text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Hanseatic League, The

HANSEATIC LEAGUE, or HAN'SA, (from OHG. hansa [hanse], Goth. hansa, AS. hōs, league). A union established in the thirteenth century by some of the cities of Northern Germany for their mutual safety and for the protection of their trade. This union grew out of associations of German merchants organized abroad. In order to travel and trade with greater security, these had long been accustomed to band themselves together into companies; and through such associations had secured privileges in certain cities, notably in London, Novgorod, Bergen, in Norway, Bruges, and Wisby, in Gothland, off the coast of Sweden. In London the

of Cologne had obtained a letter of protection as early as 1157, and other German merchants who resorted to London joined the Cologne Hanse. When Lübeck, in the thirteenth century, began to threaten the supremacy of Cologne, the merchants of the latter city endeavored to exclude the men of Lübeck from trading in England. Possibly this opposition was influential in causing Lübeck to seek allies to strengthen its position. Between 1241 and 1255 she entered into a treaty with Hamburg for the mutual protection of the commercial highway between the two cities. This alliance, which is often regarded as the origin of the Hanseatic League, resulted in putting the control of commerce in the Baltic and the North Seas into the hands of the merchants of Hamburg and Lübeck. In 1259 Lübeck, Rostock, and Wismar formed an alliance against pirates on the sea and robbers on land. In 1267 the merchants of Lübeck were allowed to form a separate hanse in London. In 1284-85 the five Wendish cities of Lübeck, Wismar, Rostock, Stralsund, and Greifswald waged war against King Eric of Denmark, and secured from him certain privileges. Before the end of the thirteenth century Cologne had been forced to take a subordinate position, and Lübeck was the recognized leader.

In the thirteenth century there were several instances of alliances formed between different groups of cities. These allied cities gradually found it advantageous to join the Lübeck union, which was constantly becoming more powerful. In 1343 it was officially designated as The Hansa. In 1362 the allies began a war against Waldemar IV. of Denmark, who had attacked Wisby in 1361, and in 1370 Denmark was compelled to conclude a treaty with the ‘seventy-seven hansen,’ in which the latter were guaranteed freedom to trade and an indemnity for the losses which they had suffered. In addition, it was agreed that no one in the future should receive the Danish crown without the advice of the cities and without the confirmation of the privileges of the Hanseatic League.

The entire League, which at one period embraced at least eighty-five towns, and included every city of importance between the Netherlands and Livonia, was divided at first into three, and later into four, classes or circles: (1) The Wendic cities of the Baltic; (2) the towns of Westphalia, the Rhineland, and the Netherlands; (3) those of Saxony and Brandenburg; (4) those of Prussia and Livonia. The capitals of the respective circles were Lübeck, Cologne, Brunswick, and Danzig.

The professed object of the League was to protect the commerce of its members by land and by sea, to defend and extend its commercial relations with and among foreigners, to exclude as far as possible all other competitors in trade, and firmly to maintain, and, if possible, to extend, all the rights and immunities that had been granted by various rulers to the corporations. For the promotion of these ends, the League kept ships and armed men in its pay, the charge of whose maintenance was defrayed by a system of taxation and by the funds obtained from the money fines which the Diet levied for infringements of its laws. In its factory at Bergen, in Norway, only unmarried clerks and serving men were employed, and an almost monastic discipline was enforced; but the by-laws of the

League prescribed a system of daily sports and light occupations for the recreation of the men, while judicious regulations for their comfort and cleanliness, and for the celebration of festivals at certain fixed times of the year, bear evidence of the sound sense that influenced the mode of government of the Hansa. This was further shown by the injunction to the masters of its factory to avoid everything that could hurt the prejudices of the foreigners among whom they were placed, and to conform in all things lawful to the habits of the country. At the Steelyard in London, where a German hanse was established as early as 1250, the regulations were similar in their severity to those of Bergen, and probably the customs at other factories were not far different.

For many years the Hanseatic League was the undisputed mistress of the Baltic Sea and the German Ocean. It created new centres of trade and civilization in numerous parts of Northern Europe, and contributed to the expansion of agriculture and of the industrial arts by the construction of canals and roads. It carried on trade with every European country. The greatest powers dreaded its hostility and sought its alliance, and many of the powerful sovereigns of the Middle Ages were indebted to it for most substantial benefits.

The League reached its culminating point in the fifteenth century. Its decline was rapid. In proportion as the seas and roads were better protected by the States which now arose in Europe with the passing of the old feudal anarchy, and as rulers learned to comprehend the true commercial interests of their dominions, the power of the Hansa declined. The discovery of America and of the new sea route to India gave an entirely different direction to the trade of Europe. The Hansa had, moreover, arrogated to itself, in the course of time, the right of imposing the greater and lesser ban, and of exercising other acts of sovereignty which were incompatible with the supremacy of the rulers in whose States they were enforced. Hence the League was necessarily brought into frequent hostile collision with the local authorities. In accordance with their narrow commercial policy, the Hansards refused to grant to merchants trading in foreign parts the same privileges in the Hanseatic cities which they themselves had enjoyed for centuries in England, Russia, and Scandinavia, and hence arose dissensions, which not unfrequently ended in a fierce maritime warfare. By way of retaliation for the pertinacity with which the League refused to grant to the English the same immunities which had been accorded to traders of other nations, the English Parliament required that Germans should pay the tax on wool and wine which was exacted from all other foreigners in the English markets; and although the Hansards strongly resisted, they were at length condemned by the courts, in 1469, to pay a fine of £13,500. They would probably have lost all they possessed in England if their cause had not been advocated by Edward IV., who had more than once been indebted to them for money and aid, and who in 1474 secured for them, by a clause in the Treaty of Utrecht, a restitution of nearly all their former rights in England. In 1598 their obstinacy in insisting upon the maintenance of their old prerogatives, notwithstanding the altered condition of the

times, drew upon them the anger of Queen Elizabeth, who dispatched a fleet under Drake and Norris to seize upon the ships of the Hansa, sixty-one of which were captured. At the same time she banished the Hansards from their factory in London. These measures had the desired effect of compelling the League to receive English traders on equal conditions, and thenceforward the Hansards were permitted to occupy the Steelyard, as before. The Hansa had, however, outlived its usefulness, and at the Diet held at Lübeck, in 1630, the majority of the cities formally renounced their alliance. Hamburg, Lübeck, Bremen, and for a short time Danzig, remained faithful to their ancient compact, and continued to form an association of free republics, which existed unchanged until 1810, when the first three were incorporated in the French Empire. In 1815 they became members of the German Confederation. By a convention concluded in July, 1870, the powers and privileges of the three free towns were reëstablished and reorganized, and under the new German Empire they still retain their self-government. Consult: Sartorius, Geschichte des hanseatischen Bundes (Göttingen, 1802-08); Barthold, Geschichte der deutschen Hansa (Leipzig, l854); Hansische Geschichtsblätter (Leipzig, 1871 et seq.); Hansische Rezesse (21 vols., Leipzig, 1873-99); Lindner, Die deutsche Hansa (Leipzig, 1901); Helen Zimmern, The Hansa Towns (New York, 1889).


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Hansemann, David Justus Ludwig

HANSEMANN,, (1790-1864). A German publicist and statesman, born at Finkenwerder, near Hamburg. He set up as a wool-dealer at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1817, and after having attained considerable reputation in commerce and through railway construction, was elected a Deputy in the Provincial Diet of Rhenish Prussia in 1845. In 1847 he was elected a member of the United Diet, in which he became conspicuous as a leader of the Liberal Opposition, and in 1848 he was for a brief period Prussian Minister of Finance. He was the founder of the Diskontogesellschaft of Berlin, one of the most important financial institutions of Germany. His published works deal with economic and political topics of his time, and include: Preussens wichtigste Eisenbahnfrage (1837), and Das preussische und deutsche Verfassungswerk (1850).

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text: Congressional Government/Index

title: Congressional Government/Index


text: Portal talk:Jewellery

title: Portal talk:Jewellery


text:
Portal:Silent films

Complete list

 * Most films in this list were created before 1932. For a general list of films, go back to the main film portal.

 *  (1896)
 *  (1899)
 * Terrible Teddy, the Grizzly King (1901)
 * Le Voyage dans la Lune (1902)
 * Alice in Wonderland (1903)
 * The Great Train Robbery (1903)
 * Sherlock Holmes Baffled (1903)
 * The Adventures of Dollie (1908)
 * Balked at the Altar (1908)
 * Betrayed by a Handprint (1908)
 * The Black Viper (1908)
 * A Calamitous Elopement (1908)
 * (1908)
 * A Christmas Carol (1910)
 * Frankenstein (1910)
 * The Wonderful Wizard of Oz (1910)
 * The Land Beyond the Sunset (1912)
 * The Bargain (1914)
 * The Center of the Web (1914)
 * A Dog's Love (1914)
 * Shep's Race with Death (1914)
 * The Squaw Man (1914)
 * Their One Love (1915)
 * The Life of Abraham Lincoln (1915)
 * Seven Keys to Baldpate (1917)
 * The Cougar Hunt (c. 1920)
 * Boy Scouts of America (1921)
 * Daydreams (1922)
 * Oliver Twist (1922)
 * The Fighting Coward (1924)
 * Little Annie Rooney (1925)
 * The Man on the Box (1925)
 * The Wizard of Oz (1925)
 * Clouds (c. 1920s)

Silent cartoons

 * See Portal:Silent cartoons

title: Portal:Silent films


text: Portal talk:Suicide

title: Portal talk:Suicide


text:
Barack Obama speech to both Houses of the British Parliament

THE PRESIDENT: Thank you very much. Thank you. (Applause.)

My Lord Chancellor, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Prime Minister, my lords, and members of the House of Commons:

I have known few greater honors than the opportunity to address the Mother of Parliaments at Westminster Hall. I am told that the last three speakers here have been the Pope, Her Majesty the Queen, and Nelson Mandela -- which is either a very high bar or the beginning of a very funny joke. (Laughter.)

I come here today to reaffirm one of the oldest, one of the strongest alliances the world has ever known. It's long been said that the United States and the United Kingdom share a special relationship. And since we also share an especially active press corps, that relationship is often analyzed and overanalyzed for the slightest hint of stress or strain.

Of course, all relationships have their ups and downs. Admittedly, ours got off on the wrong foot with a small scrape about tea and taxes. (Laughter.) There may also have been some hurt feelings when the White House was set on fire during the War of 1812. (Laughter.) But fortunately, it's been smooth sailing ever since.

The reason for this close friendship doesn't just have to do with our shared history, our shared heritage; our ties of language and culture; or even the strong partnership between our governments. Our relationship is special because of the values and beliefs that have united our people through the ages.

Centuries ago, when kings, emperors, and warlords reigned over much of the world, it was the English who first spelled out the rights and liberties of man in the Magna Carta. It was here, in this very hall, where the rule of law first developed, courts were established, disputes were settled, and citizens came to petition their leaders.

Over time, the people of this nation waged a long and sometimes bloody struggle to expand and secure their freedom from the crown. Propelled by the ideals of the Enlightenment, they would ultimately forge an English Bill of Rights, and invest the power to govern in an elected parliament that's gathered here today.

What began on this island would inspire millions throughout the continent of Europe and across the world. But perhaps no one drew greater inspiration from these notions of freedom than your rabble-rousing colonists on the other side of the Atlantic. As Winston Churchill said, the… Magna Carta, the Bill of Rights, Habeas Corpus, trial by jury, and English common law find their most famous expression in the American Declaration of Independence."

For both of our nations, living up to the ideals enshrined in these founding documents has sometimes been difficult, has always been a work in progress. The path has never been perfect. But through the struggles of slaves and immigrants, women and ethnic minorities, former colonies and persecuted religions, we have learned better than most that the longing for freedom and human dignity is not English or American or Western –- it is universal, and it beats in every heart. Perhaps that's why there are few nations that stand firmer, speak louder, and fight harder to defend democratic values around the world than the United States and the United Kingdom.

We are the allies who landed at Omaha and Gold, who sacrificed side by side to free a continent from the march of tyranny, and help prosperity flourish from the ruins of war. And with the founding of NATO –- a British idea –- we joined a transatlantic alliance that has ensured our security for over half a century.

Together with our allies, we forged a lasting peace from a cold war. When the Iron Curtain lifted, we expanded our alliance to include the nations of Central and Eastern Europe, and built new bridges to Russia and the former states of the Soviet Union. And when there was strife in the Balkans, we worked together to keep the peace.

Today, after a difficult decade that began with war and ended in recession, our nations have arrived at a pivotal moment once more. A global economy that once stood on the brink of depression is now stable and recovering. After years of conflict, the United States has removed 100,000 troops from Iraq, the United Kingdom has removed its forces, and our combat mission there has ended. In Afghanistan, we've broken the Taliban's momentum and will soon begin a transition to Afghan lead. And nearly 10 years after 9/11, we have disrupted terrorist networks and dealt al Qaeda a huge blow by killing its leader –- Osama bin Laden.

Together, we have met great challenges. But as we enter this new chapter in our shared history, profound challenges stretch before us. In a world where the prosperity of all nations is now inextricably linked, a new era of cooperation is required to ensure the growth and stability of the global economy. As new threats spread across borders and oceans, we must dismantle terrorist networks and stop the spread of nuclear weapons, confront climate change and combat famine and disease. And as a revolution races through the streets of the Middle East and North Africa, the entire world has a stake in the aspirations of a generation that longs to determine its own destiny.

These challenges come at a time when the international order has already been reshaped for a new century. Countries like China, India, and Brazil are growing by leaps and bounds. We should welcome this development, for it has lifted hundreds of millions from poverty around the globe, and created new markets and opportunities for our own nations.

And yet, as this rapid change has taken place, it's become fashionable in some quarters to question whether the rise of these nations will accompany the decline of American and European influence around the world. Perhaps, the argument goes, these nations represent the future, and the time for our leadership has passed.

That argument is wrong. The time for our leadership is now. It was the United States and the United Kingdom and our democratic allies that shaped a world in which new nations could emerge and individuals could thrive. And even as more nations take on the responsibilities of global leadership, our alliance will remain indispensable to the goal of a century that is more peaceful, more prosperous and more just.

At a time when threats and challenges require nations to work in concert with one another, we remain the greatest catalysts for global action. In an era defined by the rapid flow of commerce and information, it is our free market tradition, our openness, fortified by our commitment to basic security for our citizens, that offers the best chance of prosperity that is both strong and shared. As millions are still denied their basic human rights because of who they are, or what they believe, or the kind of government that they live under, we are the nations most willing to stand up for the values of tolerance and self-determination that lead to peace and dignity.

Now, this doesn't mean we can afford to stand still. The nature of our leadership will need to change with the times. As I said the first time I came to London as President, for the G20 summit, the days are gone when Roosevelt and Churchill could sit in a room and solve the world's problems over a glass of brandy -– although I'm sure that Prime Minister Cameron would agree that some days we could both use a stiff drink. (Laughter.) In this century, our joint leadership will require building new partnerships, adapting to new circumstances, and remaking ourselves to meet the demands of a new era.

That begins with our economic leadership.

Adam Smith's central insight remains true today: There is no greater generator of wealth and innovation than a system of free enterprise that unleashes the full potential of individual men and women. That's what led to the Industrial Revolution that began in the factories of Manchester. That is what led to the dawn of the Information Age that arose from the office parks of Silicon Valley. That's why countries like China, India and Brazil are growing so rapidly -- because in fits and starts, they are moving toward market-based principles that the United States and the United Kingdom have always embraced.

In other words, we live in a global economy that is largely of our own making. And today, the competition for the best jobs and industries favors countries that are free-thinking and forward-looking; countries with the most creative and innovative and entrepreneurial citizens.

That gives nations like the United States and the United Kingdom an inherent advantage. For from Newton and Darwin to Edison and Einstein, from Alan Turing to Steve Jobs, we have led the world in our commitment to science and cutting-edge research, the discovery of new medicines and technologies. We educate our citizens and train our workers in the best colleges and universities on Earth. But to maintain this advantage in a world that's more competitive than ever, we will have to redouble our investments in science and engineering, and renew our national commitments to educating our workforces.

We've also been reminded in the last few years that markets can sometimes fail. In the last century, both our nations put in place regulatory frameworks to deal with such market failures -- safeguards to protect the banking system after the Great Depression, for example; regulations that were established to prevent the pollution of our air and water during the 1970s.

But in today's economy, such threats of market failure can no longer be contained within the borders of any one country. Market failures can go global, and go viral, and demand international responses.

A financial crisis that began on Wall Street infected nearly every continent, which is why we must keep working through forums like the G20 to put in place global rules of the road to prevent future excesses and abuse. No country can hide from the dangers of carbon pollution, which is why we must build on what was achieved at Copenhagen and Cancun to leave our children a planet that is safer and cleaner.

Moreover, even when the free market works as it should, both our countries recognize that no matter how responsibly we live in our lives, hard times or bad luck, a crippling illness or a layoff may strike any one of us. And so part of our common tradition has expressed itself in a conviction that every citizen deserves a basic measure of security -– health care if you get sick, unemployment insurance if you lose your job, a dignified retirement after a lifetime of hard work. That commitment to our citizens has also been the reason for our leadership in the world.

And now, having come through a terrible recession, our challenge is to meet these obligations while ensuring that we're not consuming -- and hence consumed with -- a level of debt that could sap the strength and vitality of our economies. And that will require difficult choices and it will require different paths for both of our countries. But we have faced such challenges before, and have always been able to balance the need for fiscal responsibility with the responsibilities we have to one another.

And I believe we can do this again. As we do, the successes and failures of our own past can serve as an example for emerging economies -– that it's possible to grow without polluting; that lasting prosperity comes not from what a nation consumes, but from what it produces, and from the investments it makes in its people and its infrastructure.

And just as we must lead on behalf of the prosperity of our citizens, so we must safeguard their security. Our two nations know what it is to confront evil in the world. Hitler's armies would not have stopped their killing had we not fought them on the beaches and on the landing grounds, in the fields and on the streets. We must never forget that there was nothing inevitable about our victory in that terrible war. It was won through the courage and character of our people.

Precisely because we are willing to bear its burden, we know well the cost of war. And that is why we built an alliance that was strong enough to defend this continent while deterring our enemies. At its core, NATO is rooted in the simple concept of Article Five: that no NATO nation will have to fend on its own; that allies will stand by one another, always. And for six decades, NATO has been the most successful alliance in human history.

Today, we confront a different enemy. Terrorists have taken the lives of our citizens in New York and in London. And while al Qaeda seeks a religious war with the West, we must remember that they have killed thousands of Muslims -– men, women and children -– around the globe. Our nations are not and will never be at war with Islam. Our fight is focused on defeating al Qaeda and its extremist allies. In that effort, we will not relent, as Osama bin Laden and his followers have learned. And as we fight an enemy that respects no law of war, we will continue to hold ourselves to a higher standard -– by living up to the values, the rule of law and due process that we so ardently defend.

For almost a decade, Afghanistan has been a central front of these efforts. Throughout those years, you, the British people, have been a stalwart ally, along with so many others who fight by our side.

Together, let us pay tribute to all of our men and women who have served and sacrificed over the last several years -– for they are part of an unbroken line of heroes who have borne the heaviest burden for the freedoms that we enjoy. Because of them, we have broken the Taliban's momentum. Because of them, we have built the capacity of Afghan security forces. And because of them, we are now preparing to turn a corner in Afghanistan by transitioning to Afghan lead. And during this transition, we will pursue a lasting peace with those who break free of al Qaeda and respect the Afghan constitution and lay down arms. And we will ensure that Afghanistan is never a safe haven for terror, but is instead a country that is strong, sovereign, and able to stand on its own two feet.

Indeed, our efforts in this young century have led us to a new concept for NATO that will give us the capabilities needed to meet new threats -- threats like terrorism and piracy, cyber attacks and ballistic missiles. But a revitalized NATO will continue to hew to that original vision of its founders, allowing us to rally collective action for the defense of our people, while building upon the broader belief of Roosevelt and Churchill that all nations have both rights and responsibilities, and all nations share a common interest in an international architecture that maintains the peace.

We also share a common interest in stopping the spread of nuclear weapons. Across the globe, nations are locking down nuclear materials so they never fall into the wrong hands -- because of our leadership. From North Korea to Iran, we've sent a message that those who flaunt their obligations will face consequences -– which is why America and the European Union just recently strengthened our sanctions on Iran, in large part because of the leadership of the United Kingdom and the United States. And while we hold others to account, we will meet our own obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty, and strive for a world without nuclear weapons.

We share a common interest in resolving conflicts that prolong human suffering and threaten to tear whole regions asunder. In Sudan, after years of war and thousands of deaths, we call on both North and South to pull back from the brink of violence and choose the path of peace. And in the Middle East, we stand united in our support for a secure Israel and a sovereign Palestine.

And we share a common interest in development that advances dignity and security. To succeed, we must cast aside the impulse to look at impoverished parts of the globe as a place for charity. Instead, we should empower the same forces that have allowed our own people to thrive: We should help the hungry to feed themselves, the doctors who care for the sick. We should support countries that confront corruption, and allow their people to innovate. And we should advance the truth that nations prosper when they allow women and girls to reach their full potential.

We do these things because we believe not simply in the rights of nations; we believe in the rights of citizens. That is the beacon that guided us through our fight against fascism and our twilight struggle against communism. And today, that idea is being put to the test in the Middle East and North Africa. In country after country, people are mobilizing to free themselves from the grip of an iron fist. And while these movements for change are just six months old, we have seen them play out before -– from Eastern Europe to the Americas, from South Africa to Southeast Asia.

History tells us that democracy is not easy. It will be years before these revolutions reach their conclusion, and there will be difficult days along the way. Power rarely gives up without a fight -– particularly in places where there are divisions of tribe and divisions of sect. We also know that populism can take dangerous turns -– from the extremism of those who would use democracy to deny minority rights, to the nationalism that left so many scars on this continent in the 20th century.

But make no mistake: What we saw, what we are seeing in Tehran, in Tunis, in Tahrir Square, is a longing for the same freedoms that we take for granted here at home. It was a rejection of the notion that people in certain parts of the world don't want to be free, or need to have democracy imposed upon them. It was a rebuke to the worldview of al Qaeda, which smothers the rights of individuals, and would thereby subject them to perpetual poverty and violence.

Let there be no doubt: The United States and United Kingdom stand squarely on the side of those who long to be free. And now, we must show that we will back up those words with deeds. That means investing in the future of those nations that transition to democracy, starting with Tunisia and Egypt -– by deepening ties of trade and commerce; by helping them demonstrate that freedom brings prosperity. And that means standing up for universal rights -– by sanctioning those who pursue repression, strengthening civil society, supporting the rights of minorities. We do this knowing that the West must overcome suspicion and mistrust among many in the Middle East and North Africa -– a mistrust that is rooted in a difficult past. For years, we've faced charges of hypocrisy from those who do not enjoy the freedoms that they hear us espouse. And so to them, we must squarely acknowledge that, yes, we have enduring interests in the region -– to fight terror, sometimes with partners who may not be perfect; to protect against disruptions of the world's energy supply. But we must also insist that we reject as false the choice between our interests and our ideals; between stability and democracy. For our idealism is rooted in the realities of history -– that repression offers only the false promise of stability, that societies are more successful when their citizens are free, and that democracies are the closest allies we have.

It is that truth that guides our action in Libya. It would have been easy at the outset of the crackdown in Libya to say that none of this was our business -– that a nation's sovereignty is more important than the slaughter of civilians within its borders. That argument carries weight with some. But we are different. We embrace a broader responsibility. And while we cannot stop every injustice, there are circumstances that cut through our caution -– when a leader is threatening to massacre his people, and the international community is calling for action. That's why we stopped a massacre in Libya. And we will not relent until the people of Libya are protected and the shadow of tyranny is lifted.

We will proceed with humility, and the knowledge that we cannot dictate every outcome abroad. Ultimately, freedom must be won by the people themselves, not imposed from without. But we can and must stand with those who so struggle. Because we have always believed that the future of our children and grandchildren will be better if other people's children and grandchildren are more prosperous and more free -– from the beaches of Normandy to the Balkans to Benghazi. That is our interests and our ideals. And if we fail to meet that responsibility, who would take our place, and what kind of world would we pass on?

Our action -– our leadership -– is essential to the cause of human dignity. And so we must act -– and lead -– with confidence in our ideals, and an abiding faith in the character of our people, who sent us all here today.

For there is one final quality that I believe makes the United States and the United Kingdom indispensable to this moment in history. And that is how we define ourselves as nations.

Unlike most countries in the world, we do not define citizenship based on race or ethnicity. Being American or British is not about belonging to a certain group; it's about believing in a certain set of ideals -- the rights of individuals, the rule of law. That is why we hold incredible diversity within our borders. That's why there are people around the world right now who believe that if they come to America, if they come to New York, if they come to London, if they work hard, they can pledge allegiance to our flag and call themselves Americans; if they come to England, they can make a new life for themselves and can sing God Save The Queen just like any other citizen.

Yes, our diversity can lead to tension. And throughout our history there have been heated debates about immigration and assimilation in both of our countries. But even as these debates can be difficult, we fundamentally recognize that our patchwork heritage is an enormous strength -- that in a world which will only grow smaller and more interconnected, the example of our two nations says it is possible for people to be united by their ideals, instead of divided by their differences; that it's possible for hearts to change and old hatreds to pass; that it's possible for the sons and daughters of former colonies to sit here as members of this great Parliament, and for the grandson of a Kenyan who served as a cook in the British Army to stand before you as President of the United States. (Applause.)

That is what defines us. That is why the young men and women in the streets of Damascus and Cairo still reach for the rights our citizens enjoy, even if they sometimes differ with our policies. As two of the most powerful nations in the history of the world, we must always remember that the true source of our influence hasn't just been the size of our economies, or the reach of our militaries, or the land that we've claimed. It has been the values that we must never waver in defending around the world -- the idea that all beings are endowed by our Creator with certain rights that cannot be denied.

That is what forged our bond in the fire of war -- a bond made manifest by the friendship between two of our greatest leaders. Churchill and Roosevelt had their differences. They were keen observers of each other's blind spots and shortcomings, if not always their own, and they were hard-headed about their ability to remake the world. But what joined the fates of these two men at that particular moment in history was not simply a shared interest in victory on the battlefield. It was a shared belief in the ultimate triumph of human freedom and human dignity -– a conviction that we have a say in how this story ends.

This conviction lives on in their people today. The challenges we face are great. The work before us is hard. But we have come through a difficult decade, and whenever the tests and trials ahead may seem too big or too many, let us turn to their example, and the words that Churchill spoke on the day that Europe was freed:

"In the long years to come, not only will the people of this island but… the world, wherever the bird of freedom chirps in [the] human heart, look back to what we've done, and they will say 'do not despair, do not yield…march straightforward'."

With courage and purpose, with humility and with hope, with faith in the promise of tomorrow, let us march straightforward together, enduring allies in the cause of a world that is more peaceful, more prosperous, and more just.

Thank you very much.


text:
Page:Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile - In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773 volume 2.djvu/153

 Dawaro, Ifat, and Fatigar; and, in one year, had driven away, and slain, above nineteen thousand Christians, subjects to the king. A terror was now spread over the whole kingdom, and great blame laid both upon the empress and the king, for sitting and looking timidly on, while the Turks and Moors, year after year, ravaged whole provinces without resistance.

murmurs at last roused David, who, for his own part, had not suffered them willingly so long. He determined immediately to raise an army, and to command it in person: In vain the empress admonished him of his danger, and his absolute want of experience in matters of war; in vain she advised him to employ some of the old officers against the veteran Moorish troops.

king answered, That every officer of merit had been tried already, and baffled from beginning to end, so that the army had no confidence in them; that he was resolved to take his trial as the others had done, and leave the event where it ought to be left. Though the diviners all prophesied ill from this resolution of the king, the generality of the kingdom, and young nobility, flocked to his standard, rejoicing in a leader so near their own age. The middle-aged had great hopes of the vigour of that youth; and the old were not more backward, satisfied of the weight their years and experience mull give them in the councils of a young king.

a better army took the field; and the empress, from her own treasures, furnished every thing, even to superfluity, engaging all the people of consequence by giving them


text: Author:Arthur William Clayden

title: Author:Arthur William Clayden


text: Page:Congressional Government.djvu/359

title: Page:Congressional Government.djvu/359


text: Portal talk:Torture

title: Portal talk:Torture


text: Author:Peter William Clayden

title: Author:Peter William Clayden


text:
Page:The Boy Travellers in Australasia.djvu/13

 CHAPTER I.

CHAPTER II.

CHAPTER III.

CHAPTER IV.


text:
Author:Hugh Charles Clifford

Books

 * In Court and Kampong (1897)
 * Studies in Brown Humanity (1898)
 * Further India (1904)
 * The Downfall of the Gods (1911)
 * Malayan Monochromes (1913)
 * The Further Side of Silence (1922)

Encyclopedia articles

 * (Federated)
 * (Federated)
 * (Federated)
 * (Federated)
 * (Federated)
 * (Federated)

title: Author:Hugh Charles Clifford


text:
Page:The Boy Travellers in Australasia.djvu/14

vi CHAPTER V.

CHAPTER VI.

CHAPTER VII.

CHAPTER VIII.

CHAPTER IX.

CHAPTER X.


text:
Page:The Boy Travellers in Australasia.djvu/15

Rh

CHAPTER XI.

CHAPTER XII.

CHAPTER XIII.

CHAPTER XIV.

CHAPTER XV.


text:
Page:The Eurypterida of New York Volume 1.pdf/207

 occur in other species, as in. They appear to mark the location of a strong muscle or muscle-bearing interior process.

The specimen is supposed to have been derived from the greenish Clinton sandstones in the northern part of Cayuga county, N. Y. and is now in the collection of Cornell University.

Hall. Palaeontology of New York. 1859. 3: 413* pl. 83B, fig. 1

Pohlman. Buffalo Soc. Nat. Sci. Bul. 1883. 4: 41, pl. 2, fig. 1

Pohlman. Ibid. p. 42, pl. 2, fig. 2

Laurie. Roy. Soc. Edinburgh Trans. 1893. v. 37, pt 2, p. 515

Hall based his species upon a single fragmentary and rather poorly preserved carapace, now in the American Museum of Natural History. This, however, is fully competent to show the most characteristic features; the form of the carapace, the position of the lateral eyes and peculiar ornamentation.

More than a score of years later, Pohlman found in the Museum of the Buffalo Society Of Natural Sciences another much better preserved carapace [here reproduced in pl. 23, fig. 1] and he recklessly denoted it as, stating that his species had


text:
Page:The Eurypterida of New York Volume 1.pdf/208

 markings like those of  but that "the shape of the carapace and the position of the eyes are so totally different that the two species can be distinguished very readily." As a matter of fact, the proportions of the carapace and the positions of the eyes are quite the same in both specimens [see under Measurements].

In the same publication Pohlman added several "new species" of Pterygotus to those before described from the Buffalo waterlimes by Grote & Pitt, increasing the number to a half dozen, all of which are synonyms of  save one. This latter was described by Pohlman as. It is based on a single postabdomen, in relief and counterpart, now in the Museum of the Buffalo Society. The two were combined in one figure, here copied [text fig. 40]. This figure illustrates the three principal characters of the specimen, viz, the bladelike extensions of the postlateral angles of the segments, the apparent globosity of the "telson" which gave the species its name and the coarsely pustulate sculpturing.

This "telson" [ pl. 24, fig. 1] has, at first glance, the features ascribed to it by Pohlman. It appears to have a round outline; the upper and lower plates have separated and a thick mass of matrix lies between them, suggesting the globose character attributed to it. But such a "telson" would have compelled this unfortunate creature to drag, like a member of an old-time chain gang, a cannon ball after him all his life. This structure


text:
Page:The Eurypterida of New York Volume 1.pdf/209

 {| align="center" width="600px" Figure 41 Counterpart of original of Pohlman. Natural size
 * - align="center"
 * The Eurypterida of New York figure 41.jpg
 * }


text:
Page:The Boy Travellers in Australasia.djvu/16

viii

CHAPTER XVI.

CHAPTER XVII.

CHAPTER XVIII.

CHAPTER XIX.


text:
Page:The Eurypterida of New York Volume 1.pdf/210

 would be so abnormal for that very reason as to invite close scrutiny. It is evident that like the type of " ," this supposed telson is in reality the ultimate postabdominal segment, which is indeed preserved in a very deceptive manner. On the right margin the serration ends abruptly at the postlateral corner, where there is a small offset in the edge. The same feature is less distinctly shown on the opposite side. The posterior margin is smooth. In true telsons of Pterygotus, however, the serrations always increase in posterior direction. The offset, the smooth posterior margin and the wrinkling of the test, as well as the presence of crowded small scales along the edge, all indicate that this is the posterior margin of a postabdominal segment. In, the ultimate postabdominal segment is described as expanded laterally and serrated just like the telson, while the posterior margin is smooth. Furthermore, the scales are present on the telson only near the anterior margin, but here they are distributed in undiminished size and in the same arrangement as on the preceding segments. One side of this segment has been dragged backward until its posterior edge forms an apparent continuous circular outline with the lateral margins. The curvature and direction of the wrinkles on the right side show distinctly that this dragging took place.

The telson of  is hence unknown and the term undoubtedly a misnomer.

The postlateral extensions of the segments are faintly indicated in  but absent in other members of that genus. Some species of Eurypterus, however, as, have them equally well developed and they also appear to represent an ontogenetic feature of the young of other members of this genus.

The third peculiar character of this species is the "scales." They differ indeed from the surface sculpture of most eurypterids and consist of relatively large [1 mm], circular disks, many of which are flat-topped while in most the center is slightly sunken or the margin raised. Under enlargement [ pl. 24, fig. 4] most of the scales have the anterior margin less


text:
Page:The Boy Travellers in Australasia.djvu/17

Rh CHAPTER XX.

CHAPTER XXI.

CHAPTER XXII.

CHAPTER XXIII.


text:
United States Statutes at Large/Volume 40/65th Congress/1st Session/Chapter 1

USSaL Layout


text:
Wikisource:Books/Base Facilities Report

Base Facilities Report

 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/1
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/2
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/3
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/4
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/5
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/6
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/7
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/8
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/9
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/10
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/11
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/12
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/13
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/14
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/15
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/16
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/17
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/18
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/19
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/20
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/21
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/22
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/23
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/24
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/25
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/26
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/27
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/28
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/29
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/30
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/31
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/32
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/33
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/34
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/35
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/36
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/37
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/38
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/39
 * Page:Base Facilities Report.djvu/40

title: Wikisource:Books/Base Facilities Report


text: Page:The Boy Travellers in Australasia.djvu/19


text:
Page:Of the Gout - Stukeley - 1734.djvu/58

Rh virulence; as unctuous things likewise cure venomous bites, if timely apply'd, and before the poyson has diffus'd its self into the blood. Our oyls are but a succedaneum to nature's oyl in the joint-glands, too little in quantity to perform the cure; either naturally where the gouty matter exceeds the antidote in one joint, or where these oyl-glands have been much debilitated, shrivel'd, and injur'd thro' frequent lifts, in which case our oyls come as a timely auxiliary, and effectually turn the fortune of the battle, to the patient's advantage.

4. I argue the matter of the gout is a poyson from that Common appearance of the skin coming off, after a long fitt of the gout. Nature has been strugling for months to subdue this internal poyson, by dint of time and patience, by affusion of blood and humors upon it, to quench this fiery venom, and at last, and with her best endeavors; 'tis but imperfectly and partially done. 'Tis quieted, not extinguished. Like embers it lyes lurking, till additional strength enables it to break out into another fitt. But that part of the humor which nature by long time and force drives out thro' the skin, so taints its emunctorys, as Virgil's harpys, so leaves its pestiferous sordes behind, that nature is forc'd to throw it off and form a new skin


text:
Translation:Mishnah/Seder Nezikin/Tractate Avot/Chapter 5/21

Introduction
Mishnah 21 continues sayings of Yehudah ben Teima.

Hebrew Text
הוּא הָיָה אוֹמֵר: בֶּן חָמֵשׁ שָׁנִים לַמִּקְרָא, בֶּן עֶשֶׂר לַמִּשְׁנָה, בֶּן שְׁלשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה לַמִּצְוֹת, בֶּן חֲמֵשׁ עֶשְׂרֵה לַתַּלְמוּד, בֶּן שְׁמוֹנֶה עֶשְׂרֵה לַחֻפָּה, בּן עֶשְׂרִים לִרְדּוֹף, בֶּן שְׁלשִׁים לַכֹּחַ, בֶּן אַרְבָּעִים לַבִּינָה, בֶּן חֲמִשִּׁים לָעֵצָה, בֶּן שִׁשִּׁים לַזִקְנָה, בֶּן שִׁבְעִים לַשֵּׂיבָה, בֶּן שְׁמוֹנִים לַגְּבוּרָה, בֶּן תִּשְׁעִים לָשׁוּחַ, בֶּן מֵאָה כְּאִלּוּ מֵת וְעָבַר וּבָטֵל מִן הָעוֹלָם.

English Translation
 He [Yehudah ben Teima] used to say: Five years [is the age] for [the study of] Scripture, Ten [is the age] for [the study of] Mishnah, Thirteen [is the age] for [observing] commandments, Fifteen [is the age] for [the study of] Talmud, Eighteen [is the age] for the [wedding] canopy, Twenty [is the age] for pursuing [a livelihood], Thirty [is the age] for [full] strength, Forty [is the age] for understanding, Fifty [is the age] for [giving] counsel, Sixty [is the age] for mature age, Seventy [is the age] for a hoary head, Eighty [is a sign of superadded] strength, Ninety [is the age] for [a] bending [stature], A hundred, is [the age at which one is] as if dead, passed away, and ceased from the world.

Explanation
For commentary on Avot 5:21, see, for example:
 * Rabbi Menachem Schneerson
 * Rabbi Dovid Rosenfeld

משנה אבות ה כא


text:
Page:Of the Gout - Stukeley - 1734.djvu/59

Rh skin under it, and well we may say of if in the poet's words,

Tristius haud illis monstrum, nec sœvior ulla Pestis, & ira Deûm Stygiis sese extulit undis.———————— contactuque omnia fœdant Immundo —————.

And this is a thing common in all poysonous cases, and surfeits, as the country people call them. The whole skarf-skin comes off wherever the venom has touch'd. But I observe when we perform the cure of the gout by means of our oyls, taking it very early; the skin does not come off. The poyson is extinguished. What little of substance there is in it, gives nature no trouble, she probably carrys it away in that very turbid water which we make during the operation. And if we suppose the salts are not absolutely and entirely blunted by the oyls, we may justly think they have but activity and pungency enough left, the better to conduct them to the urinary organs. And thus the excellent Sydenham in the end of his terrible pathology of the gout says, "a most intolerable itching, in the foot affected, comes upon the fitt retir'd; especially between the toes, scaly parts then come off; and the feet are stript of the skin, as if we had taken poyson, quasi epoto veneno"


text:
Page:The Boy Travellers in Australasia.djvu/20

xii


text:
Page:Of the Gout - Stukeley - 1734.djvu/60

Rh veneno." As we read his pathology of it, we cannot but see all along that the humor is a poyson which nature is curing as well as she can, by plunging it into the oyl glands; every plunging is the paroxysmulus which he mentions, many of which make a paroxysmus. For as 'tis impossible in a great fitt that the oyl glands of one joint should be sufficient to extinguish that poyson, she is forc'd to divide the onsetts or fitts into little ones, to give time for the glands to recruit, and for the fame purpose she throws the humor alternately from one foot to another, and when those two limbs are not sufficient she takes in more.

5thly, The universal appearance of the gout, and what all authors write about it; that by continuance of time, it turns all the humours in the body to its own likeness, shows evidently 'tis a poyson, and that when we have long labor'd under it, the remnant of our unhappy life is but a continual struggle of nature to drive of that poyson from the first vital principle, and fight it as long as it is able. So again that common observation in it, that the sharper the fitt, the severer the pain; by so much the shorter it is, and the sooner we recover; shows likewise that 'tis a poyson. As Sydenham observes, pain is nature's most bitter remedy in the case, which


text:
Page:The Boy Travellers in Australasia.djvu/21

Rh


text:
Page:The Boy Travellers in Australasia.djvu/22

xiv


text:
Page:The Boy Travellers in Australasia.djvu/23

Rh


text:
Page:The Boy Travellers in Australasia.djvu/24

xvi


text:
Page:Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile - In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773 volume 2.djvu/169

 the Pythagorean prejudices against that plant were forgotten.

was on the 16th of April 1520 that Don Roderigo de Lima landed in Abyssinia; and it was the 16th of October of the fame year when he arrived within light of the king's camp, distant about three miles. The king had advanced, as hath been said, into Fatigar, about twenty-five miles from the first fair in the kingdom of Adel, and something less than two hundred from the port of Zeyla. The ambassador, after so painful a journey, expected an immediate admission into the king's presence. Instead of which, a great officer, called the Hadug Ras which is chief or commander of the asses, was sent to carry him three miles farther distant, where they ordered him to pitch his tent, and five years passed in the embassy afterwards before he procured his dismission.

accounts very lamely for this prodigious interval of time; and, excepting the celebration of the Epiphany, he does not mention one remarkable occurrence in the whole of this period. One would imagine their stay had not been above a month, and that one conversation only passed upon business, which I shall here set down as a specimen of the humour the parties were in the one with the other.

king carried the ambassador to see the church Mecana Selasse, the church of the Trinity, which was then repairing, where many of the kings had been buried while


text:
Page:Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile - In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773 volume 2.djvu/230

214 reign, and never swerved from his attachment to the church of Alexandria, or his friendship and respect to the Abuna Yousef, to the end of his life, as far as we can learn from history. And least, of all people in the world, does it become the Roman Catholics to accuse him of being Mahometan, because a letter is still extant to Menas from pope Paul III wherein the pope stiles him beloved son in Christ, and the most holy of priests.

SERTZA DENGHEL, MELEC SEGUED.

ENAS was succeeded by his son, Sertza Denghel, who took the name of Melec Segued. He was only twelve years old when he came to the throne, and was crowned at Axum with all the ancient ceremonies. The beginning of


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/114

 extraordinary care you took of his dignity and of the safety of his person, when, at a crisis which courtiers affected to call alarming, you left the metropolis exposed for two nights together, to every species of riot and disorder. The security of the Royal residence from insult was then sufficiently provided for in Mr. Conway's firmness and Lord Weymouth's discretion; while the prime minister of Great Britain, in a rural retirement, and in the arms of faded beauty, had lost all memory of his sovereign, his country, and himself. In these instances you might have acted with vigour, for you would have had the sanction of the laws to support you. The friends of government might have defended you without shame, and moderate men, who wish well to the peace and good order of society, might have had a pretence for applauding your conduct. But these, it seems, were not occasions worthy of your Grace's interposition. You reserved the proofs of your intrepid spirit for trials of greater hazard and importance; and now, as if the most disgraceful relaxation of the executive authority had given you a claim of credit to indulge in excesses still more dangerous, you seem determined to compensate amply for your former


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/115

 negligence; and to balance the non-execution of the laws with a breach of the constitution. From one extreme you suddenly start to the other, without leaving, between the weakness and the fury of the passions, one moment's interval for the firmness of the understanding.

observations, general as they are, might easily be extended into a faithful history of your Grace's administration, and perhaps may be the employment of a future hour. But the business of the present moment will not suffer me to look back to a series of events, which cease to be interesting or important, because they are succeeded by a measure so singularly daring, that it excites all our attention, and engrosses all our resentment.

patronage of Mr. Luttrell has been crowned with success. With this precedent before you, with the principles on which it was established, and with a future house of commons, perhaps less virtuous than the present, every county in England, under the auspices of the treasury, may be represented as completely as the county of Middlesex. Posterity will be indebted to your Grace for


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/116

 not contenting yourself with a temporary expedient, but entailing upon them the immediate blessings of your administration. Boroughs were already too much at the mercy of government. Counties could neither be purchased nor intimidated. But their solemn determined election may be rejected, and the man they detest may be appointed, by another choice, to represent them in parliament. Yet it is admitted, that the sheriffs obeyed the laws, and performed their duty. The return they made must have been legal and valid, or undoubtedly, they would have been censured for making it. With every good-natured allowance for your Grace's youth and inexperience, there are some things which you cannot but know. Yon cannot but know that the right of the freeholders to adhere to their choice (even supposing it improperly exerted) was as clear and indisputable as that of the house of commons to exclude one of their own members?—nor is it possible for you not to see the wide distance there is between the negative power of rejecting one man, and the positive power of appointing another. The


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/117

 right of expulsion, in the most favourable sense, is no more than the custom of parliament. The right of election is the very essence of the constitution. To violate that right, and much more to transfer it to any other set of men, is a step leading immediately to the dissolution of all government. So far forth as it operates, it constitutes a house of commons which does not represent the people. A house of commons, so formed, would involve a contradiction, and the grossest confusion of ideas; but there are some ministers, my Lord, whose views can only be answered by reconciling absurdities, and making the same proposition, which is false and absurd in argument, true in fact.

measure, my Lord, is however, attended with one consequence, favourable to the people, which I am persuaded you did not foresee. While the contest lay between the ministry and Mr. Wilkes, his situation and private character gave you advantages over him, which common candour, if not the memory of your former friendship, should have forbidden you to make use of. To religious


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/118

 men, you had an opportunity of exaggerating the irregularities of his past life;—to moderate men, you held forth the pernicious consequences of faction. Men who, with this character, looked no farther than to the object before them, were not dissatisfied at seeing Mr. Wilkes excluded from parliament. You have now taken care to shift the question; or rather, you have created a new one, in which Mr. Wilkes is no more concerned than any other English gentleman. You have united this country against you on one grand constitutional point, on the decision of which our existence, as a free people, absolutely depends. You have asserted, not in words, but in fact, that the representation in parliament does not depend upon the choice of the freeholders. If such a case can possibly happen once, it may happen frequently; it may happen always:—and if three hundred votes, by any mode of reasoning whatever, can prevail against twelve hundred, the same reasoning would equally have given Mr. Luttrell his seat with ten votes, or even with one. The consequences of this attack upon the constitution are too plain and palpable, not to alarm the dullest apprehension. I trust you will find, that the people of England are neither


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/119

 deficient its spirit or understanding, though you have treated them as if they had neither sense to feel, nor spirit to resent. We have reason to thank God and our ancestors, that there never yet was a minister in this country who could stand the issue of such a conflict; and, with every prejudice in favour of your intentions, I see no such abilities in your Grace as should enable you to succeed in an enterprise, in which the ablest and basest of your predecessors have found their destruction. You may continue to deceive your gracious master with false representations of the temper and condition of his subjects. You may command a venal vote, because it is the common established appendage of your office. But never hope that the freeholders will make a tame surrender of their rights; or, that an English army will join with you in overturning the liberties of their country. They know, that their first duty, as citizens, is paramount to all subsequent engagements; nor will they prefer the discipline or even the honours of their profession, to those sacred original rights, which belonged to them before they were soldiers, and which they claim and possess as the birth-right of Englishmen.


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/120

74, my Lord, before it be too late, to that easy insipid system, which you first set out with. Take back your mistress. The name of friend may be fatal to her, for it leads to treachery and persecution. Indulge the people. Attend Newmarket. Mr. Luttrell may again vacate his seat; and Mr. Wilkes, if not persecuted, will soon be forgotten. To be weak and inactive, is safer than to be daring and criminal; and wide is the distance between a riot of the populace and a convulsion of the whole kingdom. You may live to make the experiment, but no honest man can wish you should survive it. JUNIUS.


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/121

30. May, 1769. MY LORD,

F the measures in which you have been most successful had been supported by any tolerable appearance of argument, I should have thought my time not ill employed in continuing to examine your conduct as a minister, and stating it fairly to the public. But when I see questions, of the highest national importance, carried as they have been, and the first principles of the constitution openly violated, without argument or decency, I confess, I give up the cause in despair. The meanest of your predecessors had abilities sufficient to give a colour to their measures. If they invaded the rights of the people, they did not dare to offer a direct insult to their understanding; and, in former times, the most venal parliaments made it a condition, in their bargain with the minister, that he should furnish them with some plausible pretences for selling their country and themselves. You have had the merit


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/122

 of introducing a more compendious system of government and logic. You neither address yourself to the passions nor to the understanding, but simply to the touch. You apply yourself immediately to the feelings of your friends, who, contrary to the forms of parliament, never enter heartily into a debate until they have divided.

, therefore, all idle views of amendment to your Grace, or of benefit to the public, let me be permitted to consider your character and conduct merely as a subject of curious speculation.—There is something in both which distinguishes you, not only from all other ministers, but all other men. It is not that you do wrong by design, but that you should never do right by mistake. It is not that your indolence and your activity have been equally misapplied, but that the first uniform principle, or, if I may call it the genius of your life, should have carried you through every possible change and contradiction of conduct, without the momentary imputation or colour of a virtue; and that the wildest spirit of inconsistency should never have once betrayed you into a wise or honourable action. This,


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/123

 I own, gives an air of singularity to your fortune, as well as to your disposition. Let us look back, together, to a scene, in which a mind like yours will find nothing to repent of. Let us try, my Lord, how well you have supported the various relations in which you stood, to your sovereign, your country, your friends, and yourself. Give us, if it be possible, some excuse to posterity, and to ourselves, for submitting to your administration. If not the abilities of a great minister, if not the integrity of a patriot, or the fidelity of a friend, shew us, at least the firmness of a man.—For the sake of your mistress, the lover shall be spared. I will not lead her into public as you have done; nor will I insult the memory of departed beauty. Her sex, which alone made her amiable in your eyes, makes her respectable in mine.

character of the reputed ancestors of some men, has made it possible for their descendants to be vicious in the extreme, without being degenerate. Those of your Grace, for instance, left no distressing examples of virtue, even to their legitimate posterity, and you may look back with pleasure to an illustrious pedigree, in which heraldry has not


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/124

 left a single good quality upon record to insult or upbraid you. You have better proofs of your descent, my Lord, than the register of a marriage, or any troublesome inheritance of reputation. There are some hereditary strokes of character, by which a family may be as clearly distinguished as by the blackest features of the human face. Charles the First lived and died a hypocrite. Charles the Second was a hypocrite of another sort, and should have died upon the same scaffold. At the distance of a century we see their different characters happily revived and blended in your Grace. Sullen and severe without religion, profligate without gaiety, you live like Charles the Second, without being an amiable companion, and, for aught I know, may die as his father did, without the reputation of a martyr.

had already taken your degrees with credit, in those schools in which the English nobility are formed to virtue, when you were introduced to Lord Chatham's protection. From Newmarket, White's, and the opposition, he gave you to the world


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/125

 with an air of popularity, which young men usually set out with and seldom preserve:—grave and plausible enough to be thought fit for business; too young for treachery; and, in short, a patriot of no unpromising expectations. Lord Chatham was the earliest object of your political wonder and attachment; yet you deserted him, upon the first hopes that offered of all equal share of power with Lord Rockingham. When the Duke of Cumberland's first negotiation failed, and when the favourite was pushed to the last extremity, you saved him, by joining with an administration in which Lord Chatham had refused to engage. Still, however, he was your friend, and you are yet to explain to the world why you consented to act without him; or why, after uniting with Lord Rockingham, you deserted and betrayed him. You complained, that no measures were taken to satisfy your patron; and that your friend, Mr. Wilkes, who had suffered so much for the party, had been abandoned to his fate. They have since contributed not a little to your present plenitude of power; yet, I think, Lord Chatham has less reason than ever to be satisfied; and, as for Mr. Wilkes, it is, perhaps, the greatest misfortune of his life,


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/126

 that you should have so many compensations to make in the closet for your former friendship with him. Your gracious master understands your character, and makes you a persecutor, because you have been a friend.

Chatham formed his last administration upon principles which you certainly concurred in, or you could never have been placed at the head of the treasury. By deserting those principles, and by acting in direct contradiction to them, in which he found you were secretly supported in the closet, you soon forced him to leave you to yourself, and to withdraw his name from an administration which had been formed on the credit of it. You had then a prospect of friendships better suited to your genius, and more likely to fix your disposition. Marriage is the point on which every rake is stationary at last: and truly, my Lord, you may well be weary of the circuit you have taken; for you have now fairly travelled through every sign in the political zodiac, from the Scorpion, in which you stung Lord Chatham, to the hopes of a Vigin in the


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/127

 house of Bloomsbury. One would think that you had had sufficient experience of the frailty of nuptial engagements, or, at least, that such a friendship, as the Duke of Bedford's, might have been secured to you by the auspicious marriage of your late Duchess with his nephew. But ties of this tender nature cannot be drawn too close; and it may possibly be a part of the Duke of Bedford's ambition, after making her an honest woman, to work a miracle of the same sort upon your Grace. This worthy nobleman has long dealt in virtue: there has been a large consumption of it in his own family; and, in the way of traffick, I dare say, he has bought and sold more than half the representative integrity of the nation.

a political view this union is not imprudent. The favour of princes is a perishable commodity. You have now a strength sufficient to command the closet, and if it be necessary to betray one friendship more, you may set even Lord Bute at defiance. Mr. Stewart MacKenzie may possibly remember


text:
Page:Congressional Government.djvu/360

Committees, Standing, government by, 56; chairmen of, leaders of House, 60; chairmen of, do not consult or coöperate, 61; for every topic of legislation, 61; served by rules of House, 66, 71; number and uses of, 67, 68; consider all bills, 67; overlapping jurisdiction of, 68; cannot reject bills, 69; neglect of, to report, 69, 70; entire direction of legislation by, 70, 78; hasty consideration of reports of, by House, 71; four specially licensed, 71, 72; average time given to each of the, to report, 72; call of, for reports, 72, 73; hastening of business by the, 74 et seq.; control of debate by, 75 et seq.; arguments before the, 81-85; division of power amongst the, 92; both

title: Page:Congressional Government.djvu/360


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/128

 what use the Duke of Bedford usually makes of his power; and our gracious Sovereign, I doubt not, rejoices at this first appearance of union among his servants. His late Majesty, under the happy influence of a family connection between his ministers, was relieved from the cares of the government. A more active prince may, perhaps observe, with suspicion, by what degrees an artful servant grows upon his master, from the first unlimited professions of duty and attachment, to the painful representation of the necessity of the royal service, and soon, in regular progression, to the humble insolence of dictating in all the obsequious forms of peremptory submission. The interval is carefully employed in forming connections, creating interests, collecting a party, and laying the foundation of double marriages, until the deluded prince, who thought he had found a creature prostituted to his service, and insignificant enough to be always dependent upon his pleasure, finds him at last too strong to be commanded, and too formidable to be removed.

Grace's public conduct, as a minister, is but the counterpart of your private history;


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/129

 —the same inconsistency, the same contradictions. In America we trace you, from the first opposition to the Stamp Act, on principles of convenience, to Mr. Pitt's surrender of the right; then forward to Lord Rockingham's surrender of the fact; then back again to Lord Rockingham's declaration of the right; then forward to taxation with Mr. Townshend; and, in the last instance, from the gentle Conway's undetermined discretion, to blood and compulsion with the Duke of Bedford: Yet, if we may believe the simplicity of Lord North's eloquence, at the opening of the next session, you are once more to be the patron of America. Is this the wisdom of a great minister? or is it the ominous vibration of a pendulum? Had you no opinion of your own, my Lord? or was it the gratification of betraying every party with which you have been united, and of deserting every political principle in which you had concurred?

enemies may turn their eyes without regret from this admirable system of provincial government. They will find gratification enough in the survey of your domestic and foreign policy.


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/130

 If, instead of disowning Lord Shelburne, the British court had interposed with dignity and firmness, you know, my Lord, that Corsica would never have been invaded. The French saw the weakness of a distracted ministry, and were justified in treating you with contempt. They would probably have yielded in the first instance, rather than hazard a rupture with this country; but, being once engaged, they cannot retreat without dishonour. Common sense foresees consequences which have escaped your Grace's penetration. Either we suffer the French to make an acquisition, the importance of which you have probably no conception of; or we oppose them by an underhand management, which only disgraces us in the eyes of Europe, without answering any purpose of policy or prudence. From secret, indirect assistance, a transition to still more open, decisive measures, becomes unavoidable; till, at last, we find ourselves principal in the war, and are obliged to hazard every thing for an object, which might have originally been obtained without expence or danger. I am not versed in the politics of the north; but this, I believe, is certain, that half the money


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/131

 you have distributed to carry the expulsion of Mr. Wilkes, or even your secretary's share in the last subscription, would have kept the Turks at your devotion. Was it economy, my Lord? or, did the coy resistance you have constantly met with in the British senate, make you despair of corrupting the divan? Your friends indeed have the first claim upon your bounty, but if five hundred pounds a year can be spared in pension to Sir John Moore, it would not have disgraced you to have allowed something to the secret service of the public.

will say, perhaps, that the situation of affairs at home demanded and engrossed the whole of your attention. Here, I confess, you have been active. An amiable accomplished prince ascends the throne, under the happiest of all auspices, the acclamations and united affections of his subjects. The first measures of his reign, and even the odium of a favourite, were not able to shake their attachment. Your services, my Lord, have been more successful. Since you were permitted to take the lead, we have seen the natural effects of a system of government at once both odious and contemptible. We


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/132

 have seen the laws sometimes scandalously relaxed, sometimes violently stretched beyond their tone. We have seen the person of the sovereign insulted; and, in profound peace, and with an undisputed title, the fidelity of his subjects brought by his own servants into public question. Without abilities, resolution, or interest, you have done more than Lord Bute could accomplish, with all Scotland at his heels.

Grace, little anxious perhaps either for present or future reputation, will not desire to be handed down in these colours to posterity. You have reason to flatter yourself that the memory of your administration will survive even the forms of a constitution which our ancestors vainly hoped would be immortal; and, as for your personal character, I will not, for the honour of human nature, suppose that you can wish to have it remembered. The condition of the present times is desperate indeed; but there is a debt


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/133

Rh due to those who come after us; and it is the historian's office to punish, though he cannot correct. I do not give you to posterity as a pattern to imitate, but as an example to deter; and as your conduct comprehends every thing that a wise or honest minister should avoid, I mean to make you a negative instruction to your successors for ever. JUNIUS.

12. June, 1769. SIR,

HE Duke of Grafton's friends not finding it convenient to enter into a contest with Junius, are now reduced to the last melancholy resource of defeated argument, the flat general charge of scurrility and falsehood. As for his style, I shall leave it to the critics. The truth of his facts is of more importance to the public. They are of such a nature that I think a bare contradiction will have no weight with any man who judges for himself. Let us take them in the order in which they appear in his last letter.


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/134

 1. not the first rights of the people, and the first principles of the constitution, been openly invaded, and the very name of all elections made ridiculous, by the arbitrary appointment of Mr. Luttrell?

2. not the Duke of Grafton frequently lead his mistress into public, and even place her at the head of his table, as if he had pulled down an ancient temple of Venus, and could bury all decency and shame under the ruins?—Is this the man who dares to talk of Mr. Wilkes's morals?

3. not the character of his presumptive ancestors as strongly marked in him, as if he had descended from them in a direct legitimate line? The idea of his death is only prophetic; and what is prophecy but a narrative preceding the fact?

4. not Lord Chatham the first who raised him to the rank and post of a minister, and the first whom he abandoned?

5. he not join with Lord Rockingham, and betray him?


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/135

 6. he not the bosom friend of Mr. Wilkes, whom he now pursues to destruction?

7. he not take his degrees with credit at Newmarket, White's, and the opposition?

8. deserting Lord Chatham's principles, and sacrificing his friendship, is he not now closely united with a set of men, who, tho' they have occasionally joined with all parties, have in every different situation, and at all times, been equally and constantly detested by this country?

9. not Sir John Moore a pension of five hundred pounds a year?—This may probably be all acquittance of favours upon the turf; but is it possible for a minister to offer a grosser outrage to a nation, which has so very lately cleared away the beggary of the civil list, at the expence of more than half a million?

10. there any one mode of thinking or acting with respect to America, which the Duke of Grafton has not successively adopted and abandoned?


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/136

 11. there not a singular mark of shame set upon this man, who has so little delicacy and feeling, as to submit to the opprobrium of marrying a near relation of one who had debauched his wife?—In the name of decency, how are these amiable cousins to meet at their uncle's table?—It will be a scene in Œdipus, without the distress. Is it wealth, or wit, or beauty,—or is the amorous youth in love?

rest is notorious. That Corsica has been sacrificed to the French: that, in some instances, the laws have been scandalously relaxed, and, in others, daringly violated; and that the King's subjects have been called upon to assure him of their fidelity, in spite of the measures of his servants.

, who builds his arguments upon facts such as these, is not easily to be confuted. He is not to be answered by general assertions, or general reproaches. He may want eloquence to amuse and persuade; but, speaking truth, he must always convince. PHILO JUNIUS.


text:
Page:Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile - In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773 volume 2.djvu/162

 him to the court. The first step was to name Roderigo de Lima ambassador from the king of Portugal, instead of Galvan, who was dead; and, for his suite, George de Breu, Lopez de Gama, John Scolare secretary to the ambassador, John Gonsalvez his factor and interpreter, Emmanuel de Mare organist, Peter Lopez, Master John his physician, Gaspar Pereira, and Lazarus d'Andrad a painter. The three chaplains were John Fernandes, Peter Alphonso Mendez, and Francisco Alvarez. In this company also went Matthew, the Abyssinian ambassador returned from Portugal, and with him three Portuguese, one called Magailanes, the other Alvaremgo, and the third Diego Fernandes.

seemed probable, the severe blow which David had given to the king of Adel, by the total destruction of his army on the death of his general Maffudi, would have procured a cessation of hostilities to the Abyssinian frontiers, which they had not experienced during the life of that general; but it appeared afterwards, that, increased in riches and population by the great accession of power which followed the interruption of the Indian trade in Arabia by the Turkish Conquest, far from entertaining thoughts of peace, they were rather meditating a more formidable manner of attack, by training themselves to the use of fire-arms and artillery, of which they had provided a quantity, and to which the Abyssinians were as yet strangers.

king was encamped in Shoa, covering and keeping in awe his Mahometan provinces, Fatigar and Dawaro; besides which he seemed to have no object but the conquest of the Dobas, that bordered equally upon the Moorish and Christian frontiers, and who (though generally gained by


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/137

Rh

22. June. 1769. SIR,

HE name of Old Noll is destined to be the ruin of the house of Stuart. There is an ominous fatality in it, which even the spurious descendants of the family cannot escape. Oliver Cromwell had the merit of conducting Charles the First to the block. Your correspondent,, appears to have the same design upon the Duke of Grafton. His arguments consist better with the title he has assumed, than with the principles he professes: for though he pretends to be an advocate for the Duke, he takes care to give us the best reason why his patron should regularly follow the fate of his presumptive ancestor.—Through the whole course of the Duke of Grafton's life, I see a strange endeavour to unite contradictions, which cannot be reconciled. He marries to be divorced;—he keeps a mistress, to remind him of conjugal endearments, and


text:
Page:Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile - In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773 volume 2.djvu/159

 much for want of every sort of provision but water; whereas twenty-four hours of any wind would have carried him to Masuah, to his journey's end; where, if he had lost the monsoon, he would still have had great abundance of necessaries, and been in the way every moment of promoting the willies of his master.

succeeded the ignorant Suarez, who had returned to India. He fitted out a strong fleet at Goa, with which he entered the Red Sea, and sailed for the island of Masuah, where he arrived the 16th of April 1520, having Matthew along with him. Upon the first approach of the fleet, the inhabitants, both of the island and town, abandoned them, and fled to Arkeeko on the main land. Segueyra having remained before Masuah a few days without committing any hostilities, there came at last to him a Christian and a Moor from the continent; who informed him that the main-land, then before him, was part of the kingdom of Abyssinia, governed by an officer called Baharnagash: they added, that the reason of their flying at the sight of the fleet was, that the Turks frequently made descents, and ravaged the island; but that all the inhabitants of the continent were Christians. The Portuguese general was very joyful on this intelligence, and began to treat Matthew more humanely, finding how truly and exactly he had described these places. He gave, both to the Christian and Moor that came off to him, a rich vest; commended them for having fled to Arkeeko rather than expose themselves to an attack from the Turks, but directed them to assure the people on the continent, that they too were all Christians, and under the command of the king of Abyssinia; being arrived


text:
Page:Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile - In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773 volume 2.djvu/173

 obliged Don Roderigo to depart without them. Zaga Zaab, an Abyssinian monk, who had learned the Portuguese language by waiting on Don Roderigo during his stay in Abyssinia, was chosen for the function; and they set out together for Masuah, plentifully furnished with every thing necessary for the journey, and arrived safely there without any remarkable occurrence, where they found Don Hector de Silveyra, governor of the Indies, with his fleet, waiting to carry Don Roderigo de Lima home. Whether the king had changed his mind or not is doubtful; but, on the 27th of April 1526, arrived four messengers from court with orders for Don Roderigo to return, and also to bring Don Hector along with him. This was immediately and directly refused; but it was left in the power of Zaga Zaab to return if he pleased who however declared, that, if he staid behind, he should be thrown to the lions. He, therefore, went on board with great readiness, and they all failed from Masuah on the 28th of April of the year just mentioned, in their return to India.

frequent intercourses with the Portuguese had given great alarm to the Mahometan powers, though neither the king of Abyssinia, nor the Portuguese themselves, had reaped any profit from them, or the several fleets that had arrived at Masuah, which had really no end but to seek the ambassador Don Roderigo. The six years spent in wrangling and childish behaviour, both on the part of the king and the ambassador, had an appearance of something serious between the two powers; and what still alarmed the Moors more was, that no part of the secret had transpired, because no scheme had really been concerted, only mere proposals of vain and idle enterprises, without either power or


text:
Page:Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile - In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773 volume 2.djvu/416

400 of Adera, sister to Tecla Georgis, the voice of the women at court seems to have had no extraordinary weight with him. In a word, he never varied in his religion after he embraced that of Rome, but stedfastly adhered to it, when the pride and bad conduct of the Jesuits, its professors, had scarcely left another friend to it in the whole kingdom; and, therefore, the charge of apostacy is certainly an unmerited falsehood.

As it is plain the Portuguese, from the beginning, believed their religion could only be established by force, and were persuaded such means were lawful, the blame of so much bloodshed for so many years, and the total miscarriage of the whole scheme at last, lay at the door of their sovereign, the king of Spain and Portugal; who, having succeeded to his wish in his conquest of India, seems not to have had the same anxiety the patriarch had for the conversion of Abyssinia, nor even to have thought further of sending a body of troops with his priests to the succour of Socinios, whom he left to the prayers of Urban VIII, the merit of Ignatius Loyola, and the labours of his furious and fanatic disciples.


text:
Page:Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile - In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773 volume 2.djvu/290

 amounted to 530 men only, besides a small reinforcement brought by Emana Christos, governor of Amhara.

was at Aibo the king turned off the road to Tigré towards Begemder, and that day encamped at Wainadega. From Wainadega he advanced to Davada; and, crossing the Reb, he turned off by the way of Zang, and encamped at Kartame. He then proceeded to Tzame, and arrived at Hader. At this place some spies informed him that an advanced party of the Galla Marawa were strongly lodged in a hill not far off. Upon receiving this notice, Socinios ordered his army to refresh themselves, to extinguish all lights, and march with as little noise as possible. it was scarce dawn of day, a strong detachment of the king's army surrounded the hill where the Galla were, and found there a small number of these savages placed like piquets to give the alarm and prevent surprise. Eleven Galla were slain, and their heads cut off and carried to the king, the first fruits of his expedition.

to profit by this early advantage, Socinios followed with all diligence, and came in sight of the army of the enemy, without their having taken the smallest alarm. They were lying closely and securely in their huts that they had made. A large ravine full of trees and stumps divided the two armies, and in part concealed them from each other. The king ordered Emana Christos, and Abeton Welleta Christos, to pass the ravine with the horse, and fall upon the Galla suddenly, throwing the heads of those of the advanced guard they had cut off on the ground towards them.


text:
Page:Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile - In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773 volume 2.djvu/281

 pope's supremacy, and the two natures in Christ, mass was said, and a sermon preached, much with the fame success as it had been in the time of Za Denghel, and with full as great offence to the Abyssinian clergy. The province of Dembea, lying round the lake Tzana, is the most fertile and the most cultivated country in Abyssinia. It is entirely flat, and seems to have been produced by the decrease of water in the lake, which, from very visible marks, appears to have formerly been of four times the extent of what it is at present. Dembea, however fruitful, has one inconvenience to which all level countries in this climate are subject: A mortal fever rages in the whole extent of it, from March to Heder Michael, the eighth day of November, when there are always gentle showers. This dangerous fever stops immediately upon the falling of these rains, as suddenly as the plague does upon the first falling of the nucta, or dew, in Egypt.

On the south side of this lake the country rises into a rocky promontory, which forms a peninsula and runs far into the lake. Nothing can be more beautiful than this small territory, elevated, but not to an inconvenient height, above the water which surrounds it on all sides, except the south. The climate is delightful, and no fevers or other diseases rage here. The prospect of the lake and distant mountains is magnificent beyond European conception, and Nature seems to have pointed this place out for pleasure, health, and retirement. Paez had asked and obtained this territory from the king, who, he fays, gave him a grant of it in perpetuity. The manner of this he describes: "A civil officer is sent on the part of the king, who calls together


text:
Page:Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile - In the Years 1768, 1769, 1770, 1771, 1772, and 1773 volume 2.djvu/279

 his palace, and his head to be there struck off with an ax, as a just atonement for violated majesty.

king, now retired to Coga, gave his whole attention to regulate those abuses, and repair those losses, which this long and bloody war had occasioned. He had two brothers by the mother's side, men of great merit, Sela Christos, and Emana Christos, destined to share the principal part in the king's confidence and councils.

, a man of great family, who had been attached to him since he formed his first pretensions to the crown, was called to court to take his share in the glory and dangers of this reign, which it was easy to see would be a very active one; for every province around was full of rebels and independents, who had shaken off the yoke of government, paid no taxes, nor shewed other respect to the king than just what at the moment consisted with their own interest or inclination.

Portuguese soldiers, remnants of the army which came into Abyssinia under Christopher de Gama, had multiplied exceedingly, and their children had been trained by their parents in the use of fire-arms. They were at this time incorporated in one body under John Gabriel a veteran officer, who seems to have constantly remained with the king, while his soldiers (at least great part of them) had followed the fortune they thought moll likely to prevail ever since the time of Claudius.

did not esteem them enough to keep them in his army at the expence of enduring the seditions conversations


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/138

 he chooses such friends as it is a virtue in him to desert. If it were possible for the genius of that accomplished president, who pronounced sentence upon Charles the First, to be revived in some modern sycophant, his Grace, I doubt not, would by sympathy discover him among the dregs of mankind, and take him for a guide in those paths, which naturally conduct a minister to the scaffold.

assertion, that two-thirds of the nation approve of the acceptance of Mr. Luttrell (for even Old Noll is too modest to call it an election) can neither be maintained nor confuted by argument. It is a point of fact, on which every English gentleman will determine for himself. As to lawyers, their profession is supported by the indiscriminate defence of right and wrong, and I confess I have not that opinion of their knowledge or integrity, to think it necessary that they should decide for me upon a plain constitutional question. With respect to the appointment of Mr. Luttrell, the Chancellor has never yet given any authentic opinion. Sir Fletcher Norton is, indeed, an honest, a very honest man; and


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/139

 the Attorney-General is ex officio the guardian of liberty; to take care, I presume, that it shall never break out into a criminal excess. Doctor Blackstone is Solicitor to the Queen. The Doctor recollected that he had a place to preserve, though he forgot that he had a reputation to lose. We have now the good fortune to understand the Doctor's principles as well as writings. For the defence of truth, of law, and reason, the Doctor's book may be safely consulted; but whoever wishes to cheat a neighbour of his estate, or to rob a country of its rights, need make no scruple of consulting the Doctor himself.

example of the English nobility may, for aught I know, sufficiently justify the Duke of Grafton, when he indulges his genius in all the fashionable excesses of the age; yet, considering his rank and station, I think it would do him more honour to be able to deny the fact, than to defend it by such authority. But if vice itself could be excused, there is yet a certain display of it, a certain outrage to decency, and violation of public decorum, which, for the benefit of society, should never be forgiven. It is not that he kept a mistress at home, but that he


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/140

 constantly attended her abroad. It is not the private indulgence but the public insult, of which I complain. The name of Miss Parsons would hardly have been known, if the First Lord of the Treasury had not led her, in triumph, through the Opera House, even in the presence of the Queen. When we see a man act in this manner, we may admit the shameless depravity of his heart; but what are we to think of his Understanding?

Grace it seems is now to be a regular domestic man, and as an omen of the future delicacy and correctness of his conduct, he marries a first cousin of the man, who had fixed that mark and title of infamy upon him, which, at the same moment, makes a husband unhappy and ridiculous. The ties of consanguinity may possibly preserve him from the same fate a second time; and as to the distress of meeting, I take it for granted, the venerable uncle of these common cousins has settled the etiquette in such a manner, that if a mistake should happen, it may reach no farther than from Madame ma femme, to Madame ma cousine.


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/141

 Duke of Grafton has always some excellent reason for deserting his friends.—The age and incapacity of Lord Chatham;—the debility of Lord Rockingham;—or the infamy of Mr. Wilkes. There was a time indeed when he did not appear to be quite so well acquainted, or so violently offended, with the infirmities of his friends. But now I confess they are not ill exchanged for the youthful, vigorous virtue of the Duke of Bedford;—the firmness of General Conway;—the blunt, or if I may call it, the awkward integrity of Mr. Rigby, and the spotless morality of Lord Sandwich.

a late pension to a broken gambler be an act worthy of commendation, the Duke of Grafton's connexions will furnish him with many opportunities of doing praise-worthy actions; and as he himself bears no part of the expence, the generosity of distributing the public money for the support of virtuous families in distress, will be an unquestionable proof of his Grace's humanity.


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/142

 to public affairs, Old Noll is a little tender of descending to particulars. He does not deny that Corsica has been sacrificed to France; and he confesses that, with regard to America, his patron's measures have been subject to some variation: but then he promises wonders of stability and firmness for the future. These are mysteries, of which we must not pretend to judge by experience; and, truly, I fear we shall perish in the Desert, before we arrive at the Land of Promise. In the regular course of things, the period of the Duke of Grafton's ministerial manhood should now be approaching. The imbecility of his infant state was committed to Lord Chatham. Charles Townshend took some care of his education at that ambiguous age, which lies between the follies of political childhood, and the vices of puberty. The empire of the passions soon succeeded. His earliest principles and connexions were of course forgotten or despised. The company he has lately kept has been of no service to his morals; and, in the conduct of public affairs, we see the character of his time of life strongly distinguished. An obstinate, ungovernable self-sufficiency plainly points out


text:
Page:Letters of Junius, volume 1 (Woodfall, 1772).djvu/143

Rh to us that state of imperfect maturity at which the graceful levity of youth is lost, and the solidity of experience not yet acquired. It is possible the young man may, in time, grow wiser, and reform; but, if I understand his disposition, it is not of such corrigible stuff that we should hope for any amendment in him, before he has accomplished the destruction of this country. Like other rakes, he may, perhaps, live to see his error, but not until he has ruined his estate. PHILO JUNIUS.

8. July, 1769. MY LORD,

F nature had given you an understanding qualified to keep pace with the wishes and principles of your heart, she would have made you, perhaps, the most formidable minister that ever was employed, under a limited monarch, to accomplish the ruin of a free people. When neither the feelings of shame, the reproaches of conscience, nor the dread of punishment, form any bar to the