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 Rh their origin, and that one,—or one class,—of these beings, the one arising from curiosity about the making of things, is necessarily a relatively lofty conception, awe-inspiring, and suggestive of power and benevolence. Gods arising from the belief in ghosts, or from the personification of portentous natural phenomena, might have appeared first, without at all hindering the coming into existence of a Creator-god; and, whenever that conception appeared, the god would have possessed the comparatively high and noble endowment naturally belonging, in the mind of even the lowest savage, to the Creator of man and things. The question of the order in which these notions found their way into the human mind is of subordinate importance.

This theory is quite consistent with our present anthropological knowledge; namely, that there exists among the most primitive people now living the notion of a Great God high above all others, to whom is usually assigned the function of creator, that these same people also believe in a crowd of spirits and ghosts, and that within the limits of definite historical periods "sacrifice and prayer become more and more numerous and more artificial in proportion as the idea of a Supreme Being grows dim." The following considerations will, I hope, convince the reader that these facts do not necessarily support the corollary drawn by Lang, as well as by the defenders of an original revelation, that our most primitive tribes mark a deterioration from the earliest condition of humanity, but rather that the facts are consistent with a natural development and indicate the presence of no factor not operative in modern progressive societies.

The idea of a Maker I suppose to have originally presented itself to the race very much as it does to a five or six year old child who is suddenly struck with the idea that some one must have made the world. It did not, therefore, involve such notions as eternity, omniscience, omnipresence,


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 166 omnipotence. The concept of a great Maker is, of course, awe-inspiring, because of the power it implies and of the mystery surrounding the operations of such a being. Some degree of interest and benevolence towards that which he has made is also, it seems, unavoidably associated with even the simplest idea of a Maker. Such a being must thus have been relatively exalted.

What modifications would this idea undergo when it passed beyond the gifted individuals who had conceived it and became the property of every tribesman, however brutish and ignoble? Undoubtedly there would occur the kind of modifications that history records in the case of more recent gods: they are transformed into beings more nearly like the worshippers themselves. But this process does not necessarily imply the deterioration of the people. The gods have been debased, but the people themselves have been raised to a higher level by these lofty notions, even though somewhat corrupted. This degrading process is the natural unavoidable method by which the masses gradually rise towards the level of those who have set for them unattainable ideals. Thus it is that the return to origins is frequently a progress.

In the case before us, special factors probably made the degrading process speedier and more irresistible. The exalted Maker found himself, in the mind of the people, in company with other superhuman beings of much humbler extraction. Even though one disregards the possibility of the personification of natural events, one must in any case reckon with the belief in the beings suggested by visions, temporary loss of consciousness, and other similar occurrences. Since these beings are human doubles, they may possess all the meanness and cruelty of the lowest of men. Their power, though not definitely known, is sufficient to excite fear, but not in most cases great enough to inspire awe. When associated with the ever-present, troublesome doubles, and the many petty spirits conceived in the same

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was faint and dizzy-headed with all that had transpired in the last twenty minutes.

He felt that he had been in the peril of his life. He bestowed a look of immense gratitude on Slavin.

"You came in time," said he. "How shall I ever thank you?"

"Cut it out," growled Slavin grimly. "I ain't through yet. I've been watching these skunks for an hour or more. I knew that Stiggs, who has gone on a little jaunt with his wife to see some relations, would never give those reptiles the free run of his house. I fancied burglary at first. Then when you came I knew it was something deeper. Well, it's the finishing touch. I suppose, in your usual soft-hearted way, you want to beg them off from further punishment, don't you?"

"It strikes me they have got about all the punishment they can stand at present," suggested Ralph. Rh

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 Rh way as ghosts, the Maker could hardly preserve his identity and his high attributes. A confusion must have taken place, and as the common is more easily understood and retained than the unusual, the lofty attributes of the High God conceived by the primitive philosophers became obscured and to him were attributed meaner traits originally belonging to lower gods. One may thus admit that, even in the absence of any real degeneration of a community, the oldest conception of the Maker was the noblest, provided a limited and specific historical period is considered. When this period of absorption and incubation is past, philosophers and seers again appear, who enlarge the reigning conceptions, charge them with higher worth, and return them to the people, who degrade them anew in the travail of their own elevation.

The fact that to many has seemed unaccountable, namely, that the Maker and All Father is not among early people an object of worship, while lower beings are prayed to and propitiated, seems to me just what would be expected of human nature. It is true that a Maker seems the being best qualified to become a God, since he possesses the necessary power and greatness, and must be, on the whole, benevolently inclined towards those whom he has created, and since man can hardly fail to feel his dependence upon a being from whom he proceeds; whereas the mysterious beings springing from human lineage, ghosts and low spirits, have not originally all the qualities required of a divinity. They must first be magnified and exalted if they are to inspire the religious attitude. Under these circumstances, the speedy appearance of religious practices addressed to the High God would seem unavoidable. Why then is he not sooner worshipped? Because his very greatness and remoteness stand as an obstacle in the way of practical religion, while ordinary spirits and great ancestors, more familiar and closer to man than a Maker, call forth more readily those methods of propitiation and


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Rh "O, that's just a starter," announced Slavin. "Keep your eye on Slump for a minute."

Ike had fallen across the sofa. He was moaning-and half-stunned. He kept moving his hand over his bare and tingling gums, making a horrible, hollow, hissing sound every time his breath exuded.

"The dentist for you," said Slavin in cold unconcern. "This one is delegated to the hospital, I guess."

The speaker approached the prostrate Bemis.

"Speak up, there," growled Slavin savagely. "I've a little business with you, Mort Bemis. Where are those two silver medals that you stole from me?"

Bemis only wriggled and groaned. Slavin kicked him. He sat up with a howl of pain.

"Pawned," he whimpered.

"Where?"

"At Barry's cigar store."

"For how much?"

"Two dollars."

"Hand it over."

"I haven't a cent. Oh, you've half killed me. Oh, my head! my head! Don't—don't hit me again. Slump has some money. Pay him, Ike, pay him."

Slavin advanced from Bemis, now sitting up

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188 on the floor, towards Ike, with a menacing manner.

"I'll pay, I'll pay," whined Ike. "Here, here. I haven't go any change. Five dollars," and with celerity he extended a banknote.

"Three for delay and damages," stated Slavin, coolly pocketing the money. "Now then, you two, walk humble, or I'll finish this job right here and now."

Slavin took up the ropes that had bound Ralph. Quaking with mortal terror, Bemis and Slump in turn allowed him unresistingly to tie their arms behind them.

Slavin picked up the "nutcracker." He looked it over and placed it in his pocket.

"If that bit of evidence don't send you over the road, I know what will," he observed grimly. "March."

He forced the two prisoners forward, holding to an arm of each. As they got outside, Ralph asked:

"What are you going to do with them, Slavin?"

"Anxious to know, are you?"

"Yes."

"Then keep us company, and see. Oh, I'm not sassy, Fairbanks. I'm only doing what you ought to have done the first break they made at

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 168 of worship constituting the lowest forms of religious expression.

The kind of attitude to be expected of an uncivilized man towards the Over-God is well illustrated, in at least one of its aspects, in the following report concerning the "noble tribes of the Bight of Panavia":

This is of course neither worship nor propitiation; Anyambie is apparently too high a personage to concern himself with the details of human life, or to care for such offerings as would please a tribal chief. And yet he is not great or good enough to elicit awe, admiration, and reverence. Miss Kingsley's oft-repeated question, "Is he good?"


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Rh you—called in the law. These fellows are dangerous. I'm going to cage them."

The prisoners spoke not a word. Bemis had received a fearful fistic punishment, and was blubbering. Ike Slump kept up a mumbling sound with his lips, as if trying to get used to the lack of teeth.

Slavin led them through the town by dark and unfrequented streets. When they reached the railroad tracks, he made for a crossings shanty.

The flagman had gone home for the night, but the door was secured by a catch only. Slavin marched his prisoners inside, drew a lantern from under a bench, pushed them to the bench, and lit the lantern.

"You rest a while," he directed them "Court will open soon. Fairbanks, will you do an errand for me?"

"What is it, Slavin?"

"I promised the road detective, Bob Adair, to send him word when I found these fellows."

"I'm out on bail. They can't bother me till my trial comes off," mumbled Ike Slump, making a grimacing, painful job of talking intelligently.

"Rest easy," advised Slavin grimly. "This is quite another round. Find him, Fairbanks."

"You think that is best, do you?" inquired Ralph. "These fellows"

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 Rh was always answered negatively except by natives who had been under the influence of missionaries. "No! they say firmly, he is not what you call good; he lets things go too much, he cares about himself only, and I have heard him called "lazy too much, bad person for business," and a dozen things of that kind." Now, if Anyambie's character were loftier, the chief might not so readily enter into conversation with him.

The difficulty of entering into formal relation with the Maker may be overcome, or rather avoided, by the introduction of intermediaries between man and the Almighty. It is quite probable that religious rites first appeared in connection with the belief in spirits very near to man; the closer to him, the more readily would he enter into practical relations with them, as he would with a great and powerful man. The practices of placing food in the graves, of making a fire near them, of placing hunting or fighting implements in them, not in the expectation of profit, but simply out of humane feeling, are probably prototypes of the earlier religious offerings and sacrifices.

The Maker, though not worshipped and propitiated so early as the lower gods, nevertheless exercises from the first an influence at times profound and often the most ennobling known to the primitive mind. In this connection one should remember Howitt's statement concerning the All Father of the South-Eastern Australians. He is, we are told,


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190 "See here, Fairbanks!" cried Slavin, almost angrily, "you'd actually let them go, after they had pretty nigh put you out of commission forever. In this case I don't want your advice, good as it usually is. I know my programme, and I intend to carry it out to the last letter."

Ralph saw that it was useless to oppose his vigorous friend and champion. He left the shanty forthwith, and went up to the depot. It was some time before he could locate Mr. Adair. When he finally found him, and explained simply that Slavin wished to see him, the road detective joined him briskly, and look pleased.

"About Slump, I suppose?" he inquired eagerly.

"I think it is," answered Ralph.

"Good," said Adair. "The company thinks that bailing out business was rushed through. The bond was only five hundred dollars. They don't understand old Farrington's peculiar interest in the matter, and we have been ready to re-arrest Slump for a week."

Adair gave prodigious start as, entering the crossings shanty, his eyes lit on the faces of Slavin's two prisoners.

"Whew!" he whistled slowly—"you seem to have had some trouble with your friends, Mr. Slavin."

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Rh "You hear my story, and see if I gave them any more than they deserved," said Slavin, and he stood up, looking like a judge and talking like a judge, and narrated the incidents of the preceding hour.

"Now then, Mr. Adair," added Slavin, "these fellows brag of having a friend in that old miser, Gasper Farrington. I tell you that I happen to know that he has tried all kinds of ways to scare and bribe my friend here, Fairbanks, away from Stanley Junction. I suppose he's rich, and so tricky you can't connect him with their doings, but you can cage these fellows safely, and I want you to do it."

"The railroad company will certainly insist that Slump's bond be raised from five hundred dollars," spoke Adair. "You told me that Bemis very nearly wrecked a train by magnetizing the levers at the depot switch tower. Can you prove it?"

"I can," nodded Slavin emphatically.

"Very good. To-night's business there is no question about. It's a case of murderous assault and attempted mayhem. I shall see the prosecuting attorney at once, and demand that each of these prisoners be held in heavy bonds."

"I think that will hold them," said Slavin, in a tone of satisfaction. "I've got a charge against

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192 them, myself. They robbed me of two silver medals."

"We will take them at once before a magistrate," said Adair. "You'll have to subscribe to the warrants, Slavin. You, too, Fairbanks."

Ralph simply bowed acquiescence. Slavin had taken the matter out of his hands. It was better so, Ralph readily realized. He did not believe that Farrington would go on their bonds for any large amount. This might lead to a rupture, and the prisoners might be induced to implicate the magnate, and tell what had become of Mrs. Davis.

"Come on, you!" spoke Slavin, roughly pulling his prisoners to their feet.

"You look out!" snarled Mort Bemis savagely. "See here, Mr. Officer, this fellow talks big, but he himself tied up a set of levers at the switch tower."

Slavin turned red. He looked at Ralph in a shamefaced way. Then he said bluntly:

"Yes, I did, Mr. Adair. That skunk got me to. It was before I knew Fairbanks—before I knew better. I give myself in charge for the act. I'm willing to suffer for it."

"Nonsense !" cried Ralph quickly.

"Do you make the complaint?" asked Adair.

"No, sir!" spoke Ralph emphatically.

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Rh "Nor would you appear against him?"

"Hardly!"

"You had better keep your mind on your own business then, Mr. Bemis," advised Adair.

"I call that a good night's work," said Slavin to Ralph, one hour later.

Mr. Adair had legally presented his evidence and the prisoners to a new magistrate.

Ike Slump and Mort Bemis were remanded to the town jail in default of bail in the sum of ten thousand dollars each.

"Now," observed Ralph, as he parted with the strange, forceful companion who had proven so good a friend to him—"now to wait and see what Gasper Farrington will do next."

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text: Ralph in the Switch Tower/Chapter 22

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 170 Howitt, Hartland, and others have been unwilling to take the High Gods as Creators in the true sense of the word. They have held them to be primarily ancestors and, in particular, great chiefs deified. They have had no difficulty in showing that the All Father of the Australians is often spoken of as chief of the other world. G. M‘Call Theal says that the more reliable traditions mention Umkulunkulu, the Great Great One of the South African natives, as the most powerful of their ancient chiefs, and therefore he is unwilling to describe him as a Creator. Be this as it may with regard to Umkulunkulu, it remains established that the High God is usually spoken of as a Creator. To say, as Hartland does, that the concept of creation as we understand it is a notion foreign to the savage is beside the point, and, moreover, it is true only if “we” means the highly cultured few. The savage thinks of a Maker as children and even many civilized adults do. What is more likely than that this Maker of man and things should come to be spoken of as Great Chief, Ruler of the Sky Country, or First Ancestor?

The application of the term “monotheism” to the belief in the High God of the uncivilized is to be deprecated; for monotheism, in the current acceptance of the term, means more than a belief in a Maker; it means also that there exists no other god but him. This is obviously not implied in the conception of the High God. The Maker is the highest god, but there exists side by side with him other powerful gods. One should not expect the relation of the Maker to the other gods to be clearly and consistently defined. After all, the monotheism of our uneducated population is of a similar sort. Pure monotheism belongs to the few; the masses are rather henotheists.


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 CHAPTER XXIII

IKE SLUMP & CO.

" fellow has got his nerve with him all right!" spoke old Jack Knight.

"I can't make out his idea," observed Ralph Fairbanks.

It was two days after the arrest of Ike Slump and Mort Bemis. Knight and his junior lever-man were engrossed in watching a little interesting by-play going on in the vicinity of the in freight tracks.

A boy about Ralph's age and height had jumped into an open box car. He came out with a head of cabbage.

He did not run away, but stood stock-still on the near tracks, as if dallying with detection and arrest.

Some teamsters near by saw the act, but they only laughed carelessly.

The boy dropped the cabbage, climbed into another car, and came out this time with a small sack of potatoes. This he swung across his shoulders, and started towards the depot. Rh

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Rh "The chump!" commented Knight. "Does he want to get caught purposely? Look at that, now: coast clear to the street, and walking deliberately into the jaws of justice!"

"He's caught, yes," said Ralph.

A day watchman had come rushing up to the boy. The latter neither stopped nor ran. He kept on his way steadily. He halted only when the watchman banged his cane down on the bag on his back. Then he dropped it.

The watchman grabbed the culprit's arm. The watchers in the switch tower could observe him excitedly waving his cane. He seemed to be trying to make his prisoner realize the enormity of his offense.

The latter, however, was unconcerned. He walked quietly along with the watchman towards the depot, making no effort to escape.

"A mighty queer sort of a thief, that," remarked Knight.

"Yes," said Ralph—"oh, my!"

Ralph gave a quick start. He leaned far through the open sash, and stared fixedly at prisoner and watchman as they passed the switch tower in his direct range of vision.

The young leverman was greatly perturbed. A call to the 'phone had distracted Knight's attention. As the watchman and his prisoner

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196 in the direction of the depot, Ralph's face grew to a void of wonder, doubt, and anxiety.

"It was Van Sherwan!" he breathed excitedly—"Van Sherwin, surely. Van a thief? Oh, there is some mistake!"

Ralph was greatly worked up. There was nothing in the rough attire and smirched face of the prisoner to recall the neatly-dressed Van whom Ralph had last seen. Yet as the prisoner had passed the tower, a gesture, the bearing of the latter, a familiar feature had enlightened Ralph unmistakably.

"Mr. Knight," he said quickly, "can I have ten minutes off?"

"Sure thing. What's up, Fairbanks?—you look disturbed," spoke Knight curiously.

"I—I want to run up to the depot to ask about a friend," explained Ralph, rather lamely.

He slipped on a coat and was down the ladder in a jiffy. Once out of the tower, he ran across the tracks in the direction of the depot.

Passing a switch shanty, a figure stepped from its side directly in his path. A challenging voice said quickly:

"Hold on, there, Ralph Fairbanks."

"Oh, you, Slavin?" said Ralph. "Don't delay me. I am in a hurry."

"I see you are. No need," proclaimed Slavin

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Rh coolly, seizing and detaining Ralph's arm. "You're trying to overtake a friend, aren't you?"

"Why, how do you know that?" exclaimed Ralph in surprise.

"Name, Van—Van Sherman. No, Sherwin—that's it. Am I right?"

"Why, yes," admitted Ralph in a tone of wonderment, "but how you come to know"

"I do know, don't I?" projected Slavin, with a shrewd smile. "This way for a minute, please."

He led Ralph out of range of the switch shanty. Then, buttonholing him persuasively, he said:

"Fairbanks, I know a good deal more about your affairs to-day than I did yesterday. Mightily glad I am of it. You'd ought to be, too. It's this way: I ran across that friend of yours last night."

"You mean Van Sherwin?"

"That's just what I do mean," responded Slavin. "It was queer, but I was nosing around the jail for some point on those fellows Slump and Bemis. I was very anxious to find out how they would act regarding old Farrington. It appears they sent messages to him. I know that much. But he didn't show up. I noticed a stranger hanging around, just as I was doing. His actions aroused my suspicions. Well, it led to our getting acquainted, cautiously. You know

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198 how such things go. Soon we understood each other, perfectly. I was on the trail of Slump and Bemis to head off any funny work on the part of their friend, Farrington. Sherwin was trying to get a line on the whole case."

"He told you" began Ralph.

"All I'd ought to know. Enough to show me that those fellows and Farrington are up to a very deep game. It all affects your interests. That was enough for me. There's a woman missing, isn't there? And some bonds? Those prisoners know where the woman is. The woman probably knows where the bonds are. All that is straight and simple. We took some time, this famous friend of yours, Van Sherwin, and I, deciding which thought the most of you"

"Thank you, Slavin," said Ralph warmly.

"Then we concluded that you had enough real work to bother with, and decided to help you out on this case. The question was: how could we get in touch with Ike Slump & Co.? Your sharp-witted friend decided that. He's chain lightning, I tell you, and no mistake. He saw only one way. He acted on it. I reckon you saw how: he got arrested."

"As a thief!" exclaimed Ralph anxiously.

"Oh, don't let that worry you," and Slavin smiled coolly. "It was all arranged and

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Rh by Bob Adair. Sherwin will go to jail all right. But Adair has fixed it so the minute he finds out what he is after and gives the word, Van Sherwin will have his liberty."

Ralph reflected seriously. He could find no fault with the unselfish ardor of his friends, that was sure. Their plan was a drastic one, but Van was smart, and probably knew what he was about.

"So," remarked Slavin, "you just get back to your work. Don't spoil our plans by interfering or trying to see Sherwin. Until I get that railroad job I'm promised I have nothing special to do. I'll put in the time in your service, see?"

"But," said Ralph, "Ike Slump knows Van."

"Does he? Very slightly, Sherwin says. And by the way, you didn't see Sherwin—close at hand?"

Ralph shook his head negatively.

"Only a special friend like you would be likely to recognize him, Sherwin says. He's fairly well disguised himself. Besides, he simply wants to get where he can watch and overhear Slump & Co. He won't try to chum with them."

Ralph went back to the switch tower more easy in his mind. He felt pretty tender towards his two loyal boy friends. Knowing Ike Slump's crude, blurting ways, he believed that if

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200 got balky, Ike would make some break that would be of advantage to Van.

He decided to tell his mother of this new phase in the case. Something startling, however, interrupted.

He had got ready for supper, and was entering the cozy little dining room, when Mrs. Fairbanks, at the window, called out suddenly:

"Come here, quick, Ralph."

"What is it, mother?" he asked.

"I fancied I heard some sounds like an explosion—and shouts," said Mrs. Fairbanks. "There is a great glare over to the south. Look, Ralph."

She held aside the curtain so he could see.

"Why," cried Ralph, "it is a fire—a big fire, somewhere!"

Farrington's old factory," said Mrs. Fairbanks.

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Rh Summary.—The observation of a variety of natural phenomena suggests to the primitive mind the existence of unseen agents of different sorts: (1) dreams, trances, and allied phenomena generate the belief in ghosts and spirits of human form and attributes; (2) the personification of natural objects leads to the belief in nature-beings conceived frequently, but not necessarily, as animals; (3) the problem of creation gives rise to the belief in a Maker or Makers in the form of man.

These beliefs are neither manifestations of a diseased mind nor the outcome of a revelation; they arise from perfectly normal mental processes. There are few men living to-day, barring the mentally defective, who, if deprived of the inheritance of civilization, would not again people an unseen world with these unreal creatures.

But ghosts, spirits, and makers are not in themselves gods. Only a few of them possess from the first or acquire later on the attributes necessary to the establishment of the system of relations called religion, and are thus transformed into gods.

.


text: Ralph in the Switch Tower/Chapter 23

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, any one wishes to know what we mean when we say that Christendom was and is one culture, or one civilization, there is a rough but plain way of putting it. It is by asking what is the most common, or rather the most commonplace, of all the uses of the word "Christian." There is, of course, the highest use of all; but it has nowadays many other uses. Sometimes a Christian means an Evangelical. Sometimes, and more recently, a Christian means a Quaker. Sometimes a Christian means a modest person who believes that he bears a resemblance to Christ. But it has long had one meaning in casual speech among common people, and it means a culture or a civilization. Ben Gunn on Treasure Island did not actually say to Jim Hawkins, "I feel myself out of touch with a certain type of civilization"; but he did say, "I haven't tasted Christian food." The old wives in a village looking at a lady with short hair and trousers do not indeed say, "We perceive a divergence between her culture and our own"; Rh


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 THE "DREAMERS" OF THE MOHAVE-APACHE TRIBE [].

BY BARBARA FREIRE-MARRECO, SOMERVILLE COLLEGE, OXFORD.

(Read at Meeting, April 17th, 1912.)

[The following abstract is made by permission of the Ethnologist-in-charge of the Bureau of American Ethnology, to whom a report on the Mohave-Apache will shortly be submitted.]

The Mohave-Apache, or Yavapai, are a small disorganised tribe of Yuman speech, of whom a certain number (less than two hundred) are settled on the M'Dowell Reservation. Their social organisation is slight; they live in camps of one, two, or three families, each camp ruled by one of the married men. There is no council; the war chieftainship is obsolete; one or two men, heads of large camps, are influential in an informal way. The people are much preoccupied with questions of health and disease. Agriculture is little developed, and their wars have come to an end, so that they have few common interests except health. Consumption is prevalent. The most important persons are the "doctors," kithié.

Certain of these are "little doctors," kithié kádye, who own songs to treat special cases; one has a song for snakebite, another a war-song to confer invulnerability, and another has a song for fractures and also keeps a stock of splints to set them; another man supplies the rarer medicinal roots.


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Rh but they do say, "Why can't she dress like a Christian?" That the sentiment has thus soaked down to the simplest and even stupidest daily talk is but one evidence that Christendom was a very real thing. But it was also, as we have seen, a very localized thing, especially in the Middle Ages. And that very lively localism the Christian faith and affections encouraged led at last to an excessive and exclusive parochialism. There were rival shrines of the same saint, and a sort of duel between two statues of the same divinity. By a process it is now our difficult duty to follow, a real estrangement between European peoples began. Men began to feel that foreigners did not eat or drink like Christians, and even, when the philosophic schism came, to doubt if they were Christians.

There was, indeed, much more than this involved. While the internal structure of mediævalism was thus parochial and largely popular, in the greater affairs, and especially the external affairs, such as peace and war, most (though by no means all) of what was mediæval was monarchical. To see what the kings came to mean we must glance back at the great background, as of darkness and daybreak, against which the first figures of our history have already appeared. That background was the war with the barbarians. While it lasted Christendom was not only one nation but more like one city—and a besieged city. Wessex was but one wall or Paris one tower of it; and in one tongue and spirit Bede Rh


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Rh might have chronicled the siege of Paris or Abbo sung the song of Alfred. What followed was a conquest and a conversion; all the end of the Dark Ages and the dawn of mediævalism is full of the evangelizing of barbarism. And it is the paradox of the Crusades that though the Saracen was superficially more civilized than the Christian, it was a sound instinct which saw him also to be in spirit a destroyer. In the simpler case of northern heathenry the civilization spread with a simplier [sic] progress. But it was not till the end of the Middle Ages, and close on the Reformation, that the people of Prussia, the wild land lying beyond Germany, were baptized at all. A flippant person, if he permitted himself a profane confusion with vaccination, might almost be inclined to suggest that for some reason it didn't "take" even then.

The barbarian peril was thus brought under bit by bit, and even in the case of Islam the alien power which could not be crushed was evidently curbed. The Crusades became hopeless, but they also became needless. As these fears faded the princes of Europe, who had come together to face them, were left facing each other. They had more leisure to find that their own captaincies clashed; but this would easily have been over-ruled, or would have produced a petty riot, had not the true creative spontaneity, of which we have spoken in the local life, tended to real variety. Royalties found they were representatives almost without knowing it; and many a Rh


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Rh king insisting on a genealogical tree or a title-deed found he spoke for the forests and the songs of a whole country-side. In England especially the transition is typified in the accident which raised to the throne one of the noblest men of the Middle Ages.

Edward I. came clad in all the splendours of his epoch. He had taken the Cross and fought the Saracens; he had been the only worthy foe of Simon de Montfort in those baronial wars which, as we have seen, were the first sign (however faint) of a serious theory that England should be ruled by its barons rather than its kings. He proceeded, like Simon de Montfort, and more solidly, to develop the great mediæval institution of a parliament. As has been said, it was superimposed on the existing parish democracies, and was first merely the summoning of local representatives to advise on local taxation. Indeed its rise was one with the rise of what we now call taxation; and there is thus a thread of theory leading to its latter claims to have the sole right of taxing. But in the beginning it was an instrument of the most equitable kings, and notably an instrument of Edward I. He often quarrelled with his parliaments and may sometimes have displeased his people (which has never been at all the same thing), but on the whole he was supremely the representative sovereign. In this connection one curious and difficult question may be considered here, though it marks the Rh


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Rh end of a story that began with the Norman Conquest. It is pretty certain that he was never more truly a representative king, one might say a republican king, than in the fact that he expelled the Jews. The problem is so much misunderstood and mixed with notions of a stupid spite against a gifted and historic race as such, that we must pause for a paragraph upon it.

The Jews in the Middle Ages were as powerful as they were unpopular. They were the capitalists of the age, the men with wealth banked ready for use. It is very tenable that in this way they were useful; it is certain that in this way they were used. It is also quite fair to say that in this way they were ill-used. The ill-usage was not indeed that suggested at random in romances, which mostly revolve on the one idea that their teeth were pulled out. Those who know this as a story about King John generally do not know the rather important fact that it was a story against King John. It is probably doubtful; it was only insisted on as exceptional; and it was, by that very insistence, obviously regarded as disreputable. But the real unfairness of the Jews' position was deeper and more distressing to a sensitive and highly civilized people. They might reasonably say that Christian kings and nobles, and even Christian popes and bishops, used for Christian purposes (such as the Crusades and the cathedrals) the money that could only be accumulated in such mountains by a usury they inconsistently Rh


text: Folk-Lore/Volume 23/The Several Origins of the Ideas of Unseen, Personal Beings


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Rh as unchristian; and then, when worse times came, gave up the Jew to the fury of the poor, whom that useful usury had ruined. That was the real case for the Jew; and no doubt he really felt himself oppressed. Unfortunately it was the case for the Christians that they, with at least equal reason, felt him as the oppressor; and that mutual charge of tyranny is the Semitic trouble in all times. It is certain that in popular sentiment, this Anti-Semitism was not excused as uncharitableness, but simply regarded as charity. Chaucer puts his curse on Hebrew cruelty into the mouth of the soft-hearted prioress, who wept when she saw a mouse in a trap; and it was when Edward, breaking the rule by which the rulers had hitherto fostered their bankers' wealth, flung the alien financiers out of the land, that his people probably saw him most plainly at once as a knight errant and a tender father of his people.

Whatever the merits of this question, such a portrait of Edward was far from false. He was the most just and conscientious type of mediæval monarch; and it is exactly this fact that brings into relief the new force which was to cross his path and in strife with which he died. While he was just, he was also eminently legal. And it must be remembered, if we would not merely read back ourselves into the past, that much of the dispute of the time was legal; the adjustment of dynastic and feudal differences not yet felt to be anything else. In this spirit Edward was asked to arbitrate by the rival claimants to the Rh


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NATIONALITY AND THE FRENCH WARS must often be remarked in this story, by which (for whatever reason) our most powerful kings did not somehow leave their power secure, showed itself in the next reign, when the baronial quarrels were resumed and the northern kingdom, under Bruce, cut itself finally free by the stroke of Bannockburn. Otherwise the reign is a mere interlude, and it is with the succeeding one that we find the new national tendency yet further developed. The great French wars, in which England won so much glory, were opened by Edward III., and grew more and more nationalist. But even to feel the transition of the time we must first realize that the third Edward made as strictly legal and dynastic a claim to France as the first Edward had made to Scotland; the claim was far weaker in substance, but it was equally conventional in form. He thought, or said, he had a claim on a kingdom as a squire might say he had a claim on an estate; superficially it was an affair for the English and French lawyers. To read into this that the people were sheep bought and sold is to misunderstand all mediæval history; sheep have no trade union. The English arms owed much of their force to the class of the free yeomen; and the success of the infantry, especially of the archery, largely stood for that popular element which had already unhorsed the high French chivalry at Courtrai. But the point is this; that while the lawyers were talking about the Salic Law, the soldiers, who would once have been 111


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Rh about guild law or glebe law, were already talking about English law and French law. The French were first in this tendency to see something outside the township, the trade brotherhood, the feudal dues, or the village common. The whole history of the change can be seen in the fact that the French had early begun to call the nation the Greater Land. France was the first of nations and has remained the norm of nations, the only one which is a nation and nothing else. But in the collision the English grew equally corporate; and a true patriotic applause probably hailed the victories of Crecy and Poitiers, as it certainly hailed the later victory of Agincourt. The latter did not indeed occur until after an interval of internal revolutions in England, which will be considered on a later page; but as regards the growth of nationalism, the French wars were continuous. And the English tradition that followed after Agincourt was continuous also. It is embodied in rude and spirited ballads before the great Elizabethans. The Henry V. of Shakespeare is not indeed the Henry V. of history; yet he is more historic. He is not only a saner and more genial but a more important person. For the tradition of the whole adventure was not that of Henry, but of the populace who turned Henry into Harry. There were a thousand Harries in the army at Agincourt, and not one. For the figure that Shakespeare framed out of the legends of the great victory is largely the figure that all men saw Rh


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Rh as the Englishman of the Middle Ages. He did not really talk in poetry, like Shakespeare's hero, but he would have liked to. Not being able to do so, he sang; and the English people principally appear in contemporary impressions as the singing people. They were evidently not only expansive but exaggerative; and perhaps it was not only in battle that they drew the long bow. That fine farcical imagery, which has descended to the comic songs and common speech of the English poor even to-day, had its happy infancy when England thus became a nation; though the modern poor, under the pressure of economic progress, have partly lost the gaiety and kept only the humour. But in that early April of patriotism the new unity of the State still sat lightly upon them; and a cobbler in Henry's army, who would at home have thought first that it was the day of St. Crispin of the Cobblers, might truly as well as sincerely have hailed the splintering of the French lances in a storm of arrows, and cried, "St. George for Merry England."

Human things are uncomfortably complex, and while it was the April of patriotism it was the Autumn of mediæval society. In the next chapter I shall try to trace the forces that were disintegrating the civilization; and even here, after the first victories, it is necessary to insist on the bitterness and barren ambition that showed itself more and more in the later stages, as the long French wars dragged on. France was at the time far less happy than England—wasted by the Rh


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 treason of its nobles and the weakness of its kings almost as much as by the invasion of the islanders. And yet it was this very despair and humiliation that seemed at last to rend the sky, and let in the light of what it is hard for the coldest historian to call anything but a miracle.

It may be this apparent miracle that has apparently made Nationalism eternal. It may be conjectured, though the question is too difficult to be developed here, that there was something in the great moral change which turned the Roman Empire into Christendom, by which each great thing, to which it afterwards gave birth, was baptized into a promise, or at least into a hope of permanence. It may be that each of its ideas was, as it were, mixed with immortality. Certainly something of this kind can be seen in the conception which turned marriage from a contract into a sacrament. But whatever the cause, it is certain that even for the most secular types of our own time their relation to their native land has become not contractual but sacramental. We may say that flags are rags, that frontiers are fictions, but the very men who have said it for half their lives are dying for a rag, and being rent in pieces for a fiction even as I write. When the battle-trumpet blew in 1914 modern humanity had grouped itself into nations almost before it knew what it had done. If the same sound is heard a thousand years hence, there is no sign in the world to suggest to any rational Rh


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Rh man that humanity will not do exactly the same thing. But even if this great and strange development be not enduring, the point is that it is felt as enduring. It is hard to give a definition of loyalty, but perhaps we come near it if we call it the thing which operates where an obligation is felt to be unlimited. And the minimum of duty or even decency asked of a patriot is the maximum that is asked by the most miraculous view of marriage. The recognized reality of patriotism is not mere citizenship. The recognized reality of patriotism is for better for worse, for richer for poorer, in sickness and in health, in national growth and glory and in national disgrace and decline; it is not to travel in the ship of state as a passenger, but if need be to go down with the ship.

It is needless to tell here again the tale of that earthquake episode in which a clearance in the earth and sky, above the confusion and abasement of the crowns, showed the commanding figure of a woman of the people. She was, in her own living loneliness, a French Revolution. She was the proof that a certain power was not in the French kings or in the French knights, but in the French. But the fact that she saw something above her that was other than the sky, the fact that she lived the life of a saint and died the death of a martyr, probably stamped the new national sentiment with a sacred seal. And the fact that she fought for a defeated country, and, even though it was victorious, was herself Rh


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Rh ultimately defeated, defines that darker element of devotion of which I spoke above, which makes even pessimism consistent with patriotism. It is more appropriate in this place to consider the ultimate reaction of this sacrifice upon the romance and the realities of England.

I have never counted it a patriotic part to plaster my own country with conventional and unconvincing compliments; but no one can understand England who does not understand that such an episode as this, in which she was so clearly in the wrong, has yet been ultimately linked up with a curious quality in which she is rather unusually in the right. No one candidly comparing us with other countries can say we have specially failed to build the sepulchres of the prophets we stoned, or even the prophets who stoned us. The English historical tradition has at least a loose large-mindedness which always finally falls into the praise not only of great foreigners but great foes. Often along with much injustice it has an illogical generosity; and while it will dismiss a great people with mere ignorance, it treats a great personality with hearty hero-worship. There are more examples than one even in this chapter, for our books may well make out Wallace a better man than he was, as they afterwards assigned to Washington an even better cause than he had. Thackeray smiled at Miss Jane Porter's picture of Wallace, going into war weeping with a cambric pocket-handkerchief; but her attitude was more English and not less Rh


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Rh accurate. For her idealization was, if anything, nearer the truth than Thackeray's own notion of a mediævalism of hypocritical hogs-in-armour. Edward, who figures as a tyrant, could weep with compassion; and it is probable enough that Wallace wept, with or without a pocket-handkerchief. Moreover, her romance was a reality, the reality of nationalism; and she knew much more about the Scottish patriots ages before her time than Thackeray did about the Irish patriots immediately under his nose. Thackeray was a great man; but in that matter he was a very small man, and indeed an invisible one. The cases of Wallace and Washington and many others are here only mentioned, however, to suggest an eccentric magnanimity which surely balances some of our prejudices. We have done many foolish things, but we have at least done one fine thing; we have whitewashed our worst enemies. If we have done this for a bold Scottish raider and a vigorous Virginian slave-holder, it may at least show that we are not likely to fail in our final appreciation of the one white figure in the motley processions of war. I believe there to be in modern England something like a universal enthusiasm on this subject. We have seen a great English critic write a book about this heroine, in opposition to a great French critic, solely in order to blame him for not having praised her enough. And I do not believe there lives an Englishman now, who if he had the offer of being an Englishman then, would not discard Rh


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Rh his chance of riding as the crowned conqueror at the head of all the spears of Agincourt, if he could be that English common soldier of whom tradition tells that he broke his spear asunder to bind it into a cross for Joan of Arc. Rh


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 Rh The kithié practise cupping on the forehead (by cutting and sucking) for headache, but they do not as a rule prescribe or give medicines. The "sucking cure" is known, but discredited. The regular method of cure is by singing and shaking a rattle over the sick person.

The kithié par excellence are the sumajc, "dreamers." Four of these are recognised on the Reservation at present. They sing to cure, not one sort only, but all sorts of diseases. They also foretell pestilence and war, and prescribe public dances at which they "send a word up to heaven" on behalf of the people. The sumajc are qualified by having passed through a series of individual experiences, usually beginning in boyhood, by which they are brought into communication with a Person who makes them sumajc and tells them to cure the sick. This Person is spoken of sometimes as the Sun ("the person that passes over the sky"); sometimes as askátaga-ámaje (a myth-personage), or as "God" under the influence of recent Christian teaching; sometimes as "sumajc" or "the maker of sumajc," or the "head of all the sumajc." In any case he is referred to as a "man" or "person" (pa), and Dr. Corbusier's description of him in animistic language as "the wise and truthful spirit Semache" seems to rest on a misapprehension. The Mohave-Apache have also the idea of the dead man, miye, as a terrifying and dangerous apparition by night or in lonely places, and of dead people seen in dreams; but this has nothing to do with the sumajc's inspiration. Neither does the sumajc profess to expel "spirits" from the sick.

The sumajc's experiences are spoken of as his "dreams," but it is said that they are quite different from ordinary dreams. They include several Soul-journey and Interview types, apparitions, lights, voices, and a sensation of "seeing all the world," all this being sometimes embodied in a prolonged experience of resistance, final yielding, and illumination not unlike conversion.


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 174 When a man has had these experiences, he recounts them to the public at a dance, seeking acceptance and recognition. He is not really established as a sumaje until people begin to call him to sing over the sick. The status of a sumaje can be lost through failures to cure, especially at the outset of his career.

The sumaje are paid for their services. Some of them teach their sons or take apprentices, but though they can give them their songs they cannot guarantee public recognition and acceptance, which depend on the experiences which the candidate is able to recount.

Some women are sumaje.

.


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 MEITHEI LITERATURE.

BY T. C. HODSON. EAST LONDON COLLEGE.

(Read at Meeting, December 20th, 1911.)

for long had it in mind to examine Meithei literature, but it was, and still is, my purpose to examine it rather from the aspect of philology than from that of folklore. Dr. Grierson remarks that the Manipuris are mentioned in the Shan chronicles as early as 777 A.D., and that their form of speech gives the impression of possessing a peculiarly archaic character. We know, too, from the same high authority, that it sometimes agrees more closely with Burmese, and even with Tibetan, than with the Kuki-Chin dialects spoken all around it.

Mr. Damant gives the following account of Meithei literature:—

"The most important MS. is called the "Tākhelgnamba," and contains an account of the wars between Pamheiba, alias Garib-Naraaz, [Gharib Nawaz], king of Manipur, and the Rājā of Tiparah. The copy in my possession contains 45 leaves written on both sides. The next in importance is the "Samsokgnamba," which is a history of the war between Charairongbā and his son Pamhaiba of Manipur and the kings of Burma and Sumjok. It contains 36 leaves. The "Lānglol," a short MS. of ten leaves only, is a treatise on morals, intermixed with proverbs and maxims, and would probably be interesting as throwing light on the customs of


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 the natural resources of that colony, entitle his observations to great consideration, seems, in his work on New South Wales, to entertain a sanguine opinion of the possibility of forming establishments for the cultivation of tropical productions at Port Macquarie or Moreton Bay. From the great number of experiments which have been made in these two settlements, there is no doubt whatever of those productions succeeding, if largely cultivated, especially at Moreton Bay. Specimens of cotton, grown in the colony, have been manufactured into yarn at Glasgow, and pronounced of superior quality. The coffee shrub grows very well, and as I have already observed elsewhere, sugar has been made at the plains on the Wilson river, at Port Macquarie, during the time that that place was a penal settlement; and I have myself seen sugar-cane growing luxuriantly in Mr. Rudder's garden, at the village of Kempsey on the MacLeay river.

Having read in some of the late Sydney journals some remarks on the practicability of establishing an overland communication with Port Essington on the north coast of New Holland, to facilitate the introduction of Chinese into the colony, it may not be out of place here to quote the following observations made by Dr. Lang ten years ago, on the advantage of inducing Chinese to settle in New South Wales. "It appears to me," observes the Doctor, "that if a tract of land, say from ten thousand to twenty thousand acres, were purchased from the


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, at one of the northern settlements of New South Wales, as for instance at Port Macquarie, and a thousand families of Chinese settled upon it in one body, either as tenants at a rental in produce, or as proprietors, and allowed to adopt their own manners and customs without interference on the part of the colonists, the tea plant might be introduced with every prospect of success. Were a House of Assembly established in New South Wales, I have no doubt that such a scheme would at least be attempted, and that the funds required for the purpose of carrying it into effect would be comparatively trifling."

The settlers have formed stations considerably to the northward of Moreton Bay, and one gentleman, well known for his enterprising spirit, has established sheep-stations in the vicinity of Wide Bay, which is in 25° south latitude, and nearly six hundred miles from Sydney, A species of palm, bearing an edible fruit, begins to grow to the north of Moreton Bay; there is a large extent of country in which it is particularly abundant, and which is the constant place of resort for a vast number of the Aborigines, who feed on the fruit, which they call Bunya-Bunya. In consequence of the large tribes of natives in this region, the Governor has promulgated an order, enjoining the Commisioner [sic] of Crown lands at Moreton Bay, not to allow any persons to form stations in those parts of the country in which these Australian date-trees grow. The Catholic clergy in Sydney, with their customary zeal to make


text: Folk-Lore/Volume 23/The "Dreamers" of the Mohave-Apache Tribe (Abstract)


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 converts to their church, have hastened to take advantage of the constant assemblage of the native tribes at this prohibited region, and have established a mission among them. As the Governor's order will protect these native tribes from the corrupting influence of the lower orders of the white population, the missionaries appear to entertain great hopes that their endeavours to convey some idea of religion to these Aborigines will be attended with greater success, than the many futile attempts hitherto made to convert the Australian blacks to Christianity.

Some German missionaries have been for some time among the blacks at Moreton Bay, and one of them has obtained considerable notoriety from having deliberately accused the squatters in that district of having poisoned upwards of fifty of the native blacks. The squatters of Moreton Bay, are almost all gentlemen of education and good connections, many of them being retired officers; and the ridiculous improbability of the general accusation brought against them by the Reverend Mr. Schmidt was so universally felt in the colony, that little trouble was taken to remove the aspersion cast upon them. On my arrival in England, however, I found that this affair had been seriously taken up by the Aborigines Protection Society, who threatened to have it brought before Parliament; much discussion on the subject has also appeared in the columns of the Colonial Gazette. These German missionaries seemed to be men of great disinterestedness, and actatedactuated [sic] by the


text: Author:Barbara Freire-Marreco

title: Author:Barbara Freire-Marreco


text: The Blue Fairy Book/The Forty Thieves

title: The Blue Fairy Book/The Forty Thieves


text: The Blue Fairy Book/Hansel and Grettel

title: The Blue Fairy Book/Hansel and Grettel


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 into the interior of Australia, will ensure the success of the enterprise, unless insurmountable obstacles should be encountered.

Although Port Essington is far beyond the extreme limits of the territory of New South Wales, I have thought that it might not perhaps be out of place to insert the following extract from a despatch of Captain Sir Everard Home, of her Majesty's ship North Star, who visited Port Essington last year.

"The settlement at Port Essington stands upon a rising ground on the west side of the harbour, elevated about fifty feet, in the highest part, above high water mark, the soil being a conglomerate of red-stone and sand, which from its dryness evidently conduces to the healthiness for which it is remarkable. The extent between the northwardmost building, which is the hospital, and the Government House, which stands south of it, is 590 paces; and from the water's edge to the western extent is 370 paces.

"The settlement of Victoria stands upon partially cleared ground, and consists of the Government House, which is built of wood, and has a shingle roof; the hospital, which is a building of the same description, which has a kitchen behind it, built of stone, but unfinished; there is a mess room, to which is attached the quarters of the second officer in command of the garrison; the space under it is used as the store-room of the officers; there is another building also of a similar description,


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 the upper part of which forms the quarters of the store-keeper and linguist, the lower part of which is the spirit room; there are three good store-houses, one of which is the ordnance store; the foundation being of brick work, the sides of wood. The roofs of all these buildings are of shingles. There is another store-house or building used as such, having a thatched roof, which is supported by wooden posts, the sides formed of the same material as the roof. There is a house also made of wood, and thatched with reeds, formerly occupied by Captain Stanley, and used by him as an observatory; there is also the ruins of a church, built of wood, it was blown down by the hurricane, and has never since been repaired; the rest of the buildings are small huts formed for the most part of reeds, twenty-nine in number; the greater part of them are occupied each by two marines, gardens are attached to each of them, which are very productive, and very well kept; these huts form a square in the centre of which is a well. At the distance of about half a mile southward of the square there are two gardens, one near the beach, the soil of which is sandy, and in the wet season saturated with moisture; the other stands upon higher ground, more to the west, and is a better soil; they are about an acre and a half each in extent, and are extremely well kept by three of the marines; of the plants now growing in the gardens, the pine-apples, (part of one I have tasted), are esteemed to be the best, and are improved, as is the cotton, by being transplanted hither; the lemons


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 her, showing her generally as a vivacious, good-hearted woman with unequalled power of fascination, but subject to ‘tantrums.’ Garrick bought the wedding-ring for the purpose of marrying her, but hung back, and at last quarrelled with her. Making allowance for one essentially feminine error, Murphy credited her with the possession of every virtue, ‘honour, truth, benevolence, and charity,’ and with abundance of wit. She took great care of her sister's education, allowed her mother through life, and settled on her, a pension, and built and endowed almshouses at Teddington. She lent her dresses to the beautiful Misses Gunning, facilitating thus their conquests.

‘A Monody on the Death of Mrs. Woffington’ by John Hoole [q. v.] appeared in 1760, and she has been commemorated in our own day in the successful drama ‘Masks and Faces’ (1852) by Tom Taylor and Charles Reade. In December 1852 Charles Reade inscribed ‘to the memory of Margaret Woffington’ the ‘dramatic story’ of which she is the heroine.

Many fine portraits of Margaret Woffington are in existence. These show her generally in her own hair, with a long and rather pensive face. Her portrait as Penelope, by Reynolds, was lent by Lord Sackville to the Guelph Exhibition. Portraits of her by Hogarth, Mercier, and Wilson are in the Mathews collection in the Garrick Club. She was also painted by Vanloo and by Zoffany (Cat. Second Loan Exhib. No. 378, Third Loan, No. 745). Smith's ‘Catalogue’ mentions ten, and reproduces one by Pond (now in the National Portrait Gallery, London), engraved by Ardell. Augustin Daly printed in sumptuous form, and in a limited edition, a life of Woffington, in which he reproduced many portraits, including one by Hogarth as Sir Harry Wildair, one from the Kensington Gallery, and others as Phebe (by Van Bleeck, 1747), and as Mrs. Ford (by Edward Haytley [q. v.], 1751, engraved by J. Faber). A portrait by Hogarth is at Bowood. In Daly's book numerous references to her in prose and verse are collected, and the whole, in spite of some errors in printing, is a fine and unfortunately, as regards the general public, almost inaccessible tribute (cf. Saturday Review, 2 June 1888). Mr. Austin Dobson contributed to the ‘Magazine of Art’ (viii. 256) a paper on portraits of ‘Peg’ Woffington.

[The chief separate biography is Augustin Daly's Life of Peg Woffington, Philadelphia, 1888, privately printed. Another modern compilation is the Life and Adventures of Peg Woffington, by J. Fitzgerald Molloy, 1884, 2 vols. 8vo. Genest's Account of the English Stage and Hitchcock's History of the Irish Stage are responsible for most of the facts preserved concerning Mrs. Woffington. Biographies are in the Georgian Era, Galt's Lives of the Players, and the Managers' Note-book. Tate Wilkinson in his Memoirs supplies many important particulars, as do the Lives of Garrick by Davies and Murphy. Among other works which have been consulted are Walpole's Letters, ed. Cunningham; Hanbury-Williams's Works, 1822, vol. ii. passim; Boswell's Life of Johnson, ed. G. B. Hill; Doran's Stage Annals, ed. Lowe; Chetwood's History of the Stage; Memoirs of Lee Lewis; Wheatley and Cunningham's London; Thorne's Environs of London; Smith's Catalogue of Mezzotinto Portraits; Marshall's Cat. of National Portraits; Clark Russell's Representative Actors; Davies's Dramatic Miscellanies; Dibdin's English Stage; Campbell's Life of Siddons; Boaden's Life of Jordan; O'Keeffe's Recollections; Victor's History of the Stage and Letters; Fitzgerald's History of the Stage; Bellamy's Apology; Lowe's Bibliography of the Stage; Notes and Queries, 6th ser. vols. vi. vii.]  WOGAN, CHARLES (1698?–1752?), Jacobite soldier of fortune, known as the Chevalier Wogan, born about 1698, was the second son of William Wogan and his wife, Anne Gaydon. His great-grandfather, William Wogan of Rathcoffey (1544–1616), was twelfth in descent from Sir John Wogan [q. v.], chief justice of Ireland. In 1715 Charles and his younger brother Nicholas (see below) took service under Colonel Henry Oxburgh [q. v.], whose force ignominiously surrendered to General Wills at Preston on 14 Nov. In the following April the grand jury of Westminster found a true bill against Wogan, and his trial for high treason was appointed to take place in Westminster Hall on 5 May 1716 (cf. Hist. Reg. Chron. Diary, p. 221). At midnight on the eve of the trial Wogan took part in the successful escape from Newgate planned by Brigadier Mackintosh. He was one of the lucky seven (out of the fifteen) who made good their escape, and for whose recapture a reward of 500l. was vainly offered (, Chronicles of Newgate, i. 313). He succeeded in getting to France, where he took service in Dillon's regiment until 1718. In that year he followed the chevalier to Rome. At the close of the same year he served with Ormonde on a diplomatic mission to win a Russian princess's hand for the exiled prince. He failed, and selected Maria Clementina Sobieska, granddaughter of the famous John Sobieski, deliverer of Europe. Clementina, on her way to join the chevalier at Bologna, was arrested


text: The Blue Fairy Book/The Gold-spinners

title: The Blue Fairy Book/The Gold-spinners


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 are of a thick rind, and without juice; the orange trees are evidently from a state of nature, and the guavas are not of a good kind, but all appear to grow in the most luxuriant manner, and appear in the highest health.

"Of stock they have one English cow, and a bull, two Indian heifers and two cows, about fifty goats, and a few fowls, of which one cow, and several of the goats are the property of Sir Gordon Bremer; another cow, and the bull, besides six working oxen, thirty buffaloes, and six pigs the property of Government; five ponies, and thirty greyhounds for catching kangaroos, complete the amount of the live stock; these last are private property.

"Although the present state of Port Essington is by no means an inviting one to a casual visitor, it holds out, in my opinion, great hopes of success to a permanent settler. Mr. Earl informs me (and a more zealous, acute, or intelligent gentleman I have scarcely ever met,) that the land which is flooded and swampy on the peninsula is as one acre to twenty acres of the dry land; the swamp land can easily be cultivated with rice, and the land not fitted to receive that grain produces the finest cotton; the valleys which are not sufficiently extensive for the cultivation of rice, are admirably adapted for the growth of sugar; cocoa should also be tried, and paper mulberry for the production of silk-worms. Indigo grows wild and is of the best quality; the dry stony land is, in my opinion, well adapted for the cultivation of cactus


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 by the order of the emperor (to whom the goodwill of the British government was of paramount importance) at Innspruck, whence Wogan, with three kinsmen, Richard Gaydon, Captain Missett, and Ensign Edward O'Toole, released her in a romantic manner (27 April 1719). For this exploit the pope, Clement XI, conferred upon Wogan the title of Roman senator (13 June 1719). James rewarded Wogan by a baronetcy.

He took service as a colonel in the Spanish army, and in 1723 distinguished himself at the relief of Santa Cruz, besieged by the Moors under the Bey Bigotellos. He was promoted to the rank of brigadier-general and made governor of La Mancha, an appropriate charge. Thence he sent to Swift in 1732 a cask of Spanish wine and a parcel of his writings for the dean to correct. Swift wrote him in return a characteristic letter deploring that he did not see his way to get Wogan's effusions published: ‘Dublin booksellers,’ he says, ‘have not the least notion of paying for copy.’ On 27 Feb. 1733 Wogan despatched to Swift, in his capacity as the ‘mentor and champion of the Irish nation,’ a long budget of grievances (printed in Swift, xvii. 447–97). He followed this up with another cask of Spanish wine, the merits of which Swift acknowledged in another entertaining letter (ib. xviii. 341). In 1746 the Chevalier Wogan was with the Duke of York at Dunkirk in the hope of being able to join Prince Charles Edward in England (see Stuart MSS. at Windsor, Wogan to Edgar, 1752). He seems to have returned to La Mancha, and to have died there soon after 1752. Portraits of the chevalier are in possession of Lord Aylmer, of Baron Tanneguy de Wogan, and of Lord Talbot de Malahide.

An entertaining account of the escape of the Princess Clementina from Innspruck, and the hurried flight of the party through Brixen into Venetian territory, appeared in 1722 under the title ‘Female Fortitude, Exemplify'd in an impartial Narrative of the Seizure, Escape, and Marriage of the Princess Clementina Sobiesky, As it was particularly set down by Mr. Charles Wogan (formerly one of the Preston prisoners), who was a chief Manager in the Whole Affair. “Quo ducunt fata sequantur”’ (London, 8vo; the British Museum has several copies with slightly variant title). The materials for this version of the affair may have been provided by Wogan or his comrades, but his own more detailed narrative was drawn up in French, dated ‘St. Clement de la Manche,’ 4 March 1745, and dedicated to the queen of France, Marie Leczinska. Two excellent modern narratives of the elopement (based upon the French version) are printed, one in the ‘Dublin Review,’ October 1890, and the other in ‘Longman's Magazine,’ March 1895. The texts of the various narratives of the elopement were first printed by Sir J. T. Gilbert at Dublin in 1894 in the Irish Archæological and Celtic Society's publications. Wogan's letters to Edgar (in the Stuart MSS.) display an uncommonly attractive, bright, and cheerful character.

Charles's younger brother, Nicholas Wogan (1700–1770), was born on 13 March 1700, and was thus only fifteen when he saved the life of an English officer at Preston on 13 Nov. 1715, carrying him out of a cross-fire. On 16 May 1716 he was found guilty of high treason with Charles Radcliffe and Mackintosh, but was pardoned, doubtless on account of his youth and his chivalrous action. In 1722 he was deep in the Jacobite plot which involved Atterbury and proved fatal to Christopher Layer [q.v.]. The report of the lords' commission is full of references to ‘Nick,’ who was on shipboard waiting for a chance to land with troops in England. One or two notes from ‘Nick’ are pleasant cheerful compositions. He was naturalised as a French subject on 5 March 1724, joined Berwick's regiment, and was at Fontenoy (1745), where he lost an arm. During 1745–6 he was also with Prince Charles Edward in Scotland. He was made Chevalier de St. Louis, and pensioned in 1754. He died in France in 1770. He married Rosa, eldest daughter of Sir Neill O'Neill [q.v.], but neither he nor the Chevalier Charles left issue. The Rathcoffey line was continued in the person of the nephew of Charles and Nicholas, (Sir) François de Wogan, ‘baronnet,’ who distinguished himself with the Irish brigade at Lauffeld in 1747. His great-grandson is the present Baron Emile Tanneguy De Wogan (b 23 Nov. 1850), a well-known littérateur and member of the Yacht Club de France.

[Mémoire historique et généalogique sur la famille de Wogan par le Comte Alph. O'Kelly de Galway, Paris, 1896; Wogan's Narrative, ed. J. T. Gilbert, 1894; Wogan's (?) Female Fortitude, 1722; Patten's Hist. of the Rebellion of 1715; O'Callaghan's Irish Brigades in the Service of France, 1870, pp. 306 sq.; D'Alton's Army Lists of James II, pp. 465, 540; De Burgo's Hib. Dom. p. 266; Hist. MSS. Comm. 10th Rep. App. vi. 216 sq.; Swift's Works, ed. Scott, vols. xvii. xviii.; Pope's Works, ed. Elwin and Courthope, iv. 6, vii. 137; O'Hart's Irish Pedigrees; Stuart Papers, vol. i.; Lang's Companions of Pickle, 1898, pp. 20–3, 224; Macmillan's Magazine, March 1895; Jesse's Pretenders and their Adherents, 1883, p. 55; Ewald's Life of Charles


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 opuntia, on which the cochineal insects might be produced to a good effect, with many other useful commodities, which would soon suggest themselves to intelligent settlers. There is plenty of very good soil here to be cultivated; the first consideration is, who the cultivators should be; the natives, of whom the greater number of them here, appear to be of a mild and obliging disposition; they will carry water, and do small offices of service for a small reward of bread or rice, but they will not remain permanently fixed at any one spot. The climate is far too hot for Europeans to labour in. In the opinion of Mr. Earl, settlers from Timor, and the islands northward, would be the best; but from what I have seen of the Chinese, from their activity and intelligence, and other qualities fitting them for such work, I should recommend that they also should be encouraged to settle here.

"In the neighbouring woods there are wild ponies, pigs, buffaloes, and red cattle, the greater part of which is the offspring of the stock left at Port Raffles, when that settlement was broken up. On the main land, opposite to Goulburn Island, two herds of wild buffaloes, consisting of about fifty each, have been seen feeding by the water side.—Kangaroos are very numerous.

"There are five never-failing wells of excellent water. One by the eastern garden, near the seaside, is high enough, with the addition of a little work, to enable the water in it to be conveyed, by hose or


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 trough, into the boat upon the shore. The timber here is extremely well adapted for building; it is hard and durable, and is never attacked by the white ant, which is the greatest enemy to be contended with in this place.

"Of the general results which your Excellency has directed me to inquire into, of the communications with British and foreign ships since the foundation of the settlement, and the probable advantages which may be derived from such sources, I have consulted Mr. Earl, and his opinion is, that one of the objects in forming this settlement was, that it might become a port of refuge for vessels that had received damage in the adjacent seas, and for the crews of such as might be lost: it has certainly proved beneficial.

"In 1841, the crew of the Montreal, a ship which had been lost on Alert reef, to the westward of Torres Straits, came to this port in their boats, and as the monsoon blew that year with great strength, it is doubtful if they could have reached any port in Timor. The Lord Auckland was hove down here and repaired by Captain M‘Arthur. The two strongest cases were those of the ship Manlius and the little cutter Harriet from Timor; had not this settlement existed, the crew of the former must have perished, their provisions being nearly expended, and they would have been unable to leave this coast for nearly three months, owing to the monsoon, if she had not, indeed, caught fire from her damaged cotton long before the period elapsed."


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wogan, Charles


text: The Blue Fairy Book/Prince Darling

title: The Blue Fairy Book/Prince Darling


text: The Blue Fairy Book/The Princess on the Glass Hill


text: The Blue Fairy Book/The Black Bull of Norroway


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 Michael Angelo having left, Bramante remained sole master. On the day after his rival's flight he laid the foundation-stone of St. Peter's. His implacable hatred continued to be directed against Michael Angelo's work, and he took steps to ruin it for ever by causing the populace to pillage the workyard on St. Peter's Square where the blocks of marble for the tomb of Julius II. had been collected together.

However, the Pope, enraged by the revolt of his sculptor, despatched brief after brief to the Seigniory of Florence, where Michael Angelo had taken refuge. The Seigniory sent for the artist and said to him: "You have done by the Pope what the King of France would not have presumed to do. We do not wish, because of you, to enter into a war with his Holiness, so you must return to Rome. We will give you letters of such weight that any injustice which may be done to you will also be done to the Seigniory."

But Michael Angelo became obstinate. He laid down conditions. He demanded that Julius should allow him to make his mausoleum, and he stipulated that the work should be carried out not in Rome but in Florence. When Julius made war against Perugia and Bologna and his summonses became more menacing, Michael Angelo thought of escaping to Turkey, the Sultan, through the Franciscans, having invited him to Constantinople to build a bridge at Pera.

title: Page:The Life of Michael Angelo.djvu/71


text:
The Encyclopedia Americana (1920)/Vogel von Falckenstein, Eduard

VOGEL VON FALCKENSTEIN, fō'gĕl fŏn fäl'kĕn-shtīn, Eduard, German army officer: b. Breslau, 1797; d. 1885. After a preliminary

education he entered the military service in 1813 and in the following year won distinction at the battle of Montmirail. For the next 40 years little was heard of him as he advanced from grade to grade, becoming lieutenant-general in 1858, in which year also he was placed in command of the Fifth Army corps. In the war with Denmark, in 1864, be served as chief of staff and in the war with Austria, two years later, he was given an army to suppress the Hanoverians, Bavarians, Hessians and other allies of Austria among the small German states. He defeated the troops of these states in succession at Langensalza, Kissingen and Frankfort. Soon after peace was declared he was given command of the First corps. He was a member of the North German Reichstag in 1867-70 and in the latter year was in command of troops on the Baltic front. He retired three years later. Consult Wengen, ‘General Vogel von Falckenstein und der hannoversche Feldzug, 1866’ (Gotha 1886).


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 The point from which Sir Thomas Mitchell proposes, (according to the Sydney papers,) to start into the unknown interior towards Port Essington is the stockade on the Darling, made by him in his journey down that river, and which is about four hundred and fifty miles from Sydney.

Having in the foregoing pages thus attempted to describe the north-eastern part of the territory of New South Wales, which the late ministry at one time intended making a separate colony, and of which Moreton Bay was to have been the seat of Government, I will now briefly recapitulate, in general terms, the distinctive features of this part of New South Wales compared with its central districts.

Firstly, Its Geological formation, which, instead of being sandstone, so generally predominant, south of the river Hunter, consists of rocks, mostly of primitive or transition origin, such as granite, trap, ancient limestone, slates, &c. Now in Australia,


text: The Blue Fairy Book/The Red Etin

title: The Blue Fairy Book/The Red Etin


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 all these classes of rock furnish, by their decomposition, a much more fertile surface soil than sandstone.

Secondly, The general mountainous nature of the country, the very great altitude of the mountains, exceeding six thousand feet above the level of the sea, and their proximity to the coast. These mountains accumulate and condense the vapours from the sea, and occasion frequent rains; they also mitigate the scorching heat of the hot winds from the north-west, which are so severely felt in Sydney, although that city is so much farther south.

Thirdly, The abundance of water everywhere, and the great number of navigable rivers in close proximity to each other. Thus from Moreton Bay to the Manning river, the southern boundary of the county of Macquarie, which is not more than two hundred and seventy miles along the coast, there are no less than nine rivers with bar harbours, which can be entered by coasting vessels and small steamers; viz. the Brisbane, the Tweed, the Richmond, the Clarence, the Bellengen, the MacLeay, the Hastings, Camden Haven creek, and the Manning.

Lastly, The adaptation, for the culture of tropical productions, of the rich alluvial soil on these


text: The Children of the New Forest/Chapter V


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 rivers, which soil extends in continuous narrow borders of brush land along their banks. The inexhaustible productiveness of this kind of land I have already alluded to; it is unknown in European soils, and can only be paralleled by that of the alluvial flats of tropical countries. These rich brush lands are not available in the present state of the colony; for it would never answer to clear them of the dense mass of indigenous vegetation which encumbers them, for the culture of the mere ordinary agricultural productions of New South Wales. Should cheap labourers, such as Chinese or Coolies, ever be introduced into the colony, it is not improbable that, at some future period, the banks of these northern rivers may be diversified by plantations of sugar-cane, cotton, coffee, rice, &c.; for all these productions have been ascertained from experiments to succeed well north of Port Macquarie. There would be one great advantage also, that the climate would be better suited to Europeans, than that of almost any other country in which these productions are grown. In the meanwhile, the brush land, which has been cleared of trees in the districts of Port Macquarie and Moreton Bay, and the naturally unwooded alluvial flats, which the squatters on the intermediate rivers cultivate, yield, with little trouble, crops of maize, more certain, abundant, and of better quality, than the central parts of New South Wales; wheat, as I have before observed, grows better there on alluvial land, in dry


text: The Children of the New Forest/Chapter VI


text: The Children of the New Forest/Chapter VII


text: The Children of the New Forest/Chapter VIII


text: The Children of the New Forest/Chapter IX


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 than in moist seasons; and the tobacco is of very superior quality; and if its manufacture were properly understood, it would be a most profitable article to cultivate, the duty imposed by the colonial legislature on foreign tobacco being so great.

The north-eastern part of the territory of New South Wales, will also be found pre-eminently suited for the cultivation of the vine, from the great prevalence of lightly wooded undulating fertile ranges, the rocks and soil of which are such as experience has proved the best suited for the production of superior wine. The hot winds from the north-west, and the cold south wind, being almost unknown in the Port Macquarie district, that part of the colony especially, seems remarkably adapted for the formation of extensive vineyards; a few patches of vines have already been planted there in different places. Dr. Carlisle has a vineyard near the town of Macquarie, on a fluviatile sandy flat, and although a situation such as this is not in general favourable for vines, he has nevertheless made some very good wine. Two or three acres have been planted with vines at the village of Kempsey on the MacLeay river; they were thriving uncommonly well when I last saw them.

It must not however be imagined, from the foregoing observations, that I consider the coast country, north of Port Macquarie, superior to other parts of the colony for agricultural and pastoral pursuits, or other ordinary colonial occupations, unless


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. For it is too mountainous, densely wooded, and swampy, to be so good as many other parts for sheep, and wheat and potatoes do not grow there so well as in the extreme southern districts. My object, in publishing the foregoing observations on this part of the territory of New South Wales, has been to show that it is in a great measure exempt from that extreme aridity in the aspect of the country, which characterises Australia generally; whilst it is well adapted for the production of many objects of cultivation, such as rice, cotton, sugar, indigo, &c. for which its warmer and moister climate, and the rich belts of alluvial soil on the banks of its rivers and streams, are peculiarly suited.


text: Australia, from Port Macquarie to Moreton Bay/Part 2


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Lange, Ernst Philipp Karl

LANGE, läng ' e, (1813-99). A German novelist, better known by his nom-de-plume, Philipp Galen. He was born at Potsdam; studied medicine at Berlin; entered the Prussian army as surgeon in 1840; and was in charge of a field hospital in the Holstein campaign of 1849. After 1857 he lived at Potsdam. He wrote: Der Irre von Saint James (written in 1844, published in 1854), the best of his novels (7th ed. 1883); a semi-biographical romance, Walther Lund (1855); Andreas Burns, a sketch of life in Holstein (1856); Die Tochter des Diplomaten (1865); Der Alte vom Berg (1873); Die Moselnixe (1877); Die Fürstendiener (1880); and Der Meier von Monjardin (1891).


text: Author:Peter Anderson Graham

title: Author:Peter Anderson Graham


text: The Children of the New Forest/Chapter X


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170 a common knowledge of those involved, or so that the ordinary man should be familiar with it, it is amply and justly sufficient. But he must or should have actual knowledge from that already determined, and not from surmise or guess or conclusions upon which there be no fixed standard and different results must necessarily be reached by different minds differently circumstanced.

All this has been so long, so frequently, and so justly, and continuously announced, that one feels almost helpless at having to discuss it again. Over a century ago said in the Sharp case, later confirmed by the Supreme Court of the United States itself:  "Laws which create crime ought to be so explicit in themselves, or by reference to some other standard that all men subject to their penalties may know what act it is their duty to avoid." See, too, the Brewer case, affirming this. And this is exactly the basis of the decision in the Standard Oil, the Nash, and the International Harvester cases, with a multitude of others.

The Lever Act is, therefore, in this respect, perfectly constitutional; for, though it names no "standard," there is a well established "standard" that the Common Law, for perhaps a thousand years, and the Supreme Court have, again and again, announced. Each owner, as well as each purchaser, has always had the right to fix the price at which he will sell or will buy, provided only that there is no restraint of competition, no unlawful monopoly or act. The Lever


text: The Children of the New Forest/Chapter XI


text: The Children of the New Forest/Chapter XII


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 most philanthropic motives in their endeavours to ameliorate the moral condition of the Australian Aborigines. They were probably misled by the natives, and thoughtlessly made a general accusation against the squatters, without sufficiently reflecting on the grave nature of the charge, and the odium which would rebound on themselves, if they failed in making it good. According to the account of the squatters, it would appear, that some sheep, diseased and scabby, had been dressed as usual with arsenic, which, with corrosive sublimate, is the ordinary remedy for scab. These sheep had been rushed by the blacks, and a number of them carried off, and it is supposed that the arsenic caused the death of some of the thieves.

I have before observed that the Government of New South Wales are about to send out an expedition of discovery, which is to endeavour to reach the settlement of Victoria, at Port Essington, on the northern coast of New Holland, about two thousand miles from Sydney This enterprise will create the most intense interest in the scientific world, as Sir Thomas Livingstone Mitchell has offered his valuable services to conduct it. The indomitable energy, accurate judgment, and untiring scientific research, which that distinguished officer displayed in his previous well known expeditions


text:
The New International Encyclopædia/Lange, Friedrich Albert

LANGE, (1828-75). A German philosopher and economist, born at Wald, near Solingen, and educated at Zurich and Bonn. He entered journalism as editor of the Rhein- und Ruhr-Zeitung (1862), and showed himself an able opponent of Bismarck's Ministry. In 1870 he was appointed to a new chair of inductive philosophy at Zurich. His earlier literary activity was in economics and included such books as Mills Ansichten über die sociale Frage (1865) and the valuable work Die Arbeiterfrage (2d revised ed. 1870), which is socialistic, but remarkably practical and independent. More important is his work in philosophy, especially the Geschichte des Materialismus (last ed. 1898), with a valuable criticism of modern science, ethics, and economics. Consult: Braun, Lange als Socialökonom (Halle, 1881); Ellisen, Lange, eine Lebensbeschreibung (Leipzig, 1891).


text: The Children of the New Forest/Chapter XIII


text: The Children of the New Forest/Chapter XIV


text: The Children of the New Forest/Chapter XV


text: The Children of the New Forest/Chapter XVI


text: The Children of the New Forest/Chapter XVII


text: The Children of the New Forest/Chapter XVIII


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 in ordinary to Charles II, and was elected a fellow of the College of Physicians in 1684.

[Munk's Coll. of Phys. i. 233; Pepys's Diary, 6th ed. i. 134, ii. 168, iii. 55, 118, iv. 179.]

FRAMPTON, JOHN (fl. 1577–1596), merchant, was resident for many years in Spain, and on his retirement about 1576 to his native country employed his leisure in translating from Spanish into English the following: Escalante's ‘A Discourse of the Navigation which the Portugales doe Make,’ dedicated to Edward Dyer, 1579, 4to; Monardes's ‘Joyfull Newes ovt of the Newe Founde Worlde,’ dedicated to Edward Dyer, 1577, 1580 (with three other tracts by Monardes), 1596, 4to; Marco Polo's ‘Travels,’ 1579, 4to; ‘An Account of the Empire of China in 1579’ (in ‘Harleian Collection of Voyages,’ 1745, vol. ii.)

[Joyfull Newes, 1st ed. pref.; Tanner's Bibl. Brit. p. 297; Brit. Mus. Cat. of Books before 1640.]

FRAMPTON, MARY (1773–1846), writer of a journal, was the daughter of James Frampton of Moreton, Dorsetshire, by his second wife Phillis, who had been previously married to Dr. Charlton Wollaston. Frampton died in 1784, but his widow survived until 1829, when she had reached her ninety-second year. She was evidently an accomplished person, with a wide circle of well-connected relations and friends. Mary Frampton during the earlier part of her life went with her parents to London once every two years, and was present at the Gordon riots, the Warren Hastings trial, and the thanksgiving service for the recovery of George III in 1789. About two years after her father's death she and her mother settled at Dorchester, and formed a centre for the society of the county. Miss Frampton is said by all who have any recollection of her to have been a most agreeable person. Her views were evidently those of a strong tory. She died, unmarried, on 12 Nov. 1846.

Miss Frampton's ‘Journal from the year 1779 until the year 1846, edited with notes by her niece, Harriot Georgina Mundy,’ was published in 1885. It begins in 1803, prefaced by reminiscences from 1779, and incorporating a large correspondence from friends and acquaintances, together with much additional information supplied by the editor, Mrs. Mundy, who died in January 1886. The whole forms an interesting picture of the times, and gives, in particular, a good deal of information about the court. The Framptons became acquainted with the family of George III during his frequent visits to Weymouth, and their correspondents supplied them with many stories about the prince regent and his relations with Mrs. Fitzherbert, Lady Jersey, and Caroline of Brunswick; also about the Princess Charlotte, whose governess, Mrs. Campbell, was a great friend of the Framptons. The book deals with public affairs and society talk, giving anecdotes about Mrs. Montagu, ‘Mary of Buttermere,’ Archbishop Sumner, Miss Edgeworth, Napoleon and his widow, the Empress Maria Louisa, Charles X of France, and Baron Stockmar, and touching upon events like the outbreak of the French revolution, the French invasion of Wales in 1797, the visit of the allied sovereigns to London in 1814, and the riots and Swing fires of 1830.

[Mary Frampton's Journal mentioned above; information from the Mundy family. For reviews of the Journal see the Athenæum, Academy, and Saturday Review, 7 Nov. 1885, and the Spectator, 10 April 1886.]

FRAMPTON, ROBERT (1622–1708), bishop of Gloucester, was born at Pimperne, near Blandford in Dorsetshire, 26 Feb. 1622. He was the youngest of eight children, his father being a respectable farmer. He was educated at the Blandford grammar school, whence he went to Oxford as an exhibitioner at Corpus Christi College. Here he was much neglected by his tutor, and by the aid of some influential friends was transferred to Christ Church, where he was placed under the tuition of Mr. Zouch. He took his degree with credit, and soon afterwards set up a private school at Farnham, Dorsetshire. He then obtained the appointment of head-master of the school of Gillingham in the same county, where he had a hundred boys under him. During the period of the war between the king and parliament, Frampton, professing high loyal principles, was involved in a quarrel with one Gage, a parliamentary officer in the neighbourhood. It appears that on more than one occasion they came to blows. Frampton and his brothers were on the king's side in the battle of Hambledon Hill (3 Aug. 1645). He now determined, despite the difficulties of the time, to take orders, and was privately ordained by Skinner, bishop of Oxford. He then became domestic chaplain to the Earl of Elgin, but was also a frequent preacher in London and elsewhere, and was much admired for his oratorical powers. By the influence of Mr. Harvey, a well-known Levant merchant, Frampton obtained about 1651 the appointment of chaplain to the English factory at Aleppo (30 Aug. 1655).


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Rh Act, therefore, is one of "the instances" of which the law "is full," and its "standard" is one of complete freedom, undisturbed by unlawful restraints or monopoly, and governed alone by the results of free competition and the resulting "market price." It is, therefore, as plain as the noonday sun that what is being asked is not at all that men be punished for violating a known defined "standard," of which they should have knowledge, but for adhering to it and continuing to obey the mandates again and again given to them by the Supreme Court itself.  It cannot be conceived that there could be clearer statement of this than that so repeatedly made by the Supreme Court itself. Indeed, the decisions are but constant repetitions of the principle, not that men can be punished for undefined crime, but that the centuries old maxim: "Id certum est quad certum reddi potest." So that what is really happening is that the effort is being made to establish as complete a  as can be well imagined.

Again, we have the "discovered" principle, so magnificantly stated in the Supreme Court's decision in the Monongahela case, where it was determined, (it already being established, that the time of taking is the time of fixing the value of property), that "just compensation" means, and can only mean "a full equivalent." And yet it has recently been argued that by confusing "value" with "price," matters can constitutionally be so manipulated as to deprive a man of his property by but giving him the means to replace but half of it, though the whole has been taken!

Again, there is the "discovered" principle underlying the Connolly case, but in an aspect not