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 Edward III,’ dedicated and personally presented to James II. This work has been praised for the fulness of its information, but the author's practice of introducing long speeches into the narrative has not escaped censure. Barnes had also planned a poem, in twelve books, on the subject of Edward III, but the work was never completed. His edition of Euripides, in folio, appeared in 1694. As a contribution to scholarship it is of small importance; but it no doubt helped to procure him the Greek professorship in the following year.

In 1700 Barnes married a Mrs. Mason, a widow lady of some property, living at Hemingford, near St. Ives, Hunts. The tale goes that the lady came to Cambridge, and expressed a desire to settle 100l. per annum on Barnes after her death; and that the professor gallantly refused to avail himself of the offer unless Mrs. Mason (who was between forty and fifty years of age, and ill-favoured withal) would become his wife. In 1705 he published an edition of ‘Anacreon,’ to which he appended a list of forty-three works that he intended to publish. Some of the titles are curious, as ‘Ἀλεκτρυομαχία, or a poem on cock-fighting;’ ‘Σπειδηριάδος, a poem in Greek macaronic verse upon a battle between a spider and a toad;’ ‘Φληιάδος, or a supplement to the old ludicrous poem under that title at Trinity House in Cambridge, upon the battle between the fleas and a Welshman.’ He began now to work at an edition of Homer which was issued in 1710. The expense connected with the publication of this book involved him in considerable difficulties; and there are preserved in the British Museum two letters (printed by George Steevens in the St. James's Chronicle, October 1781), written to solicit the assistance of the Earl of Oxford. In one of these he says: ‘I have lived the university above thirty years fellow of a college, now above forty years standing and fifty-eight years of age; am bachelor of divinity, and have preached before kings.’ A friend of his, Dr. Stukeley, wrote thus of his later years: ‘He was very poor at last. I carried my great frd, the learned Ld Winchilsea, to see him, who gave him money, & after that Dr. Mead.’ Barnes died on 3 Aug. 1712, and was buried at Hemingford, where a monument was erected to him by his widow. Dr. Savage wrote a Latin inscription for the monument and some Greek anacreontics, in which it is stated that Barnes read ‘a small English Bible 120 times at his leisure.’ According to Dr. Stukeley, Barnes's death followed quickly after a quarrel with another classical scholar, William Baxter [see ], editor of a rival Anacreon. ‘A club of Critics,’ Stukeley writes, ‘meeting at a tavern in London, they sent for Mr. Baxter, who made Jos. ask his pardon before all the company, & in a fortnight after he died: which made people say Mr. Baxter killd him.’

Barnes was a man of wide reading, but his scholarship was inexact. He had a good memory but weak judgment, whence somebody proposed as his epitaph (after Menage's satire on Pierre Montmaur) the inscription— Joshua Barnes, Felicis memoriæ, judicium expectans. Bentley, in the famous ‘Dissertation on Phalaris,’ describes him as ‘one of a singular industry and a most diffuse reading.’ His enthusiasm led him to undertake work for which he was in no degree qualified. Not content with writing a life of Edward III and editing Homer, he had determined to write the life of Tamerlane, though he had no knowledge of oriental languages ( Athenæ). His ‘Gerania’ shows that he had some fancy and could write with ease and fluency. He is said to have been possessed of no little vanity; but this fault can readily be forgiven to one whose charity was such that he gave his only coat to a poor fellow who begged at his door.

In addition to the works already mentioned Barnes was the author of a ‘Spital Sermon (on Matthew ix. 9), to which is added an Apology for the Orphans in Christ's Hospitall, written in 1679,’ 1703, 4to; ‘The Good Old Way, or three brief Discourses tending to the Promotion of Religion, and the Glory, Peace, and Happiness of the Queen and her Kingdoms in Church and State: 1, The Happy Island; 2, A Sure Way to Victory; 3, The Case of the Church of England truly represented and fully vindicated,’ 1703. He prefixed copies of English verse to Ellis Walker's paraphrase of Epictetus's ‘Enchiridion,’ 1691, Dr. John Browne's ‘Myographia,’ 1698, and Thomas Heyrick's ‘Poems,’ 1690. According to Cole he ‘sent the account of manuscripts in Emmanuel College in 1697 for the manuscript catalogue of English books.’ In Emmanuel College library are three unpublished plays by Barnes—‘The Academie, or the Cambridge Duns’ (circ. 1675); ‘Englebert;’ and ‘Landgartha, or the Amazon Queen of Denmark and Norway’ (1683). He also wrote a copy of verses, preserved in the college library, to show that Solomon was the author of the ‘Iliad.’ He is said to have perpetrated this absurdity in order to humour his wife and induce her to contribute more freely towards defraying the ex-


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22 by the situations into which a person habitually enters is not so much to mention a fourth point, as it is to point out a fusion of those already mentioned. We rarely recognize the extent in which our conscious estimates of what is worth while and what is not, are due to standards of which we are not conscious at all. But in general it may be said that the things which we take for granted without inquiry or reflection are just the things which determine our conscious thinking and decide our conclusions. And these habitudes which lie below the level of reflection are just those which have been formed in the constant give and take of relationship with others.

4. .—The chief importance of this foregoing statement of the educative process which goes on willynilly is to lead us to note that the only way in which adults consciously control the kind of education which the immature get is by controlling the environment in which they act, and hence think and feel. We never educate directly, but indirectly by means of the environment. Whether we permit chance environments to do the work, or whether we design environments for the purpose makes a great difference. And any environment is a chance environment so far as its educative influence is concerned unless it has been deliberately regulated with reference to its educative effect. An intelligent home differs from an unintelligent one chiefly in that the habits of life and intercourse which prevail are chosen, or at least colored, by the thought of their bearing upon the development of children. But schools remain, of course, the typical instance of environments framed with express reference to influencing the mental and moral disposition of their members.

Roughly speaking, they come into existence when social traditions are so complex that a considerable part of the social store is committed to writing and transmitted through written symbols. Written symbols are even more artificial or

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 234 men came and asked him to prescribe for a friend of theirs. Heconsented, but they saw him take the stone and look into it, and went away and told others. The doctors and the Government heard about it, and the man was imprisoned for two years. Sir J. Thurston was Governor at the time, and the teacher who told us the story thought that he had secured the stone.

Cambridgeshire.

Plough Monday.—On the first Monday in Epiphany the men and boys went through Ickleton after dark cracking whips and dragging a huge log of wood or old wooden plough. They rang door bells, and asked for something for Plough Monday, It was said that, if people refused to give them anything, they attempted to plough up the doorstep or scraper with the improvised log plough. After the custom of dragging the log died out some years ago in the neighbourhood of Ickleton and Duxford, the men simply came round and said they were Mr. So and So's ploughmen, and v/ould thank you for a trifle for Plough Monday. The boys used also to come round, and I remember my father once saying,—"But you are not ploughmen," whereupon the prompt answer was,—"No, but we be harrer (harrow) boys."

Valentine's Day.—The children go round the village in couples,, or three or four together, and sing: —

Of course pennies or cakes or oranges are expected.

Shrove Tuesday.—The school children are allowed to play in vicarage meadow,—which adjoins garden at Duxford and is quite in the middle of the village,—and for this purpose they are allowed a special half-holiday from school. This meadow


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 penses of his edition of Homer. But his most notorious exploit was the dedication, in 1685, of a ‘Pindarick Congratulatory Poem’ to Judge Jeffreys on his return from the bloody western circuit. Some letters of Barnes are preserved among the ‘Rawlinson MSS.’ (c. 146) in the Bodleian Library.

[Biographia Britannica; Gent. Mag. 1779, 546, 640; St. James's Chronicle, October 1781; Halliwell's Dictionary of Old Plays, pp. 2, 84, 141; Cole's MS. Athenæ; Memoirs of William Stukeley, M.D., published by the Surtees Society, i. 95–6; Hearne's Collections (Oxford Hist. Soc.). In the Monthly Review for March 1756 there is printed a letter of Bentley's, containing a severe criticism on Barnes's Homer.]  BARNES, JULIANA (b. 1388?), writer on hawking, hunting, and heraldry. [See .]

BARNES, RICHARD (1532–1587), bishop of Durham, was son of John Barnes and Agnes Saunderson, his wife, and born at Bould, near Warrington, in Lancashire, 1532. At the parish school of Warrington Barnes doubtless received his first education. In 1552 he was ‘elected a fellow of Brasenose College [Oxford] by the authority of the king's council.’ He proceeded B.A. 1553, and M.A. 1557. Having received holy orders, he was presented to the small livings of Stonegrave and Stokesley, Yorkshire. On 12 July 1561 he was admitted chancellor of the church at York, and later became canon-residentiary and prebendary of Laughton in the same church ( Fasti, iii. 165). He was also chosen public reader of divinity there. On 4 Jan. 1567 he was created suffragan-bishop of Nottingham (, iii. 241; Pat. 9 Eliz. p. 11, m. 33). The consecration took place in the church of St. Peter at York by the archbishop (Sandys), assisted by the bishops of Durham (Pilkington) and Chester (Downman). He was elected to the see of Carlisle on 25 June 1570, and received the royal assent 13 July, the temporalities being restored to him on the 26th of the same month (, iii. 241). By the influence of his patron, Burghley, the queen granted him ‘a license to hold in commendam, with his bishopric, the chancellorship of York, the rectories of Stonegrave and Stokesley, and also the rectory of Romaldkirk, Yorkshire, as soon as it fell vacant.’ He resigned the chancellorship in 1571 (, iii. 165). On 5 April 1577 he was elected to the most splendid of all the sees, Durham, in succession to its first protestant bishop, Pilkington, who died 23 Jan. 1575–6. He obtained the royal assent on the 19th of the same month, the archbishop's confirmation on 9 May following, and the temporalities on the 29th of same month (, iii. 294). Burghley was responsible for this appointment, and in a letter to him dated 23 March 1576 Barnes writes: ‘Your lordship was mine only preferrer to Carlell, where I have served my seven years, and I trust discharged the promise yee then made unto her highness on my behalf, which in this poore and bare living was all that I could do; now by your means being preferred to a better, if in time I be not thankful. …’ Barnes's gratitude took the shape of delivering up (practically) to the crown, a long string of ‘Manores’ belonging to the see. Barnes has been severely blamed for this compliance; but it is doubtful if, in any single case, bishopric or other dignity ever was then presented under any other conditions (, ii. App. 65). Bishop Pilkington had neglected his great diocese, and Barnes, writing to his patron, describes his see as ‘this Augiæ stabulum, the church of Durham … whose stinke is grievous in the nose of God and men, and which to purge far passeth Hercules labours.’ It is important, with reference to the charges afterwards brought against Barnes, to continue the quotation. ‘The malicious of the county are remarkably exasperated against me; and whereas at home they dare neither by words nor deeds deal undutifully against me, yet abroad they deface me by all slanders, false reports, and shameless lyes; though the same be never so inartificial or incredible, according to the northern guise, which is never to be ashamed, however they bely and deface him whom they hate, yea, though it be before the humblest’ (, ii. 482–3).

Barnes has been accused of acting rapaciously, with the help of his brother John, chancellor in his court. But John was not his chancellor, and his ‘Clavis Ecclesiastica,’ an elaborate account of all the livings in the province of York, remains to show that his diocese was admirably administered. His own naturally unworldly temperament doubtless exposed him to being ‘preyed upon’ by those who served him; and that, combined with his enforced dispute about ‘dilapidations’ with Bishop Pilkington's widow, his quarrels with Archbishop Grindal, and his generous protection of the puritans, made him many enemies. A full and candid examination of the facts, however, leaves Bishop Barnes beyond most of his age—as he was early called—‘learned, affable, and generous;’ and if at times over-indulgent to offenders, pecuniarily and otherwise, the magnanimous weakness was a ‘failing’ that ‘leaned to virtue's


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Rh than spoken; they cannot be picked up in accidental intercourse with others. In addition, the written form tends to select and record matters which are comparatively foreign to everyday life. The achievements accumulated from generation to generation are deposited in it even though some of them have fallen temporarily out of use. Consequently as soon as a community depends to any considerable extent upon what lies beyond its own territory and its own immediate generation, it must rely upon the set agency of schools to insure adequate transmission of all its resources. To take an obvious illustration: The life of the ancient Greeks and Romans has profoundly influenced our own, and yet the ways in which they affect us do not present themselves on the surface of our ordinary experiences. In similar fashion, peoples still existing, but remote in space, British, Germans, Italians, directly concern our own social affairs, but the nature of the interaction cannot be understood without explicit statement and attention. In precisely similar fashion, our daily associations cannot be trusted to make clear to the young the part played in our activities by remote physical energies, and by invisible structures. Hence a special mode of social intercourse is instituted, the school, to care for such matters.

This mode of association has three functions sufficiently specific, as compared with ordinary associations of life, to be noted. First, a complex civilization is too complex to be assimilated in toto. It has to be broken up into portions, as it were, and assimilated piecemeal, in a gradual and graded way. The relationships of our present social life are so numerous and so interwoven that a child placed in the most favorable position could not readily share in many of the most important of them. Not sharing in them, their meaning would not be communicated to him, would not become a part of his own mental disposition. There would be no seeing the trees because of the forest. Business, politics, art, science, religion, would make all at once a clamor for

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 side.’ His humility and clemency are well illustrated by a story in the life of Bernard Gilpin, in Brook's ‘Lives of the Puritans’ (i. 256–8). We are there told how Gilpin, who was an energetic preacher in the wild border-country, was ordered to preach before Barnes, and boldly denounced him for his want of due severity. The bishop went home with Gilpin, and said to him, ‘Father Gilpin, I acknowledge you are fitter to be the bishop of Durham than I am to be the parson of your church. I ask forgiveness of past injuries. Forgive me, father. I know you have enemies, but while I live bishop of Durham, be secure; none of them shall cause you any further trouble’ (cf. and  Lives of Bernard Gilpin).

In 1578 Barnes was on a commission for the visitation of the church of Durham. In February 1579 he was created D.D. at Oxford, having taken the degree of B.D. at Cambridge. On 24 May 1580, the queen commissioned him, Lord Hunsdon, and others to proceed to the borders of Scotland for ‘redress of grievances.’

Barnes died on 24 Aug. 1587, and was buried in the choir of his cathedral. The dean of Durham (Dr. Toby Matthew) preached his funeral sermon on 7 Sept., from Psalm ciii. 15, 16. The following epitaph is still to be read on his tomb:— Reverendo in Christo patri ac domino, dom. Richardo Barnes, Dunelmi episcopo, præsuli prædocto, liberali, et munifico, P.S. præclarissimo patri P.P.P. Obiit xxiv. Augusti, A.D. 1587, ætatis suæ 55. Mors mihi lucrum.

Astra tenent animam, corpusque hoc marmore clausum; Fama polos penetrat; nomen nati atque nepotes Conservant; vivit semper post funera virtus. Barnes married first Fredesmund, daughter of Ralph Gifford, of Claydon, Bucks, by whom he had issue five sons and four daughters. The third son was Barnabe Barnes, the poet of ‘Parthenophil and Parthenophe’ [see ]. Barnes married secondly, in 1582, Jane, a French lady, by whom he had no issue; after his death she became the wife of Dr. Leonard Pilkington, master of St. John's College, Cambridge. His ‘Injunctions and other Ecclesiastical Proceedings’ were edited by J. Raine for the Surtees Society in 1850.

[Introduction to Barnabe Barnes's Poems, in Dr. Grosart's Occasional Issues (1875); Surtees and Hutchinson's Durham (the latter misplaces ‘Bould’ in Lincolnshire instead of Lancashire); Strype's Annals, ii. 431, appendix 105, p. 521, et alibi; Rymer's Fœdera, xv. p. 785; Willis's Cathedrals, i. 229; Fuller's Church History, lib. ix. p. 191; Raine's History of Auckland Castle; Clavis Ecclesiastica, ut supra; Cooper's Athen. Cantab. ii. 15–16; Wood's Athenæ (Bliss), ii. 826; Lansdowne MSS. i. 48, 50, 51, 71, ii. 247; Strype's Grindal, ep. ded. and p. 164; Strype's Parker, i. 240; Bedford's Blazon of Episcopacy, 117; Ussher's Letters, 26; Thorpe's Cal. of State Papers, 405, 520.]  BARNES, ROBERT, D.D. (1495–1540), protestant divine and martyr, was a Norfolk man, born in the neighbourhood of Lynn. Bishop Bale, who was born in 1495 and studied with him at Cambridge in 1514, says that he was of the same age with himself. It must have been two or three years before that date—in fact, while he was still a boy, if we are to interpret Bale's word impubes strictly—that he was made an Augustinian friar, and joined the convent of Austin friars at Cambridge. Here he discovered a taste for learning, and was sent for a time to study at Louvain; on his return to Cambridge, he was made prior of the house. A devoted pupil named Thomas Parnell came back from Louvain with him, and read with him, as Foxe informs us, ‘copia verborum et rerum,’ not the well-known work of Erasmus so entitled, but classical authors such as Terence, Plautus, and Cicero; by which ‘he caused the house shortly to flourish with good letters, and made a great part of the house learned who before were drowned in barbarous ignorance.’ It is strange that in telling us this Foxe should have glanced at the title of a work of Erasmus without mentioning him by name, especially as the great Dutch scholar must have been at Cambridge at least part of the time that Barnes was there, and could scarcely have been ignorant of the efforts of a fellow-worker to revive learning at the university. But it is more extraordinary still that, if Barnes produced any marked impression in this way, not a word should be said about him, good or evil, in all the correspondence of Erasmus. We cannot, however, reasonably doubt that he drew to himself at Cambridge a number of congenial souls, of whom Foxe mentions five by name, one of them being Miles Coverdale, afterwards so well known for his translation of the Bible. He discussed questions of divinity at the university, and was made D.D. in 1523. He then became acquainted with the writings of Luther, and adopted his opinions, to which it appears he was converted by Thomas Bilney, the Norwich martyr. He first laid himself open to a charge of heresy by a sermon delivered at St. Edward's church, at Cambridge, on Sunday, 24 Dec. 1525, on the text, ‘Rejoice in the Lord alway’ (Phil. iv. 4), in which he depreciated the special observance of great festivals


text:
Author:Richard Strachey

Works

 * "," Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th ed., (1882)
 * (Climate, Flora and Fauna)

title: Author:Richard Strachey


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24 ; confusion would be the outcome. The first office of the social organ we call the school is to provide a simplified environment. It selects the features which are fairly fundamental and capable of being responded to by the young. Then it establishes a progressive order, using the factors first acquired as means of gaining insight into what is more complicated.

In the second place, it is the business of the school environment to eliminate, so far as possible, the unworthy features of the existing environment from influence upon mental habitudes. It establishes a purified medium of action. Selection aims not only at simplifying but at weeding out what is undesirable. Every society gets encumbered with what is trivial, with dead wood from the past, and with what is positively perverse. The school has the duty of omitting such things from the environment which it supplies, and thereby doing what it can to counteract their influence in the ordinary social environment. By selecting the best for its exclusive use, it strives to reënforce the power of this best. As a society becomes more enlightened, it realizes that it is responsible not to transmit and conserve the whole of its existing achievements, but only such as make for a better future society. The school is its chief agency for the accomplishment of this end.

In the third place, it is the office of the school environment to balance the various elements in the social environment, and to see to it that each individual gets an opportunity to escape from the limitations of the social group in which he was born, and to come into living contact with a broader environment. Such words as 'society' and 'community' are likely to be misleading, for they have a tendency to make us think there is single thing corresponding to the single word. As a matter of fact, a modern society is many societies more or less loosely connected. Each household with its immediate extension of friends makes a society; the village or street group of playmates is a community; each business

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 PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS.

.

ago, when we were met together, as now, to take periodic stock of our work, all seemed to be very well with the Society and with the world at large; the glass was steady and the sun shone; and, as honest reapers and harvesters are wont to do, we celebrated our rites festively. This year we are in no mood for festivity, and hardly in a mood for any scientific occupation. Our thoughts are fixed upon the War, It would be empty to pretend to ourselves that we care about anything else. Science, after all, is but a function of the Higher Life, and the Higher Life itself is in jeopardy.

Hence I have not sought to avoid the subject of war, but rather propose to make it my chief theme to-night. On the other hand, it behoves us to remember that science aims at a rigid impartiality of view. It may not, indeed, be humanly possible to divest ourselves wholly of prejudice. But those who foregather in the name of science must, at least, try to see things as they truly are". Thus in the hour of greatest stress we may have recourse to science as to some anodyne, because it teaches us to face facts and keep a cool head.

Moreover, it lies beyond our province to discuss, at any rate in a direct way, the rights and wrongs of the present struggle in Europe. Our peculiar concern is not with


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Rh group, each club, is another. Passing beyond these more intimate groups, there is in a country like our own a variety of races, religious affiliations, economic divisions. Inside the modern city, in spite of its nominal political unity, there are probably more communities, more differing customs, traditions, aspirations, and forms of government or control, than existed in an entire continent at an earlier epoch.

Each such group exercises a formative influence on the active dispositions of its members. A clique, a club, a gang, a Fagin's household of thieves, the prisoners in a jail, provide educative environments for those who enter into their collective or conjoint activities, as truly as a church, a labor union, a business partnership, or a political party. Each of them is a mode of associated or community life, quite as much as is a family, a town, or a state. There are also communities whose members have little or no direct contact with one another, like the guild of artists, the republic of letters, the members of the professional learned class scattered over the face of the earth. For they have aims in common, and the activity of each member is directly modified by knowledge of what others are doing.

In the olden times, the diversity of groups was largely a geographical matter. There were many societies, but each, within its own territory, was comparatively homogeneous. But with the development of commerce, transportation, intercommunication, and emigration, countries like the United States are composed of a combination of different groups with different traditional customs. It is this situation which has, perhaps more than any other one cause, forced the demand for an educational institution which shall provide something like a homogeneous and balanced environment for the young. Only in this way can the centrifugal forces set up by juxtaposition of different groups within one and the same political unit be counteracted. The intermingling in the school of youth of different races, differing religions, and unlike customs creates

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26 for all a new and broader environment. Common subject matter accustoms all to a unity of outlook upon a broader horizon than is visible to the members of any group while it is isolated. The assimilative force of the American public school is eloquent testimony to the efficacy of the common and balanced appeal.

The school has the function also of coördinating within the disposition of each individual the diverse influences of the various social environments into which he enters. One code prevails in the family; another, on the street; a third, in the workshop or store; a fourth, in the religious association. As a person passes from one of the environments to another, he is subjected to antagonistic pulls, and is in danger of being split into a being having different standards of judgment and emotion for different occasions. This danger imposes upon the school a steadying and integrating office.

.—The development within the young of the attitudes and dispositions necessary to the continuous and progressive life of a society cannot take place by direct conveyance of beliefs, emotions, and knowledge. It takes place through the intermediary of the environment. The environment consists of the sum total of conditions which are concerned in the execution of the activity characteristic of a living being. The social environment consists of all the activities of fellow beings that are bound up in the carrying on of the activities of any one of its members. It is truly educative in its effect in the degree in which an individual shares or participates in some conjoint activity. By doing his share in the associated activity, the individual appropriates the purpose which actuates it, becomes familiar with its methods and subject matters, acquires needed skill, and is saturated with its emotional spirit.

The deeper and more intimate educative formation of disposition comes, without conscious intent, as the young gradually partake of the activities of the various groups to

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Rh which they may belong. As a society becomes more complex, however, it is found necessary to provide a special social environment which shall especially look after nurturing the capacities of the immature. Three of the more important functions of this special environment are: simplifying and ordering the factors of the disposition it is wished to develop; purifying and idealizing the existing social customs; creating a wider and better balanced environment than that by which the young would be likely, if left to themselves, to be influenced.

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 ON THE ORIGIN OF THE EGYPTIAN ZAR.

BY BRENDA Z. SELIGMANN.

celebration of zār is a common practice in Cairo and, I believe, in all other Egyptian towns at the present day. The word itself needs some explanation. In Spiro’s vocabulary of the colloquial Arabic of Egypt it is translated by “negro incantation” and no plural or derivation is given. It was suggested to me by an Egyptian that it meant “visitation” and came from the Arabic verb zāra, “he visited,” but this does not seem probable, nor does Dr. Schnouck Hurgronje favour this view. In the Sudan I only found the word zār used to mean the ceremony, the spirits themselves being spoken of as asaid, “masters”; and it is used in this sense by Niya Salima (Madame Ruchdi Pasha) in Harems et Musulmanes d’Egypte. There seems no doubt that the word is Abyssinian, though it appears that its meaning has changed during its travels. Originally it meant a spirit, and thus secondarily in a special sense the magician who communicates with the spirits. According to Plowden a zār is “a magician and medicine man, a man who by spells, or through being spirited away by them in his childhood obtains the power of intimate communication with those beings and is regarded as one of them.” Herr P. Kahle in his interesting article on Zaf Beschworungen in Der Islam, 1913, occasionally uses the word to mean spirit as well as the ceremony performed; his observations were made among the lower classes in Cairo and Luxor. Mr. Rex Engelbach, who kindly placed at my disposal some


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4 Michael Angelo belonged to that city and to those days, with all their prejudices, passions, and feverish life.

Certainly he was not tender towards his compatriots. With his broad-chested, open-air genius, he despised their narrow artistic outlook, their pretentious intellect, their dull realism, their sentimentalism, and their morbid subtlety. He handled them roughly; but he loved them nevertheless. As regards his native place, he did not possess Leonardo's smiling indifference. When far from Florence he was consumed with home-sickness. During his whole life he wore himself out in vain efforts to live there. He was in Florence in the tragic hour of war; and it was his desire "to return there at least when dead, since he had been unable to do so when alive."

Old Florentine that he was, he was filled with the pride of his blood and his race. He was prouder of his

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User talk:184.56.151.141

Oh just don't do that. StateOfAvon (talk) 18:48, 2 June 2011 (UTC)

title: User talk:184.56.151.141


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Portal:Papua New Guinea

Works

 * Constitution of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea

title: Portal:Papua New Guinea


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Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 24, 1913.djvu/75

 COLLECTANEA.

Further Notes on Spanish Amulets.

(With Plates I. and II.).

Folk-Lore for December, 1906, I published some notes deallng, for the most part, with a series of specimens collected during the course of the previous year. In the spring of 191 1 I had the opportunity of collecting a new series of specimens, as well as of obtaining some slight further information concerning certain of the types already noticed, upon which the following notes are based. I think that the difficulty of obtaining reliable information at first-hand has increased considerably during the six years intervening between my visits, and the number of amulets visibly worn or newly-made has decreased in a like proportion, owing to the advances of modern education and material progress; as these matters are purely quantitative it is manifestly impossible to base an accurate judgment upon them in circumstances necessarily personal.

With respect to a considerable proportion of the specimens hereinafter described, I was unable to learn more than that these were "amulets," intentions unstated or given vaguely as against "the evil eye"; in such cases I have referred to similar Italian forms of which the intentions are known. With respect to certain of the finer specimens, of silver, no definite information was forthcoming, probably for the reason that these objects were used only by the wealthier classes and during, apparently, the late sixteenth and the seventeenth centuries, and that these classes are the ones most likely to alter or to lose their old beliefs. Numerals in ordinary type refer to the Figures illustrating the present paper,


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barker, Samuel


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 Plate I.

Plate 1 Folk-Lore, vol. 24.jpg

To face p. 64.


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Rh perceived it, he would immediately refuse to continue the conversation. "There was a brief silence. A knock came at the door. We all expressed a fear, since the reply had come so promptly, that it could not be the master. But my star willed that Michael Angelo, who lived quite near, should at that very time be on his way in the direction of San Silvestro; he was proceeding along the Via Esquilina, towards the Thermtæ, philosophising as he went with his disciple Urbino. And as our envoy had met him and brought him along, he it was who stood upon the threshold. The Marchesa rose and long remained in conversation with him, standing and apart from the others, before she invited him to take a seat between Lattanzio and herself." Francis of Holland sat by his side. But Michael Angelo paid not the slightest attention to him. Whereupon the Spaniard was acutely nettled and said, with a vexed air: "Verily the surest means of not being seen by any one is to place oneself right in front of his eyes!"

Michael Angelo, astonished, looked at him and immediately apologised, with great courtesy. "Pardon me, Messer Francesco," he said. "In truth I did not notice you, for all my attention was centred on the Marchesa.

"Meanwhile Vittoria, after a slight pause, began, with an art which is deserving of the highest praise, to speak, adroitly and discreetly, of a thousand things, but without touching on the subject of painting. It was like one who lays siege, with difficulty and with art, to a fortified town. And Michael Angelo had the air of a besieged person who, vigilant and defiant, puts guards here,


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text:
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110 raises bridges there, places mines elsewhere, and keeps the garrison on the alert at the gates and on the walls. But finally the Marchesa carried the day. And truly no one could defend himself against her. "Well," said she, "we must indeed recognise that we are always conquered when we attack Michael Angelo with his own arms, that is to say with cunning. We must speak to him, Messer Lattanzio, on the subject of lawsuits, papal briefs, or else . . . painting if we would reduce him to silence and have the last word."

This ingenious détour led the conversation on to the subject of art. Vittoria informed Michael Angelo of a religious construction which she proposed to raise, and immediately Michael Angelo offered to examine the site and draw up a plan.

"I should never have dared to ask so great a service," replied the Marchesa, "although I know that in everything you follow the teachings of the Lord, who lowers the haughty and raises up the humble. . . . Consequently, those who know you esteem the person of Michael Angelo much more than his works, whilst those who do not know you personally glorify the weakest part of yourself—that is to say, the work of your hands. But I praise you no less for so often withdrawing aside, fleeing from our useless conversations, and, instead of painting all the princes who come to beg you to do their portraits, for devoting almost the whole of your life to a single great work."

Michael Angelo modestly declined these compliments, and expressed his aversion for chatterers and idlers—whether great lords or popes—who thought it permissible to impose their society on an artist, when even now his


text:
Portal:East Timor

Works

 * Constitution of the Democratic Republic of East Timor
 * Pátria

title: Portal:East Timor


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barker, Thomas (fl.1651)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barker, Thomas (1722-1809)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barker, Thomas (1769-1847)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barker, Thomas Jones


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barker, Thomas Richard


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barker, William (fl.1572)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barker, William Burckhardt


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barker, William Higgs


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Page:The Life of Michael Angelo.djvu/165

Rh life was not long enough to enable him to accomplish his task. The conversation then passed to the highest artistic subjects, which the Marchesa treated with religious gravity. In her opinion, as in that of Michael Angolo, a work of art was an act of faith.

"Good painting," said Michael Angelo, "approaches God and is united with Him. ... It is but a copy of His perfection, a shadow of His brush. His music. His melody. . . . Consequently, it is not sufficient for a painter to be merely a great and skilful master. I think that his life must also be pure and holy as much as possible, in order that the Holy Spirit may govern his thoughts."

And thus the day wore on, with these truly sacred and majestically serene conversations in the Church of San Silvestro, unless the friends preferred to continue them in the garden—which Francis of Holland describes for us: "near the fountain, within the shade of laurel bushes, seated on a stone bench placed against an ivy-covered wall," whence they looked down on Rome stretched at their feet.

Unfortunately these beautiful conversations did not last. They were suddenly interrupted by the religious crisis through which the Marchesa di Pescara was passing. In 1541 she left Rome to shut herself up in a cloister, first at Orvieto and then at Viterbo.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barking, Richard de


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barksdale, Clement


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barksted, William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barkworth, Mark


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barling, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barlow, Edward (1587-1641)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barlow, Edward (1639-1719)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barlow, Francis


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barlow, George Hilaro


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barlow, Henry Clark


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barlow, Peter


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barlow, Thomas Worthington


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112 "But she often set off from Viterbo and came to Rome, specially to see Michael Angelo. He was enamoured of her divine spirit, and she amply returned his admiration. He received from her and kept many letters, full of a chaste and very gentle love, and such as that noble soul could write."

"At her request," adds Condivi, "he executed a nude Christ, who, detached from the Cross, would have fallen like a dead body at the feet of his Holy Mother had not two angels supported Him by the arms. Mary is seated under the Cross; her face is marked by tears and suffering; and with open arms she raises her hands heavenwards. On the wood of the Cross we read the words: 'Non vi si pensa quanto sangue costa.' For love of Vittoria, Michael Angelo also drew a Christ on the Cross, but not dead, as He is usually represented, but living, with His face turned towards His Father, and crying: 'Eli! Eli!' The body does not willingly abandon itself; it twists and contracts in the last sufferings of death."


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barmby, John Goodwyn


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnard, Edward William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnard, Henry William


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnard, John (fl.1641)


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title: Template:PD-US-no-renewal/doc


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnard, John (d.1683)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnard, John (fl.1685-1693)


text:
1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Rivet

RIVET (O. Fr. rivet, from river, to fix, fasten together, of unknown origin; Skeat compares Icel. rifa, to stitch together), a metal pin or bolt used to fasten metal plates together. A rivet, made of wrought iron, copper or other malleable substance, is usually made with a head at one end, the other end being hammered out after passing through the plates so as to keep them closely fastened together. A “bolt” differs from a rivet in that one or both ends have screw-threads to hold a nut (see ).

title: 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica/Rivet


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnard, John (1685-1764)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnard, Thomas


text: Popular Science Monthly/Volume 56/November 1899/The Real Problems of Democracy


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Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 26, 1915.djvu/109

Rh

The following carol was sung by Esther Smith, Gypsy, at Weobly in 1912:

The carol is sung to an old folk-tune, which has been noted from the singer by Dr..

2em

OBITUARY.

1834-1914.

Miss was born at Norbury, Staffordshire, of which parish her father, the Rev. W. H. Cymric Lloyd, was rector. She was barely fifteen when the family removed to the then infant colony of Natal, where Mr. Lloyd was appointed Archdeacon. When afterwards her younger sister married Dr. W. H. I. Bleek, the noted South African philologist, Miss Lloyd became a member of their household at Mowbray, Cape Colony, and assisted her


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnard, William (1697-1768)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnard, William (1774-1849)


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 100 brother-in-law in his researches into the Bushman language, which was till then unwritten and practically unknown. Dr. Bleek housed a number of Bushmen successively on his premises and wrote down the narratives they related. When he died in 1875 Miss Lloyd continued her studies alone, and in 1889 she published a Report or Calendar of the material collected. But it was not till 1911 that she succeeded in publishing a selection of Bushman Folklore, (cf. Folk-Lore, xxiii. 278), in which the narratives appear in Bushman and in English on opposite pages. She made a point of this, for though well-read in folklore, and fully aware of its scientific value, her own chief interest was in the language itself, which had been the original object of her fellow-worker. The University of Capetown subsequently granted her the honorary degree of Doctor of Letters, a public recognition of her labours which gave her great pleasure. In 1887 she had returned to Europe, where she resided for some time in North Wales, afterwards removing to Berlin; but in 1912 she and her surviving sister undertook the journey back to Cape Colony, where her death occurred at Mowbray on the 31st August, 1914. The same mail that brought the news to England brought also a kindly-appreciative letter from herself, acknowledging the receipt of a copy of the Handbook of Folk-Lore.

To the quiet dignity of an old-fashioned English gentlewoman she added the painstaking accuracy of the truly scientific student. "To all faithful workers" she dedicated her book. Her knowledge of Bushman lore was unique. It is pleasant to know that before the end came she had been able to impart much of it to Dr. Bleek's only surviving unmarried daughter, Miss Doris Bleek, who inherits the precious manuscripts and follows up the researches of her father and aunt.


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Page:Theodore Roosevelt Rough Riders.djvu/2

AS COLONEL OF THE ROUGH RIDERS Colonel Roosevelt in camp with his regiment, the First Volunteer Calvary at Tampa, Florida, previous to embarkation for Cuba


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnardiston, Nathaniel


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnardiston, Thomas (d.1669)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnardiston, Thomas (d.1752)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnes, Ambrose


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnes, Barnabe


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnes, Edward


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Rh to give you wretched paintings in exchange for your beautiful and living creations."

In the summer of 1544 Vittoria returned to live in Rome, in the cloisters of Santa Anna, and she remained there until her death. Michael Angelo used to go to see her. She thought affectionately of him, tried to put a little pleasure and comfort into his life, and, secretly, to make him a few little presents. But the suspicious old man, "who would accept presents from no one," even from those whom he loved the most, refused to give her this pleasure.

She died. He saw her die, and he uttered these touching words, which show with what a chaste reserve their great love had been surrounded:

"Nothing distresses me more than to think that I have seen her dead, and that I have not kissed her forehead and her face as I have kissed her hand."

"This death," says Condivi, "made him for a long time quite stupid: he seemed to have lost his intelligence."

"She wished me the greatest good," said Michael Angelo sadly, later on, "and I the same (Mi noleva grandissimo bene, e io non meno di lei). Death has robbed me of a great friend."

He wrote two sonnets on this death. One, imbued


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnes, John


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnes, Joshua


text: Author:Primrose McConnell

title: Author:Primrose McConnell


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Barnes, Richard


text: Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 25, 1914.djvu/313


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Page:Folk-lore - A Quarterly Review. Volume 25, 1914.djvu/314

 Plate XVI. ffmicH* • • " • ' •RUSHTOi. -■ . •-'UNSTALL X ... •OvrPT'ON' • MALPAS. ,KtEU UA^MQRD • N HITTINCTO N • WESTFmON MARKET DRAYTON •■ X •HODNET •ECCLESHALL ABBOTS BRO: to£y tBASCHURCH 'KIN_NERL£_Y EDCM ONb X RODINOTON' •HAUCHTON BURTONon TRENT*, WALTON ON TRENT* X NEWPORT ^ WELL/NcfbN • tAc* • BERRINGTON • ruLVERBATCH BONINCAL^' UiXlhiL WLVERHAMPTON ■ MARKET ^ BOSWORTH ,,■?,,, 50JTQW COLDFI ELB ^ AALhAU ■. * • HINGSBURr --. L.S70/V .' • LE/I MARSTON '••■ '/^^jniv CURDWORTH ^=^ l'.[!BHnUCHTON '-. ALVECHURCtf- lil«)MYAI'l)» MAP ILLUSTRATING THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE CUSTOMS OF SOULING, CLEMENTING, AND CATTERNING. A^a;«g.f ;«a;-/CW tc'/^/i a cross denote localiUes where Souliug is practised. Names underlined denote localities of dementing. Names doubly underlined denote Cat tern ing. To face p. 285.
 * t-Jii__» •BIDDULPHX
 * BQkLB /mow cop m


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116 with the Platonic spirit, is characterised by a rugged affectation and a deluded idealism: it is comparable to night with lightning flashing across the sky. Michael Angelo compares Vittoria to the hammer of the divine sculptor, who makes his sublime thoughts spring forth from matter.

"If my rude hammer fashions hard rocks first into one image and then into another, it is from the hand which holds and guides it that it receives movement; it acts through the influence of a foreign force. But the divine hammer which is raised in the heavens creates its own beauty and the beauty of others by reason of its own strength. No other hammer can create without this hammer; this one alone gives life to all the others. And since the blow which it strikes on the anvil is so much the greater the higher it is raised in the forge, this hammer has risen above me to heaven. That is why it will guide my work to a good end, if the divine forge lends its aid. Up to now, on earth, it was alone."

The other sonnet is more tender and proclaims the victory of love over death.

"When she who drew from my breast so many sighs slipped away from the world, from my eyes and from herself. Nature which had judged us worthy of her


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Rh his work. He was also struck with the idea of retiring to Urbino, a peaceful spot, where he hoped that, out of respect for the memory of Julius II., he would be well received. With that object in view he had already sent there one of his men to buy a house." But, at the moment of coming to a decision, his willpower, as usual, failed him; he feared the consequences of his acts, and deceived himself with the eternal illusion—inevitably ending in disappointment—that he could get out of the difficulty by some compromise or other. He again allowed himself to be enchained and continued to drag his cannon ball until the end.

On September 1, 1535, Paul III. issued a brief appointing him architect-in-chief, sculptor and painter to the apostolic palace. Since the preceding April Michael Angelo had consented to work on "The Last Judgment." He was entirely occupied with this work from April 1536 to November 1541—that is to say, during the sojourn of Vittoria at Rome. In the course of this enormous task—doubtless in 1539—the old man fell from his scaffolding and seriously injured his leg. "In his pain and anger he refused to be attended by a doctor." He detested doctors and manifested in his letters a comical anxiety on hearing that one of the members of his family had had the imprudence to call one in.

"Fortunately for him, after his fall. Maestro Baccio Rontini, a Florentine, his friend and a clever physician,


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Pitt, William


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Rh "civilization," as we optimistically call it, but with the opposite condition which for want of a better word goes by the name of "savagery." Now, as Sir Everard im Thurn points out in the Address which I had the pleasure of hearing him deliver a short while ago in Australia, it is unfortunate that there is no "term of less misleading suggestion" to provide a label for that form of human culture which in broad contrast to our own we class as rude or primitive. One is apt in speaking of "savagery" to allow the implication of brutal ferocity to slip in unchallenged. But such a piece of question-begging is utterly unfair. No wonder that, by way of counterblast, Professor von Luschan was moved to emit his famous paradox: "The only "savages" in Africa are certain white men!"

For, as we all know, "savage" is by etymology nothing other than "silvaggio," a "forester" or "woodlander" resembling those of whom Lucretius sang:—

Now such a label would not be inappropriate if it could be made to carry a purely economic, as distinguished from a moral, connotation. Economically regarded, the class of savage or wild folk includes all those who live in close dependence on the immediate physical environment. The savage is thus the veritable "child of nature," since his natural surroundings so largely make him what he is. This description does not merely apply to the most backward jungle tribes who, like Pliny's Artabatites, "wander and go up and downe in the forests like foure-footed sauvage


text:
Page:Theodore Roosevelt Rough Riders.djvu/3

WITH PORTRAIT FRONTISPIECE

NEW YORK P.F. COLLIER & SON PUBLISHERS


text: Author:Everard Ferdinand im Thurn

title: Author:Everard Ferdinand im Thurn


text:
Page:The Life of Michael Angelo.djvu/187

desire, after the death of Vittoria, would have been to return to Florence, "to lay his weary bones at rest by the side of his father." But after having served the Popes all his life he wished to devote his last years to the service of God. Perhaps he had been urged towards this by his friend and was carrying out one of her last wishes. On January 1, 1547, one month before the death of Vittoria Colonna, Michael Angelo had, in fact, been appointed, by a brief of Paul III., prefect and architect of St. Peter's, with full powers to erect the building. It was not without difficulty that he could be got to accept the post; and it was not the earnest entreaties of the Pope which made him decide to take upon his septuagenarian shoulders the heaviest load which he had yet borne. He saw in it a duty—a mission from God.

"Many think—and I myself think—that I have been placed in this post by God," he wrote. "Old though I Rh


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he lived alone with his humble friends—his assistants and his madcap acquaintances, and with other friends still more humble—his domestic animals, his fowls and his cats.

In reality he was alone; and he became so more and more. "I am always alone," he wrote to his nephew in 1548, "and I speak to no one." Little by little he had separated himself not only from man's society but even from their interests, their needs, their pleasures and their thoughts.

The last passion which attached him to the men of his time—his republicanism—had become extinguished in its turn. Once more it had sprung into life at the time of the two serious illnesses of 1544 and 1546, when Michael Angelo had been received by his friend Riccio at the house of the Strozzi, who were republicans and proscripts. Convalescent, Michael Angelo begged Robert Strozzi, a refugee in Lyons, to remind the King of France


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Pitou, Louis Ange


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120 who loved the arts, took compassion on him and went to his house. When no one answered his knock he entered by a secret way, and passing from room to room found Michael Angelo in desperate case. Baccio refused to leave him before he was healed.”

As Julius II. had formerly done, Paul III. used to come to see Michael Angelo painting, and gave his opinion. He was accompanied by his master of the ceremonies, Biagio da Cesena. One day the Pope asked this official what he thought of the work. Biagio, who, says Vasari, was a very scrupulous person, declared that it was “a disgrace to have put so many nudes in such a place, and that the painting was better suited to a bathing-place or an inn than a chapel. This angered Michael Angelo, so, after they had gone, he drew a portrait of Biagio from memory, representing him as Minos in Hell among a troop of devils, with a great serpent wound about his legs.” Biagio complained to the Pope. But Paul III. laughed at him. “Had Michael Angelo put you in Purgatory,” he said to him, “there might have been some remedy, but from Hell, ‘Nulla est redemption.’”

Biagio was not the only one to find Michael Angelo’s paintings indecent. Italy was becoming prudish, and the time was not far distant when Veronese was to be summoned before the Inquisition for the impropriety of his “Supper at the House of Simon.” Plenty of people could be found to cry out scandal before “The


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, so long desired and so slow in coming—

came at last.

Notwithstanding a robust constitution, sustained by the monkish rigour of his life, he had not been spared from illness. He had never entirely recovered from his two bad attacks of fever of 1544 and 1546. Stone, gout, and sufferings of all kinds completed his ruin. In a sadly burlesque poem of his last years he draws a picture of his wretched body, undermined by infirmities.

“I live alone and wretched, confined like the pith within the bark of a tree. … My voice is like a wasp imprisoned within a sack of skin and bone. … My teeth rattle like the keys of a musical instrument. …


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12 beasts." It is no less true of the member of a relatively advanced community, as, for example, the native of East Central Africa, of whom Drummond with a word-painter's licence writes: "One stick, pointed, makes him a spear; two sticks rubbed together make him a fire; fifty sticks together make him a home. The bark he peels from them makes his clothes; the fruits which hang on them form his food." If, then, we construe "forest" as equivalent to anykind of natural waste, whether it be tangled jungle or bare mountain-side, variegated park-land or monotonous desert, we may find in it a sufficiently accurate differentia of savagery as compared with civilization, when the two are considered primarily as opposed conditions of the economic order. As Buckle puts it not unfairly: "Looking at the history of the world as a whole, the tendency has been, in Europe to subordinate nature to man; out of Europe to subordinate man to nature."

Can we, however, proceed to assume offhand that the conquest of nature involves the conquest of self? It would certainly be unscientific to accept it as a dogma that morality is but a function of the economic life. Let us beware of a priori judgments coloured by the "historical materialism" of Marx and his school of thought. Only the study of the facts of human history can reveal how far material prosperity and righteousness go together; and these facts do not on the face of them tell a plain tale. It was no less a historian than Gibbon who returned the dubious verdict: "Every age of the world has increased, and still increases, the real wealth, the happiness, the knowledge, and perhaps the virtue, of the human race."


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 Rh Indeed, if we belong to the party of those who look with jaundiced eye on the flaunting triumphs of this age of machines—machines which at this present moment are proving their quality mainly as instruments of destruction—we may be too ready to yield to the converse fallacy, namely, that of identifying the morals of the primaeval forest with those of the Garden of Eden. For fallacy it surely is to overlook the fact that a great many savages are bloodthirsty and cruel, even if other savages be mild and innocuous in the extreme. The problem thereupon arises: Which of these two types, the bloodthirsty or the mild, is the higher and better, as judged from an ethical standpoint? When we turn aside from the burning questions of this distressful hour, and contemplate in a calm spirit, and as it were from a distance, the various dispositions and fortunes of the wild folk of the earth, shall we award the palm of moral worth to the warlike or to the peaceful among them? Or, if it turn out that there is something unsatisfactory in the actual moral state of each alike, which of the two must be held to exhibit the greater promise of growth, the richer possibilities of ultimate moral expansion? Does innocence prove the more blessed condition from first to last? Or is the savagery that deservedly carries with it the suggestion of ruthlessness and ferocity more prolific notwithstanding of human good in the long run?

On the one hand, then, there is no difficulty in gathering together a cloud of witness on behalf of the claims of the mild type of savage. The Hottentots, for instance, were considered by Kolben to be "certainly the most friendly, the most liberal, and the most benevolent people to one another that ever appeared on the earth." Of the Let-htas Colquhoun writes, "They have no laws or rulers, and the Karens say they do not require any, as the Let-htas never


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Rh so that nothing, in the disorder, should be carried off. They took very good care, of course, not to let Michael Angelo know anything of this.

These precautions were not useless. The hour had come.

Michael Angelo's last letter is dated December 28, 1563. For a year past he had written hardly a line himself; he dictated and signed. Daniello da Volterra looked after his correspondence.

He still worked. On February 12, 1564, he spent the whole day on his feet, working at his "Pietà." On the 14th he was seized with fever. Tiberio Calcagni, informed of what had happened, hastened to his house, but found that he was out. Notwithstanding the rain he had gone for a walk in the Campagna. When he returned Calcagni told him that he had been unreasonable in going out in such weather.

"What matter?" replied Michael Angelo. "I am ill and nowhere can I find repose."

The unsteadiness of his speech, the look in his eyes, and the colour of his face made Calcagni very anxious. "The end may not come immediately," he wrote at once to Leonardo, "but I fear it is not far off."

The same day Michael Angelo begged Daniello da Volterra to come and remain with him. Daniello sent for the doctor, Federigo Donati, and, on the 15th, at Michael Angelo's request, wrote to Leonardo to say that he could


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 14 commit any evil among themselves or against any other people." And so one traveller after another ascribes the character of "blameless Ethiopians" to this or that small and unwarlike group of wild folk. We need not spend time over the enumeration of instances, when the testimony is so unanimous. It is plain that hidden away in the odd corners of the world are many little peoples, as innocent as they are insignificant, of whom one might say in the language of cold science very much what in the romantic pages of Sir John Mandeville is expressed thus: "and alle be it that thei ben not cristned, ne have no perfyt lawe, zit natheless of kyndily lawe thei ben fulle of all Vertue, and thei eschewen alle Vices and alle Malices and alle Synnes."

On the other hand, again, the predatory savages form a well-marked type; and it is incontestable that, though Iroquois or Zulus, let us say, represent in some sense the very flower of the North American or African stocks, yet their cruelty and ruthlessness were on a level with their energy and courage. What need to labour the point? Their record, written in blood, speaks for itself.

Comparing, then, the mild savages with the fierce in respect of their position in the evolutionary scale, we are at once struck by the fact that, whereas the fierce peoples were established and, until the oncoming of the Whites, held their own, in the midst of some crowded field of competition, some capital "area of characterization," as de Quatrefages would term it, the mild peoples, on the contrary, are one and all the denizens of "protected" districts. The latter, in other words, pursue the simple life in


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Rh tropical jungles, deserts, hill-country, islands, polar regions, and, generally, in isolated and unattractive portions of the globe, where stagnation or positive degeneration must inevitably obtain in default of the bracing effects of the struggle for existence. It does not follow in the least, because a tribe has persisted through the ages, that it has likewise been growing and improving through the ages. There are many modes of survival, and not all are equally creditable.

Mobility, indeed, in the sense of the power of beating a wise retreat in time is largely responsible for the continuance of the milder varieties of man. An element of sheer luck, too, may well enter in, more especially when survival depends on merely lying low. As the Preacher says, "I returned and saw under the sun that the race is not to the swift nor the battle to the strong, neither yet bread to the wise, nor yet riches to men of understanding, nor yet favour to men of skill; but time and chance happeneth to them all." Nay, insignificance itself may confer a vital advantage. When adaptation takes the direction of greater simplicity of organization, as is seen, for example, in the typical parasite, we term the process one of degeneration. The simple reason is, however, that we who promulgate this judgment of value are ourselves committed to a policy of progress; such progress being definable in technical language as an elaboration of society involving at once an ever fuller differentiation of the component units and an ever closer integration of the group as a whole. Nevertheless, if we put aside questions of value, and look in a scientific spirit at the bare facts of life, we


text: Author:Robert Hatch Kennett

title: Author:Robert Hatch Kennett


text: Template:Legend

title: Template:Legend


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16 have to admit that fitness or ability to survive consists sometimes in a capacity to grovel; though at other times, and doubtless more characteristically for the human race, it consists in a power of rising to the occasion.

In the present case, however, we cannot ignore considerations of value, since the object of our discussion precisely is to weigh two types of savagery the one against the other. Our own moral point of view cannot be treated as irrelevant. On the contrary, we may be sure that if a European philosopher is led to contrast the morality of a warrior of the Five Nations with that of a feeble Wood-Vedda to the advantage of the latter, it is because he seems to see his own peace-loving tendencies reflected in the lamb-like behaviour of that lowly Arcadian. But any analogy that may be perceived between the unmorality of some savage Arcady and the morality of the Gospel is utterly superficial. Let us listen rather to the honest "Naturalist on the Amazons," who, fond as he is of his Brazilian forest-folk, yet dispassionately observes: "With so little mental activity, and with feelings and passions slow of excitement, the life of these people is naturally monotonous and dull, and their virtues are, properly speaking, only negative: but the picture of harmless, homely contentment they exhibit is very pleasing." Mere innocence does not amount to positive merit as we judge it who are the inheritors and sustainers of a culture elaborated in the world's area of central struggle and most typical characterization. As well describe the negative freedom of a wild beast in terms of Shelley's Ode to Liberty as decorate the savage of the mild and furtive type with the inappropriate crown of a Christian saint. Let these poor by-products of human evolution continue to exist and vegetate by all means. Yet we must set a value on their survival, not for any purposes of moral edification, but simply for the purposes of an all-embracing science—as well as for pity's sake.


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Pitman, Marie J.


text:
Author:Henry Walter Bates

Works

 * The naturalist on the river Amazons, in 2 volumes (1863): Volume 1, Volume 2
 * Central America, the West Indies and South America with Augustus Henry Keane (1878)

Contributions to Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute

 * On the Goodephagous Coleoptera of New Zealand (1874)
 * On the Longicorn Coleoptera of New Zealand (1874)

title: Author:Henry Walter Bates


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114 Simrock VII., together with some other peculiarities, again has the feat of winning the bride, though it is a feat of another sort. Wilhelm catches a swan-maiden, and later releases her from an enchanted mountain by hewing trees, separating grain, and finding his wife among three hundred women. Thus by her help he breaks the spell, and carries her back home. Later they journey together to her father's court. On the way Wilhelm pays the debts of a corpse, and has it buried. They meet two officers of the king, who toss Wilhelm overboard from the ship in which they sail, but he is saved by the ghost of the dead man and brought to court. He is recognized by the princess, and proves his identity to her father by means of a ring and a handkerchief.

The most salient point here is the fact that the maiden is not ransomed at all, but instead is captured like any other swan-maiden. We have already met with the theme of The Swan-Maiden in combination with The Grateful Dead in simple form; but Servian V. has evidently nothing to do with Simrock VII., since the part played by the borrowed motive is different in each. In the former it is introduced as the reward bestowed on the hero by the ghost, while in the latter the swan-maiden simply replaces the ransomed maiden, as is shown by the subsequent events of the story, which follow the normal order as far as she is concerned. The feats by which the hero disenchants her are essentially like those in Bohemian, Simrock I., and Simrock III., though they are differently placed. Probably the introduction of this new material accounts for the transposition of the ransoming and the burial, as the latter is in other respects regular. It is curious to observe that the process of changing about various features, thus begun, continued in other ways, as in the matter of the signs by which the hero is recognized by his father-in-law and his wife. These

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 on foot for a cessation of arms on both sides, the Marquis of Ormond took the field, 2ud March 1643-'4, and went south with a force of 3,000 men, and artillery. At Carlow a council of war was held, and it was resolved to besiege Ross, defended by a large force under Preston. On the 18th a battle was fought under its walls, in which Ormond was again victorious, although outnumbered three to one. Preston drew off across the Barrow, with a loss of some 500 men, baggage, and ammunition, breaking down the bridge behind him to prevent pursuit. Ormond's army was so badly victualled, and the country was so desolated, that he was unable to reap the fruits of this victory, and was glad once more to find himself behind the walls of Dublin. Whilst this expedition was in progress, there was a meeting at Trim on 17th March, between four Commissioners on behalf of the King, and four Confederate agents, in which the latter presented a remonstrance, declaring their reasons for taking up arms, and their desire for peace if proper terms were granted—especially the free exercise of their religion. This remonstrance was, upon Ormond's return, forwarded to Charles. The summer was spent in negotiations; and on the 15th September 1643, a cessation of hostilities was agreed upon. Consequently in November the Marquis was able to send over 2,000 troops, principally Anglo-Irish, and in December 1,440 more, to the assistance of the King in England. Their services in the desultory Irish war proved but poor training, and they reflected little credit on their royal master. The Marquis's efforts to induce the Irish party to send over more troops were unavailing. In January 1644, Charles's confidence in Ormond was shown by his creating him Lord-Lieutenant, with extraordinary powers. The burden of his instructions was, to endeavour by every means to preserve peace in Ireland, to the end that he might be able to assist Charles with men and money in his English affairs. The Irish party meanwhile endeavoured to treat directly with the King. The sum of their demands was: freedom of religion, and repeal of the penal laws; the passage of an act of oblivion; the calling of a free Irish Parliament; the raising and locating of train-bands within each county; a settlement of property. Upon concurrence with these terms, they professed themselves ready to contribute 10,000 men for the King's service in England, and to "expose their lives and fortunes to serve His Majesty as occasion should require." The Irish Protestant party, on the other hand, sent Sir Charles Coote to the King at Oxford to demand as the price of their allegiance and assistance, legislation in an opposite direction. June 1644 found Ormond at Dublin, as Carte says, "ready to be devoured by want, almost hopeless of relief, blocked up by sea, encompassed with powerful armies, Scots and Irish, having no strength to oppose them but a very small, indigent, unsatisfied army, unfortified towns, unfaithful inhabitants for the most part, and upon the matter, empty magazines and stores." Two years were spent in protracted negotiations, and on 29th July 1646, a "peace" was concluded by the Marquis on behalf of the King, and by Lord Muskerry and others on behalf of the Confederates. It was vigorously opposed by Rinuccini, the Papal legate. Many of the chief towns refused to accede to the terms, and Owen Roe O'Neill and his army became the centre of opposition, not alone to Ormond and the Ulster Scotch, but to the old Confederates. The Commissioners and their adherents were excommunicated by Rinuccini. General Preston, with an army of 3,400 men, appeared neutral. At the end of August the Marquis marched to Kilkenny with 2,000 men; but it becoming clear that O'Neill and Preston were combining to cut off his army, he managed with considerable difficulty to return to Dublin by the 13th September, losing some of his baggage and plate, and "having," according to Carte, "reaped no other fruits from his expedition, but to be convinced, as well of the vanity of depending any longer upon the Irish Confederates, as of the necessity of applying elsewhere for succours to oppose the designs of those that governed them." He made a last effort to strengthen the fortifications of Dublin—the Marchioness of Ormond and other ladies of rank setting the example, by carrying baskets of earth. His means were, however, exhausted; he could expect no further aid from the Royalists in England; he had raised as much money as he could, some £27,000, by mortgage of his estates. There was no choice left him but to submit either to the Irish party or the Parliament. He chose the latter; and sent word to London that if he were supplied with 3,500 troops, to be joined with those he had already under his command, with three months' pay, and if all Protestants, British, and well-affected Irish, were received into protection and preserved in their persons and estates, he would be willing to prosecute the war vigorously against any parties in Ireland in arms against the Parliament. His agents left for England, 29th September 1646; and five Commissioners were deputed to treat with him. 58


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Rh things go to show, however, that back of the variant must have existed the compound type in a normal form.

In Simrock V. the thankful beast again appears, but in a less complicated setting than in the case of Jean de Calais II., VII., and X., or Simrock II., III., and VIII. A widow's son on his way home from market pays the debts of a corpse and buries it, thus using all his money. The next time he goes to market, he gives all his proceeds to ransom a maiden, whom he marries. She does embroidery to gain money, and one day holds out a piece of it to the king, who is passing. He recognizes her as his daughter, and accepts the hero as son-in-law. The young couple start back home for the widow, but on the way the servants cast the young man into the sea. He esgapes, however, to an island, where he is fed by an eagle. Later the eagle declares itself to be the ghost of the dead man, and brings its benefactor to court.

Oldenburgian is a similar tale. A merchant's son while on a voyage pays thirty dollars to bury a man, and also buys a captive princess with her maid. Though illreceived by his father on his return, he marries the girl. Later he goes on another voyage, with his wife's portrait as the figure-head of his ship. This is recognized by the king, who sends him back for the princess in the company of a minister. The latter pitches him overboard, goes on for the princess, and does not tell her of her loss till they arrive at court. She finally consents to marry the traitor after five years. Meanwhile, the hero lives on an island, whither on the day appointed for the princess's bridal comes the ghost of the dead in the form of a snow-white dove. It takes him to the court, where he is recognized by a ring, a gift from his bride, which he drops into a cup that she offers him.

Of these two variants, Oldenburgian is much better preserved than the Tyrolese story {Simrock V.). The

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 O'Neill and Preston now marched against Dublin. O'Neill took Maryborough, Stradbally, and other strong places in the Queen's County; at Athy he was joined by the Nuncio. Preston had the adherence of the Leinster gentry, who had been outraged by the depredations of O'Neill's Ulster soldiers—"Preston hating O'Neill," as Carte says, and "O'Neill despising Preston." Preston arrived at Lucan on the 9th, and O'Neill on the 11th November. Their combined armies numbered 16,000 foot and 1,600 horse. Ormond had been able to effect little for the defence of Dublin, but to burn the crops around and destroy the mills, and had O'Neill and Preston acted together, nothing could have saved the city; but their mutual jealousies appeared ineradicable; and on the 16th, when news was brought that a small English force had been received into Dublin, O'Neill retired into Meath over a bridge hastily constructed at Leixlip; and Preston, by the intervention of Clanricard, appeared not unwilling to join Ormond, although in a short time Rinuccini brought him back to act nominally in concert with O'Neill. The Marquis was not able to come to terms with the Parliamentary Commissioners, and on 9th December marched with 1,600 men to join the Earl of Clanricard. This was a necessary move, for although too weak to overcome either O'Neill or Preston, he found sustenance for his troops in Westmeath and Longford, and was able to raise £1,000 among the gentry. The officers of his army were without pay; the soldiers had been reduced from 12d. to 9d., and afterwards 6d. a week, with 8lbs. of bread. Early in 1647 he negotiated a short peace with the Irish, and sent to the Parliament, offering to surrender Dublin unconditionally. Whereupon, between March and June, the city was garrisoned by Parliamentary troops. On 28th July the Marquis, leaving the Viceregal regalia to be delivered to the Parliamentary Commissioners, took ship at Dublin, and landed at Bristol after a five-days' passage. By permission of the Parliament, he waited upon the King at Hampton Court, and gave him "in writing a summary of the affairs of Ireland, to be considered by him at his leisure." After a short sojourn in England, he proceeded to France. The 29th September 1648 found him again in Ireland, bent upon making a diversion in favour of his master, whose affairs were in extremity. The Marquis had but thirty pistoles left, having spent in ships and necessaries for the expedition the balance of the 3,400 he had received during his residence in France. On 17th January 1649, arranged a treaty with the Irish leaders, who agreed to act together for the royal cause. Upon the news of Charles's execution, Prince Charles was proclaimed King, and the chief cities contributed small sums to Ormond for sustaining his cause; Rinuccini's and O'Neill's policy of independent Irish action for Catholic ends appeared entirely discredited, and the former returned to Italy. In May, Ormond having ineffectually urged upon Charles the desirability of encouraging his Irish adherents by visiting the country, marched north at the head of an army of 8,000 men, intent upon recovering possession of Dublin. On 28th July he took Rathfarnham by storm, and early in the morning of 2nd August was fought the battle of Rathmines. Jones, the Parliamentary governor of Dublin, having just received reinforcements from England, made his dispositions with singular ability, and Ormond's army was routed with great slaughter; 300 officers and 1,500 soldiers (most of whom entered the Parliamentary service) were taken prisoners; the whole of the artillery, tents, and baggage, fell into the enemy's hands. Carte attributes the defeat to the inexperience of the Irish officers, the rawness of the soldier's, and the sturdy character of Jones's troops. The Marquis, who received a musket shot on his armour, retired to Kilkenny; but almost immediately set about reorganizing his forces to oppose Cromwell, who landed at Dublin on 15th August, commanding a well-appointed army of 17,000. Although making the best possible dispositions in his power, he was able to offer but a feeble opposition to Cromwell's march, and was compelled to fall back before him; Waterford and some other Irish cities were even unwilling to admit Ormond's garrisons. In the spring of 1650 the Marquis's efforts to secure prompt and united action among the different Irish parties were unavailing; whilst town after town in the central part of Ireland surrendered to Cromwell's veteran troops. Limerick and Galway now refused Ormond's garrisons, and he was denounced by a convocation of the clergy at Loughrea, on 6th August 1650. On 15th of November he called a general assembly, explained the hopelessness of affairs, appointed Clanricard Lord-Deputy, and on 11th December sailed from Galway Bay for France, in the Elizabeth, a little 4-gun frigate of 24 tons, which had, by the Duke of York's orders, been awaiting him for some time. With him sailed Lord Inchiquin, about forty officers, and several other gentlemen. After a three-week's passage, they landed at St. Malo in Brittany. He delayed a few 59


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116 latter is dressed in a homely fashion, which probably accounts for some of the changes, since the gap between the visits to market and the romantic or miraculous features of the couple's later adventures was too wide to be easily bridged. The disappointed suitor is not mentioned, which leaves the attempt on the hero's life without motivation, and clearly indicates some loss. The trait is distinctly marked in Oldenburgian, as are all the other events connected with The Ransomed Woman, though Simrock V. provides an entirely original reason for the voyage of the young couple,—their wish to get the hero's mother. The features concerning the rescue by the ghost and the hero's return to court are better preserved again in Oldenburgian, though both lack the agreement to divide, which is probably obscured as elsewhere by the prominence given the rescued woman. The most striking similarity between the two, however, lies in the fact that the ghost first appears as a bird. This clearly shows the existence of a type of The Grateful Dead + The Ransomed Woman, on which The Thankful Beasts has had some influence.

It remains to consider the general relations of the variants discussed in this chapter. The wide variety in detail of the incidents concerned with the history of the hero's wife, yet the essential uniformity which they show, would indicate clearly, for one thing, that The Ransomed Woman is a motive originally quite independent of The Grateful Dead,—that the type of story which is our present concern is a true compound. It would even be possible to reconstruct the independent theme in a form not unlike the Wendish folk-tale cited in the beginning of the chapter. The hero, while on a journey, ransoms a princess, takes her home, goes on another journey with some sign that attracts her father's notice, goes back to

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text:
Author:Conwy Lloyd Morgan

Works

 * Facts around us, simple readings in inorganic science, with experiments (1884)
 * Animal Life and Intelligence (1891)
 * Animal sketches ([1891?])
 * The Springs of Conduct: An Essay on Evolution (1892)
 * Habit and instinct (1896)
 * Psychology for Teachers (1899)
 * Animal Behaviour (1900)
 * An Introduction to Comparative Psychology (1903)
 * The Interpretation of Nature (1905)
 * Instinct and experience ([1913])

About Lloyd Morgan and his work

 * Review of Animal Behaviour (1900), in The Zoologist, 4th series, vol 5, issue 715 (January, 1901), p. 34/5.

title: Author:Conwy Lloyd Morgan


text: Author:Archibald Ross Colquhoun

title: Author:Archibald Ross Colquhoun


text: Appletons' Cyclopædia of American Biography/Pitman, Benn


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Rh Let us consider in turn the predatory savage. No doubt much has been urged, not unjustly, in his disparagement. But we must remember that the criticism comes from without, namely, from those to whom the fighting tribe necessarily displays its unamiable side. The European who approaches in the guise of a stranger, and mostly, let us add, in the guise of an armed stranger, is apt to meet with a rough reception at the hands of just that group of wild folk whose morale and military spirit are highest; and in such a case uncharitable epithets are likely to be forthcoming by way of response.

A more impartial estimate of the morality of savages of the fierce type must needs make full allowance for the fact that, amongst themselves, they manifest much forbearance and goodwill. The worst charge that can be brought against them relates to what a German author calls the "dualism" of their ethics —in other words, their acquiescence in the two-edged doctrine which Sir Edward Tylor formulates thus: "Thou shalt love thy neighbour, and hate thine enemy."

Postponing for a moment the investigation of their limitations on the side of strict ethics, let us first pay heed to their achievements in the way of worldly success. It is a commonplace of anthropology that at a certain stage of evolution—the half-way stage, so to speak—war is a prime civilizing agency; in fact, that, as Bagehot puts it, "Civilization begins, because the beginning of civilization is a military advantage." The reason is not far to seek. "The compact tribes win," says Bagehot. Or, as Spencer


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 18 more elaborately explains, "From the very beginning, the conquest of one people over another has been, in the main, the conquest of the social man over the anti-social man." ... "Where there neither is, nor has been, any war, there is no government." Strong government, says Sir Edward Tylor, speaking to the same effect, sets up "the warrior-tyrant to do work too harsh and heavy for the feebler hands of the patriarch." Nothing short, it would seem, of a military despotism can infuse into a tribe that is just emerging from that precarious and ineffectual condition known as the state of nature a spirit of "intense legality," a stringent respect for the rights of others and notably for the rights of property; apart from which chastened frame of mind it is impossible to pass out of the savage tribe into the civilized nation. To sum up in Bagehot's words, "It is a rule of the first times that you can infer merit from conquest, and that progress is promoted by the competitive examination of constant war."

Now someone may object that such an anthropological justification of war, which is by this time a very old story, represents little more than an application, crude, wholesale, and a priori, of the Darwinian hypothesis to the facts of politics; though, to be sure, such an objection is usually raised only when an extension of the argument to our own politics is thought to be implied. If, however, the generalization be taken as referring solely to savages of the predatory type, there is certainly no lack of empirical proofs whereby it might be confirmed. Since it is out of the question to survey the evidence here, let a single illustrative case be cited as being perhaps sufficiently crucial for our purpose. Mr. M'Dougall, who enjoys the two-fold advantage of being a trained thinker and a


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Rh hand observer of savage life, divides those tribes which in conjunction with Dr. Charles Hose he studied in Borneo into three groups—peaceful coast-dwellers, extremely warlike peoples dwelling far up the rivers, and moderately bellicose folk who are situated half-way and fulfil the thankless function of a buffer. "It might be supposed," he writes, "that the peaceful coastwise people would be found to be superior in moral qualities to their more war-like neighbours; but the contrary is the case. In almost all respects the advantage lies with the warlike tribes. Their houses are better built, larger and cleaner; their domestic morality is superior; they are physically stronger, are braver, and physically and mentally more active, and in general are more trustworthy. But, above all, their social organization is firmer and more efficient, because their respect for and obedience to their chiefs, and their loyalty to their community, are much greater; each man identifies himself with the whole community and accepts and loyally performs the social duties laid upon him. And the moderately warlike tribes occupying the intermediate regions stand midway between them and the people of the coast as regards these moral qualities."

Now when an eminent psychologist speaks of moral qualities, we may be sure that he has duly weighed his words; even if it would appear that, according to Mr. M'Dougall, to build a large house and keep it clean ranks among the cardinal virtues. We may take it from him, then, that the head-hunter of Borneo is essentially a gentleman in the making. We, at least, who are the lineal descendants of some of the most terrible fighting races that the world has ever known cannot afford to harbour any other conclusion.

Yet the head-hunting mood has its ethical drawbacks.


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16 alteration. The Courier cuts a joke. The landlord is affectionate, but not weakly so. He bears it like a man. He shakes hands with his brave brother, but he don't hug him. Still, he loves his brother; for he knows that he will be returning that way, one of these fine days, with another family, and he foresees that his heart will yearn towards him again. The brave Courier traverses all round the carriage once, looks at the drag, inspects the wheels, jumps up, gives the word, and away we go!

It is market morning. The market is held in the little square outside, in front of the cathedral. It is crowded with men and women, in blue, in red, in green, in white; with canvassed stalls; and fluttering merchandise. The country people are grouped about, with their clean baskets before them. Here, the lace-sellers; there, the butter and egg-sellers; there, the fruit-sellers; there, the shoe-makers. The whole place looks as if it were the stage of some great theatre, and the curtain had just run up, for a picturesque ballet. And there is the cathedral to boot: scene-like: all grim, and swarthy, and mouldering, and cold: just splashing the pavement in one place with faint purple drops, as the morning sun, entering by a little window on the eastern side, struggles through some stained glass panes, on the western. In five minutes we have passed the iron cross, with a little ragged kneeling-place of turf before it, in the outskirts of the town; and are again upon the road.

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20 So much will be admitted by most civilized persons. What, then, are these drawbacks? We have already had occasion to note the so-called "dualism" of primitive morals. As Spencer phrases it, the "ethics of enmity" and the "ethics of amity" must coexist in the breast of the predatory savage as best they can. Now if the lion and the lamb are to flourish side by side, it is necessary to separate them by a wall of brass. Unfortunately, or, rather, fortunately, the human soul is a "unity in difierence," which as such cannot endure any absolute separation of its activities by brazen barriers or otherwise. The slightest acquaintance with the psychology of the predatory savage will convince us that, in his case, the lion tends to encroach on the lamb—with the usual result.

To put the matter less picturesquely, the predatory life as pursued by the savage imposes a decided check on the development of his sympathies. All this has been so well explained by Bagehot that it will be enough here to repeat his main contention. "War," he says, speaking more particularly of primitive war as waged at the "nation-making" stage of society, "both needs and generates certain virtues; not the highest, but what may be called the preliminary virtues, as valour, veracity, the spirit of obedience, the habit of discipline . . ." "Humanity, charity, a nice sense of the rights of others, it certainly does not foster." In short, the best that can be said for primitive war is that it provides the cure for that most deep-seated of savage failings, namely, the sleepy, listless apathy to which the innocuous kind of wild man, the "blameless Ethiopian," is so notoriously addicted. For these negative and passive virtues, if such a name can be given to them at all, the predatory life substitutes certain positive and active virtues—the "manly" virtues, as even the civilized man is wont by preference to regard them. In a similar vein old Charlevoix writes of


text:
Letter to Edward Newman October 1832

Sir,—I send you a list of some Diptera occurring about Holywood, in the county of Down. Should you think it not unsuited to the pages of the Entomological Magazine, the Notes appended will afford the necessary explanations of the nomenclature adopted, where it differs from that of Meigen or of the published British Catalogues. As I am aware that a bare local catalogue may not seem of sufficient general interest to occupy so many pages, I should probably not have thought of it had time allowed me to offer any contribution of greater labour and detail. Perhaps, however, as referring to a district in this respect nearly unexplored, this list may afford some hints for the advancement of our Insect Geography. I am sorry therefore to present it in so meagre a form, many of the most extensive genera being unexamined in detail. These are indicated by the asterisk prefixed ; and some of them I have thought it better to pass over entirely. Perhaps, however,a few facts may be gleaned from it, such as it is. The total absence of the families of Bombylii and Asili is observable and, considered in connexion with the small proportion which the British species bear to the European in the aggregate, seems a result partially determining the law of progressive distribution among these forms. The disappearance or extreme rarity of the finer genera (the Optimates) among the Tabani,Stratiomydes, Syrphi, &c. may also be remarked, as well as the absence of various conspicuous (and in this point of view more insulated) groups, such as Ctenophora, Aspistes, Pachygaster,Platypeza, Diaphorus, Echinomyia. Gymnosoma, Micropeza, Platystoma, &c. On the other hand, the predominance of particular tribes may afford some indications ;the Dolichopi, as a family, are pretty full (so also the minuter Tipulidae, though not appearing from this catalogue); the Muscidae, of less typical structure (all the genera after Coenosia,or perhaps Scatophaga) are by no means scanty. A few groups seem to approach their culminant point ; Coelopa, a genus unknown to the shores of the continent, and even on the Scanic peninsula confined to one described species, here numbers five or six, all rich in individuals, and exercising no unimportant functions in the economy of nature. Tachypeza arenaria, which sometimes swarms upon our coasts, has many analogies of structure with its companions, the swift-footed but heavy-winged Oryymae and Coelopae, and like them is probably confined to a northern range. Not to detain you further with remarks that may appear obvious or trivial, I will only add my best wishes for the success of your undertaking ; and am, Your very obedient, &c. Alex. Henry Haliday. Clifden, near Holywood, Oct. 1832.

title: Letter to Edward Newman October 1832