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Fitzgerald FITZGERALD, GEORGE, sixteenth (1611–1660), was son of Thomas, second son of William Fitzgerald, thirteenth earl of Kildare, by Frances, daughter of Thomas Randolph, postmaster-general in England under Queen Elizabeth. George Fitzgerald was in his ninth year when, in 1620, he inherited the Kildare peerage, on the death of Gerald, the fifteenth earl, at the age of eight years and ten months. Earl George was given in wardship by the king to the Duke of Lennox. On the decease of the latter his widow transferred the wardship of the minor and his estates to Richard Boyle, earl of Cork, for 6,600l. Kildare studied for a time at Christ Church, Oxford, and in his eighteenth year married Joan, fourth daughter of Lord Cork. He appears to have been much under the influence of that astute adventurer; but occasional differences occurred between them, for the settlement of which the intervention of the lord deputy, Wentworth, was obtained. A portrait of Kildare, painted in 1632, in which he is represented as of diminutive stature, is extant at Carton, the residence of the Duke of Leinster. There is also preserved at Carton a transcript, made in 1633 for Kildare, of an ancient volume known as the 'Red Book of the Earls of Kildare.' Kildare sat for the first time in the House of Peers, Ireland, in 1634, and was appointed colonel of a foot regiment in the English army in Ireland. With pecuniary advances from Lord Cork Kildare rebuilt the decayed castle of his ancestors at Maynooth in the county of Kildare. James Shirley, the dramatist, during his visit to Dublin in 1637-8, was befriended by Kildare, and dedicated to him his tragi-comedy entitled 'The Royal Master,' acted at the castle and the theatre, Dublin, in 1638. Kildare was about that time committed to prison for having disobeyed an order made by the lord deputy for the delivery of documents connected with a suit at law with Lord Digby. In 1641 Kildare was appointed governor of the county of Kildare, and subsequently took part with the leaders of the protestant party in Ireland in opposing the movements of the Irish catholics to obtain from Charles I redress of their grievances. Correspondence between Kildare and the viceroy, Ormonde, in 1644 appears in the third and fourth volumes of the 'History of the Irish Confederation and War.' In January 1645-6 Kildare and the Marquis of Clanricarde became sureties to the extent of 10,000l. each for the Earl of Glamorgan, on the occasion of his liberation from prison at Dublin. Kildare acted as governor of Dublin under the parliamentarian colonel, Michael Jones, in 1647, and in 1649 he received a pension of 46s. weekly from the government. In a subsequent petition to the chief justice of Munster Kildare stated that during eleven years he and his family had been driven to great extremities and endured much hardship in England and Ireland through his constant adherence and faithful affection to the parliament of England; that he was then, for debt, under restraint in London, and had despatched his wife and some of his servants to Ireland in hopes to raise a considerable sum out of his estate for his enlargement and subsistence. By his wife, who died in 1656, he had three sons and six daughters. Kildare died early in 1660. He was buried at Kildare. His second son, Wentworth Fitzgerald, succeeded him as seventeenth earl of Kildare. [Archives of the Duke of Leinster; Ormonde Archives (Kilkenny Castle); Diaries of the Earl of Cork; Carte Papers (Bodleian Library), vol. xvi.; History of the Irish Confederation and War, 1643-6 (Dublin, 1885-9); Works of James Shirley, 1833; History of the City of Dublin, 1854; Hist. MSS. Comm. 9th Rep. 1884; The Earls of Kildare, by the Marquis of Kildare, 1858-62.]  FITZGERALD, GEORGE ROBERT (1748?–1786), known as 'Fighting Fitzgerald,' was a descendant of the Desmond branch of the great Geraldine family, anciently settled in Waterford, but removed in the time of Cromwell to county Mayo. He was the eldest son of George Fitzgerald, who was for some time an officer in the Austrian service, by Lady Mary Hervey, formerly maid of honour to the Princess Amelia, and sister to the Earl of Bristol, bishop of Deny. He was educated at Eton, which he left to join the army, his first quarters being at Galway. He soon became noted for his gallantry, his recklessness, and his duels. Having at Dublin made the acquaintance of the sister of the Right Hon. Thomas Conolly of Castletown, cousin of the Duke of Leinster, he married her against the wishes of her parents, receiving with her a fortune of 10,000l. Soon afterwards he went to the continent, where his wife died, leaving an only daughter. In 1773 he gained celebrity in connection with a fracas at Vauxhall relating to an actress, Mrs. Hartley. A clergyman, the Rev. Henry Bate [see ], who protected the actress against the familiarities of Fitzgerald and his friends, had, however, much the best of the quarrel (see The Vauxhall Dispute, or the Macaronies Defeated; being a compilation of all the Letters, Squibs, &c., on both sides of the Dispute, 1773). Fitzgerald married a second time the only


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Fitzgerald  and heiress of Mr. Vaughan of Carrowmore, Mayo. He now began to take an active interest in politics. He was a strong supporter of the legislative independence of Ireland, and assisted in the formation of the volunteer companies. On his estate in county Mayo he boasted with truth that he had introduced numerous improvements, much attention being devoted by him to the growth of wheat. His serious occupations were relieved by wild adventures, including a habit introduced by him of hunting at night. For a sum of 8,000l. per annum paid down his father granted him a rent-charge of 1,000l. per annum, and agreed to settle his whole estates on him and his issue male. As, however, it now seemed unlikely that young Fitzgerald would ever have any issue male, he became jealous of his younger brother, whose issue would ultimately inherit the property. The father having fallen in arrears in the payment of the rent-charge to the amount of 12,000l., young Fitzgerald, by an order of the court of exchequer, got possession of the property, his father being allowed a comparatively small annuity. This annuity the son neglected to pay, and carried off his younger brother to his house at Turlough. Thereupon his brother brought an action against him for forcible abduction, and being found guilty he was sentenced to three years' imprisonment and a fine of 1,000l. The sentence proved for a time a dead-letter. He retreated to Sligo with his father, and, being closely followed, embarked with him in a boat for a small island in Sligo Bay. Here his father proposed to him that if he would pay him 3,000l. to clear his debts, and give him a small yearly stipend, he would convey to him the reversion in the estate and exonerate him of all blame in the forcible abduction. To this he agreed, and, proceeding by unfrequented roads, the two together reached Dublin. No sooner had they reached it than the father set him at defiance. A reward of 3,000l. having previously been offered for his capture, it was not long before he was arrested. He endeavoured to move for a new trial, but without effect, and he was sent to prison, where he remained till a serious illness induced the authorities to liberate him. Soon afterwards one Patrick Randal McDonnell, who had been in league against him, was shot at and wounded in the leg. One Murphy, a retainer of Fitzgerald, was arrested on suspicion, but would reveal nothing. Fitzgerald now procured a warrant for the arrest of M'Donnell and others for false imprisonment of Murphy, but it could not be immediately executed on account of McDonnell's illness from the wound in his leg. Knowing, however, that McDonnell would on a certain day proceed from Castlebar to Chancery Hall, they beset him on his return and took him prisoner. In the scuffle one of the escort was shot. The volunteers coming up, the tables were, however, turned against Fitzgerald, who was captured and lodged in gaol. While there he was in some inexplicable way attacked by a mob of men, who left him in a very weak condition on the supposition that he was dead ; but he survived to stand his trial for murder, and being found guilty was executed at Castlebar in the evening of Monday, 12 June 1786. He was interred at midnight in the family tomb in a chapel which, now in ruins, adjoins a round tower. [Memoirs of G. E. Fitzgerald, 1786 ; Life, in Dublin University Magazine, xvi. 1-21, 179-197, 304-24, reprinted in 1852 ; Appeal to the Jockey Club, &c., 1 775 ; Case of G. E. Fitzgerald, 1786 ; Gent. Mag. vol. lvi. pt. i. 346-7, 434, 518-20 ; Sir Jonah Barrington's Memoirs.]

 FITZGERALD, GERALD, (d. 1204), was the son of Maurice Fitzgerald (d. 1176) [q. v.], the invader of Ireland. Though the Geraldines had already become a well-known family, Gerald is more often called Fitzmaurice than Fitzgerald. Accompanying his father from Wales to Ireland, he and his brother Alexander showed great valour in the battle against Roderick O'Conor, outside the walls of Dublin in 1171 (Exp. Hib. in, Opera, v. 268, Rolls Ser.) After his father's death, William Fitzaldhelm [q. v.] deprived him and his brothers of their stronghold of Wicklow, though after a time compelled to give them Ferns in exchange (ib. p. 337). He had already received from Strongbow, Naas and other districts in Kildare, and had erected Maynooth Castle (, Viceroys of Ireland, p. 93). In 1199, though receiving King John's letters of protection, he was ordered to do right to Maurice Fitzphilip for the lands of 'Gessil and Lega' (? Leix), whereof he had already deforced Maurice (Chart. 1 John, m. 6, p. i. ; Oblate 1 John, m. 12; Cal. Doc. Ireland, Nos. 101, 102). But on his death, Gerald was still in possession of those estates (Cal. Doc. Ireland, No. 195). He is often described as 'Baron Offaly,' the middle cantred of which had been among his father's possessions. He died before 15 Jan. 1204 (ib. No. 195), though generally said to have died in 1205 (Book of Howth, p. 118, which describes him erroneously as justice of Ireland). He married Catherine, daughter of Hamon of Valognes, justiciar of Ireland between 1197 and 1199 (, Viceroys, pp. 57, 93). He left by

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 her two sons (, Peerage of Ireland, i. 59). one of whom, his successor, was Maurice Fitzgerald, lord of Offaly (1194?–1257) [q. v.]

Gerald is described by his cousin, Giraldus Cambrensis, as small in stature, but distinguished for prudence and honesty (Exp. Hib. p. 354). He was the ancestor of the earls of Kildare.

 FITZGERALD, GERALD, fourth (d. 1398), justiciar of Ireland, was the son of Maurice Fitzthomas, the first earl of Desmond [q. v.], by his second wife, Evelina or Eleanor Fitzmaurice, and was generally styled Gerald Fitzmaurice. He was in 1356 taken prisoner by the Irish, but released on a truce being made (Cal. Rot. Pat. et Claus. Hib. p. 59). His father's death in the same year was soon followed by that of his elder brother, Maurice, the second earl. This produced great disturbances in Munster. To appease them Edward III granted to Gerald the lands of his brother Maurice, together with the custody of his idiot brother, Nicholas, who seems to have been regarded as incompetent to succeed (ib. p. 72). This was on 3 July 1359. On 20 July the king renewed the grant on condition of Gerald's marrying Eleanor, the daughter of James Butler, earl of Ormonde, then justiciar of Ireland (Fœdera', iii. 433). The peerage writers describe Gerald as the fourth earl, on the assumption that either Nicholas or another brother, John, previously bore the title (, Peerage of Ireland, i. 65; cf. 'Pedigree of the Desmonds,' in, Unpublished Geraldine Documents, pt. ii.) But the authorities only know of Maurice and his father as his predecessors in the title. The 'Book of Howth' (p. 118) describes him rightly as third earl. In 1367 Desmond succeeded Lionel, duke of Clarence, as justiciar of Ireland (, Annals, p. 154). The appointment was a confession of weakness of the home government, for Gerald carried on even further than his father that policy of amalgamation with the native Irish which it had been Lionel's main object to prevent. The period of his rule was almost exceptionally turbulent. A great meeting was held at Kilkenny to induce the Birminghams to live in peace with the government, and the king's officials petitioned for the removal of the exchequer from Carlow, where it was exposed to the Irish attacks. In 1368 the Irish parliament petitioned that all who held land in Ireland should be compelled to defend their estates in person or by sufficient deputies. In 1369 Desmond was superseded by Sir William de Windsor. In the same year Desmond was efeated near Nenagh and taken prisoner by Brien O'Brien, king of Thomond, whose victorious army now plundered and destroyed Limerick (Annals of Loch Cé, ii. 43; Annals of the Four Masters, iii. 649). It was one of the greatest victories ever won by the Irish of Munster. In 1370 Windsor led an expedition to effect Desmond's release, but in 1372 O'Brien was again in arms and threatening Limerick (Cal. Rot. Pat. et Claus. Hib. p. 84 b). In 1377 Desmond was at war with Richard de Burgh (ib. p. 103 b). In 1381 he was appointed to 'repress the malice of the rebels' in Munster, where no justiciar ventured to show his face after the death of the Earl of March (ib. pp. 114, 115). In 1386 he again acted as deputy of the justiciar in Munster (ib. p. 127 b). In 1393 he obtained from the council an order compelling the town of Cork to pay him a rent already granted 'considering the great expenses which he continually sustains in the king's wars in Munster' (King's Council in Ireland, 16 Richard II, p. 126, Rolls Ser.) During the latter part of his life he was constantly at war with his hereditary foes, the Butlers (ib. p. 261; cf. Cal. Rot. Pat. et Claus. Hib. pp. 121, 122 b). Desmond is generally described in the records as the chief upholder of the king's cause in Munster. Yet his policy was to set the law at defiance and adopt Irish customs and sympathies. He obtained in 1388 a royal license to allow his son James to be fostered among his old enemies, the O'Briens, notwithstanding the statute of Kilkenny (Cal. Rot. Pat. et Claus. Hib. p. 139). The Irish annalists are enthusiastic in his praises. The 'Four Masters' describe him as 'a cheerful and courteous man, who excelled all the English and many of the Irish in the knowledge of the Irish language, poetry, and history' (iv. 761, cf. note on p. 760). He was a man of some culture and refinement. He was called 'Gerald the poet,' and some short French verses attributed to him still survive in the 'Book of Ross or Waterford,' in Harl. MS. 913, f. 15 b, with the title 'Proverbia Comitis Desmond.' 'The point of these is not very evident beyond an ingenious play on words' (, Popular Songs of Ireland, p. 287). He is also described as a mathematician and magician. He died in 1398, but the Munster peasantry long believed that he had only disappeared beneath the waters of Lough Air, near Limerick, and that every seven years he revisited its castle. By his wife, Eleanor Butler, who died in 1392, and is described as a 'charitable and bountiful woman' (Annals of Loch Cé, ii. 75), Desmond left several children. The eldest


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Fitzgerald son, John, the fifth earl, according to the ordinary reckoning, was drowned in the river Suir, within a few months of his father's death (Four Masters, iv. 761). The next son, Maurice, died without male issue in 1410. The third son, James, the O'Brien's foster-son, usurped the earldom from his nephew Thomas, the sixth earl, son of John. James was the father of Thomas Fitzgerald, eighth earl of Desmond [q. v.] Two daughters of Gerald and Eleanor are also mentioned ('Pedigree of the Desmonds,' in, Unpublished Geraldine Documents, pt. ii.) [Chartularies, &c., of St. Mary's Abbey, Dublin ; Annals of Loch Cé, both in Rolls Series; Calendar of the Patent and Close Rolls of Ireland, Record Comm.; Annals of the Four Masters; Clyn's Annals and Grace's Annals (Irish Archæological Soc.) ; Lodge's Peerage of Ireland, vol. i. (Archdall) ; Graves's Unpublished Geraldine Documents, first printed in Journal of Kilkenny Archæological Society, and then separately ; Gilbert's Viceroys of Ireland ; and the other authorities referred to in the text.]

 FITZGERALD, GERALD, eighth (d. 1513), was son of Thomas Fitzgerald, seventh earl of Kildare [q. v.], by his wife Joan, daughter of James, earl of Desmond. Gerald became Earl of Kildare on the death of his father in 1477, and was elected by the council at Dublin to succeed him as deputy-governor in Ireland. Edward IV, however, nominated Henry, lord Grey, to that office. In connection with the appointment serious complications arose. Kildare and Grey respectively asserted rights as governors, and presided over rival parliaments of the English settlement in Ireland. After the termination of the contest Kildare was, in 1481, appointed as deputy in Ireland for the viceroy, Richard, duke of York, and during the closing years of Edward IV advanced much in wealth and influence. He married Alison, daughter of Sir Rowland Fitzeustace, baron of Portlester, and formed alliances with the most important Irish and Anglo-Irish families. Richard III, on his accession, laboured to secure the interest of Kildare, and appointed him deputy-governor in Ireland for his son, Prince Edward. Kildare identified himself prominently with the Yorkist movement in Ireland, which led to the battle at Stoke. In 1488, through the medium of Sir Richard Edgecombe, Kildare was taken into favour by Henry VII, and received pardon under the great seal. As lord deputy he acted energetically against some of the hostile Irish, but was subsequently suspected of favouring the claims of Perkin Warbeck. Kildare deferred compliance with a royal mandate for his appearance in England. His messengers, sent with despatches to the king, were imprisoned at London, for which no explanation was accorded to him. In a letter to the Earl of Ormonde Kildare complained of this treatment, and mentioned that he understood that he had been falsely accused of having favoured Perkin Warbeck. He declared that he had never aided or supported him, and that his loyalty had been certified to the king by the principal lords of Ireland. At the same time the Earl of Desmond, and other chief personages in Ireland, by letter entreated the king not to require Kildare to attend on him in England, as they alleged that the English interest in Ireland would be severely prejudiced by his absence, and they assured the king that he was a true and faithful subject. Kildare was attainted in a parliament convened by Sir Edward Poynings at Drogheda in November 1494, and sent as prisoner to the Tower of London. After a detention there for two years the earl was pardoned, and appointed lord deputy in 1496. In that year he married, as his second wife, Elizabeth St. John, first cousin to Henry VII. In 1498 Kildare presided at the first parliament held in Ireland under Poynings' law. The statutes enacted on that occasion were afterwards officially declared to have been lost, but they have been brought to light and published by the writer of the present notice. Of Kildare's military operations the most important was that in 1504 at Cnoctuagh, near Galway, in which he obtained a victory over forces commanded by some of the chief nobles of Connacht and Munster. He was installed as a knight of the Garter in May 1505, and continued as deputy in Ireland in the early years of the reign of Henry VIII. Kildare died in September 1513 of a wound which he received in an engagement with a sept of Leinster. He was interred in a chapel which he had erected in the convent of the Holy Trinity, now known as Christ Church, Dublin. Contemporary chroniclers styled him 'the great earl,' and described him as 'a mighty made man, full of honour and courage, soon hot and soon cold, somewhat headlong and unruly towards the nobles whom he fancied not.' His son Gerald succeeded as ninth earl [q. v.] A covenant in the Irish language, executed about 1510, between Kildare and the sept of MacGeoghegan, extant in the British Museum, has been reproduced in the third part of 'Facsimiles of National MSS. of Ireland,' London, 1879. [Archives of the Duke of Leinster; Unpublished Statute Rolls of Ireland ; Patent Rolls, Henry VII ; State Papers, Public Record Office, London; Harleian MS. 433; Holinshed's


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 antiquity, in Asia, Africa, Europe, as well as in America, always with the same meaning, should be sufficient to prove that in very remote ages the Mayas had intimate relations with the inhabitants of the lands situated on those continents, were therefore great travellers, and must, perforce, have been acquainted with the general geography of the planet.

We must not lose sight of the fact that we know but very little indeed of the ancient American civilizations. The annals of the learned men of Mayach having been either hidden or destroyed, it is impossible for us to judge of the scope of their scientific attainments. That they were expert architects, the monuments built by them, that have resisted for ages the disintegrating action of the elements and that of vegetation, bear ample testimony. The analysis of the gnomon discovered by the writer in the ruins of the ancient city of Mayapan, in 1880, proves conclusively that they had made advance in the science of astronomy. They knew, as well as we do, how to calculate the latitudes and longitudes; the epochs of the solstices and of the equinoxes; the division of time into solar years of three hundred and sixty-five days and six hours: that of the year into twelve months of thirty days, to which they added five supplementary days that were left without name and regarded as inauspicious. During these, as on the third day of the Epact among the Egyptians, all business was suspended; they did not even go out of their houses, lest some misfortune should befall them. All those calculations required, of course, a thorough knowledge of algebra, geometry, trigonometry, and the other branches of mathematics. That they were no mean draughtsmen and sculptors, the fresco paintings, the inscriptions and bas-reliefs carved on marble, that are still extant, bear unimpeachable testimony.


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Rh Low's Standard Novels—continued. The Late Mrs. Null. By  Hundredth Man. By  Old Town Folk. By Mrs. We and our Neighbours. By Mrs. Poganue People, their Loves and Lives. By Mrs. . Ulu: an African Romance. By  Ben Hur: a Tale of the Christ. By  Anne. By  East Angrels. By  For the Major. By 5s. French Heiress in her own Chateau. Low's Series of Standard Books for Boys. With numerous Illustrations, 2s. 6d.; gilt edges, 3s, 6d. each. Dick Cheveley. By  Heir of Kilfinnan. By  Off to the Wilds. By  The Two Supercargoes. By  The Silver Cañon. By  Under the Meteor Flag. By  Jack Archer: a Tale of the Crimea. By  The Mutiny on Board the Ship Leander. By  With Axe and Rifle on the Western Prairies. By W. H. G.  Red Cloud, the Solitary Sioux: a Tale of the Great Prairie. By Col. Sir  The Voyage of the Aurora. By  Charmouth Grange: a Tale of the 17th Century. By J.  Snowshoes and Canoes. By  The Son of the Constable of France. By  Captain Mugford; or, Our Salt and Fresh Water Tutors. Edited by  The Cornet of Horse, a Tale of Marlborough's Wars. By  The Adventures of Captain Mago. By  Noble Words and Noble Needs. The King of the Tigers. By  Hans Brinker; or, The Silver Skates. By Mrs. The Drummer-Boy, a Story of the time of Washington. By  Adventures in New Guinea: The Narrative of Louis Tregance. The Crusoes of Guiana. By  The Gold Seekers. A Sequel to the Above. By  Winning His Spurs, a Tale of the Crusades. By  The Blue Banner. By Low's Pocket Encyclopædia: a Compendium of General Knowledge  for Ready Reference. Upwards of 25,000 References, with Plates. New ed., imp. 32mo, cloth, marbled edges, 3s. 6d.; roan, 4s. 6d.


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Fitzgerald , 1586 ; Obits of Christ Church, Dublin, 1844; Papers of Richard III, 1861 ; Earls of Kildare, 1862; Hist. of Viceroys of Ireland, 1865 ; Report of Hist. MSS. Commission, 1883.]  FITZGERALD, GERALD, ninth (1487–1534), son of Gerald Fitzgerald, eighth earl [q. v.], by his first wife, Alison Eustace, daughter and coheiress of Rowland, baron of Portlester, was born in 1487. Sent into England in 1493 as a pledge of his father's loyalty, his youth was spent at court, where he was treated as befitted his rank. In 1503 he married Elizabeth, daughter of Sir John Zouche of Codnor in Derbyshire, 'a woman of rare probity of mind and every way commendable.' Shortly after his marriage he was allowed to return to Ireland, and on 28 Feb. 1504 was appointed lord high treasurer. In the same year he accompanied his father, the lord deputy, on an expedition against Mac William of Clanricarde and O'Brien of Thomond. In the battle of Knockdoe on 19 Aug. he commanded the reserve, but 'seeing the battle joining, could not stand still to wait his time as was appointed,' and by his indiscreet valour allowed the Irish horse to capture the baggage train, together with a number of English gentlemen (Annals of the Four Masters, ed. O'Donovan, v. 1277 ; Book of Howth, p. 185 ;, Galway, p. 76). The account in the 'Book of Howth' must be received with caution ; Ware prudently remarks regarding Mac William and O'Brien : 'De particulari eorum machinatione non possum aliquid pro certo affirmare' (Annales, p. 71). In May 1508 he was again in England, but for what purpose is not clear ( Annales, p. 115). On 9 Nov. 1610 he obtained from Henry VIII a grant during pleasure, afterwards confirmed in tail male, of the manor of Ardmolghan, co. Meath. His father dying on 30 Sept. 1513, he was elected lord justice by the council pending his appointment as lord deputy. In the following year he undertook an expedition against the O'Moores and O'Reillies, and having slain Hugh O'Reilly he returned to Dublin laden with plunder. For this and other services done against the 'wild Irish' he was rewarded with the customs and dues of the ports of Strangford and Ardglass. As yet nothing had happened to mar the friendly relations between him and his brother-in-law, Piers Butler. In 1514 he presented Sir Piers with a chief horse, a grey hackney, and a haubergeon, and about the same time united with him to frame regulations for the government of the counties of Kilkenny and Tipperary. In June 1515 he crossed over into England to confer with the king about the affairs of the kingdom, and in October he was authorised to summon a parliament, which met in January 1516. At the same time (October 1515) he was, by license of the king, permitted to carry into execution a scheme, originated by his father, for the foundation and endowment of a college in honour of the Virgin at Maynooth, co. Kildare, which, however, was shortly afterwards suppressed with other religious houses in 1538. In 1516 he conducted an expedition against the O'Tooles, who by their constant depredations considerably annoyed the citizens of Dublin. Marching west he next invaded Ely O'Carroll, where he was joined by several noblemen of Munster and Leinster, including Piers, earl of Ormonde, and James, eldest son of the Earl of Desmond. Having captured and razed the castle of Lemyvannan (Leim-Ui-Bhanain, i.e. O'Banan's leap) he marched rapidly on Clonmel, which having surrendered on conditions he returned to Dublin in December 'laden with booty, hostages, and honour.' In March 1517 he held a parliament at Dublin, after which he invaded Lecale, where he stormed and recaptured the castle of Dundrum. Thence he marched against Phelim Magennis, whom he defeated and took prisoner, and having captured the castle of Dungannon and laid waste Tyrone, 'he reduced Ireland to a quiet condition.' Shortly after his return, in October, his wife, whom he dearly loved, died at Lucan, and was by him buried with great pomp near his mother in the monastery of the Friars Observant at Kilcullen, co. Kildare. Hitherto there had been no question made of his loyalty. In 1515, however, Sir Piers Butler [q. v.] succeeded to the earldom of Ormonde, and shortly afterwards the old hereditary feud between the two houses broke out with redoubled violence. (There is a judicious account of this quarrel in the 'History of St. Canice's Cathedral.' Mr. Froude's narrative is distorted by his extreme partiality for Ormonde. On the other hand, the story in Stanihurst, manifestly derived from Geraldine sources, must be received with caution. One noticeable feature is the vehement animosity of the Countess of Ormonde towards her brother.) At the instigation of Ormonde a charge of maladministration was preferred against him in 1518, and early in the following year he sailed for England. The investigation of the charges against him was committed to Wolsey, but Wolsey, either from policy or pressure of other business, continually postponed the inquiry. In 1520 Kildare married the Lady Elizabeth Grey, fourth daughter of Thomas, marquis of Dorset, granddaughter of Elizabeth Woodville, queen of Edward IV


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Fitzgerald and first cousin of Henry VIII. The same year he was removed from office and the Earl of Surrey appointed lord-lieutenant. Polydore Vergil was perhaps not an unprejudiced observer, but he undoubtedly expressed the general feeling when he remarked that in making this change Wolsey was actuated rather by hatred of Kildare than by any love for Surrey (Historia Anglica, lib. xxvii.) In June Kildare accompanied Henry to the Field of the Cloth of Gold, where he was distinguished for his gallant bearing. Fretting, however, under his detention, he seems to have entered into treasonable negotiations with the wild Irish to invade the Pale, but the charge was never brought home to him, and it ought to be noted that the chief witness against him, O'Carroll, was a kinsman of Ormonde's. He was placed under restraint, and though shortly afterwards released, it was not till July 1523 that he was allowed to return to Ireland. In 1521 Ormonde had been appointed deputy to the Earl of Surrey. For a brief period peace prevailed between the two rivals, but in October the feud broke out afresh. In November they consented to a treaty of peace 'for one year only.' But the murder of Robert Talbot, a retainer of Ormonde's, suspected of spying upon Kildare, by James Fitzgerald, in December, at once led to further acts of hostility on both sides. A new charge of treason was preferred against Mm, but by the influence of the Marquis of Dorset the commission of investigation was appointed to sit in Ireland, with the result that in August 1524 Ormonde was removed from office and Kildare established in his stead. Immediately afterwards he was ordered to arrest the Earl of Desmond, believed to be engaged in treasonable negotiations with Francis I, 'but whether willingly or wittingly he omitted the opportunity, as being loath to be the minister of his cousin Desmond's ruin, or that it lay not in his power and hands to do him hurt or harm, he missed the mark at which he aimed' (, Narrative). On his return he advanced into Ulster to the assistance of his son-in-law, Con O'Neill, assailed on one side by O'Donnell and on the other by his rival, Hugh O'Neill. In May 1525 he held a parliament at Dublin, and shortly afterwards 'crucified' Maurice Kavanagh, archdeacon of Leighlin, for the murder of his kinsman, Maurice Doran, bishop of Leighlin (, Annals). The same year the charge of treasonable practices was renewed against him by the Earl of Ossory {he had recently resigned the earldom of Ormonde to Sir Thomas Boleyn [q. v.]) on the ground that he had wilfully neglected to arrest the Earl of Desmond and that he had connected himself by marriage with the 'Irish enemy.' Accordingly, in compliance with a summons from Henry he passed over next year into England, and was immediately clapped in the Tower. As to the story told by Stanihurst of his trial before the council and of Wolsey's abortive attempt to have him secretly executed, it can only be said that there is perhaps a grain of truth in it. But that Wolsey's hatred should have led him to commit such an egregious piece of folly is incredible, if indeed it is not absolutely disproved by state documents (State Papers, Hen. VIII, ii. 138). However this may have been, he was shortly liberated on bail and went to reside at Newington in Middlesex, a seat of the Duke of Norfolk's. His detention proving irksome, he, in July 1528, sent his daughter Alice, lady Slane, to instigate his Irish allies to invade the Pale ; but his intrigues being suspected he was again confined to the Tower, and the office of deputy transferred to Ossory. In 1530, on the appointment of Sir W. Skeffington, he was allowed to return to Ireland, and in 1531 accompanied him on an expedition against O'Donnell. But he regarded the appointment with unconcealed dislike, and Ossory, ever ready to strike a blow at him, combined with the deputy. Once again was he compelled to appear in England, but this time he acquitted himself so successfully as to obtain Skeffington's removal and his own appointment. On his return in August 1532 he received an ovation from the populace of Dublin and forthwith proceeded with little ceremony to remove his enemies from office. In May 1533 he held a parliament at Dublin, and afterwards went to the assistance of his son-in-law, O'Carroll (son of Mulrony), whose position was challenged by the sons of John O'Carroll ; but during the siege of Birr Castle he received a bullet wound in his side, which partially deprived him of the use of his limbs and speech (Cox's assertion that he was wounded in the head is without foundation in fact). Meanwhile Ossory, Archbishop Allen, and Robert Cowley were busily complaining of his conduct to the king, and in consequence of their representations he was again summoned to England. Suffering acutely from his wound he, on 3 Oct., sent his wife to make his excuses, but the king was resolved on his coming, and gave him permission to appoint a vice-deputy. Accordingly, having held a council at Drogheda in February 1534, at which he delivered up the sword of state to his son and heir, Thomas, lord Oflaly [q. v.], he shortly afterwards set sail on his last and fatal voyage (his speech before the council recorded by Stani-


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Fitzgerald , has every appearance of being apocryphal). On his arrival in April he was examined before the council, and his reply being deemed unsatisfactory, he was committed to the Tower, though so ill both in brain and body, according to Chapuys, that he could do nothing either good or evil. He would have been put there immediately on his arrival, says the imperial ambassador, 'had it not been that the king always hoped to bring over and entrap his son.' On being informed of Lord Thomas's rebellion he did not care to blame him, but showed himself very glad of it, 'only wishing his son a little more age and experience.' About the beginning of September he was allowed somewhat greater liberty, his wife being permitted to visit him freely, there being some proposal when he got a little better to send him into Ireland to influence his son ; but he died before the month expired, and was buried in St. Peter's Church in the Tower. Valiant even to rashness, beloved by his friends and dependents, a faithful husband, a lover of hospitality, he was by no means a match for his rival in diplomacy, and whatever of treason there may have been in his actions it was due rather to imprudence than to premeditated disloyalty. The office of deputy he regarded as the prerogative of his house. By the admission of his enemies he was 'the greatest improver of his lands' in Ireland. Methodical in his habits he in 1518 commenced an import ant book called 'Kildare's Rental' (edited by H. Hore in 'Kilkenny Arch. Soc. Journal,' 1859, 62,66), which affords us a curious glimpse of the peculiar relations existing between landlords and their tenantry at this period. His picture, painted in 1530 by Holbein, is preserved in the library at Carton, Maynooth, co. Kildare. [There is a serviceable but rather uncritical life in The Earls of Kildare, by C. W. Fitzgerald, late Duke of Leinster. The chief authorities are the State Papers (printed), Henry VIII, vol. ii., supplemented by Mr. Gairdner's admirable calendars ; Sir James Ware's Annals ; Annals of the Four Masters ; Annals of Loch Cé ; Lodge's Peerage (Archdall).]   FITZGERALD, GERALD, fifteenth (d. 1583), was the son of James, fourteenth earl [q. v.], whom he succeeded in 1558, doing homage before the lord deputy, Sussex, at Waterford (28 Nov.) Shortly afterwards, attended by 'one hundred prime gentlemen,' he crossed over into England, where he was graciously received by Elizabeth, and confirmed by her (22 June 1559) in all the lands, jurisdictions, seignories, and privileges that were held in times past by his predecessors. Already, during the lifetime of his father, he had become notorious for his turbulent disposition, and for his proneness to private war. In 1560 a dispute arose between him and Thomas Butler, tenth earl of Ormonde [q. v.], about the prize wines of Youghal and Kinsale, which the latter claimed, and certain debatable lands on the river Suir, into which Desmond swore Ormonde had entered by force. The dispute, conducted in the usual Irish fashion, obliged the government to intervene, and the two earls were accordingly summoned to submit their claims in person to Elizabeth. Ormonde alone showed any willingness to obey ; but at last, after alleging many frivolous pretexts for his non-compliance, Desmond appeared at court about the beginning of May 1562, attended by a numerous retinue. Being charged before the council with openly defying the law in Ireland, he answered contumaciously, and refusing to apologise was forthwith committed into the custody of the lord treasurer, a slight confinement, as the queen wrote to his countess, which would do him no harm, and which Sir William Fitzwilliam hoped would have the effect of bringing him to such senses as he had. Though soon released, he was not allowed to return to Ireland till the beginning of 1564, after he had consented to such stipulations as were deemed essential to the public peace (, Patent Rolls, i. 485). Almost immediately after his return he involved himself in a quarrel between the Earl of Thomond and his rival Sir Donnell O'Brien. In October he and Ormonde were again on evil terms with one another, and in November the latter complained to Cecil that he was continually invading his territories, killing the queen's subjects, and carrying off his cattle, and that in self-defence he must retaliate. The death of the Countess Joan, the wife of Desmond, and the mother of Ormonde, early in 1565, removed the last restraint on his conduct, and on 1 Feb. he entered the territories of Sir Maurice Fitzgerald, viscount Decies, and baron of Dromana, with a considerable body of men in order to enforce his claim to certain disputed arrears of rents and services. The Baron of Dromana, however, being anxious to liberate himself from his feudal superior, had meanwhile enlisted the support of the Earl of Ormonde who, nothing loth, under this plausible pretext of maintaining the peace to revenge himself on his rival, immediately assembled his men and marched southwards. The two armies met at the ford of Affane on the Blackwater; a bloody skirmish followed, in which Desmond was wounded in the thigh with a bullet and taken prisoner. The queen, enraged at this fresh outbreak, summoned both earls to


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Fitzgerald before her. On Easter Tuesday Desmond arrived at Liverpool in custody of Captain Nicholas Heron, having suffered much from sea-sickness. Ormonde was already at court. Charges and counter-charges of high treason followed. Eventually the two earls submitted, and consented to enter into recognisances of 20,000l. each to stand to such order for their controversies as her majesty should think good. On 7 Jan. 1566 the lord deputy was informed that the earls were reconciled and licensed to depart into Ireland, but Desmond was not to leave Dublin until he had paid what debts he had incurred. The original controversy between them, however, remained, and seemed likely to remain, undecided. 'I will never,' wrote Sir H. Sidney to Cecil on 27 April, 'unpressed, upon my allegiance, deal in the great matters of my lord of Ormonde, until another chancellor come, or some other commissioner out of England, to be joined with me for hearing and determining of that cause ; for how indifferently soever I shall deal, I know it will not be thought favourably enough on my lord of Ormonde's side.' He protested that he was not prejudiced against Ormonde, only the case had been 'forejudged.' On 12 Dec. he renewed his request, and soon afterwards (27 Jan. 1567) began a tour of inspection through Munster, in consequence of which he was most unfavourably impressed with Desmond's character. At Youghal he entered into an examination of the controversy between the earls, and having found that the disputed lands were in the possession of Ormonde 'at the time of the fray-making,' he gave judgment accordingly, 'whereat the Earl of Desmond did not a little stir, and fell into some disallowable heats and passions.' 'From this time forward, nor never since,' he wrote to Elizabeth, 'found I any willingness in him to come to any conformity or good order,' but, on the contrary, found him to be 'a man void of judgment to govern and will to be ruled,' the cause in short of the turbulent state of Munster. He therefore arrested him at Kilmallock, and, carrying him to Dublin, locked him up in the Castle, leaving his brother, Sir John of Desmond, of whose capabilities he seems to have had a higher opinion, seneschal or captain of the country. In August 1567 Sidney left Ireland, and during his absence, as he himself said, Sir John was by the lord justices inveigled up to Dublin, taken prisoner, sent over to England with the earl, and both of them committed to the Tower. 'And truly, Mr. Secretary,' said he, 'this kind of dealing with Sir John of Desmond was the origin of James Fitzmaurice's rebellion.' The earl and Sir John landed at Graycoite, near Beaumaris, on 14 Dec., and on their arrival in London they were confined to the Tower, where they remained until midwinter 1570, when the state of Sir John's health necessitated his removal. They were then placed under the supervision of Sir Warham St. Leger, at his house at Southwark. In August 1571 St. Leger complained to the council that the earl had refused to accompany him into Kent, and that during his absence he had rashly ranged abroad into sundry parts of London. Next summer he tried to bribe Martin Frobisher, who revealed the plot to Burghley, to assist him to escape by sea. Meanwhile, on 30 June 1569, the question of the prize wines had been settled in Ormonde's favour. In the following year Eleanor, countess of Desmond (the earl's second wife), came to England, where she remained with her husband till his release. The government was undecided what to do with him. Sir John Perrot, then president of Munster, strenuously urged that he should be detained for another year or two, but that Sir John should be allowed to return. However, in March 1573, after signing articles for his future good conduct (Cal. Carew MSS. i. 430), he was permitted to return to Ireland, to Perrot's disgust, who marvelled much that her majesty should so act in regard to 'a man rather meet to keep Bedlam than to come to a new reformed country.' The Irish government thought with Perrot, and on his arrival in Dublin on Lady-day they rearrested him ; but on 16 Nov. he managed to escape, and within a month afterwards he had destroyed almost every trace of Perrot's government in the province. Elizabeth was now anxious to recapture him, and a certain Edward Fitzgerald, brother of the Earl of Kildare, and presumably persona grata, was in December commissioned to remonstrate with him. The attempt failed, as did also the intervention of the Earl of Essex in June 1574. Desmond was profuse in his protestations of loyalty, but refused to surrender unconditionally. Required to consent to the abolition of coyne and livery, the surrender of certain castles and other things embodied in the articles of 8 July, he declined, and his conduct was approved by his kinsmen, who bound themselves by oath (18 July) 'to maintain and defend this our advice against the lord deputy or any others that will covet the earl's inheritance' (this combination, printed in 's Patent Rolls, ii. 109, and the deed of feoffment that followed, have an interesting history. See Wallop to Burghley, Ham. Cal. iii. 63). Thereupon he was proclaimed, a price set on his head, and in August Fitzwilliam and Ormonde advanced


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Fitzgerald into Munster, attacked Derrinlaur Castle, captured it, and put the garrison to the sword. Convinced of the necessity of temporising, Desmond appeared at Cork and humbly submitted himself (2 Sept.) ; but on 10 Sept. he made over all his lands to Lord Dunboyne, Lord Power, and Sir John Fitzedmund Fitzgerald of Cloyne [q. v.], in trust for himself and his wife during their joint lives, with provision for his daughters and remainder to his son James (Carew MSS. i. 481). This feoffment, though suspicious, does not necessarily imply that he had, when he made it, any premeditated intention of rebelling. In March 1575 James Fitzmaurice [q. v.] left Ireland for the express purpose of soliciting foreign aid, but whether he did so, as MacGeoghegan asserts, with the connivance of the earl is extremely doubtful. Certain it is that during the government of Sir H. Sidney (1575-8) he manifested no rebellious intentions, though occasionally resenting President Drury s arbitrary conduct, and he even revealed to the deputy the nature of Fitzmaurice's negotiations on the continent. 'This and other good shows in the Earl of Desmond,' wrote Sidney to the queen, 'maketh demonstration that his light and loose dealings (whereunto he runneth many times rashly) proceedeth rather of imperfection of judgement, than of malicious intendment against your majesty.' 'I hold him,' he added, 'the least dangerous man of four or five of those that are next him in right and succession. . . being such an impotent and weak body, as neither can he get up on horseback, but that he is holpen and lift up, neither when he is on horseback can of himself alight down without help, and therefore, in mine opinion, the less to be feared or doubted, if he would forget himself, as I hope now he will not.' Sidney's is probably the most correct, as it is the most charitable, explanation of his subsequent foolhardy conduct. On the arrival of Fitzmaurice (17 July 1579) Desmond rejected his overtures to join with him in re-establishing the old religion, notified the fact to Drury, protested his own loyalty, declared his intention of marching against the invader, and did what he could in that direction. The death of Fitzmaurice, of whom he seems to have been extremely jealous, and the representations of Sanders exercised a prejudicial effect upon him. His conduct aroused the suspicion of Drury, who on 7 Sept. 'restrained him from liberty' for two days, until he promised to send his son as hostage for his conduct to Limerick. Fascinated by the rhetoric of Sanders and yet unwilling to risk everything by openly rebelling, he Endeavoured to temporise. Warned by Malby that he was suspected, he refused to take the only safe course open to him, and on 1 Nov. he was proclaimed a traitor. Compelled to act, he marched against Youghal, which he sacked, while the Earl of Clancar did the same for Kinsale. This did little to add to his strength. In March 1580 Pelham captured the castle of Carrigafoyl, and in April Askeaton and Ballyloughan, his last fortresses, shared the same fate. On 14 June he and Sanders narrowly escaped being surprised by Pelham, and in August he was reduced to such extremities that he sent his countess to the lord justice to intercede for him. About the same time he applied to Admiral Winter, who was cruising in Kinsale waters, to transport him to England to beg his pardon personally from the queen. After the destruction of the Spaniards in Fort-del-Ore the government of Munster was entrusted to the Earl of Ormonde, while Captain Zouche with 450 men was deputed to hunt him down. On 15 June 1581 he was surprised in the neighbourhood of Castlemange and obliged to fly in his shirt into the woods of Aharlow. During the winter he was compelled to keep his Christmas in Kilquegg wood, near Kilmallock, where he was nearly captured by the garrison stationed there. In September 1582 he was reported to have two hundred horse and two thousand foot under his command. In January 1583 he had two remarkable escapes. All attempts to capture him seemed useless. The Munster officials were at their wits' end. Fenton suggested that he should be assassinated, while St. Leger advised the queen to adopt a policy similar to that which her father had found useful in the case of 'Silken Thomas.' Meanwhile Ormonde, by more legitimate means, was bringing him to the end of his resources. On 5 June his countess left him, and a proclamation of pardon deprived him of most of his followers. Deserted by all except a priest, two horsemen, one kerne, and a boy, he wandered about helplessly from one place to another. On 19 Sept. he was nearly captured on the borders of Slievloghra. On Monday, 11 Nov., just as day was breaking, he was surprised in a cabin in the wood of Glanaginty by five soldiers of the garrison of Castlemange, led on by Owen MacDonnell O'Moriarty, whose brother-in-law had just been plundered by the earl. Fearing a rescue, his head was cut off by Daniel O'Kelly and sent into England. His body was conveyed, according to tradition, through the byways of the hills to the little mountain churchyard of Kill-na-n-onaim, or the 'Church of the Name.' In 1586 an act of parliament declared his estates forfeited to the crown.


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Rh the reason assigned locally for this theft of mortals by the good people. Infants are the subjects of the majority of published tales of changelings; but they are by no means the only human beings taken away, no one being really safe. Good-looking people and people with kind hearts are much sought after, and midwives are also specially followed for that purpose. The reason given for so many persons escaping is that everyone is supposed to have a friend amongst the fairies who sees that no harm comes to one.

With regard to young children I have noted the following:—The night that a child is born the husband is not allowed to leave the house, as the fairies are watching round to take the infant; "but as long as the husband's breath is in the house they can do no harm." If children in arms are met, they should be spat on or around, to keep off the fairies. If you have a cross or peevish child, or one that from being in good health becomes sickly, and you have reason to believe it is a fairy child, the following plan may be tried in order to ascertain whether this is the case. Take lusmore (fox-glove) and squeeze the juice out. Give the child three drops on the tongue, and three in each ear. Then place it at the door of the house on a shovel (on which it should be held by some one), and swing it out of the door on the shovel three times, saying: "If you're a fairy away with you!" If it is a fairy child, it will die that night; but if not, it will surely begin to mend.

When you have passed the dangerous period of early childhood, you are still to be ever on the watch against fairy tricks. It is not safe, for instance, after dark to call anyone by name. To do so gives the fairies power over the person called. Further, at night, it is not safe to answer a call until it has been repeated three times,


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 to the bishopric (, Hist. du Diocèse de Bayeux, pp. 167-9;, Nouvelle Histoire de Bayeux, p. 131). Yet Fitzhamon held large estates under Bayeux, and was hereditary standard-bearer to the church of St. Mary there (Mémoires de la Soc. des Ant. de la Normandie, viii. 426).

Soon after Fitzhamon bought from Robert of Saint Remi the prisoners taken at Bayeux, and intrigued so successfully with those of them that came from Caen that they treacherously procured the surrender of Caen to Henry (, l. 11259;, xiii. 251). Fitzhamon next served in the siege of Falaise, where he was struck by a lance on the forehead with such severity that his faculties became deranged ( bk. v. p. 625; cf. Gwentian Brut, p. 93). He survived, however, until March 1107. He was buried in the chapter-house of Tewkesbury Abbey, whence his body was in 1241 transferred to the church and placed on the left side of the high altar (Ann. Theok. in Ann. Mon. i. 120). In 1397 the surviving rich chapel of stone was erected over the founder's tomb. The 'vast pillars and mysterious front of the still surviving minster' (, Will. Rufus, ii. 84) still testify to Fitzhamon's munificence. He may have built the older parts of the castle of Creully.

By his wife, Sibyl of Montgomery, a benefactress of Ramsey (Cart. Ramsey, ii. 274, Rolls Ser.), Fitzhamon left no son, and his possessions passed, with the hand of his daughter Mabel, to Henry I's favourite bastard, Robert, under whom Gloucester first became an earldom ( Hist. Nov. bk. i.; in, 306 c, who erroneously calls her Sibyl and her mother Mabel; , iii. 318, calls her Matilda). Mabel was probably Fitzhamon's only daughter ( in Ann. Mon. iv. 22), and certainly inherited all her father's estates, as well as those of Hamon the steward, her uncle (ROB, 306 c). The Tewkesbury tradition was, however, that she had three younger sisters, of whom Cecily became abbess of Shaftesbury, Hawyse abbess of the nuns' minster at Winchester, and Amice the wife of the 'Count of Brittany' (, Monasticon, ii. 60, 452, 473).

FITZHARDING, ROBERT (d. 1170), founder of the second house of Berkeley, appears to have been the second son of Harding, son of [q. v.], the staller (Gesta Regum, i. 429;, Landholders of Gloucestershire, p. 59; , Somerset Domesday, i. 58; , Norman Conquest, iv. 760). Local antiquaries have endeavoured to make out that he was the grandson of a Danish king or sea-rover (, i. 315; Bristol, Past and Present, i. 56), a futile imagination which has been traced to John Trevisa, and is probably older than his date. Robert's eldest brother, Nicolas, inherited his father's fief, Meriet in Somerset. Robert was provost or reeve of Bristol, and was possessed of great wealth; he upheld the cause of Robert, earl of Gloucester, who fought for the empress, and purchased several estates from the earl, among them the manor of Billeswick on the right bank of the Frome, which included the present College Green of Bristol, and the manor of Bedminster-with-Redcliff. He had other lands, chiefly in Gloucestershire, and held of Humphrey de Bohun in Wiltshire, and William, earl of Warwick, in Warwickshire (Liber Niger, pp. 109, 206). Before Henry II came to the throne he is said to have been assisted by Robert, probably by loans of money; when he became king he granted him the lordship of Berkeley Hernesse, and Robert is held to have been the first of the second or present line of the lords of Berkeley [; see ]. He granted a charter to the tenants of his fee near the 'bridge of Bristou.' By his wife Eva he had Maurice, who succeeded him, and four other sons and three daughters. On his estate in Billeswick he built in 1142 the priory or abbey of St. Augustine's for black canons, the present cathedral, and is said to have assumed the monastic habit before his death, which occurred on 5 Feb. 1170. He also founded a school in a building, after-wards called Chequer Hall, in Wine Street, Bristol, for the instruction of Jews and other strangers in the Christian faith. His wife Eva was the founder of a nunnery on St. Michael's Hill, Bristol. Both Robert and, Eva were buried in St. Augustine's Church.

[Smyth's Lives of the Berkeleys, i. 19-62, ed. Maclean; Ellis's Landholders of Gloucestershire


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 162 which, or their vahie to the science, is not quite apparent. I have thought it best however to include all such, in the hope that when these Leitrim fragments come to be considered side by side with those from other parts of Ireland they may yet drop into their proper places.

To the question "Who are the fairies?" I have locally met, so far, with but one answer:—"They are the fallen angels;" and consequently the traditions of the people do not give much assistance to us in discussing the various theories which have been advanced on the subject. The fairies are said to be everywhere, just as they were cast from heaven—in the air, in the water, on the earth, under the earth. Their hope of salvation at the last prompts them to acts of kindness which otherwise would not be committed, and this is the basis of not a few stories (cf. Folk-Lore, vol. v. p. 182, "The first turf-fire"). According to the popular chronology the giants are stated to have been early possessors of the land but to have been driven out by the good people (Folk-Lore, vol. v. p. 178), who presumably held possession till the coming of the Danes, who had superior knowledge, and were able to defeat them.

With regard to the fairies themselves it should be noted that in the minds of the people they are always conceived of as beings of the same size as ordinary mortals, but with power to change their shape for any special purpose. They are also able to pass through such barriers as doors and walls, as one of the men explained to me, "Sure, Sir, they're like spirits." I think this point is one of great importance, as in the event of its being clearly proved to be the view held by the Celtic races generally, theories which have been built on the diminutive stature of fairies being a reminiscence of a small pre-Celtic people will, at least, have to be re-stated.

Prominent in the fairy creed of the people is that which was the central feature of the Clonmel case, viz. the belief in changelings. So far I have not been successful in


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88 well, thy human nature considered. O cease, my darling child, from evil thoughts, let wanton pride be gone, for this is naught else, this wish to rival gods in perfectness. Face thy love; 'tis heaven's will thou shouldst. Sick thou art, yet turn thy sickness to some happy issue. For there are charms and spells to soothe the soul; surely some cure for thy disease will be found. Men, no doubt, might seek it long and late if our women's minds no scheme devise. . Although she gives thee at thy present need the wiser counsel, Phædra, yet do I praise thee. Still my praise may sound more harsh and jar more cruelly on thy ear than her advice.

. 'Tis even this, too plausible a tongue, that overthrows good governments and homes of men. We should not speak to please the ear but point the path that leads to noble fame.

. What means this solemn speech? No need of rounded phrases; but at once must we sound the prince, telling him frankly how it is with thee. Had not thy life to such a crisis come, or wert thou with self-control endowed, ne'er would I to gratify thy passions have urged thee to this course; but now 'tis a struggle fierce to save thy life, and therefore less to blame.

. Accursed proposal! peace, woman! never utter those shameful words again!

. Shameful, maybe, yet for thee better than honour's code. Better this deed, if it shall save thy life, than that name thy pride will kill thee to retain.

. I conjure thee, go no further! for thy words are plausible but infamous; for though as yet love has not


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90 must therefore have been not later than 2500 B.C. Divided into numerous tribes, they wandered at will, seeking pasture for their flocks, for they already possessed domestic animals, including cattle and sheep. But chief among their domesticated beasts was the horse, which, as we recall, was still entirely unknown to the civilized oriental nations until after Hammurapi's time (see p.69). They employed him not only for riding but also for drawing their wheeled carts, and from these northern nomads has descended the widespreadh story of the chariot and the horses of the sun. The ox already bore the yoke and drew the plow, for some of the tribes had adopted a settled mode of life and possessed fields in which they cultivated grain, especially barley. Being without writing, they possessed but little government and organization. But they were the most gifted and the most highly imaginative people of the ancient world.

As their tribes wandered farther and farther apart they lost contact with each other. Local peculiarities in speech and customs became more and more marked, until wide differences resulted. While at first the different groups could doubtless understand one another when they met, these differences in speech gradually became so great that the widely scattered tribes, even if they happened to meet, could no longer make themselves understood, and finally all knowledge of their original kinship was totally lost. This kinship has only been rediscovered in very recent times. The final outcome, in so far as speech was concerned, was the languages of modern civilized Europe; so that, beginning with England, we can trace many a word from people to people entirely across Europe and eastward into northern India. Note the following:


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20 Low's Handbook to London Charities. Yearly, cloth, 1s. 6d.; paper,1s.

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 i. 347 ; 'Comitatus de Cardiff,' ib. ; Liber Landavensis, pp. 27-8, speaks of 'Vicecomes de Cardiff' when Robert of Gloucester was still alive). Except perhaps in name, Fitzhamon founded in Wales a county palatine as completely organised as the earldom of Pembroke. Fitzhamon was a liberal benefactor to the church. He so increased the wealth and importance of Tewkesbury Abbey that he was regarded as its second founder. Hitherto Tewkesbury had been a cell of Cranborne in Dorsetshire, but in the reign of William Rufus ( iii. 15), or in 1102 (''Ann. Theok''. in ''Ann. Mon''. i. 44), the abbot Giraldus transferred himself, with the greater part of the fraternity, to the grand new minster that was now rising under Robert's fostering care on the banks of the Severn. William of Malmesbury can hardly find words to express the splendour of the buildings and the charity of the monks (Gesta Regum, bk. v. p. 625 ; cf. Gesta Pont. p. 295). The major part of the endowments was taken from Robert's Welsh conquest. Among the churches Fitzhamon handed over to Tewkesbury were the parish church of St. Mary's, Cardiff, the chapel of Cardiff Castle, and the famous British monastery at Lantwit. He also granted the monks of Tewkesbury tithes of all his domain revenues in Cardiff, and of all the territories of himself and his barons throughout Wales (, Monasticon, ii. 66, 81). He was only less liberal to the great abbey of St. Peter's, Gloucester, to which he granted the church of Llancarvan with some adjoining lands, and for which he witnessed a grant of Henry I of the tithe of venison in the Forest of Dean and the lands beyond the Severn (''Hist. Glouc''. i. 93, 122, 223, 334, ii. 50, 51, 177, 301). Traces of Fitzhamon's concessions still remain in the patronage of many Glamorganshire churches belonging to the chapter of Gloucester. Little reference is made to Fitzhamon by chroniclers of the time of William Rufus, but he was in the close confidence of the king until his death. Before William's fatal bunting expedition on 2 Aug. 1100, Fitzhamon, then in attendance at Winchester, had reported to him the ominous dream of the foreign monk, and his representations at least postponed William's hunting until after dinner ( bk. iv. p. 507). When William's corpse was discovered Fitzhamon was one of the barons who stood around it in tears. Fitzhamon's new mantle covered the corpse on its last journey to the cathedral at Winchester (, ed. Wright, ll. 6357-96, Caxton Soc. The details are perhaps mythical, some others are certainly false ; the whole account shows the impossibility of Pezet's notion that Fitzhamon was away on crusade with Robert). But no former differences about the lands of Queen Matilda prevented Fitzhamon and his brother Hamon the steward from immediately attaching themselves with an equal zeal to Henry I. Both are among the witnesses of the letter despatched by Henry imploring Anselm to return from exile (, Select Charters, p. 103). Fitzhamon was among the few magnates who strenuously adhered to Henry when the mass of the baronage openly or secretly favoured the cause of Robert of Normandy ( bk. v. p. 620). When in 1101 Robert landed in Hampshire and approached Henry's army at Alton, Fitzhamon and other barons who held estates both of the king and the duke procured by their mediation peace between the brothers (, l. 10432 sq. ed. Andresen; cf. iv. 199). In March 1103 he was one of Henry's representatives in negotiating an alliance with Robert, count of Flanders (Fœdera, i. 7, Record ed.) He also witnessed the Christmas charter of Henry, which assigned punishment to the false managers (ib. i. 12). When war again broke out, Fitzhamon still adhered to Henry, and busied himself in Normandy in a partisan warfare against the friends of Robert. Early in 1105 he was surprised by Robert's troops from Bayeux and Caen, and forced to take refuge in the tower of the church of Secqueville-en-Bessin. The church was set on fire, and he was compelled to descend a prisoner. For some time he was imprisoned at Bayeux, where the governor, Gontier d'Aulnay, protected him from the fury of the mob, which regarded him as a traitor to the duke (, ll. 11125-60, ed. Andresen; cf. Chronique de Normandie in, xiii. 250-1). This news at once brought Henry to Normandy, where he landed at Barfleur just before Easter ( iv. 204), and at once besieged Bayeux to rescue his faithful follower. Gontier sought to win the king's favour by surrendering Fitzhamon (ib. iv. 219), but valiantly defended the town, which Henry finally reduced to ashes, not sparing even the cathedral. The guilt of this sacrilege was, it was believed, shared by Henry and Fitzhamon ( bk. v. p. 625 ;, l. 11161 sq. ; cf. , Essai historique sur la prise et l'iincendie de Bayeux, Caen, 1861, who satisfactorily establishes the date as May 1105 ; cf. 's note to iv. 219). So detested did the house of Fitzhamon become in Bayeux, that a generation later a long resistance was made to the appointment of his son-in-law's bastard


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 164 cause, should it be a fairy calling, to answer places one in their power. Prairies can repeat a call twice, but not three times. Again, if you have your hair washed, you must eat or drink something when it is dry before you go to bed, or the fairies can take you away.

The following changeling story was told me by Mary Carty of Drumkeeran, who stated that she had always heard it related as a fact:—

There was a girl living at Kilbride, three miles from Drumkeeran, and she went one day in harvest to mind a baby for a neighbour who was out getting hay, and she was there some time rocking the child. She got sick and cross that night, and she was that way for three years. She used to tell the people to come to her at sunset, and she would tell them about their people who were dead; and she said she could show them a certain priest who had died, riding about on a white horse; but the people were afraid to go and see the sight. There was a little boy to whom she took a great liking, and would have showed him more than anyone, only he was kept from her. At the end of three years she got very bad and sick one night, and said goodbye to the people, and said she had to be going to a place called Kilbride near Dublin, that there was a redhaired boy to be taken and she had to be there, and as she was going she would tell them how to get back their own. The mother was to go to a certain little byre upon a hill between twelve and one o'clock at night, to cut a drain round the byre with a black-hafted knife, to get a lot of hens' dirt and mix it up, and between twelve and one to stand inside the byre and throw three dashes of the dirt out of the door; and when that was done she was to shout. The mother did this, and then came home; and in the morning it was their own daughter that got up and began to tell them about people who were dead. She asked for a drink; and when her mother gave it to her she forgot all about the three years and began to talk as of yesterday and minding the child.


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 Rh Here is another changeling story:—

The Fairy Blacksmith.

There was a poor man in co. Leitrim, and he had a sickly son, who was a fine boy in the commencement till he was about three years of age, when he got ill and donny; and and they couldn't know what was the cause. He remained so for four or five years more, and gave all sorts of annoyance to his poor mother and father, screeching and screaming for a thing to eat at all times.

One day his father went to the forge to get his loy irons laid with the smith. It happened that the smith did one iron remarkably well, and there was a flaw in the other, but the man never noticed it. When he came home with the irons, "Daddy," says the sickly little lad, "show me them irons." "What do you know about irons?" says the father. He still persevered to look at them; and to please him, his mother handed them to him. The lad looked at them: "Daddy," says he, "this is a good one, but that one is no good; did he throw those two irons on the ground when he did them?" "No" says the father; "he gave me this one in my hand, and he threw the other one on the floor." "The one he threw on the floor," says the little lad, "is a good one: but the one he gave you in your hand is cracked, and nearly broken; and that's the reason he handed it to you, because he knew it wouldn't sound clear on the floor. Go back with it now, and tell him it^s a bad iron, and to make it better for you."

The father went back again to the smith with the iron and said: "Why did you give me a broken iron, and didn't do it right for me?" "Who told you that?" says the smith. "A small little child I have of my own; and he said that because it was bad you handed it into my hand, and the good one you threw on the floor to me."

"Who told you that?" says the smith.


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166 "Isn't it the case?" says he.

"Well," says the smith, "whoever told you that is as good a blacksmith as I am, and if I knew who told you, I would give you five pounds; because it is a league among all blacksmiths."

Says the man: "It's a sickly little child of my own." "Well, if he is," says the smith, "he's as good a black-smith as me."

So the man was not thankful to him to say his child would be a fairy.

"Well," says the smith, "stop here till it bees dark, and surely your wife will begin to scold you for stopping out so late. Tell them you could be home half-an-hour sooner, or an hour, but that you were surprised looking at the fort above the house on fire, and that it's all consumed." So he went home: and the wife began: "What kept you out so late? You have your whole day spent with them two irons now." "I could be home sooner," says he; "but I was surprised to see the fort on fire, and now it's all consumed. I stood an hour looking at it."

"My word!" says the lad in the cradle, "my bellows and tools are all burnt," and out with him, and he never came back.

, Driney.

If the fairies have a man carried away, he can be recovered, if seen, by a compound of strong urine and hens' excrement being thrown over him. The excrement of hens is said to be particularly efficacious in dispelling fairy enchantments. The reason given is that these birds belonged to the Danes, who were able to beat the fairies. The people also say that when the Danes quitted Ireland they left the hens behind to be an annoyance to any people who should inhabit the country. This character they fully maintain according to popular tradition, which asserts that if hens are left alone in a house, they will always endeavour to


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Rh protection of the Virgin, has dried up all our tears, has reanimated our courage, and has become the object of our most flattering hopes."

This prince just born was Louis Napoleon, who became Emperor of the French.

In 1870 Mr. Lawlor published his Pilgrimages in the Pyrenees, and in it says of Napoleon II:—

"The protection of Our Lady of Poëy-la-hun would seem never to have deserted him through all his adventures and dangers."

An unhappy sentence written shortly before the disaster of Sedan in 1871.

On a beautifully wooded height on the right as ascending the Valley of Argelez are seen the tower and church and buildings of S. Savin, where was an abbey of great importance, but of which now all that remain are the church and the chapter-house. The abbot was Seigneur over the so-called Valley of S. Savin, and that of Cauterets, then desert and poor, which belonged to the confraternity. But although seigneur, the abbot was by no means a despotic lord. The little republic of S. Savin would not admit him into his monastery, let him even cross the bounds of the "valley" till he had taken oath to respect the ancient rights and liberties of the place. Its electors went by the name of voisins; but the abbot alone represented S. Savin in the Estates of Bigorre, and he presided over the deliberations of the assembly of voisins and voisines, for women as well as men were the representatives of the will and rights of the little republic, and a single veto would suffice to prevent the execution of any measure voted. On one occasion a voisine, named Galhardine de Fréchon, opposed her veto to the rest of the assembly which was otherwise unanimous, and thus paralyzed their action.

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158 The abbot and his monks doubtless lived well: hunted, and lounged and slept in their comfortable quarters, without discharging their religious duties other than in a perfunctory manner, for the Chevalier Bestin, in his verses relative to a stay in the Pyrenees, boasted of—

The abbey occupies, it is believed, the site of the Palatium Æmilianum, which served as a retreat for Savinus, son of a Count of Barcelona, and nephew of the Count of Poitiers, in the eighth century. The abbey was erected by Charlemagne, and here, so goes the legend, Roland fought and cleft from head to waist two Saracen giants, and constrained a third to submit to baptism. In 843 the terrible Northmen destroyed the monastery. Raymond I, Count of Bigorre, rebuilt it in 945; and he it was who granted the Valley of Cauterets to the monastery. It also possessed sole rights to the interment of the inhabitants of the Val d'Azun. When, on one occasion, these people ventured to bury one of their dead near the church of Arreins, the monks forced them to dig up the body, although in an advanced state of putrefaction, and transport it to S. Savin. It is probably in reference to this that Frossard, a Protestant pastor, and one of the first writers on the Pyrenees, says that the monks enjoyed "several privileges at once destructive to individual liberty and to sound morals."

The first appearance of S. Savin is eminently striking; the massive walls, the large rude blocks of which they are constructed, the lofty apse, the fine portal, and even the clumsy fifteenth-century tower, with its ill-shaped spire, are all impressive.

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Hardwick v. Bowers

 * 1985 • Hardwick v. Bowers (760 F.2d 1202),
 * 1985 • Hardwick v. Bowers (765 F.2d 1123),
 * 1986 • Hardwick v. Bowers (804 F.2d 622),

 * See Similar:
 * 1986 • Bowers v. Hardwick, (478 U.S. 186), (  92 L.Ed.2d  140 ), ( 106 S.Ct. 2841 )
 * 1986 • Bowers v. Hardwick (478 U.S. 1039), ( ?? L.Ed.2d  ??? ), ( 107 S.Ct.   29 )

title: Hardwick v. Bowers


text: Author:Emma Catharine Sutton

title: Author:Emma Catharine Sutton


text: Messages and Letters of William Henry Harrison/Proclamation Altering the boundaries of Knox, Randolph and St. Clair counties


text: Messages and Letters of William Henry Harrison/Harrison to Menard Commission as a judge of common pleas Randolph county. Ill.


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Rh the ghost apppear in normal fashion. The sign enters only as a means of communication between the lovers. The tale thus has no very unusual traits.

Icelandic I. is a fuller, and, for our purpose, more interesting variant than the last. Thorsteinn, a king's son, who has wasted his substance, sells his kingdom and sets forth into the world. He pays two hundred rix-dollars to free from debt a dead man, whose grave is beaten every day by a creditor to destroy his rest. The prince goes on, and in the castle of a giant finds a princess hanging by the hair. He frees her, and is taking her home when he meets Raudr, a knight to whom her hand has been promised if he can find her. Raudr puts the prince to sea alone in a boat and carries the lady home. Thorsteinn, however, is brought thither also by the ghost and is recognized by the princess, when she is about to be married to the traitor. So Raudr is punished, and Thorsteinn obtains the princess.

Here, again, the agreement, the sign, and the division do not appear, though the version is otherwise normal. To be sure, the ransom of the lady is replaced by a rescue, as in Swedish, and the beating of the grave preserves a bit of northern superstition, which is interesting even though not primitive as far as our tale is concerned.

Icelandic II. is similar to the variant just cited in several particulars, though it has important differences. Vilhjálmur, a merchant's son, loses his property and becomes the servant of twelve robbers. In their den he finds a princess named Ása hanging by the hair. He escapes with her by sea, taking along the thieves' treasure. This he pays to have the body of a debtor buried. To

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90 the haven where this happens comes Rauður in search of the princess, takes the couple on his ship, but puts the hero to sea in a rudderless boat. A man appears to Vilhjálmur in a dream, saying that he is the ghost of the man whom he has buried, and that he will bring him to land and show him treasure. So the hero is brought to the land of the princess and tells his story at the wedding of the traitor with the princess. Thus the bride is won for him.

The hero, it will be observed, is a merchant instead of a prince, as in Icelandic I., and the burial of the dead is customary in form though exceptionally placed in the narrative. Otherwise the two variants correspond rather closely, even in such a detail as the name of the traitor. There is the same omission of elements peculiar to The Grateful Dead, the same preponderance of the secondary motive, found in all the northern versions of this particular group. The two Icelandic variants seem to be perfectly distinct, though they are nearly related.

The two German folk-tales which fall into this group are not very different from one another. In Simrock IV. a merchant's son pays the debts of a man who is being devoured by dogs, but does not succeed in saving his life. He goes on, finds two maidens exposed on a rock, and takes them home. In spite of his father's objections, he marries one of them. He goes to sea again, wearing a ring that his wife has given him, and carrying a flag marked with her name. Coming to the royal court of her father, he is sent back for the princess with a minister. On his voyage to court again he is put overboard by the minister, who hopes thus to win the princess. However, he is cast up on an island, where the ghost of the dead man appears to him in sleep and transports him miraculously to court. There he is recognized by his ring and reunited to his wife.

Details such as those concerning the burial, the rescue

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Rh undermined my soul, yet, if in specious words thou dress thy foul suggestion, I shall be beguiled into the snare from which I am now escaping.

. If thou art of this mind, 'twere well thou ne'er hadst sinned; but as it is, hear me; for that is the next best course; I in my house have charms to soothe thy love,—'twas but now I thought of them;—these shall cure thee of thy sickness on no disgraceful terms, thy mind unhurt, if thou wilt be but brave. [But from him thou lovest we must get some token, a word or fragment of his robe, and thereby unite in one love's twofold stream.]

. Is thy drug a salve or potion?

. I cannot tell; be content, my child, to profit by it and ask no questions.

. I fear me thou wilt prove too wise for me.

. If thou fear this, confess thyself afraid of all; but why thy terror?

. Lest thou shouldst breathe a word of this to Theseus' son.

. Peace, my child! I will do all things well; only be thou, queen Cypris, ocean's child, my partner in the work! And for the rest of my purpose, it will be enough for me to tell it to our friends within the house. [Exit Nurse. . O Love, Love, that from the eyes diffusest soft desire, bringing on the souls of those, whom thou dost camp against, sweet grace, O never in evil mood appear to me, nor out of time and tune approach! Nor fire nor meteor hurls a mightier bolt than Aphrodite's shaft shot by the hands of Love, the child of Zeus. Idly, idly by the streams of Alpheus and in the Pythian shrines of Phœbus, Hellas


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Rh of the lady, and the help given miraculously by the ghost mark the independence of the variant, though they do not alter the normal course of the narrative. As so often in this group, the agreement with the ghost and the division are entirely lacking.

In Simrock VI. the variations from the normal are even slighter. Heinrich of Hamburg buys a beautiful maiden in a foreign land. On the sea-coast, when he is returning home with her, he pays the debts of a corpse and has it buried. He wishes to marry the girl, but she asks that he delay the wedding for a year and make a journey first. So she gives him two coffers, with which he crosses the sea. By the help of a shipman he finds his betrothed's royal father, but on his way back to fetch her home is cast overboard by the mariner, who is the original kidnapper of the maiden. This man gets her and carries her to the court with the hope of marrying her. The hero is saved from the sea, however, by the ghost of the dead man, who brings him to the garden of the princess's palace, where he is found by his bride. The order of the burial and the ransoming is here reversed, but the facts are given in the ordinary form. Otherwise the variant does not differ essentially from the preceding.

In Transylvanian and more clearly in Gaelic and Breton III., a tendency has been remarked to introduce the children of the hero as part of the gains which he is asked to divide with the thankful ghost. In a series of tales belonging to the general type The Grateful Dead + The Ransomed Woman this tendency has been accentuated so far that it seems best to group them together, because of their approach to the theme of The Two Friends. Since an actual combination of this motive

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Rh carried Christ. The companion died soon after. Pierre then set forth to visit his patron in Paradise. On his way he stopped overnight at the house of an old woman, whose husband lay unburied because there was no money to pay the priest. Pierre gave all his money for the interment, and went on. When he came to the sea, a naked man, who said that he was the dead, carried him across to a point near the gates of Paradise. There he found Peter, and was shown the glories of heaven by the Saviour, as well as Purgatory and Hell. In the last he saw a chair reserved for his mother, but by his entreaties induced the Lord to grant her a release on condition of doing penance himself for her. So he was told to put on a spiked girdle, to throw the key of it into the sea, and not to take it off till the key should be found. After donning this instrument Pierre was carried by the ghost back to his own land, where he lived on alms—first on the public ways, and later, without discovering himself, in his father's castle. During his father's absence he was killed at the command of his mother, but was dug up alive by his father and treated with respect. One day at a feast he found the key in the head of a fish. When the girdle was opened, he died, and his soul was borne to heaven by angels.

Two Danish variants present a curious but not inexplicable combination of The Grateful Dead with Puss in Boots, as was noted by Köhler. Danish I. relates how a youth pays three marks, which is his all, to bury the body of a dead man, for whose interment the priest has demanded payment in advance. He is then joined by another youth, who is the ghost of the dead, and goes to a certain city. There, by giving himself out as a prince at the advice of his companion, who provides him with proper trappings, he wins the hand of a princess. In Danish II. an old soldier pays his last three marks to

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90 heaps the slaughtered steers; while Love we worship not, Love, the king of men, who holds the key to Aphrodite's sweetest bower,—worship not him who, when he comes, lays waste and marks his path to mortal hearts by wide-spread woe. There was that maiden in Œchalia, a girl unwed, that knew no wooer yet nor married joys; her did the queen of Love snatch from her home across the sea and gave unto Alcmena's son, mid blood and smoke and murderous marriage-hymns, to be to him a frantic fiend of hell; woe! woe for his wooing!

Ah! holy walls of Thebes, ah! fount of Dirce, ye could testify what course the love-queen follows. For with the blazing levin-bolt did she cut short the fatal marriage of Semele, mother of Zeus-born Bacchus. All things she doth inspire, dread goddess, winging her flight hither and thither like a bee.

. Peace, ladies, peace! I am undone.

. What, Phædra, is this dread event within thy house?

. Hush! let me hear what those within are saying.

. I am silent; this is surely the prelude to mischief.

. Great gods! how awful are my sufferings!

. What a cry was there! what loud alarm! say what sudden terror, lady, doth thy soul dismay.

. I am undone. Stand here at the door and hear the noise arising in the house.

. Thou art already by the bolted door; 'tis for thee to note the sounds that issue from within. And tell me, O tell me what mischief can be on foot.


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96 The necessities of the constitution of the spirit are to know God and to contemplate his beauty and excellence. But if stupidity and blindness, which are opposed to this tendency of the spirit, become predominant, the soul will be vexed and tormented, and there will be no end to the torment. If it were not that the body is subject to maladies in the world, the fact of this blindness and stupidity would have been visible and apparent to the soul in this world also, and it would also have been the source of immense anguish, and torment would at no moment have ceased to afflict men. Just as when a person has a severe sore upon the hand or foot, if besides it should be cut with a knife or fire should be put upon it, he would not feel the pain of the knife or the fire, on account of the pain of the sore, so likewise the maladies of the body, such as hunger and thirst, or such maladies as love of possessions and family, combined with the absorbed attention of the senses to these things, prevent the soul from being conscious of its disquiet and distress. But when in death, the torment to which the body was subject is taken away, it will be seen how excruciating is the torment of the soul. And thus also God announces in his holy word: "Ah! if you knew it with infallible assurance. But you will see hell: you will see it with the eyes of certainty."

You should know, inquirer, that the many arguments we have adduced to prove that spiritual torment is more severe than material torment, and the many illustrations of it that we have developed, are understood by intelligent and discerning minds, but the mass of the people understand nothing about them. Suppose, for example, that the son of a prince has begun to go to school, and he is admonished that if he do not study, his father will not give him the principality. The boy does not understand the

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Rh the unbelievers either." "No, we shall give you nothing, for God has prohibited you from having anything. Yesterday you were laughing at us, to-day we laugh at you: as God declares in his eternal word, 'If you mock at us, we will in our turn mock at you, as ye have mocked at us.'"

This illustration of the enjoyments of Paradise has been made in very brief and comprehensive language, to serve as an example, but it is impossible by any similitude to give an idea of what it is to be separated from the contemplation of the beauty of the Lord. For whoever has but once experienced the delight of being near to God, and has enjoyed the vision of the beauty of the Lord, would perish if he should be for one moment separated from it. Even the last and least person who quits hell will receive a mansion from the Lord God which is equal to ten of these worlds. But we do not mean to say ten worlds in surface or in amount by number and weight, but ten worlds in value and in the beauty they display and the pleasure they afford.

Having now become acquainted with the three kinds of spiritual torment, know, student of the divine mysteries, that these spiritual fires of which we have been speaking, are more severe than the fires which burn the body. The body does not itself perceive pain, and until pain reaches from the body to the spirit, it does not make a trace or impression. If, then, the anguish that is occasioned to the spirit through the channel of the body is so agonizing, imagine how intense must burn the fire of that anguish which has its origin in the centre of the soul. The pain which any thing suffers is occasioned by the excess of something contrary to the nature and necessities of its constitution.

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118 admit only the grammatical and literal—the external meaning of the Koran; but many Soofees pretend that the outward meaning is but the shell, and that they seek for and expound the inward or mystical meaning. The reverence and esteem for the Soofees and Monks is so great with the people, that the clergy and doctors usually conceal their opposition and jealousy.

"Soofeeism has existed in one shape or other in every age and region; its mystical doctrines are to be found in the schools of ancient Greece and in those of the modern philosophers of Europe. It is the dream of the most ignorant and the most learned: it is to be found in the palace and the cottage, in the luxurious city, and the pathless desert."

The fundamental doctrine, and the great object of longing of the oriental mystic is union with God. The whirling Dervishes as they are popularly called, imitate the founder of their particular order and whirl around on their toes for an hour to the sound of soft music and muttered chants: and they imagine that the dizziness which is created and the prostration which follows is an inspired ecstacy and an approximation to the desired union. Mussulman mystics are extensively accused as are also a class of perfectionists in the Christian church, of regarding external actions as morally indifferent to those who are spiritually enlightened. Their doctrines have been abused among themselves by fanatics to lead them to the commission of crime, as in the case of the attempt to assassinate the shah of Persia by the Babis. We should no more be led to think that there was any tendency to abuse for evil purposes from reading this treatise of Ghazzali, than to infer the same from devotional and mystic writings of the western world. Ghazzali, is as much disposed to censure hypocritical pretence among Soofees, as some writers on Persia have been to class nearly the whole body as hypocrites.

The Mohammedan calendar being regulated by the lunar months, every twelfth lunar month is devoted to fasting, and it is of the greatest importance that the very first appearance of the moon should be watched, to know just when to commence the fast. Certain months and days of the month are peculiarly appropriate to works of charity. The days on which the caravans of pilgrims ought to arrive at Mecca, and the days for going around the black stone of the Caaba, occur also on certain fixed days of lunar months. The au vantages and moral ends of having a moon, must be looked at

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Rh ofrom the point of view of the theological theqry of the author, which is nothing less than that the moon was created on purpose to render possible, and to aid in carrying into effect, the ordinances of the uncreated Koran.

The extract belewbelow [sic] from the work of Ghazzali, the Tehafeti Felaséfé or Destruction of Philosophy, while it shows the position he assigns to the doctors of the law, exemplifies also the character of his genius, and the measure of independent thought tolerated among Mussulmans. He fearlessly adopted whatever discoveries in science could be established by proofs, and defended them even when apparently opposed to the language of the Koran: the dogmatical interpretation of the Koran must yield to stubborn, undeniable facts in science. I translate it from Hajji Khalfa's Jihani Numa, or View of the World, where it was introduced by him to enforce the claims of scientific evidence to be received by the faithful.

"Know that the differences of opinion between philosophers and mankind generally are of three kinds. The first kind of difference is simply a verbal one. As for instance they speak of the maker of the world as essence or substance (jouhar), while at the same time, they explain the word to mean that which exists by itself and independent of place.

"The second kind of difference refers to questions, where there is no difference between their system and the principles of our religion, and where there is no occasion of appealing to the prophets in confirmation of the matter in dispute. For instance the philosophers say, that an eclipse of the moon is an indication that its light is obstructed on account of the earth's coming between it and the sun, seeing that the moon derives its light from the sun, and that the earth is a sphere surrounded by the sky on all sides, and therefore when the moon falls into the shadow of the earth, its light is cut off. The Philosophers also say that an eclipse of the sun arises from the moon's standing between the observer and the sun, and from a conjunction of the two at the same moment.

"The same may be said in regard to this language as was observed in reference to the disputes about words,—that one need not be anxious about refuting it. Whoever imagines that it is a religious duty to dispute upon this subject, has in fact attacked religion, and injured his own cause. For in truth these positions are fortified by

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text: Author:Thomas Stevenson (1838-1908)

title: Author:Thomas Stevenson (1838-1908)


text:
Author:Thomas Roscoe Rede Stebbing

Works

 * (published in three parts, 1900, 1914, 1920)
 * (published in three parts, 1900, 1914, 1920)
 * (published in three parts, 1900, 1914, 1920)
 * (published in three parts, 1900, 1914, 1920)

title: Author:Thomas Roscoe Rede Stebbing