on the whole more wisely. His nature, though not exempt from angularities, was genial and affectionate; he said of himself that he could never learn to say ‘No’ till he had attained middle life, and then but imperfectly. He craved for sympathy, and when disappointed of obtaining it, took refuge in a reserve which, combined with the phlegm of his physical constitution, sometimes made him appear inert and inanimate, when in reality his mind was actively at work.

FOX, WILLIAM TILBURY (1836–1879), physician, son of Luther Owen Fox, M.D., of Broughton, Winchester, was born in 1836, and entered the medical school of University College, London, in 1853. In 1857 he obtained the scholarship and gold medal in medicine at the M.B. examination of the university of London, and graduated M.D. in 1858. After a short period of general practice at Bayswater, he selected midwifery as a specialty, and was appointed physician-accoucheur to the Farringdon General Dispensary. At this period he wrote some good papers on obstetrical subjects, published in the ‘Transactions’ of the Obstetrical Society. Becoming interested in the study of microscopic fungi attacking the skin and hair, he


text: Does Price Fixing Destroy Liberty?/The Aftermath


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The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Vogel, Eduard

VOGEL, fō'gĕl, Eduard, German explorer: b. Crefeld, Prussia, 7 March 1829; d. Wara, Wadai, about 8 Feb. 1856. He was educated at Leipzig and at Berlin, making a special study of astronomy and natural science. In 1851-53

he assisted Hind at Bishop's Observatory in London, and in the latter year was selected by the English government to conduct an expedition to join that of Clapperton, Barth and Overweg in central Africa. He sailed from England, 20 Feb. 1853, and on 13 Jan. 1854 reached Kuka, the capital of Bornu. From this point he made several expeditions into the surrounding country, and on 1 Dec. 1854 met Barth near Zinder. He penetrated south to Yacobi and the Benue, and on 1 Dec. 1855 returned to Kuka. From this time his notes of his explorations cease, but subsequent information discloses that he set out to the east on 1 Jan. 1856, reached Wara in Wadai, and was there assassinated. For his notes consult ‘Erinneningen an einen Verschollenen,’ by his sister, Elise Polko (1863); also Pahde, ‘Der Afrikaforscher Eduard Vogel’ (1889).


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 wrote a book on the subject, and gradually became a specialist on dermatology. In 1864 he travelled in the East with the Earl of Hopetoun, but returned much enfeebled in health. The experience gained abroad was utilised in several works mentioned below. Settling in Sackville Street, Piccadilly, Fox soon acquired a large practice in dermatology. In 1866 he became physician to the skin department of Charing Cross Hospital, and not long after succeeded Dr. Hillier as physician to the same department of University College Hospital, where he established an excellent system of baths. He proved a good teacher and attracted many foreigners to his clinique. His book on ‘Skin Diseases,’ enlarged and more copiously illustrated in successive editions, made his name widely known, and his ‘Atlas’ finally established his reputation. He did not seek to revolutionise the treatment of his subject, but based his classification on Willan and Bateman's, while insisting on the value of general medical knowledge and insight to the dermatologist. Thus he had worthily gained a position second to few if any specialists, when his life was threatened by aortic disease, with frequent angina. He was taking a brief holiday in Paris, and preparing for the presidency of the Dermatological subsection of the British Medical Association at Cork, when an attack of angina carried him off on 7 June 1879. He was buried at Willesden cemetery, 14 June 1879.

For many years and up to the time of his death Fox was a prominent member of the editorial staff of the ‘Lancet.’ His intense energy was always at work promoting the interests of dermatology as a branch of medical practice. His genial manners and conscientiousness made him very popular with patients. Fox's principal writings are the following: 1. ‘Skin Diseases of Parasitic Origin,’ 1863. 2. ‘Skin Diseases, their Description, Pathology, Diagnosis, and Treatment,’ 1864; 3rd edit., rewritten and enlarged, 1873. 3. ‘The Classification of Skin Diseases,’ 1864. 4. ‘Cholera Prospects,’ 1865. 5. ‘The Action of Fungi in the Production of Disease,’ 1866. 6. ‘Leprosy, Ancient and Modern; with notes taken during recent travel in the East,’ 1866. 7. ‘Eczema, its Nature and Treatment,’ ‘Lettsomian Lectures,’ 1870. 8. ‘Prurigo and Pediculosis,’ 1870. 9. ‘Scheme for obtaining a better knowledge of Endemic Skin Diseases of India’ (with Dr. T. Farquhar); prepared for the India Office, 1872. 10. ‘Key to Skin Diseases,’ 1875. 11. ‘Atlas of Skin Diseases’ (based on Willan's); 4to, with plates, 1875–7. 12. ‘On certain Endemic Skin and other Diseases of India and Hot Climates generally’ (with Dr. T. Farquhar), 1876. 13. ‘Epitome of Skin Diseases’ (with T. Colcott Fox), 1877, 2nd edit. 14. ‘On Ringworm and its Management,’ 1878. Fox edited and revised editions of Tanner's ‘Manual of Clinical Medicine,’ published in 1869 and 1876. He also contributed numerous papers on skin diseases to the medical societies and journals.

[Lancet, Medical Times, and British Medical Journal, 14 June 1879.]

FOX, WILSON (1831–1887), physician, son of a manufacturer belonging to a well-known quaker family in the west of England, was born at Wellington, Somersetshire, on 2 Nov. 1831. He was educated at Bruce Castle, Tottenham, and University College, London, graduating B.A. in 1850, M.B. in 1854, and M.D. in 1855, at London University. After a year spent as house physician at the Edinburgh Royal Infirmary, he passed several years in Paris, Vienna, and Berlin, being for two years in the last city a pupil of the great pathologist Virchow. Here he made important observations on the degeneration of the gastric glands (see Fox's ‘Contributions to the Pathology of the Glandular Structures of the Stomach,’ Med.-Chir. Transactions, xli. 1858). In 1859 he married Miss Emily Doyle, and settled at Newcastle-under-Lyme, where he became physician to the North Staffordshire Infirmary. In 1861, supported by Virchow's strong recommendation, he was appointed professor of pathological anatomy at University College, London, and soon afterwards assistant physician to University College Hospital. In 1866 he became fellow of the Royal College of Physicians, and in 1867 full physician to his hospital and Holme professor of clinical medicine. In 1870 he was appointed physician extraordinary to the queen, and was elected F.R.S. He afterwards became physician in ordinary, and frequently attended the queen while in Scotland. He acquired a large practice, and was an active member of the leading medical societies and of the College of Physicians. In April 1887 he was suddenly summoned to the deathbed of his eldest brother at Wellington. Thence he went northwards towards his seat at Rydal Mount for a rest, but was seized with pneumonia on the way and died on 3 May at Preston in Lancashire. He was buried at Taunton on 6 May 1887. A bust in the Shire Hall, Taunton, was unveiled 25 Oct. 1888 (Times, 26 Oct. 1888, p. 8). His first wife died in 1870; by her he left three sons and three daughters. In 1874 he married Evelyn, daughter of Sir Baldwin W. Walker, bart., and


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 Rh Crooke informs me that the Hindus call the symbol of the thunderbolt vajra (a sort of forked trident), but adds, — "It cannot be said whether in early times they connected it with the celts." Frazer gives three examples of celts regarded as thunderbolts, but all these are from southern and central India. In the former region they are said to be the thunderbolts of Vishnu. Sir J. Evans says they are renovated and placed against the Mahadeos, or painted red and treated as Mahadeo. In northern India such things are practically unknown in the great plains, being found only on the hills fringing the valley of the Ganges. The people regard them as uncanny, and pile them up at village shrines. As to their being called thunderbolts, it is difficult to speak generally, but in the Nāga Hills at all events they are considered to have fallen from heaven, and in Burma the belief is as definite as anywhere else in the world, as we learn from Capt. C. J. F. S. Forbes :—

There still remains one form of the keraunic belief which is diametrically opposed to everything we have yet met, — the belief that thunderbolts, or batu halintar, as the Malays call them, are not hurled from the sky, but rise out of the ground, and strike upwards, the lightning also originating, not from the clouds, but from the agitated movements of large wild animals. This belief was recorded by Mr. J. B. Scrivenor, but I have also myself heard suggestions of this kind from the Malays, and a definite account of the lightning part of it was included in the


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 widow of Captain Burgoyne, lost in his ship the Captain [see ].

In personal appearance Fox was tall, spare, and erect, with a refined expression. Although he was somewhat reserved in manner, his sincerity and earnestness gave him a strong hold on those with whom he came in contact. He was a man of great benevolence, and was in the habit of placing his house at Rydal at the disposal of the Bishop of Bedford during the summer months for the use of invalided East-end clergymen and their families.

Equally as a teacher and as an investigator and writer Fox ranked high. His cases were thoroughly studied, with special attention to the mental and emotional state of his patients, in whom he inspired great confidence. He was the first physician to save life in cases of rheumatic fever where the temperature was excessively high, by placing the patient in baths of iced water. His lectures were highly valued by the students, and the characteristic of his teaching was the ability with which the facts of pathology were made the basis of practical diagnosis and treatment. All his writings manifested great research and labour, and are encyclopædic on their subjects. Besides the works enumerated below, he had been for many years preparing a treatise on diseases of the lungs and an atlas of their pathological anatomy, works that were nearly complete at his death. Fox's principal writings were:
 * 1) ‘On the Origin, Structure, and Mode of Development of Cystic Tumours of the Ovary,’ ‘Med.-Chir. Trans.,’ 1864, xlvii. 227–86.
 * 2) ‘On the Artificial Production of Tubercle in the Lower Animals,’ a lecture before the Royal College of Physicians, 1864.
 * 3) ‘On the Development of Striated Muscular Fibre,’ ‘Phil. Trans.’ clvi. 1866.
 * 4) ‘On the Diagnosis and Treatment of the Varieties of Dyspepsia,’ 1867; 3rd edition, enlarged, 1872, under the title ‘The Diseases of the Stomach,’ substantially a reproduction of his articles in Reynolds's ‘System of Medicine,’ vol. ii. 1868.
 * 5) Articles on ‘Pneumonia,’ &c., in Reynolds's ‘System,’ iii. 1871.
 * 6) ‘On the Treatment of Hyperpyrexia by means of the External Application of Cold,’ 1871.

FOXE, JOHN (1516–1587), martyrologist, was born at Boston, Lincolnshire, in 1516. The date is supplied by a grant of arms made to his family on 21 Dec. 1598 (, Notes, pt. i. 8–10). He is there said to be lineally connected with [q. v.], bishop of Winchester, but this relationship is improbable. The father, of whom nothing is known, died while his sons were very young. Foxe had at least one brother. The mother married a second husband, Richard Melton, to whom Foxe dedicated an early work, ‘An Instruccyon of Christen Fayth,’ with every mark of affection. He was a studious youth, and attracted the notice of one Randall, a citizen of Coventry, and of John Harding or Hawarden, fellow of Brasenose College, Oxford. His stepfather's means were small, and these friends sent him to Oxford about 1532, when he was sixteen years old. According to the untrustworthy biography of 1641, attributed to Foxe's son Samuel, Foxe entered at Brasenose College, where his patron Hawarden was tutor. He is not mentioned in the college books. It must, however, be admitted that Foxe, when dedicating his ‘Syllogisticon’ (1563) to Hawarden, writes of him as if he had been his tutor; and that Alexander Nowell, afterwards dean of St. Paul's (stated in the biography of 1641 to have been Foxe's chamber-fellow at Oxford), was a member of Brasenose, and was one of Foxe's lifelong friends. Foxe also refers to Brasenose thrice in his ‘Actes and Monuments,’ but the absence of any comment indicating personal association with the place does not give this circumstance any weight. If he resided at Brasenose at all, it was probably for a brief period as Hawarden's private pupil. He must undoubtedly have attended Magdalen College School at the same time. A close connection with both Magdalen School and College is beyond question. The matriculation register for the years during which Foxe would have been ‘in statu pupillari’ is unfortunately lost. But he became probationer fellow of Magdalen in July 1538, and full fellow 25 July 1539, being joint lecturer in logic with Baldwin Norton in 1539–1540, and proceeding B.A. 17 July 1537 and M.A. in July 1543 (Oxf. Univ. Reg., Oxf. Hist. Soc., i. 188). Foxe repeatedly identifies himself with Magdalen in his works and private letters. ‘For which foundation,’ he writes in the ‘Actes,’ iii. 716, ‘as there have been and be yet many students bound to yield grateful thanks unto God, so I must needs confess to be one, except I will be unkind.’ About 1564, when one West (formerly of Magdalen) was charged in the court of high commission with making rebellious speeches, Foxe used his influence to procure the offender's pardon, on the sole ground that he had belonged to the same school and college at Oxford as himself. As fellow of Magdalen Foxe had his difficulties. His intimate friends and correspondents at Oxford included, besides Nowell, [q. v.], of Cambridge [q. v.], Hugh Latimer, and


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 William Tindal, and like them he strongly favoured extreme forms of protestantism. His colleagues at Magdalen were divided on doctrinal questions, and the majority inclined to the old forms of religious belief. He was bound by the statutes to attend the college chapel with regularity, and to proceed to holy orders within seven years of his election to his fellowship. He declined to conform to either rule. Complaint was made to the president, Dr. Owen Oglethorp, and Foxe defended himself in a long letter (Lansd. MS. 388). He expressly objected to the enforcement of celibacy on the fellows. Finally, in July 1545, he and five of his colleagues resigned their fellowships. There was no expulsion, as Foxe's biographer of 1641 and most of his successors have asserted. The college register records that ‘ex honesta causa recesserunt sponte a collegio,’ and Foxe's future references to his college prove that he bore it no ill-will.

Before leaving Oxford, Foxe mentioned in a letter to Tindal that he had derived much satisfaction from a visit to the Lucy family at Charlecote, Warwickshire. Thither he now directed his steps. William Lucy seems to have given him temporary employment as tutor to his son Thomas. On 3 Feb. 1546–7 Foxe married, at Charlecote Church, Agnes Randall, daughter of his old friend of Coventry—a lady who seems to have been in the service of the Lucys. He thereupon came up to London to seek a livelihood. The biographer of 1641 draws a dreary picture of his disappointments and destitution, and relates how an unknown and anonymous benefactor put a purse of gold into his hand, while in a half-dying condition in St. Paul's Cathedral, and how he received soon afterwards an invitation to visit [q. v.], duchess of Richmond, at her residence, Mountjoy House, Knightrider Street. The latter statement is well founded. It is undoubted that Foxe and his friend Bale, whose acquaintance he first made at Oxford, were both, early in 1548, entertained by the duchess, who was at one with them on religious questions (Actes, iii. 705). Through the joint recommendation of his hostess and of Bale, Foxe was moreover appointed before the end of the year tutor to the orphan children of Henry Howard, earl of Surrey, who had been executed 19 Jan. 1546–7. The duchess was the earl's sister, and Bale was intimate with Lord Wentworth, who had been the children's guardian since their father's death. There were two boys, Thomas, afterwards duke of Norfolk (b. 1536), and Henry Howard, afterwards earl of Northampton (b. 1539), together with three girls. Foxe joined his pupils at the castle of Reigate, a manor belonging to their grandfather, the Duke of Norfolk. He remained there for five years.

In that interval Foxe published his earliest theological tracts. All advocated advanced reforming views. Their titles are: ‘De non plectendis morte adulteris consultatio Ioannis Foxi,’ London, per Hugonem Syngletonum, 1548, dedicated to Thomas Picton; ‘A Sarmon of Jhon Oecolampadius to Yong Men and Maydens,’ dedicated to ‘Master Segrave,’ London? 1550?; ‘An Instruccyon of Christen Fayth,’ London, Hugh Syngleton, 1550? dedicated to Melton, his stepfather, a translation from Urbanus Regius; and ‘De Censura, sive Excommunicatione Ecclesiastica, Interpellatio ad archiepiscopum Cantabr.,’ London, Stephen Mierdmannus, 1551. The first work was reissued in 1549 under the new title ‘De lapsis in Ecclesiam recipiendis consultatio,’ with a ‘Præfaciuncula ad lectorem’ substituted for the dedication to Picton (, Early Books in Lambeth Library, pp. 223–4). Furthermore, he prepared a school book, ‘Tables of Grammar,’ London, 1552. According to Wood, eight lords of the privy council subscribed to print this work, but its brevity disappointed its patrons. Meanwhile Foxe was reading much in church history with a view to an elaborate defence of the protestant position. On 24 June 1550 he was ordained deacon by Ridley, bishop of London, in St. Paul's Cathedral. He stayed for the purpose in Barbican, at the house of the Duchess-dowager of Suffolk, who became the wife of his friend, Richard Bertie [see ]. Subsequently he preached as a volunteer at Reigate, being the first to preach protestantism there.

The accession of Mary in July 1553 proved of serious import to Foxe. One of the queen's earliest acts was to release from prison the old Duke of Norfolk (d. 1554), the grandfather of Foxe's pupils. The duke was a catholic, and promptly dismissed Foxe from his tutorship. It is probable that Foxe thereupon took up his residence at Stepney, whence he dates the dedication of ‘A Fruitfull Sermon of the moost Euangelicall wryter, M. Luther, made of the Angelles’ (London, by Hugh Syngleton, 1554?). The elder lad, Thomas, had formed a strong affection for his teacher, and when he was sent from Reigate to be under the care of Bishop Gardiner at Winchester House, he contrived that Foxe should pay him secret visits. Foxe was soon alarmed by the obvious signs of a catholic revival. A rumour that parliament was about to re-enact the six articles of 1539 drew from him a well-written Latin petition denouncing any change in the religious esta-


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 76 Expeditionary notes taken on the visit of the Cambridge exploring party to the Siamese-Malay States on the east coast of the Peninsula in 1900. I shall first, however, give Mr. Scrivenor's account, which was obtained in writing from an educated Perak Malay named Mahomed Mansur, the son of a minister of the ex-Sultan Abdullah of Perak. It is as follows:—

"There are certain things called batu lintar. Men say that a Jin makes them out of stiff clay and that they are always found in the ground. The Jin piles them one above the other, close together, while they are still soft. If they are left they become quite hard. When they are hard enough, if the Jin wishes to kill an enemy (another Jin), he takes out the stones, and the power of the Jin is such that they become red like fire and (are surrounded by fire so that) their shape is like a coconut. If any mortal comes within range of the emanations from these stones, though they may be thirty depas distant, he cannot help fainting away. If a tree is struck by one, it is as though that tree were struck by a bullet, but the mark runs zig-zag from the trunk to the branches. Men who are struck by the emanations from these stones become as though burnt and turn red; but no one is ever struck by the stone itself. . . Men say that the Jin who owns the stones does not purposely wound a man's body. When the Jin throws a stone at an enemy and the enemy in trying to escape runs close to a mortal, then the stone follows him and in passing causes him to faint away. When a man has fainted away one must not touch him. If he is touched he is sure to die. But if one searches near the man it will be found that the Jin has thrown down a tuft of grass tied in a knot. If this is dipped in water and the water sprinkled over the man who has fainted, he recovers. Again, men say that when one finds a batu lintar that has not yet burst into flames it will never burst into flames if a little bit is chipped off the stone. But if this is not done when there is a high wind that batu lintar will explode with the noise of a cannon. Therefore, whenever a man finds a batu lintar he chips it slightly." . . . "I have questioned Mansur as to the cause of lightning. He tells me it is explained by Malays in many different ways. One


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. It is reported by the biographer of 1641 that early in 1554 Foxe was visiting his pupil at Gardiner's house, when the bishop entered the room, and was told that Foxe was the lad's physician. Gardiner paid Foxe an equivocal compliment, which raised his suspicions. The majority of his friends had already left England for the continent at the first outbreak of persecution, and he determined to follow them. With his wife, who was expecting her confinement, he hurried to Ipswich, and arrived at Nieuport after a very stormy passage. He travelled to Strasburg by easy stages, and met his friend Edmund Grindal there in July. He had brought with him in manuscript the first part of a Latin treatise on the persecutions of reformers in Europe from the time of Wycliffe to his own day. A Strasburg printer, Wendelin Richelius, hurriedly put it into type in time for the great Frankfort fair. The volume, a small octavo of 212 leaves, is now of great rarity. It forms the earliest draft of the ‘Actes and Monuments;’ but only comes down to 1500, and deals mainly with the lives of Wycliffe and Huss. Some notes of Bishop Pecock are added, together with an address to the university of Oxford, deploring the recent revival there of the doctrine of transubstantiation. The dedication, dated from Strasburg 31 Aug. 1554, was addressed to Christopher, duke of Würtemberg, and is said to have displeased the duke, a well-known patron of protestants. The title usually runs: ‘Commentarii rerum in ecclesia gestarum maximarumque per totam Europam persecutionum a Vuicleui temporibus ad hanc usque ætatem descriptio. Liber primus. … Anno .’ But copies are met with with a title-page beginning ‘Chronicon Ecclesiæ continens historiam rerum,’ &c., where the date is given as MDLXIIII, and the printer's name as Josias instead of Wendelinus Richelius. Dr. Maitland suggested that this date was an error due to the hasty production, but it seems more probable that the second title belongs to a later reprint.

By the end of 1554 Foxe had joined the protestant refugees at Frankfort, and was lodging with a well-known puritan, [q. v.] Foxe found a heated controversy as to forms of worship raging among his countrymen at Frankfort. Some wished to adhere to Edward VI's second prayer-book, others desired a severer liturgy, and denounced the surplice and viva-voce responses. The civic authorities had meanwhile directed the adoption of the service-book of the French protestants. Various modifications were suggested, but all failed to pacify the contending factions. Knox had lately been summoned from Geneva by a portion of the English at Frankfort to act as their minister. He proposed that the dispute should be referred to Calvin. Foxe, who at once took a prominent place among Knox's supporters, encouraged this course. Calvin recommended a compromise between the Anglican and Genevan forms of prayer. Foxe offered, in conjunction with Knox and others, to give the suggestion practical effect. The offer was rejected, but a temporary settlement was effected by Knox without Foxe's aid. In the middle of 1555 the quarrel broke out anew. Dr. [q. v.] reached Frankfort, and at once headed the party in favour of an undiluted anglican ritual. Knox attacked Cox from his pulpit. But Cox and his friends had influence with the civic authorities; serious charges were brought against Knox, and he was directed to quit the town. The controversy was not ended. Foxe suggested arbitration, but he was overruled. On 1 Sept. 1555 he and Whittingham, now the leaders of the Genevan party, announced their intention of abandoning Frankfort. They gave Knox's expulsion as their chief reason for this step. Whittingham straightway left for Geneva. Foxe remained behind, reluctant to part with Nowell and other friends. As a final attempt at reconciling the rival parties he wrote (12 Oct.) entreating Peter Martyr, whom he had met at Strasburg, to come and lecture on divinity to the English at Frankfort. Despite the controversy, he spoke of the kind reception with which he had met there. But Martyr declined the invitation, and in the middle of November Foxe removed to Basle.

Foxe suffered acutely from poverty while at Basle. He wrote to Grindal soon after his arrival that he was reduced to his last penny, and was thankful for a gift of two crowns. He begged his pupil, now Duke of Norfolk, and his new patron, the Duke of Würtemberg, to help him. But his destitution did not blunt his energies. He found employment as a reader of the press in the printing-office of Johann Herbst or Oporinus, an enthusiastic protestant and publisher of protestant books. Foxe was henceforth closely connected with the trade of printing. According to the ‘Stationers' Register’ (ed. Arber, i. 33), one John Foxe took up the freedom of the Stationers' Company on 5 March 1554–5, and paid 3s. 4d. for his breakfast on the occasion. His intimate association in later years with the London printer, (1522–1584) [q. v.], makes it almost certain that this entry refers to the martyrologist. Oporinus and Foxe lived on the best of terms; they corresponded after Foxe had left the continent, and Oporinus allowed Foxe, while in his employ, adequate leisure for his own


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 books. Before leaving Frankfort he had begun to translate into Latin Cranmer's treatise on the Eucharist in answer to Gardiner (London, 1551). He found the task difficult. Grindal and others begged him to persevere. When he heard of Cranmer's death in 1556 he at once negotiated with Christopher Froschover of Zurich for its publication, but the negotiation dragged on till 1559, and the work, although partly utilised by Foxe elsewhere, still remains in manuscript (Harleian MS. 418). In 1556 Oporinus published Foxe's ‘Christus Triumphans,’ an apocalyptic drama after German models, in five acts of Latin verse, concluding with a ‘panegyricon’ on Christ in Latin prose. The original manuscript is in Lansdowne MS. 1073. Tanner says that an edition was issued in London in 1551, a statement of doubtful authority. The work is a crude and tedious mystery play, but achieved such success as to be published in a French translation by Jean Bienvenu at Geneva in 1562, a form in which it is now of the utmost rarity. An English translation by Richard Day [q. v.] appeared in 1578, 1599, and 1607, and reprints of the original, prepared by Thomas Comber for use in schools, ‘ob insignem styli elegantiam’—an undeserved compliment—are dated 1672 and 1677 (cf., Studies in the Lit. Relations of England and Germany, pp. 138–48). After Ridley, Latimer, and Cranmer had fallen at the stake, Foxe drew up an admirable expostulation and plea for toleration, addressed to the nobility of England (8 Feb. 1555–6). It was first printed by Oporinus at Basle in 1557 under the title ‘Ad inclytos ac præpotentes Angliæ proceres … supplicatio. Autore Ioanne Foxo Anglo.’ In the same year he brought out an ingenious series of rules for aiding the memory, entitled ‘Locorum communium logicalium tituli et ordines 150, ad seriem prædicamentorum decem descripti,’ Basle, which was reissued in London as ‘Pandectæ locorum communium’ in 1585. In 1557 and 1558 Foxe remonstrated in a friendly way with Knox on account of the strong language used in ‘The First Blast of the Trumpet;’ and on Elizabeth's accession he wrote a congratulatory address, which Oporinus printed.

Meanwhile Foxe was receiving through Grindal reports of the protestant persecutions in England. Bradford's case was one of the earliest he received. When reports of Cranmer's examinations arrived Foxe prepared them for publication, and Grindal seems to have proposed that these and the reports of proceedings against other martyrs should be issued separately in two forms, one in Latin and the other in English. Foxe was to be responsible for the Latin form. The English form was to be prepared and distributed in England. Only in the case of the story of Philpot's martyrdom was this plan carried out. Strype preserves the title of Foxe's pamphlet, printed at Basle, detailing Philpot's sufferings, ‘Mira et elegans cum primis historia vel tragœdia potius de tota ratione examinationis et condemnationis J. Philpotti … nunc in Latinum versa, interprete J. F.,’ but no copy is now known. On 10 June 1557 Grindal urged Fox to complete at once his account of the persecution of reformers in England as far as the end of Henry VIII's reign (, Remaines, Parker Soc., p. 223 et seq.) He worked steadily, and in 1559 had brought his story of persecution down to nearly the end of Mary's reign. Nicolaus Brylinger with Oporinus sent the work, which was all in Latin, to press, and it appeared in folio under the title ‘Rerum in ecclesia gestarum, quæ postremis et periculosis his temporibus evenerunt, maximarumque per Europam Persecutionum ac Sanctorum Dei Martyrum si quæ insignioris exempli sunt, digesti per Regna et Nationes commentarii. Pars prima, in qua primum de rebus per Angliam et Scotiam gestis atque in primis de horrenda sub Maria nuper regina persecutione narratio continetur. Autore Joanne Foxo, Anglo.’ A second part, giving the history of the persecutions of the reformers on the continent, was announced to follow, but Foxe abandoned it, and that part of the work was undertaken by Henry Pantaleone of Zurich. This great volume of 732 numbered pages is in six books, of which the first embodies the little volume of ‘Commentarii.’ The expostulation addressed to the nobility is reprinted (pp. 239–61). Bishop Hooper's treatise on the Eucharist, forwarded to Bullinger, and written while in prison, appears with dissertations on the same subject by Ridley, Latimer, and Cranmer. The whole was dedicated to Foxe's pupil, the Duke of Norfolk (1 Sept. 1559). At the same time as the book was issued the pope (Paul IV) announced that he had prohibited Oporinus from publishing any further books.

Foxe left for England in October, a month after his great book had been published. He wrote announcing his arrival to the Duke of Norfolk, who offered him lodgings in his house at Christchurch, Aldgate, and afterwards invited him to one of his country houses. On 25 Jan. 1559–60 Grindal, now bishop of London, ordained him priest, and in September 1560 Parkhurst, another friend, who had just become bishop of Norwich, promised to use his influence to obtain a prebendal stall at Norwich for him. Foxe is often represented as having lived for some time


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 with Parkhurst, and as having preached in his diocese. The bishop invited him to Norwich (29 Jan. 1563–4), but there is no evidence of an earlier visit. From the autumn of 1561 Foxe was chiefly engaged in translating his latest volume into English and in elaborating its information. The papers of Ralph Morice, Cranmer's secretary, had fallen into his hands, together with much new and, as Foxe believed, authentic material. Most of his time was clearly spent in London at the Duke of Norfolk's house in Aldgate, but every Monday he worked at the printing-office of John Day in Aldersgate Street, who had undertaken the publication.

In 1564, after the death of the Duchess of Norfolk, Foxe removed from the duke's house to Day's house in Aldersgate Street, and took a prominent part in Day's business. He petitioned Cecil (6 July 1568) to relax in Day's behalf the law prohibiting a printer from employing more than four foreign workmen. Day's close connection with Foxe's great undertaking is commemorated in the lines on Day's tombstone in the church of Little Bradley, Suffolk:— He set a Fox to wright how martyrs runne By death to lyfe: Fox ventured paynes and health To give them light: Daye spent in print his wealth. (Notes and Queries, 6th ser. viii. 246.) But Foxe's stay in Day's house was probably only temporary. In 1565 he spent some time at Waltham. The register states that two of his children, Rafe and Mary, were baptised there on 29 Jan. 1565–6. Fuller in ‘The Infant's Advocate,’ 1653, not only credits Waltham with being Foxe's home when he was preparing ‘his large and learned works,’ but says that he left his posterity a considerable estate in the parish. The biographer of 1641 writes that Foxe was on very good terms with Anne, the wife of Sir Thomas Heneage [q. v.], who was a large landowner in the neighbourhood of Waltham. On 24 July 1749 the antiquary Dr. Stukeley made a pilgrimage to the house associated with Foxe at Waltham, and it then seems to have been a popular show-place (Memoirs, ii. 211). About 1570 Foxe removed to Grub Street, where he probably lived till his death.

On 20 March 1562–3 Foxe's ‘Actes and Monuments’ issued from Day's press, on the very same day as Oporinus published at Basle the second part of the Latin original containing Pantaleone's account of the persecutions on the continent. The title of the ‘Actes and Monuments’ seems to have been borrowed from a book called ‘Actiones et Monimenta Martyrum,’ printed by Jean Crespin at Geneva in 1560. Grindal had written of Foxe's projected work as ‘Historia Martyrum,’ 19 Dec. 1558. From the date of its publication it was popularly known as the ‘Book of Martyrs,’ and even in official documents as ‘Monumenta Martyrum.’ The first edition has four dedicatory epistles: to Jesus Christ, the queen, ad doctum lectorem (alone in Latin), and to the persecutors of God's truth. A preface ‘on the utility of the story’ is a translation from the Basle volume of 1559. Foxe forwarded a copy to Magdalen College, with a letter explaining that the work was written in English ‘for the good of the country and the information of the multitude,’ and received in payment 6l. 13s. 4d. The success of the undertaking was immediate, and at the suggestion of Jewell, bishop of Salisbury, the author received his first reward in the shape of a prebend in Salisbury Cathedral, together with the lease of the vicarage of Shipton (11 May 1563). Before the year was out he had brought out an elaborate treatise on the Eucharist, entitled ‘Syllogisticon,’ with a dedication to his old friend Hawarden, now principal of Brasenose, and in 1564 he published a Latin translation of Grindal's funeral sermon in memory of the Emperor Ferdinand I. But he also spent much time in helping the plague-stricken, and made a powerful appeal to the citizens for help for the afflicted (1564). His poverty did not cease. His clothes were still shabby; the pension which the Duke of Norfolk gave him was very small, and when he bestowed the vicarage of Shipton on William Master he appealed to the queen (August 1564) to remit the payment of first-fruits, on the ground that neither of them had a farthing. He also informed her, in very complimentary terms, that he contemplated writing her life. At Salisbury he declined to conform or to attend to his duties regularly. He had conscientious objections to the surplice. He was absent from Jewell's visitation in June 1568, and in the following December was declared contumacious on refusing to devote a tithe of his income to the repair of the cathedral.

On the Good Friday after the publication of the papal bull excommunicating the queen (1570), Foxe, at Grindal's bidding, preached a powerful sermon at St. Paul's Cross, and renewed his attacks on the catholics. The sermon, entitled ‘A Sermon of Christ Crucified,’ was published by Day immediately, with a prayer and ‘a postscript to the papists,’ and was reissued, ‘newly recognised by the authour,’ in 1575, 1577, and 1585. A very rare edition was printed for the Stationers' Company in 1609. On 1 Oct. 1571 Foxe translated it into Latin, and Day issued it under the title ‘De Christo Crucifixo Concio.’ In this shape it was published at Frankfort in 1575.


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 Rh cause is a Jin throwing a batu lintar at his enemy. Another is a big animal, such as an elephant or a bison, shaking himself in the jungle."

Mr. Scrivener gives the main points of the belief as they were told to himself, and the essential facts are that batu lintar dive found in the ground and that they gradually get harder or riper. When they are hard or ripe they rise out of the ground and burst with a loud report, and when they strike a tree they first strike a trunk and then the branches. They are powerful magic till they are chipped, when they lose their power. "Lightning comes out of a herd of big game, such as a herd of elephants." Upon this I may remark that, though I cannot give any specific example as to the belief that the thunderbolt strikes upwards, rising up out of the ground and first reaching the stem and then the branches, the idea is certainly neither unfamiliar to me in the character of a Malay belief, nor is it in any way surprising, the only point of which I am in any doubt being as to whether these bolts do not rise after they have fallen as in the German belief that they rise nine days later, mentioned by Sir J. Evans. For the internal evidence of Mansur's own account shows that in some cases at least the Jins must cast them down, or they could not hit human beings. An exactly similar belief is held by the Malays with regard to other shaped things found in the earth,—with regard to treasure jars, for instance, of which I will presently give an example; and I may add that the Malay belief as to other such objects is certainly that they sink into and rise up out of the ground, and this idea, so far from being rare, is quite common,—I may in fact say, without the least exaggeration, that no wellconducted Malay "treasure-jar" or crock or anything of that kind ever does anything else. Moreover, the parallel is exact, as regards the chipping of the vessel's lip, which is done because the Malays believe that the semangat or soul


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 Foxe's correspondence was rapidly increasing, and his position in ecclesiastical circles grew influential. Parkhurst (29 Jan. 1563–4) solicited his aid in behalf of Conrad Gesner, who was writing on the early Christian writers. Lawrence Humphrey, president of Magdalen, appealed to him to procure for him an exemption from the regulations affecting clerical dress, but Humphrey afterwards conformed. On 20 Nov. 1573 one Torporley begged him to obtain for him a studentship at Christ Church. Strangers consulted him repeatedly about their religious difficulties. Francis Baxter (4 Jan. 1572) inquired his opinion respecting the lawfulness of sponsors, and another correspondent asked how he was to cure himself of the habit of blaspheming. About the same time Foxe corresponded with Lord-chief-justice Monson respecting the appointment of a schoolmaster at Ipswich, and recommended a lady to marry one of his intimate friends.

Much of his correspondence also dealt with the credibility of his monumental work. The catholics had been greatly angered by its publication. They nicknamed it ‘Foxe's Golden Legend,’ and expressed special disgust at the calendar prefixed to the book, in which the protestant martyrs took the place of the old saints (, Annals, i. 375–80). Foxe's accuracy was first seriously impugned in the ‘Dialogi Sex,’ published in 1566 under the name of Alan Cope [q. v.], although the author was without doubt Nicholas Harpsfield. Foxe showed some sensitiveness to such attacks. He instituted inquiries with a view to corrections or corroborations for a second edition, which the puritan party deemed it desirable to issue before the meeting of parliament in April 1571. This edition (1570) was in two volumes, the first of 934 pages, and the second of 1378. New engravings were added; there was a new dedication to the queen, in which Foxe declared that he only republished the book to confute the attacks of evil-disposed persons, who had made it appear that his work was as ‘full of lies as lines.’ The address to the persecutors of God's truth was omitted; a protestation to the true and faithful congregation of Christ's universal church, and four questions addressed to the church of Rome were added. Magdalen College paid 6l. 8s. for a copy of this new edition, and another copy belonging to Nowell was bequeathed by him to Brasenose, where it still is. Convocation meeting at Canterbury on 3 April resolved that copies of this edition, which was called in the canon ‘Monumenta Martyrum,’ should be placed in cathedral churches and in the houses of archbishops, bishops, deacons, and archdeacons. Although this canon was never confirmed by parliament, it was very widely adopted in the country.

About the same time Foxe prepared, from manuscripts chiefly supplied by Archbishop Parker, a collection of the regulations adopted by the reformed English church, which was entitled ‘Reformatio Legum.’ A proposal in parliament to accept this collection as the official code of ecclesiastical law met with no success, owing to the queen's intervention and her promise—never fulfilled—that her ministers should undertake a like task. But it was printed by Day in 1571, and held by the puritans in high esteem. It was reissued in 1640, and again by Edward Cardwell in 1850. In the same year (1571) Foxe performed for Parker a more important task. He produced, with a dedication to the queen, an edition of the Anglo-Saxon text of the Gospels. This was similarly printed by Day, and is now a rare book. Two years later he collected the works of Tindal, Frith, and Barnes, giving extracts from his own account of the writers in his ‘Actes.’

On 2 June 1572 Foxe's pupil and patron, the Duke of Norfolk, was executed, at the age of thirty-six, for conspiring with Mary Queen of Scots and the catholic nobility against Elizabeth. Foxe attended him to the scaffold. Some time before he had heard the rumours of Norfolk's contemplated marriage with the Queen of Scots, and had written a strong protest against it. Foxe's biographers have exaggerated the influence which his early training exerted on the duke and on his brother, Henry Howard, afterwards earl of Northampton. It is obvious that they assimilated few of their tutor's religious principles. On the scaffold the duke denied that he was a catholic; but he, like his brother in after years, had shown unmistakable leanings to catholicism. It is to the credit of both Foxe and the duke that their affection for each other never waned. The duke directed his heirs to allow Foxe an annuity of 20l. On 14 Oct. of the same year Bishop Pilkington installed Foxe in a prebendal stall at Durham Cathedral; but Foxe was still obstinately opposed to the surplice, and within the year he resigned the office. Tanner asserts that he was at one time vicar of St. Giles's, Cripplegate. Foxe's friend, Robert Crowley [q. v.], held this benefice for a long period; but he was suspended between 1569 and 1578, when Foxe may have assisted in the work of the parish. In 1575 Foxe energetically sought to obtain the remission of the capital sentence in the case of two Dutch anabaptists condemned to the stake for their opinions. He wrote to the queen, Lord Burghley, and Lord-chief-


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''MONG so many effective and artistic tales of our author, it is difficult to give a preference to one over all the rest. Yet, certainly, even amid Verne's most remarkable works, his "Off on a Comet" must be given high rank. Perhaps this story will be remembered when some of his greatest efforts have been obliterated by centuries of time. At least, of the many books since written upon the same theme as Verne's, no one has yet equaled or even approached it.''

''In one way "Off on a Comet" shows a marked contrast to Verne's earlier books. Not only does it invade a region of remotest space, but the author here abandons his usual scrupulously scientific attitude and gives his fancy freer rein. In order that he may escort us through the depths of immeasurable space, to show us what astronomy really knows of conditions there and upon the other planets, Verne asks us to accept a situation which is in a sense self-contradictory. The earth and a comet are brought twice into collision without mankind in general, or even our astronomers, becoming conscious of the fact. Moreover several people from widely scattered places are carried off by the comet and returned uninjured. Yet further, the comet snatches and carries away with it for the convenience of its travelers, both air and water. Little, useful tracts of earth are picked up and, as it were, turned''


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 justice Monson, pointing out the disproportion between the offence and the punishment, and deprecating the penalty of death in cases of heresy. He also appealed to one of the prisoners to acknowledge the errors of his opinion, with which he had no sympathy. A respite of a month was allowed, but both prisoners were burnt at the stake 22 July. In 1576 and 1583 the third and fourth editions of the ‘Actes’ were issued. On 1 April 1577 Foxe preached a Latin sermon at the baptism of a Jew, Nathaniel, in Allhallows Church, Lombard Street (cf. ‘Elizabethan England and the Jews,’ by the present writer, in New Shakspere Soc. Trans. 1888). The title of the original ran: ‘De Oliva Evangelica. Concio in baptismo Iudæi habita. Londini, primo mens. April.’ London, by Christopher Barker, 1577, dedicated to Sir Francis Walsingham. At the close is a prose ‘Appendicula de Christo Triumphante,’ dedicated to Sir Thomas Heneage. A translation by James Bell appeared in 1578, with the Jew's confession of faith. In 1580 the same translator issued a tract entitled ‘The Pope Confuted,’ which professed to be another translation from Foxe, although the original is not identified. Tanner assigns ‘A New Years Gift touching the deliverance of certain Christians from the Turkish gallies’ to 1579, and says it was published in London. Foxe completed Haddon's second reply to Osorius in his ‘Contra Hieron. Osorium … Responsio Apologetica,’ dedicated to Sebastian, king of Portugal (Latin version 1577, English translation 1581). In 1583 he contested Osorius's view of ‘Justification by Faith’ in a new treatise on the subject, ‘De Christo gratis iustificante. Contra Osorianam iustitiam, Lond., by Thomas Purfoot, impensis Geor. Byshop,’ 1583. Tanner mentions an English translation dated 1598. ‘Disputatio Ioannis Foxij Angli contra Iesuitas’ appeared in 1585 at Rochelle, in the third volume of ‘Doctrinæ Iesuiticæ Præcipua Capita.’ According to Tanner, Foxe also edited in the same year Bishop Pilkington's ‘Latin Commentary on Nehemiah.’

Foxe's health in 1586 was rapidly breaking. An attempt in June of that year on the part of Bishop Piers of Salisbury to deprive him of the lease of Shipton much annoyed him; but the bishop did not press his point when he learned that he might by forbearance ‘pleasure that good man Mr. Foxe.’ Foxe died after much suffering in April 1587, and was buried in St. Giles's Church, Cripplegate, where a monument, with an inscription by his son Samuel, is still extant. His final work, ‘Eicasmi seu Meditationes in Sacram Apocalypsin,’ was printed posthumously in 1587 by George Bishop, and dedicated by Foxe's son Samuel to Archbishop Whitgift. Foxe was charitable to the poor, although he never was well-to-do, and would seem to have been of a cheerful temperament, despite his fervent piety. A letter to him from Bishop Parkhurst shows that he was a lover and a judge of dogs. His wife, who possessed all the womanly virtues, died 22 April 1605. Two sons, Samuel and Simeon, are separately noticed. A daughter, born in Flanders in 1555, and the two children Rafe and Mary, baptised at Waltham Abbey early in 1566, seem to have completed his family.

Of Foxe's great work, the ‘Actes and Monuments,’ four editions were published in his lifetime, viz. in 1563, 1570, 1576, and 1583. Five later editions are dated respectively 1596, 1610, 1632, 1641, and 1684. All are in folio. The first edition was in one volume, the next four in two volumes, and the last four named in three. The fifth edition (1596) consisted of twelve hundred copies. The edition of 1641 includes for the first time the memoir of the author, the authenticity of which is much contested. All have woodcuts, probably by German artists, inserted in the printed page. The first eight editions are all rare; the first two excessively rare. No quite perfect copy of the 1563 edition is extant. Slightly imperfect copies are at the British Museum, the Bodleian, the Cambridge University Library, Magdalen and Christ Church, Oxford. In the Huth Library a good copy has been constructed out of two imperfect ones. Early in the seventeenth century the first edition had become scarce, and Archbishop Spotiswood, writing before 1639, denied its existence. The corrected edition of 1570, which convocation directed to be placed in all cathedral churches, is more frequently met with. Many Oxford colleges possess perfect copies, but as early as 1725 Hearne wrote that this edition also was excessively rare. The British Museum possesses a complete set of the nine early editions.

Foxe's ‘Actes’ is often met with in libraries attached to parish churches. This was not strictly in obedience to the order of convocation of 1571, which only mentioned cathedral churches; but many clergymen deemed it desirable to give the order a liberal interpretation, and to recommend the purchase of the book for their churches. According to the vestry minutes of St. Michael, Cornhill, it was agreed, 11 Jan. 1571–2, ‘that the booke of Martyrs of Mr. Foxe and the paraphrases of Erasmus shalbe bowght for the church and tyed with a chayne to the Egle bras.’ Foxe's volumes cost the parish 2l. 2s. 6d. At the church of St. John the Baptist, Glas-


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78 which in their view pervades all things inert as well as animate, will not remain when its counterpart is marred; for we must think of the semangat as a diminutive model or counterpart of the object which it inhabits. Thus, when the substantive jar or urn is chipped or broken, it no longer agrees identically with its spiritual archetype, (which appears to be something quasi-material or more nearly approaching what we should call one of the Platonic ideas); hence the spirit or soul, which the Malays call semangat, consequently flies. It is for this reason that the clay models of bullocks and other animals, which are offered at shrines, as I have seen in the Malay Peninsula, are broken before being offered. For the least fracture expels or destroys their semangat.

I will conclude with an account of "lightning" which I myself took down in 1899 from the Malays in Ulu Pahang, which, taken together with Mr. Scrivenor's account of the thunderbolt, I think should be sufficient to show that Malay ideas on the subject of storm phenomena are quite different in character to our own. The gist of the whole matter is, (as I hope immediately to show), that the thunderbolt or jar or other inert object, so long as it is uninjured, possesses a vitality of some sort; on the other hand, the Malay ideas about lightning suggest electricity.

"Lightning ascends from creatures on earth. All living creatures possess this lightning (which is so powerful that), if we are merely startled, our own lightning can be perceived by our foes. Lightning is of several different kinds:—

1. The elephants'-herd flash or elephants'-crowd flash, which has a very broad appearance [i.e. sheet lightning]; this is the kind of flash that ascends from a herd of elephants.

2. Bison lightning, which is greenish.

3. Tiger lightning, which is yellow.

All the foregoing are silent and have no thunder.


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 tonbury, the 1570 edition is also known to have been bought at the same time. Various editions—mostly mutilated but still chained—are known to exist or have very recently existed in the parish churches of Apethorpe (Northamptonshire), Arreton (Isle of Wight), Chelsea, Enstone (Oxfordshire), Kinver (Staffordshire), Lessingham (Norfolk), St. Nicholas (Newcastle-on-Tyne), Northwold (Norfolk), Stratford-on-Avon, Waltham, St. Cuthbert (Wells).

Of modern editions that edited by S. R. Cattley, with introduction by Canon Townsend, in eight volumes (1837–41), is the best known. It professed to be based on the 1583 edition, with careful collation of other early editions. But Dr. Maitland proved these pretensions to be false, and showed that the editing was perfunctorily and ignorantly performed. Slight improvements were made in a reissue (1844–9). In 1877 Dr. Stoughton professed to edit the book again in eight volumes, but his text and notes are not very scholarly. The earliest abridgment was prepared by Timothy Bright and issued, with a dedication to Sir Francis Walsingham, in 1589. Another, by the Rev. Thomas Mason of Odiham, appeared, under the title of ‘Christ's Victorie over Sathans Tyrannie,’ in 1615. Slighter epitomes are Leigh's ‘Memorable Collections,’ 1651; ‘A brief Historical Relation of the most material passages and persecutions of the Church of Christ … collected by Jacob Bauthumley,’ London, 1676; and ‘MAΡΤΥΡΟΛΟΓΙΑ ΑΛΦΑΒΕΤΙΚΗ,’ by N. T., M.A., T.C.C., London, 1677. A modern abridgment, by John Milner (1837), was reissued in 1848 and 1863, with an introduction by Ingram Cobbin [q. v.] Numerous extracts have been published separately, mainly as religious tracts. John Stockwood appended to his ‘Treasure of Trueth,’ 1576, ‘Notes appertayning to the matter of Election gathered by the Godly and learned father, I. Foxe.’ Hakluyt appropriated Foxe's account of Richard I's voyage to Palestine (Voyages, 1598, vol. ii.) Foxe's accounts of the martyrs of Sussex, Suffolk, and other counties have been collected and issued in separate volumes.

With the puritan clergy, and in almost all English households where puritanism prevailed, Foxe's ‘Actes’ was long the sole authority for church history, and an armoury of arguments in defence of protestantism against catholicism. Even Nicholas Ferrar, in his community of Little Gidding, Huntingdonshire, directed that a chapter of it should be read every Sunday evening along with the Bible, and clergymen repeatedly made its stories of martyrdom the subject of their sermons. But as early as 1566, when Nicholas Harpsfield wrote his ‘Sex Dialogi,’ which his friend, Alan Cope, published under his own name, Foxe's veracity has been powerfully attacked. Robert Parsons the jesuit condemned the work as a carefully concocted series of lies in his ‘Treatise of the Three Conversions of England,’ 1603. Archbishop Laud in 1638 refused to license a new edition for the press (, ii. 450), and was charged at his trial with having ordered the book to be withdrawn from some parish churches (, Works, iv. 405). Peter Heylyn denied that Foxe was an authority on matters of doctrine affecting the church of England. Jeremy Collier contested his accuracy in his ‘Ecclesiastical History,’ 1702–14. Dr. John Milner, the Roman catholic bishop of Castabala (d. 1826), and George Leo Haydock, in ‘A Key to the Roman Catholic Office,’ 1823, are the best modern representatives of catholic critics. William Eusebius Andrews's ‘Examination of Foxe's Calendar,’ 3 vols. 1826, is an intemperate attack from the same point of view. But the most learned impugner of Foxe's honesty and accuracy was Dr. S. R. Maitland [q. v.], who in a series of pamphlets and letters issued between 1837 and 1842 subjected portions of his great work to a rigorous scrutiny.

The enormous size of Foxe's work has prevented a critical examination of the whole. But it is plain from such examination as the work has undergone that Foxe was too zealous a partisan to write with historical precision. He is a passionate advocate, ready to accept any primâ facie evidence. His style has the vigour that comes of deep conviction, and there is a pathetic picturesqueness in the forcible simplicity with which he presents his readers with the details of his heroes' sufferings. His popularity is thus amply accounted for. But the coarse ribaldry with which he belabours his opponents exceeds all literary license. His account of the protestant martyrs of the sixteenth century is mainly based on statements made by the martyrs themselves or by their friends, and they thus form a unique collection of documents usually inaccessible elsewhere and always illustrative of the social habits and tone of thought of the English protestants of his day. ‘A Compendious Register’ (Lond. 1559) of the Marian martyrs by Thomas Brice [q. v.] doubtless supplied some hints. Foxe's mistakes sometimes arise from faulty and hasty copying of original documents, but are more often the result of wilful exaggeration. A very friendly critic, John Deighton, showed that Foxe's account of the martyrdom of ‘Jhon Horne and a woman’ at Newent on 25 Sept. 1556 is an amplification of the suffering at the stake of Edward Horne


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Rh 4. Sky-crash lightning, or sky-stride Hghtning, i.e. lightning with thunder.

In Selangor treasure pots or jars of the kind called Bedena are alive until they are chipped (sumbing)., whereupon they die. They have been known to pursue people by rocking after them (tergolekgolek), in which case [i.e. if you are pursued by a treasure jar] it is safest to run away. If, however, you are a lucky sort of person, and avoid all exclamations of delight [at being chased by a treasure jar, presumably,—the Malay word is tekupor but quietly and determinedly take your jungle-knife and chip the jar's edge, you may secure its contents. Some people have been fortunate enough to catch them with a hook when fishing, but even then there is often much trouble in securing them, as at the smallest provocation or excuse they will retire again to the bottom of the river."

I may add that several references to the belief in the wider Malayan region are given by Frazer, and Sir J. Evans states that in Java celts are called "lightning teeth."

In this brief survey we have thrown the net broadcast, and I think we shall on the whole be justified, not only from the distribution of the beliefs, but of the objects themselves, in concluding that the keraunic belief as applied to stone implements though world-wide is so far from being in any way general or universal, as has too often been stated or implied; that it does not occur at all, or only quite locally and exceptionally, over the greater part of the world,—e.g. in China or in Egypt, or the greater part of North and South America, that it is but partial in India, and is very limited as to area in Africa and elsewhere; that it is not at all general anywhere, except possibly in the Indo-European regions, (though in both areas it is far from being universal); and that it also occurs in some countries which are or have been formerly under strong and direct European or Indian influence. We have seen


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 on 25 Sept. 1558 (, p. 69). No woman suffered at all. The errors in date and christian name in the case of the man are very typical. Foxe moreover undoubtedly included among his martyrs persons executed for ordinary secular offences. He acknowledged his error in the case of John Marbeck, a Windsor ‘martyr’ of 1543 whom he represented, in his text of 1563 to have been burnt, whereas the man was condemned, but pardoned. But Foxe was often less ingenuous. He wrote that one Greenwood or Grimwood of Hitcham, near Ipswich, Suffolk, having obtained the conviction of a ‘martyr’ John Cooper, on concocted evidence, died miserably soon afterwards. Foxe was informed that Greenwood was alive and that the story of his death was a fiction. He went to Ipswich to examine witnesses, but never made any alteration in his account of the matter. At a later date (according to an obiter dictum of Coke) a clergyman named Prick recited Foxe's story about Greenwood from the pulpit of Hitcham church. Greenwood was present and proceeded against Prick for libel, but the courts held that no malicious defamation was intended (see, Reports, ed. Leach, ii. 91). Foxe confessed that his story of Bishop Gardiner's death is derived from hearsay, but it is full of preposterous errors, some of which Foxe's personal knowledge must have enabled him to correct. With regard to the sketch of early church history which precedes his story of the martyrs, he undoubtedly had recourse to some early documents, especially to bishops' registers, but he depends largely on printed works like Crespin's ‘Actiones et Monimenta Martyrum,’ Geneva, 1560, or Illyricus's ‘Catalogus Testium Veritatis,’ Basle, 1556. It has been conclusively shown that his chapter on the Waldenses is directly translated from the ‘Catalogus’ of Illyricus, although Illyricus is not mentioned by Foxe among the authorities whom he acknowledges to have consulted. Foxe claims to have consulted ‘parchment documents’ on the subject, whereas he only knew them in the text of Illyricus's book. This indicates a loose notion of literary morality which justifies some of the harshest judgments passed on Foxe. In answering Alan Cope's ‘Sex Dialogi’ in the edition of 1570 he acknowledges small errors, but confesses characteristically, ‘I heare what you will saie; I should have taken more leisure and done it better. I graunt and confesse my fault; such is my vice. I cannot sit all the daie (M. Cope) fining and minsing my letters and combing my head and smoothing myself all the daie at the glasse of Cicero. Yet notwithstanding, doing what I can and doing my good will, me thinkes I should not be reprehended.’ He was a compiler on a gigantic scale, neither scrupulous nor scholarly, but appallingly industrious, and a useful witness to the temper of his age.

Dr. Maitland insisted that Foxe's name should be spelt without the final e. He himself spelt it indifferently Fox and Foxe, and latinised it sometimes as Foxus, sometimes as Foxius. His contemporaries usually write of him as Foxe.

Foxe's papers, which include many statements sent to him by correspondents in corroboration or in contradiction of his history, but never used by him, descended through his eldest son Samuel to his grandson, Thomas Foxe, and through Thomas to Thomas's daughter and sole heiress, Alice. Alice married Sir Richard Willys, created a baronet in 1646, and their son, Sir Thomas Fox Willys, died a lunatic in 1701. Strype obtained the papers shortly before that date, and when Strype died in 1737, they were purchased by Edward Harley, earl of Oxford. The majority of them now form volumes 416 to 426 and volume 590 in the Harleian collection of manuscripts at the British Museum. A few other papers are now among the Lansdowne MSS. 335, 388, 389, 819, and 1045. Strype has worked up many of these papers in his ‘Ecclesiastical Memorials,’ ‘Life of Cranmer,’ and elsewhere. An interesting selection is printed by J. G. Nichols in ‘Narratives of the Reformation’ (Camden Society, 1859).

A portrait by Glover has been often engraved. A painting by an unknown artist is in the National Portrait Gallery, and is inscribed ‘An. Dom. 1587. Ætatis suæ 70.’ There is also an engraving in Holland's ‘Herωologia,’ p. 200.

[The earliest life of Foxe, which forms the basis of the many popular lives that have been issued for religious purposes by Foxe's admirers, is that prefixed in both English and Latin to the second volume of the 1641 edition of the Actes and Monuments, and has been generally attributed to his son Samuel, who died in 1629. The authorship is very doubtful. Samuel died twelve years before it was issued. The writer says in a brief introductory address that his memoir was written thirty years before publication, and there is no sign that it was regarded as a posthumous production. The handwriting of the original in Lansd. MS. 388 is not like that of Samuel Foxe's known manuscripts, and the manuscript has been elaborately corrected by a second pen. Samuel's claim is practically overthrown, and the suggestion that Simeon, Foxe's second son, who died in 1641, was the author, is not of greater value, when the writer's ignorance of Foxe's real history is properly appreciated. The dates are very few and self-contradictory. The writer, who refers to Foxe as ‘Foxius noster’ or ‘sæpe audivi Foxium}}


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Rh conduct—flighty, gushing, blushing, fainting, giggling and shaking their curls. They knew no reserve in the first days of the Victorian era. No thought was held too trivial, no emotion too silly, to express. To Nature everything was sacrificed. Great heavens! And in those barren days what influence was exerted by women? By men they seem not to have been feared nor loved, but regarded rather as “dear little creatures” or “wonderful little beings,” and in their relation to life as foolish and ineffectual as the landscapes they did in water-colour. Yet, if the women of those years were of no great account, they had a certain charm and they at least had not begun to trespass upon men's ground; if they touched not thought, which is theirs by right, at any rate they refrained from action, which is ours. Far more serious was it when, in the natural trend of time, they became enamoured of rinking and archery and galloping along the Brighton Parade. Swiftly they have sped on since then from horror to horror. The invasion of the tennis-courts and of the golf-links, the seizure of the tricycle and of the type-writer, were but steps preliminary in that campaign which is to end with the final victorious occupation of St. Stephen's. But stay! The horrific pioneers of womanhood who gad hither and thither and, confounding wisdom with the device on her shield, shriek for the unbecoming, are doomed. Though they spin their tricycle-treadles so amazingly fast, they are too late. Though they scream victory, none follow them. Artifice, that fair exile, has returned.

Yes, though the pioneers know it not, they are doomed already. For of the curiosities of history not the least strange is the manner in which two social movements may be seen to overlap, long after the second has, in truth, given its deathblow to the first. And, in like manner as one has seen the limbs of a murdered thing in lively movement, so we need not doubt that, though the voices of those

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70 those who cry out for reform be very terribly shrill, they will soon be hushed. Dear Artifice is with us. It needed but that we should wait.

Surely, without any of my pleading, women will welcome their great and amiable protectrix, as by instinct. For (have I not said?) it is upon her that all their strength, their life almost, depends. Artifice's first command to them is that they should repose. With bodily activity their powder will fly, their enamel crack. They are butterflies who must not flit, if they love their bloom. Now, setting aside the point of view of passion, from which very many obvious things might be said, (and probably have been by the minor poets), it is, from the intellectual point of view, quite necessary that a woman should repose. Hers is the resupinate sex. On her couch she is a goddess, but so soon as ever she put her foot to the ground—lo, she is the veriest little sillypop and quite done for. She cannot rival us in action, but she is our mistress in the things of the mind. Let her not by second-rate athletics, nor indeed by any exercise soever of the limbs, spoil the pretty procedure of her reason. Let her be content to remain the guide, the subtle suggester of what we must do, the strategist whose soldiers we are, the little architect whose workmen.

“After all,” as a pretty girl once said to me, ”women are a sex by themselves, so to speak,” and the sharper the line between their worldly functions and ours, the better. This greater swiftness and less erring subtlety of mind, their forte and privilege, justifies the painted mask that Artifice bids them wear. Behind it their minds can play without let. They gain the strength of reserve. They become important, as in the days of the Roman Empire were the Emperor's mistresses, as was the Pompadour at Versailles, as was our Elizabeth. Yet do not their faces become lined

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162 was but announcing a long realized fundamental truth when he advised the Legislature of Massachusetts that its function was to "discover" laws. But, whilst human laws cannot repeal economic laws, they are constantly subject to reversal by them—often after infinite harm has been done.

If our suffering from such errors is less than that of other people, it is doubtless because the Supreme Court has always had the power and will to interpose the shield of the Constitution between the ephemeral follies prompted by temporary difficulties, and remedies that endanger freedom. It follows that the preservation of these "discovered" laws is really the great constitutional service of that greatest of Courts. It is hoped, therefore, that a further brief discussion of a few of the fundamental "discovered" and, therefore, constitutional laws, applying to the Lever Act, and founded on natural justice, may be pardoned.

For example, one for which we have both Divine and human authority is that as "no man can serve two masters," and, therefore, be a proper judge in his own case, an Act must be fundamentally wrong and unconstitutional, that, in real substance, first constitutes him the judge in the fixing of the prices of his property; and then appoints the judges to try him, jurors who are also acting as judges in their own cases with diametrically conflicting interests. , in Day vs. Savage, long since, though not buttressed by our Constitution, gave as an illustration for acts of Parliament void for violation of "natural equity," those making men judges in their own cases, saying: "Even an act of Parliament made against natural equity, as to make a man judge in his


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 lined with thought; beautiful and without meaning are their faces.

And, truly, of all the good things that will happen with the full renascence of cosmetics, one of the best is that surface will finally be severed from soul. That damnable confusion will be solved by the extinguishing of a prejudice which, as I suggest, itself created. Too long has the face been degraded from its rank as a thing of beauty to a mere vulgar index of character or emotion. We had come to troubling ourselves, not with its charm of colour and line, but with such questions as whether the lips were sensuous, the eyes full of sadness, the nose indicative of determination. I have no quarrel with physiognomy. For my own part, I believe in it. But it has tended to degrade the face æsthetically, in such wise as the study of sophy has tended to degrade the hand. And the use of cosmetics, the masking of the face, will change this. We shall gaze at a woman merely because she is beautiful, not stare into her face anxiously, as into the face of a barometer.

How fatal it has been, in how many ways, this confusion of soul and surface! Wise were the Greeks in making plain masks for their mummers to play in, and dunces we not to have done the same! Only the other day, an actress was saying that what she was most proud of in her art—next, of course, to having appeared in some provincial pantomime at the age of three—was the deftness with which she contrived, in parts demanding a rapid succession of emotions, to dab her cheeks quite quickly with rouge from the palm of her right hand, or powder from the palm of her left. Gracious goodness! why do not we have masks upon the stage? Drama is the presentment of the soul in action. The mirror of the soul is the voice. Let the young critics, who seek a cheap reputation for austerity, by cavilling at “incidental music,” set their

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Rh ''over and clapped down right side up again upon the comet's surface. Even ships pass uninjured through, this remarkable somersault. These events all belong to the realm of fairyland.''

''If the situation were reproduced in actuality, if ever a comet should come into collision with the earth, we can conceive two scientifically possible results. If the comet were of such attenuation, such almost infinitesimal mass as some of these celestial wanderers seem to be, we can imagine our earth self-protective and possibly unharmed. If, on the other hand, the comet had even a hundredth part of the size and solidity and weight which Verne confers upon his monster so as to give his travelers a home―in that case the collision would be unspeakably disastrous—especially to the unlucky individuals who occupied the exact point of contact.''

''But once granted the initial and the closing extravagance, the departure and return of his diameters, the alpha and omega of his tale, how closely the author clings to facts between! How closely he follows, and imparts to his readers, the scientific probabilities of the universe beyond our earth, the actual knowledge so hard won by our astronomers! Other authors who, since Verne, have told of trips through the planetary and stellar universe have given free rein to fancy, to dreams of what might be found. Verne has endeavored to impart only what is known to exist.''

''In the same year with "Off on a Comet," 1877, was published also the tale variously named and translated as "The Black Indies," "The Underground City," and "The Child of the Cavern," This story, like "Round the World in Eighty Days" was first issued in "feuilleton" by the noted Paris newspaper "Le Temps." Its success did not equal that of its predecessor in this style. Some critics indeed have pointed to this work as marking the beginning of a decline in the author's power of awaking interest. Many of his best works were, however, still to follow.''

, sir, can induce me to surrender my claim."

"I am sorry, count, but in such a matter your views cannot modify mine."

"But allow me to point out that my seniority unquestionably gives me a prior right."

"Mere seniority, I assert, in an affair of this kind, cannot possibly entitle you to any prior claim whatever."

"Then, captain, no alternative is left but for me to compel you to yield at the sword's point."

"As you please, count; but neither sword nor pistol can force me to forego my pretensions. Here is my card."

"And mine."

This rapid altercation was thus brought to an end by the formal interchange of the names of the disputants. On one of the cards was inscribed:

 * Captain, Hector Servadac,
 * Staff Officer, Mostaganem.

On the other was the title:

 * Count Wassili Timascheff,
 * On board the Schooner "Dobryna."

It did not take long to arrange that seconds should be appointed, who would meet in Mostaganem at two o'clock that day; and the captain and the count were on the point of parting from each other, with a salute of punctilious courtesy, when Timascheff, as if struck by a sudden thought, said abruptly: "Perhaps it would be better, captain, not to allow the real cause of this to transpire."

"Far better," replied Servadac; "it is undesirable in every way for any names to be mentioned."

"In that case, however," continued the count, "it will be necessary to assign an ostensible pretext of some kind. Shall we allege a musical dispute—a contention in which I feel bound to defend Wagner, while you are the zealous champion of Rossini?"

"I am quite content," answered Servadac, with a smile; and with another low bow they parted.

The scene as here depicted, took place upon the extremity of a little cape on the Algerian coast, between Mostaganem and Tenes, about two miles from the mouth of the Shelif. The headland rose more than sixty feet above the sea-level, and the azure waters of the Mediterranean, as they softly kissed the strand, were tinged with the reddish hue of the ferriferous rocks that formed its base. It was the 31st of December. The noontide sun, which usually illuminated the various projections of the coast with a dazzling brightness, was hidden by a dense mass of cloud, and the fog, which for some unaccountable cause, had hung for the last two months over nearly every region in the world, causing serious interruption to traffic between continent and continent, spread its dreary veil across land and sea.

After taking leave of the staff-officer, Count Wassili Timascheff wended his way down to a small creek, and took his seat in the stern of a light four-oar that had been awaiting his return; this was immediately pushed off from shore, and was soon alongside a pleasure-yacht, that was lying to, not many cable lengths away.

At a sign from Servadac, an orderly, who had been standing at a respectful distance, led forward a magnificent Arabian horse; the captain vaulted into the saddle, and followed by his attendant, well mounted as himself, started off towards Mostaganem. It was half-past twelve when the two riders crossed the bridge that had been recently erected over the Shelif, and a quarter of an hour later their