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 carapace, in dorsal aspect in a typical ironstone concretion. The specimen is partly compressed, although there is no appreciable distortion. What appears as a transverse joint-line across the middle

of the carapace is a narrow plant stem that lies on the outside of the carapace. This stem was excavated satisfactorily, and there is no doubt that it represents extraneous material and not the junction of the carapace with a long first tergite, as in the Scottish Woodwardopterus scabrosus (Woodward). A similar stem cuts diagonally across the carapace (see fig. 52).

The carapace is very long, surrounded by a very thin, unornamented, marginal rim, and is swollen at approximately midsection. It is therefore campanulate but narrowing toward the genal angles. The large, highly arcuate eyes, with disc-like palpebral lobes, are located on the anterior of the carapace, close together, and intramarginally. There is no trace of any ocelli or ocellar mound and enough of the carapace is present to assure their preservation if they were present. The surface is smooth.

At the anterior of the carapace, the ventral shield is faintly preserved as an impression reflected through the carapace. The holotype previously had been carelessly excavated with a sharp instrument toward the anterior, but part of the doublure can still be discerned. It appears to be strongly cordate (see fig. 52) as in Limulus or stylonurids such as ''Brachyopterus? pentagonalis'' (Størmer).


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 or else blurred and confused. Thus names, numbers, and exact dates are often omitted; geographical details are scanty; and even the distinctive features of the various battles are passed over in great part in favour of rhetorical commonplaces, culled from Thucydides and other models, thus robbing the battles of all or much of their individuality. A good illustration of the transformation the facts could be made to undergo in the interest of these two theories is to be seen in his account of the conquest of Gaul. It is now generally recognized that there is nothing in this account which need imply an ultimate source other than Caesar's Commentaries; and yet, were it not for the familiar names, the reader might readily be excused for failing to recognize many of the events narrated, to such an extent has Dio shifted the emphasis on the facts and assigned new motives, while all the time striving to bring into bold relief the contrasts between the Gallic and the Roman character. It is not surprising, therefore, to find that the speeches, which in Dio occupy a disproportionate amount of space (averaging one long speech or debate to the book), seem even farther removed from the realm of actual history than those of the ancient historians generally.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


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 Measurements of holotype.—Prosoma width at base, 42.0 mm. (est.) ; prosoma width behind eyes, 41.0 mm. (est.); greatest width of prosoma, 49.0 mm. (est.); prosoma length, 65.0 mm. (est.).

The eyes are located on the carapace: from anterior margin, 12.5 mm.; from posterior margin, 40.0 mm. (est.); from lateral margin, 8.5 mm. The eyes are arcuate, but including the palpebral lobe they are 12.0 mm. in length, 8.5 mm. in width, 3.5 mm. apart at the anterior, and 12.0 mm. in width at the posterior part.

Horizon and locality.—Pennsylvanian, Francis Creek shale, at Mazon Creek, Grundy County, Illinois. No collector or date of collection is given on the labels but apparently from the faded character of the label it was made a considerable time ago.

Two fragments are recorded here which reveal the presence of this very unusual eurypterid. One, collected by James Konecny, consists of part and counterpart of a medium-sized coxa of the sixth appendage, which measures 42.0 mm. by 34.0 mm. (fig. 56). Another fragment, comprising an undiagnostic, irregular piece of the


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 . 56. Coxa of swimming leg of Mycterops sp. Specimen in Konecny collection; × 2.

integument, is also recorded (fig. 55). Other than to call attention to the presence of this very unusual eurypterid in the Mazon Creek fauna, little can be discerned from the fragments known. The genus is represented in the Darlington shales of the Allegheny Group in Pennsylvania and is also known in Europe (Kjellesvig-Waering, 1959, p. 251).

Specimens.—The coxa is in the collection of James Konecny of Mokena, Illinois; the fragment of integument is registered as no. PE 6171 in Chicago Natural History Museum. Both are from the strip mines on the Will-Grundy County line.


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 Bibliotheque de Carabas

VOL. X.


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 The most famous of all these speeches, that of Maecenas to Augustus regarding the establishment of the monarchy, is in reality a political pamphlet setting forth Dio's own views of government, and parts of it are an anachronism in the mouth of Maecenas. Again, the speech which Dio makes Caesar deliver to his officers (not to his troops) before the battle with Ariovistus has almost nothing in common with the address reported by Caesar himself.

The problem of Dio's sources for the periods before his own day has been investigated by various scholars with widely divergent results. It is clear that he has much in common with Livy, but the tendency of early investigators was to overrate Livy's influence. Schwartz has shown that down to the end of the Second Punic war Dio holds an independent course between the various traditions known to us. After this there is apparent an increasing similarity between his account and that of Livy, which becomes most marked in the periods of the civil war, and the natural inference is that Livy was here used directly as a principal source. There are important agreements also with Polybius, but no conclusive evidence of direct dependence. Sallust was almost certainly not among Dio's sources, and it is not probable that Caesar's Commentaries were used, at least to any extent. For the period of the empire Tacitus has been confidently claimed by some as an important source, particularly for the reign and


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 Barlaam and Josaphat

English Lives of Buddha

Edited and Induced by

Joseph Jacobs


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 {|
 * colspan="2" |
 * width="10px" |
 * style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1924. Fossilium Catalogus, I: Animalia. Pars 25: Eurypterida. pp. 1–29. Berlin.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1920. A new species of Eurypterus from the Permian of China. Bull. Geol. Surv. China, 2, pp. 61–68, pl. 9.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1877. Contributions to Palaeontology from the Museum of the Second Geological Survey. Proc. Amer. Phil. Soc., 16, p. 621.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1884. Eurypteridae from the Lower Productive Coal Measures in Beaver County, and the Lower Carboniferous, Pithole Shale, in Venango County. Second Geol. Surv. Pennsylvania, Rept. Progress PPP, pp. 23–39, 3 text figs., 6 pls.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1962. Preservation of the intestine in three specimens of Eurypterus. Jour. Pal, 36, pp. 222–224, pl. 39.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1948. The Mazon Creek eurypterid: A revision of the genus Lepidoderma. Illinois State Mus., Sci. Papers, 2, no. 4, 46 pp., 1 text fig., 8 pls.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1958. The genera, species and subspecies of the family Eurypteridae, Burmeister, 1845. Jour. Pal., 32, no. 6, pp. 143–148, 27 text figs.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1959. A taxonomic review of some Late Paleozoic Eurypterida. Jour. Pal., 33, no. 2, pp. 251–256, pl. 38.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1961. The Silurian Eurypterida of the Welsh Borderland. Jour. Pal., 35, no. 4, pp. 789–835, pls. 94–96, 4 text figs.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1895. The anatomy and relations of the Eurypteridae. Trans. Roy. Soc. Edinburgh, 37, pt. 2, no. 24, pp. 509–528, 2 pls.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1889. A dictionary of the fossils of Pennsylvania. Second Geol. Surv. Pennsylvania, Rept. P4, 1–3, 1283 pp., figs.
 * colspan="2" |, and
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1868a. Preliminary notice of a scorpion, a Eurypterus? and other fossils from the Coal-Measures of Illinois. Amer. Jour. Sci., 2nd ser., 46, no. 136, pp. 19–28.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1868b. Illinois Geol. Surv., Rept., 3, Paleontology, pp. 544–547, 1 fig.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1877. The American Palaeozoic fossils: A catalogue of the genera and species, etc. 253 pp. Cincinnati, Ohio.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1889, 1892. North American Geology and Paleontology. 664 pp., 1194 figs. (1889). First Appendix, pp. 665–715, figs. 1195–1265 (1892). Cincinnati, Ohio.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1936. Some eurypterids from the English Coal Measures. Proc. Geol. Assoc., 47, pt. 4, pp. 352–375, 7 figs.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1916. The habitat of the Eurypterida. Bull. Buffalo Soc. Nat. Sci., 11, no. 3, 277 pp., 28 figs.
 * }
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1948. The Mazon Creek eurypterid: A revision of the genus Lepidoderma. Illinois State Mus., Sci. Papers, 2, no. 4, 46 pp., 1 text fig., 8 pls.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1958. The genera, species and subspecies of the family Eurypteridae, Burmeister, 1845. Jour. Pal., 32, no. 6, pp. 143–148, 27 text figs.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1959. A taxonomic review of some Late Paleozoic Eurypterida. Jour. Pal., 33, no. 2, pp. 251–256, pl. 38.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1961. The Silurian Eurypterida of the Welsh Borderland. Jour. Pal., 35, no. 4, pp. 789–835, pls. 94–96, 4 text figs.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1895. The anatomy and relations of the Eurypteridae. Trans. Roy. Soc. Edinburgh, 37, pt. 2, no. 24, pp. 509–528, 2 pls.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1889. A dictionary of the fossils of Pennsylvania. Second Geol. Surv. Pennsylvania, Rept. P4, 1–3, 1283 pp., figs.
 * colspan="2" |, and
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1868a. Preliminary notice of a scorpion, a Eurypterus? and other fossils from the Coal-Measures of Illinois. Amer. Jour. Sci., 2nd ser., 46, no. 136, pp. 19–28.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1868b. Illinois Geol. Surv., Rept., 3, Paleontology, pp. 544–547, 1 fig.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1877. The American Palaeozoic fossils: A catalogue of the genera and species, etc. 253 pp. Cincinnati, Ohio.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1889, 1892. North American Geology and Paleontology. 664 pp., 1194 figs. (1889). First Appendix, pp. 665–715, figs. 1195–1265 (1892). Cincinnati, Ohio.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1936. Some eurypterids from the English Coal Measures. Proc. Geol. Assoc., 47, pt. 4, pp. 352–375, 7 figs.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1916. The habitat of the Eurypterida. Bull. Buffalo Soc. Nat. Sci., 11, no. 3, 277 pp., 28 figs.
 * }
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1889. A dictionary of the fossils of Pennsylvania. Second Geol. Surv. Pennsylvania, Rept. P4, 1–3, 1283 pp., figs.
 * colspan="2" |, and
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1868a. Preliminary notice of a scorpion, a Eurypterus? and other fossils from the Coal-Measures of Illinois. Amer. Jour. Sci., 2nd ser., 46, no. 136, pp. 19–28.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1868b. Illinois Geol. Surv., Rept., 3, Paleontology, pp. 544–547, 1 fig.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1877. The American Palaeozoic fossils: A catalogue of the genera and species, etc. 253 pp. Cincinnati, Ohio.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1889, 1892. North American Geology and Paleontology. 664 pp., 1194 figs. (1889). First Appendix, pp. 665–715, figs. 1195–1265 (1892). Cincinnati, Ohio.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1936. Some eurypterids from the English Coal Measures. Proc. Geol. Assoc., 47, pt. 4, pp. 352–375, 7 figs.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1916. The habitat of the Eurypterida. Bull. Buffalo Soc. Nat. Sci., 11, no. 3, 277 pp., 28 figs.
 * }
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1877. The American Palaeozoic fossils: A catalogue of the genera and species, etc. 253 pp. Cincinnati, Ohio.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1889, 1892. North American Geology and Paleontology. 664 pp., 1194 figs. (1889). First Appendix, pp. 665–715, figs. 1195–1265 (1892). Cincinnati, Ohio.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1936. Some eurypterids from the English Coal Measures. Proc. Geol. Assoc., 47, pt. 4, pp. 352–375, 7 figs.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1916. The habitat of the Eurypterida. Bull. Buffalo Soc. Nat. Sci., 11, no. 3, 277 pp., 28 figs.
 * }
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1936. Some eurypterids from the English Coal Measures. Proc. Geol. Assoc., 47, pt. 4, pp. 352–375, 7 figs.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1916. The habitat of the Eurypterida. Bull. Buffalo Soc. Nat. Sci., 11, no. 3, 277 pp., 28 figs.
 * }
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1916. The habitat of the Eurypterida. Bull. Buffalo Soc. Nat. Sci., 11, no. 3, 277 pp., 28 figs.
 * }
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1916. The habitat of the Eurypterida. Bull. Buffalo Soc. Nat. Sci., 11, no. 3, 277 pp., 28 figs.
 * }
 * }
 * }
 * }


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 characterization of Tiberius; others, with less probability, have denied any such influence. A few isolated parallels between Dio and Sallust, also Pliny the Elder, have been pointed out; but they are not of sufficient importance to establish any direct influence. In a few instances Dio refers to the memoirs of emperors (Augustus, Hadrian, and Severus), as if he had consulted them. He excels the other historians of Rome in the attention paid to constitutional and administrative matters, and it has been argued that he must have consulted some of the public records, at least the lists of magistrates. In general it may be said that his history gives evidence of being based on various sources for a given period, and he seems to have made an honest attempt to arrive at the truth. Unfortunately he was not always equal to the task of reconciling the discrepancies in his sources and thus manages to contradict himself at times.

Dio's point of view is thoroughly Roman. He writes from the standpoint of a senator who, while jealous of the prerogatives of his order, is at the same time a thorough believer in the monarchy; in fact he makes the relations of the emperors to the senate the central idea in his account of the empire. His impatience with all opposition to the monarchy is probably responsible for the almost


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 PREFACE

I shall not be accused of overstepping the bounds of modesty if I confess from the start that I have chiefly reprinted the accompanying versions of the legend of Barlaam and Josaphat in order that I might write the Introduction to them. The English versions of the Barlaam legend are but poor things, contracted and truncated to such an extent that scarcely anything remains of their resemblance to the original. Of the five or six versions extant in English, I have selected that one which first appeared in print, viz., Caxton's treatment in his Golden Legend, and the last that appeared in print independently, a Chapbook in verse, kindly placed at my disposal by Mr. G. H. Skipwith.

I have not, however, confined myself to the English versions in the Introduction, which deals


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 's friend, the Earl of Southampton, ‘then upon the Spanish voiage with my Lord of Essex.’ The original translation does not appear to be extant, but about 1617 Wilson made a copy, extant in British Museum Additional MS. 18638, which he dedicated to, chancellor of the exchequer, and afterwards Lord Brooke [q. v.]; he remarks that Brooke's friend Sir [q. v.] ‘did much affect and imitate’ ‘Diana,’ and possibly Wilson took part in publishing some of Sidney's works, for on 12 April 1607 he asked Sir Thomas Lake to further his petition for the privilege of printing ‘certain books [by Sidney] wherein myself and my late dear friend Mr. Golding have taken pains’ (Cal. State Papers, Dom., Addenda, 1580–1625, p. 495; cf. art. ). He is possibly also the Thomas Wilson whose name appears at the foot of the first page of the manuscript ‘Booke on the State of Ireland,’ addressed to Essex by ‘H. C.’ (? [q. v.]) in 1599 (Cal. State Papers, Ireland, 1598–9, p. 505); owing to its being a dialogue ‘between Peregryn and Silvyn,’ the names of Edmund Spenser's two sons, it has been considered the work of the poet himself [cf. art. ].

In spite of these indications of a connection with Southampton and Essex, Wilson, fortunately for himself, remained faithful to the Cecils, and during the later years of Elizabeth's reign he was constantly employed as foreign intelligencer. On 27 Feb. 1600–1 Sir Robert Cecil wrote to him: ‘I like so well many of your letters and discourses to the lord treasurer [Buckhurst] that I wish you not only to continue the same course of writing to him, but also to me’ (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1598–1601, p. 600). Among these discourses was one begun on 1 March following ‘on the state of England A.D. 1600,’ giving the claims of twelve competitors for the crown, ‘with a description of this country and of Ireland, the conduct of the people, state of the revenue and expenses, and the military and naval forces;’ it is extant in the Record Office (State Papers, Dom., Elizabeth, vol. cclxxx.) In December he was at Florence, and he speaks of being employed on various negotiations with the Duke of Ferrara, the Venetians, and other Italian states (ib. James I, cxxxv. 14; for details of his movements, see his diary in ib. xi. 45). He was obviously a thorough Italian scholar (cf. Addit. MS. 11576, ff. 2 sqq.), and the main object of his residence in Italy during 1601–1602 was to ascertain the nature and extent of the Spanish and papal designs against England (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1601–3, pp. 127, 234). He returned to England during the winter, and was at Greenwich on 12 June 1603 (Cotton. MS. Calig. E. x. 359;, Orig. Letters, iii. 201–2), but early in 1604 he was sent to reside as consul in Spain (Cal. State Papers, Dom. James I, cxxxv. 14; , Mem. ii. 45; , Progr. James I, i. 475). He was at Bayonne in February 1603–4 (Cotton. MS. Calig. E. xi. 78–9), and remained in Spain until the arrival of the Earl of Nottingham and Sir [q. v.] as ambassadors in 1605.

On his return to England Wilson definitely entered the service of Sir Robert Cecil, who leased to him a house adjoining his own, called ‘Britain's Burse,’ in Durham Place, Strand (see sketch in State Papers, Dom., Charles I, xxi. 64). He took a considerable part in supervising the building of Salisbury's house in Durham Place and also at Hatfield, in the neighbourhood of which he received from Lord Salisbury the manor of Hoddesdon. In 1605 he is said to have been returned to parliament for Newton (?Newtown, Isle of Wight); the official return does not mention this by-election, but that Wilson sat in this parliament is probable from the frequent notes of its proceedings with regard to such matters as scutages and the ‘post-nati’ with which he supplied the government. He also kept the minutes of the proceedings of the committee for the union of England and Scotland, and made a collection of the objections likely to be urged against the union in parliament. About 1606, on the surrender of Sir [q. v.], Salisbury procured for Wilson the post of keeper of the records at Whitehall, with a salary of 30l.; he also obtained the clerkship of imports, worth 40l. a year, but lost it when Suffolk became treasurer in 1614.

Wilson was a zealous and energetic keeper of the records, and made many suggestions with regard to them, which, if they had been adopted, would have saved subsequent students an infinity of trouble. One of these was the creation of an office in which chartularies of dissolved abbeys and monasteries should be transcribed and kept for the use of ‘searchers,’ and to prevent needless litigation for want of access to title-deeds (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1611–18, p. 508). Another, inspired more by self-interest, was the creation of an office of ‘register of honour,’ to be filled by himself, so as to obviate frequent disputes for precedence among knights and their ladies. He also suggested the publication of a gazette of news


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viii generally with the history of the legend, which forms one of the most remarkable episodes in the history of literature. The fact that by its means Buddha had been, if only informally, canonised a Saint of the Church, would be enough to attract attention to it. But many of the parables enframed in the legend have had a history even more remarkable than the legend itself. As is well known, the Caskets story of the Merchant of Venice is ultimately derived from Barlaam and Josaphat.

I have for some time been making rather extensive collections for the Introduction to this work, in order to make it a companion study to my treatment of the Fables of Bidpai and Æsop in the same series. But all that I have collected, and much more also, has been put together by Dr. Ernst Kuhn in a contribution to the Abhandlungen of the Bavarian Academy of Science (Munich, 1893). This is one of those erudite bibliographical monographs in which German scholarship excels; and in all those portions of my Introduction, which deal with the bibliographical aspects of the question, and notably in the pedigree and appendices, I make grateful use of Dr. Kuhn's researches.


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 Rh I have, however, ventured to differ at times from the conclusions which Dr. Kuhn draws from the elaborate series of scholarly facts which he has brought together in his monograph. In the second of my Appendices I have been able to add here and there some further references beyond those collected by Dr. Kuhn, while I may flatter myself that I have arranged all that he has collected in a form more easy of access to the folk-lore student. I have endeavoured to separate the scaffolding of scholarship from the goodly fabric which the results of recent research has erected with some toil. But in order to do this I have been obliged to relegate to the Appendices several good stories and apologues which I can recommend to the reader. It has been my aim to bring within moderate compass a concise statement of the results already reached about this remarkable legend, with full bibliographical references to the critical discussions, where the student can find exact details on the many points of interest or obscurity with which the whole subject bristles.

JOSEPH JACOBS.


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 x P.S.—Through the kindness of Mr. J. S. Cotton, I have been enabled to see a work on Barlaam published at Calcutta in 1895 as a text-book in English. It contains, curiously enough, the Caxton Barlaam which I have also given. It has besides a reprint of the three Middle English legends edited by Dr. Horstmann, as well as an eighteenth century tract. The editor, Dr. K. S. Macdonald, is unacquainted with Kuhn's researches, and devotes his Introduction mainly to disproving the possibility of Christianity having been influenced by Buddhism.


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 ‘as is already done in Germany, France, Italy, and Spain,’ and the grant of a patent to himself for printing it. His main difficulty was with secretaries of state and other officials, who refused to deliver to him public documents to which he considered the state entitled, and with highly placed borrowers who neglected to return the documents they borrowed. Among the latter was Sir Robert Bruce Cotton [q. v.], and in 1615 Wilson protested against Cotton's appointment as keeper of the exchequer records, complaining that Cotton already injured the keepers of the state papers enough by ‘having such things as he hath coningly scraped together,’ and fearing that many exchequer records would find their way into Cotton's private collection. Similarly, when Ralph Starkey [q. v.] acquired the papers of Secretary Davison, Wilson procured a warrant for their seizure, and on 14 Aug. 1619 secured a sackful, containing forty-five bundles of manuscripts (Harl. MS. 286, f. 286). He rendered valuable service in arranging and preserving such documents as he did succeed in acquiring (cf. Cal. State Papers, Ireland, 1603–1606, pref. pp. xx, xxii, xxxv, xli;, Founders of the British Museum, p. 149).

Wilson's interests were not, however, confined to the state paper office. He was an original subscriber to the Virginia Company (, Genesis, ii. 1054), and kept a keen watch on discoveries in the East Indies, maintaining a correspondence with persons in most quarters of the globe (see, Pilgrimes, i. 408–13; Cal. State Papers, East Indies, vols. i. and ii. passim). He petitioned for a grant of two thousand acres in Ulster in 1618, and drew up a scheme for the military government of Ireland (Cal. State Papers, Ireland, 1615–25, p. 202; Hist. MSS. Comm. 4th Rep. App. p. 284). He thought he ‘could do better service than in being always buried amongst the state papers;’ his especial ambition was to be made master of requests, an office for which he repeatedly and vainly petitioned the king. He also procured royal letters to the fellows of Trinity Hall and of Gonville and Caius Colleges in favour of his election as master of their respective societies at the next vacancy; but the letters seem never to have been sent, and Wilson remained keeper of the records till his death.

He was, however, knighted at Whitehall on 20 July 1618 (, Progr. of James I, iii. 487), and in September following was selected for the dishonourable task of worming out of Ralegh sufficient admissions to condemn him. He took up his residence with Ralegh in the Tower on 14 Sept., and was relieved of his charge on 15 Oct. He appears to have entered on his duties with some zest, styling his prisoner the ‘arch-hypocrite’ and ‘arch-impostor,’ and admitting in his reports that he had held out the hope of mercy as a bait; there is, however, no ground for the suggestion thrown out by one of Ralegh's biographers that the real object of Wilson's employment was Ralegh's assassination (Wilson's reports are among the Domestic State Papers, see Cal. 1611–18, pp. 569–92; some are printed in Bacon, xiii. 425–7). On Ralegh's death Wilson urged the transference of his manuscripts to the state paper office, and actually seized his ‘mathematical and sea-instruments’ for the navy board, and drew up a catalogue of his books, which he presented to the king.

Wilson was buried at St. Martin's-in-the-Fields on 17 July 1629, and on the 31st letters of administration were granted to his widow Margaret, possibly sister of the Peter Mewtys or Mewys whom Wilson succeeded in 1605 as member for Newtown. His only child, a daughter, married, about 1614, Ambrose Randolph, younger son of Thomas Randolph (1523–1590) [q. v.], who was joint-keeper of the records with Wilson from 1614.

Besides the works already mentioned, Wilson compiled a ‘Collection of Divers Matters concerning the Marriages of Princes' Children,’ which he presented on 4 Oct. 1617 to James I; the original is now in British Museum Additional MS. 11576. On 10 Aug. 1616 he sent to Ellesmere a ‘collection of treaties regulating commercial intercourse with the Netherlands’ (Egerton Papers, Camden Soc. p. 476); he drew up a digest of the arrangement of documents in his office (Stowe MS. 548, ff. 2 sqq.), and left unfinished a history of the revenues of the chief powers in Europe (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1623–5, p. 557). Much of his correspondence is preserved among the foreign state papers in the Record Office, and among the yet uncalendared documents at Hatfield.

[Wilson gives an account of his services in his petitions in State Papers, Dom., James I, xciii. 131, and cxxxv. 14, and of his movements in 1601–4, ib. xi. 45. See also Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1600–28, passim, Ireland, 1603–25; Cotton. MS. Calig. E. xi. 81; Lansd. MS. 77, f. 20; Harl. MS. 7000, f. 34; Hist. MSS. Comm. 2nd Rep. App. pp. 55, 283, 284, 9th Rep. App. ii. 373; Winwood's Memorials, ii. 45; Nichols's Progr. of James I, i. 188, 246, 475, iii. 487; Brewer's Court and Times of James I; Spedding's Bacon; St. John, Edwards, Cayley, Stebbing, and Hume's Lives of Ralegh; Gardiner's Hist. of England, ii. 143; authorities cited in text.]


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Page:Barlaam and Josaphat. English lives of Buddha.djvu/17

 INTRODUCTION

and Christ, it may be said, represent the two highest planes which the religious consciousness of mankind has hitherto reached. Each in his way represents the Ideal of a whole Continent. The aim of Asia has always been To Be, the aim of Europe, To Do. The contemplative Sage is the highest ideal of Asia. Europe pins its faith to the beneficent Saint. Both Ideals, to a modern and decadent world, have lost some of their attractiveness. For Sage we are inclined to read Prig and Bore, and it is considered an appropriate fate for the good young man that he should die early. There is a sense of pose in the attitude of any one who nowadays would set up as Saint or Sage, which irritates us moderns, who do nothing if we do not pose. Besides, the trail of


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Page:Barlaam and Josaphat. English lives of Buddha.djvu/18

 xii is over us all, and the Professional Saint (Cleric or Philanthropist), or Professional Sage (Thinker or Professor), is an abomination. Yet while Virtue and Wisdom remain goals of human striving, the Ideals of Christ and the Buddha must retain their attraction.

Diverse as are the aims of the Christian and of the Buddhistic schemes, their methods are remarkably similar. They have a common enemy in what is known in Christian parlance as the World. The pleasures of the senses and the pride of power are the chief forces which deflect men from the paths of Wisdom and of Virtue. Till the New Man comes, who shall synthesise all four Ideals, the Christian-Buddhist plan of Renunciation must remain the necessary prerequisite of salvation.

The similarity of the two schemes extends far beyond their general plan. The legend of the founders presents a remarkable set of parallels—the Annunciation, the Massacre of the Innocents, the Temptation in the Wilderness, the Marriage at Cana, the Walking on the Water, the Transfiguration, find


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Page:Barlaam and Josaphat. English lives of Buddha.djvu/19

Rh parallels more or less close in the Legend of the Buddha.

Both taught by parables, and in several instances the subject of their parables is the same (Sower: Prodigal Son: Seed and Soil). Much of their teaching is similar. The stress laid on the spirit as against the letter, the opposition between riches and spirituality, the inwardness of purity, are equally insisted upon in both systems. The formation of a Brotherhood or Church has been in each case the cause of giving permanent effect to the ideals of the founders, and as is well known even the external cultus have many points of contact.

It is natural that such marked similarities should give rise to thoughts of the dependence of the later Christian on the earlier Buddhistic system. There was fully time since Alexander's visit to India for some knowledge of Buddhism to percolate Syria. Just as Jesus was entering


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Page:Pennsylvanian invertebrates of the Mazon Creek Area, Illinois Eurypterida.djvu/34

 {|
 * colspan="2" |
 * width="10px" |
 * style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1953. On the genus Adelophthalmus Jordan and Meyer, 1854 (Eurypterida) and its representatives in the Upper Carboniferous of Czechoslovakia. Ceská Akad., Tř., Rozpravy II, 53, no. 2, 17 pp., 2 pls.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1911. Note sur quelques Crustacés (Prestwichia, Belinurus et Eurypterus) du terrain houiller du nord de la France. Ann. Soc. Geol. Nord, 40, pp. 295–302, pl. 7.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1919. La faune continentale du terrain houiller du nord de la France. Mém. La Carte géologique détaillée de la France, 584 pp., 51 text figs., 24 pls.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1930. La faune continentale du terrain houiller de la Belgique. Mem. Mus. Roy. Hist. Nat. Belg., no. 44. Bruxelles.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1956. Pennsylvanian invertebrates of the Mazon Creek area, Illinois. Fieldiana: Geol., 12: no. 1, Introduction; no. 2, Insects; no. 3, Marine Fauna; no. 4, Trilobitomorpha, Arthropleurida. 76 pp., 41 figs.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1919. Preservation of alimentary canal in an eurypterid. Pal. Contr., New York State Mus., Bull., 227–228, pp. 92–95, figs. 33–35.
 * colspan="2" |, and
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1944. Index fossils of North America. 837 pp., 303 pls. John Wiley and Sons, New York.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1915. On a new eurypterid from the Belgian Coal Measures. Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc., London, 71, pp. 639–647, pl. 53.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1934. Merostomata from the Downtonian Sandstone of Ringerike, Norway. Norske Vidensk.-Akad. i Oslo, I. Matem.-Naturvid. Kl., 1933, no. 10, 125 pp., 39 figs., 12 pls.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1955. Treatise on Invertebrate Paleontology, Part P. Arthropoda 2, Chelicerata with sections on Pycnogonida and Palaeoisopus. Eurypterida, pp. P23–P41, figs. 17–30.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1956. Contribution à la connaissance du genre Adelophthalmus Jordan et Meyer, 1854. Med. Geol. Stichting, Ser. C-IV-3, no. 7, 98 pp., 156 figs., 24 pls.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1953. Classe des Merostomes; in, Traité de Paléontologie, 3, pp. 529–554, figs. 1–58.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1960. The median abdominal appendage of the Silurian eurypterid Slimonia acuminata (Salter). Palaeontology, 3, no. 3, pp. 245–259, pls. 42, 43.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1898. A bibliographic index of North American Carboniferous invertebrates. Bull. U. S. Geol. Surv., 153, 653 pp.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1888. Note on Eurypterus from the Carboniferous. Geol. Mag., Dec. III, 5, no. 9, pp. 419–421, 1 fig.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1907. Two new Eurypterus from the Coal Measures of Ilkeston, Derbyshire. Geol. Mag., 4, pp. 277–282, pl. 13.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1913. The position of the Merostomata. Geol. Mag., 10, pp. 293–300, 2 figs.
 * }
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1944. Index fossils of North America. 837 pp., 303 pls. John Wiley and Sons, New York.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1915. On a new eurypterid from the Belgian Coal Measures. Quart. Jour. Geol. Soc., London, 71, pp. 639–647, pl. 53.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1934. Merostomata from the Downtonian Sandstone of Ringerike, Norway. Norske Vidensk.-Akad. i Oslo, I. Matem.-Naturvid. Kl., 1933, no. 10, 125 pp., 39 figs., 12 pls.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1955. Treatise on Invertebrate Paleontology, Part P. Arthropoda 2, Chelicerata with sections on Pycnogonida and Palaeoisopus. Eurypterida, pp. P23–P41, figs. 17–30.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1956. Contribution à la connaissance du genre Adelophthalmus Jordan et Meyer, 1854. Med. Geol. Stichting, Ser. C-IV-3, no. 7, 98 pp., 156 figs., 24 pls.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1953. Classe des Merostomes; in, Traité de Paléontologie, 3, pp. 529–554, figs. 1–58.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1960. The median abdominal appendage of the Silurian eurypterid Slimonia acuminata (Salter). Palaeontology, 3, no. 3, pp. 245–259, pls. 42, 43.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1898. A bibliographic index of North American Carboniferous invertebrates. Bull. U. S. Geol. Surv., 153, 653 pp.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1888. Note on Eurypterus from the Carboniferous. Geol. Mag., Dec. III, 5, no. 9, pp. 419–421, 1 fig.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1907. Two new Eurypterus from the Coal Measures of Ilkeston, Derbyshire. Geol. Mag., 4, pp. 277–282, pl. 13.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1913. The position of the Merostomata. Geol. Mag., 10, pp. 293–300, 2 figs.
 * }
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1956. Contribution à la connaissance du genre Adelophthalmus Jordan et Meyer, 1854. Med. Geol. Stichting, Ser. C-IV-3, no. 7, 98 pp., 156 figs., 24 pls.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1953. Classe des Merostomes; in, Traité de Paléontologie, 3, pp. 529–554, figs. 1–58.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1960. The median abdominal appendage of the Silurian eurypterid Slimonia acuminata (Salter). Palaeontology, 3, no. 3, pp. 245–259, pls. 42, 43.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1898. A bibliographic index of North American Carboniferous invertebrates. Bull. U. S. Geol. Surv., 153, 653 pp.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1888. Note on Eurypterus from the Carboniferous. Geol. Mag., Dec. III, 5, no. 9, pp. 419–421, 1 fig.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1907. Two new Eurypterus from the Coal Measures of Ilkeston, Derbyshire. Geol. Mag., 4, pp. 277–282, pl. 13.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1913. The position of the Merostomata. Geol. Mag., 10, pp. 293–300, 2 figs.
 * }
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1960. The median abdominal appendage of the Silurian eurypterid Slimonia acuminata (Salter). Palaeontology, 3, no. 3, pp. 245–259, pls. 42, 43.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1898. A bibliographic index of North American Carboniferous invertebrates. Bull. U. S. Geol. Surv., 153, 653 pp.
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1888. Note on Eurypterus from the Carboniferous. Geol. Mag., Dec. III, 5, no. 9, pp. 419–421, 1 fig.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1907. Two new Eurypterus from the Coal Measures of Ilkeston, Derbyshire. Geol. Mag., 4, pp. 277–282, pl. 13.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1913. The position of the Merostomata. Geol. Mag., 10, pp. 293–300, 2 figs.
 * }
 * colspan="2" |
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1888. Note on Eurypterus from the Carboniferous. Geol. Mag., Dec. III, 5, no. 9, pp. 419–421, 1 fig.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1907. Two new Eurypterus from the Coal Measures of Ilkeston, Derbyshire. Geol. Mag., 4, pp. 277–282, pl. 13.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1913. The position of the Merostomata. Geol. Mag., 10, pp. 293–300, 2 figs.
 * }
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1888. Note on Eurypterus from the Carboniferous. Geol. Mag., Dec. III, 5, no. 9, pp. 419–421, 1 fig.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1907. Two new Eurypterus from the Coal Measures of Ilkeston, Derbyshire. Geol. Mag., 4, pp. 277–282, pl. 13.
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1913. The position of the Merostomata. Geol. Mag., 10, pp. 293–300, 2 figs.
 * }
 * || style="text-indent:-10px; padding-left:10px" | 1913. The position of the Merostomata. Geol. Mag., 10, pp. 293–300, 2 figs.
 * }


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Page:Barlaam and Josaphat. English lives of Buddha.djvu/20

 xiv upon his public career, a Buddhistic Sage from India created a great sensation throughout the Hellenistic world by causing himself to be burnt alive at Athens (Strabo, XV. i. 73). And the fame of this self-immolation must have reached Judea, for Josephus refers to it in a speech which he, following the example of Livy, put in the mouth of Eleazar (Wars, VII. viii. 7). But it must be confessed that no other evidence can be adduced of the actual spread of Buddhistic doctrines in Western Asia, and the whole case for the dependence of Christianity on Buddhism would have to be solved on Folklore principles. In other words, till Folklore become so much of a Science as to be able to discriminate between foreign and independent origin, this question must remain an open one.

But there is one piece of evidence, though of much later date, which has at least a reflex bearing on the question. If we can show that in the fifth or sixth century Buddhistic legends and doctrines percolated as far at least as Syria, and there became inextricably combined with Christian dogmas and legends, it becomes


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Page:Dio's Roman History, tr. Cary - Volume 1.djvu/21

 bitter hostility shown towards Cicero. He has a poor opinion of the common people, and he resents the great power and influence of the praetorian guard.

In style and diction the history is modelled on Thucydides. Not alone the long involved periods of the Athenian historian, but also a multitude of single words, constructions, and phrases either peculiar to him or shared with a few other writers, reappear in these pages. It would seem that Dio steeped himself in the vocabulary and thoughts of his great model until he could think almost unconsciously in the words of the other.

Dio exerted no appreciable influence on his immediate successors in the field of Roman history. But among the Byzantines he became the standard authority on the subject, a circumstance to which we doubtless owe the preservation of such a large portion of his work.

About one third of Dio's History has come down to us intact. The extant portions are: (a) Books XXXIV-LX (in large part), contained in eleven Mss.; (b) Book LXXVIII with part of LXXIX (or LXXIX with part of LXXX according to Boissevain's division), preserved in a single Ms.; (c) the Paris fragments describing events of the years 207-200 B.C, recovered from the binding of a Strabo Ms.


text:
Author:Francis Henry Butler

Contributions to EB1911

 * (in part)

title: Author:Francis Henry Butler


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, John (1595-1674)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, John (1627?-1696)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, John (d.1751)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, John (1720-1789)


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 Rh more probable that a similar mixture of Buddhism and Judaism had taken place in Babylon or Syria in the first century. Such evidence is afforded, as is now well known, by the Legend of SS. Barlaam and Josaphat, which, beside being one of the curiosities of literature, is thus seen to be of considerable theological importance.


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, John (1741-1793)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, John (1800-1849)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, John (1785-1854)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, John (1774-1855)


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Page:Barlaam and Josaphat. English lives of Buddha.djvu/22

 I

In the great Menology of the Greek Church, under date August 26, stands the entry [μνήμη] τοῦ ὁσίου Ἰωάσαφ, υἰοῦ Ἀβενὴρ τοῦ βασιλέως.

In the Martyrologium Romanum, under date November 27, stands the entry, "Apud Indos Persis finitimos (commemoratio) sanctorum Barlaam et Josaphat, quorum ados mirandos sanctus Joannes Damascenus conscripsit."

When these entries came into the respective martyrologies is somewhat difficult to say. In the Greek Church it was not till after the tenth century, for the Menology of the Emperor Basilius contains no reference to Joasaph. In the Romish martyrologies the first mention of Josaphat among the Saints was in the Catologus Sanctorum of Peter de Natalibus (ob. 1370). It may be conjectured in the latter case that Barlaam and Josaphat owed their xvi


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, John (1780-1856)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, John (1804-1875)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, John (1812-1888)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, John Mackay


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, John Matthias


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, John Morillyon


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, Margaret


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, Nicholas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, Richard


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, Robert (d.1600)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, Robert (1803-1882)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, Robert Arthur


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, Robert Thomas


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, Rowland


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, Thomas (1525?-1581)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, Thomas (1563-1622)


text: Dictionary of National Biography, 1885-1900/Wilson, Thomas (1560?-1629)


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The original is in the museum of the Buffalo Society of Natural Sciences


text: The Eurypterida of New York/Volume 2/Explanations of plates/Plate 31


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text: The Eurypterida of New York/Volume 2/Explanations of plates/Plate 32


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The originals of figures 1 and 2 are in the New York State Museum; those of figures 3 and 4 are in the museum of the Buffalo Society of Natural Sciences


text: The Eurypterida of New York/Volume 2/Explanations of plates/Plate 33


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Original in New York State Museum


text: The Eurypterida of New York/Volume 2/Explanations of plates/Plate 34


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All figures are from photographs. The original of figures 4 and 5 is in the American Museum of Natural History [no. 2249, see pl. 40], that of figures 2 and 3 is in the collection of Dr Mark E. Reed, Buffalo [see pl. 29], and that of figure 1 is in the New York State Museum


text: The Eurypterida of New York/Volume 2/Explanations of plates/Plate 35


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E separated on the thresholds of our rooms, with a melancholy shake of the hands. I was glad to have aroused in him a suspicion of error. His was an original brain, very intelligent but—without method. I did not go to bed. I awaited the coming of daylight and then went down to the front of the château, and made a detour, examining every trace of footsteps coming towards it or going from it. These, however, were so mixed and confusing that I could make nothing of them. Here I may make a remark,—I am not accustomed to attach an exaggerated importance to exterior signs left in the track of a crime.

"The method which traces the criminal by means of the tracks of his footsteps is altogether primitive. So many footprints are identical. However, in the disturbed state of my mind, I did go into the deserted court and did look at all the footprints I could find there, seeking for some indication, as a basis for reasoning.

"If I could but find a right starting-point! In despair I seated myself on a stone.  For over an


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 hour I busied myself with the common, ordinary work of a policeman. Like the least intelligent of detectives I went on blindly over the traces of footprints which told me just no more than they could.

"I came to the conclusion that I was a fool, lower in the scale of intelligence than even the police of the modern romancer. Novelists build mountains of stupidity out of a footprint on the sand, or from an impression of a hand on the wall.  That's the way innocent men are brought to prison.  It might convince an examining magistrate or the head of a detective department, but it's not proof.  You writers forget that what the senses furnish is notproof.  If I am taking cognisance of what is offered me by my senses I do so but to bring the results within the circle of my reason.  That circle may be the most circumscribed, but if it is, it has this advantage—it holds nothing but the truth!  Yes, I swear that I have never used the evidence of the senses but as servants to my reason.  I have never permitted them to become my master.  They have not made of me that monstrous thing,—worse than a blind man,—a man who sees falsely. And that is why I can triumph over your error and your merely animal intelligence, Frédéric Larsan.

"Be of good courage, then, friend Rouletabille; it is impossible that the incident of the inexplicable gallery should be outside the circle of your reason. You know that!  Then have faith and take thought with yourself and forget not that you took hold of the right end when you drew that circle in your


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 brain within which to unravel this mysterious play of circumstance.

"To it, once again! Go back to the gallery.  Take your stand on your reason and rest there as Frédéric Larsan rests on his cane. You will then soon prove that the great Fred is nothing but a fool.—30th October. Noon. "."

"I acted as I planned. With head on fire, I retraced my way to the gallery, and without having found anything more than I had seen on the previous night, the right hold I had taken of my reason drew me to something so important that I was obliged to cling to it to save myself from falling.

"Now for the strength and patience to find sensible traces to fit in with my thinking—and these must come within the circle I have drawn between the two bumps on my forehead!—30th of October. Midnight." "."


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T was not until later that Rouletabille sent me the Note-Book in which he had written at length the story of the phenomenon of the inexplicable gallery. On the day I arrived at the Glandier and joined him in his room, he recounted to me, with the greatest detail, all that I have now related, telling me also how he had spent several hours in Paris where he had learned nothing that could be of any help to him.

The event of the inexplicable gallery had occurred on the night between the 29th and 30th of October, that is to say, three days before my return to the château. It was on the 2nd of November, then, that I went back to the Glandier, summoned there by my friend's telegram, and taking the revolvers with me.

I am now in Rouletabille's room and he has finished his recital.

While he had been telling me the story I noticed him continually rubbing the glass of the eyeglasses he had found on the side table. From the evident pleasure he was taking in handling them I felt they must be one of those sensible evidences destined to enter, what he had called, the circle


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 of the right end of his reason. That strange and unique way of his, to express himself in terms wonderfully adequate for his thought, no longer surprised me. It was often necessary to know his thought to understand the terms he used; and it was not easy to penetrate into Rouletabille's thinking.

This lad's brain was one of the most curious things I have ever observed. Rouletabille went on the even tenor of his way without suspecting the astonishment and even bewilderment he roused in others. I am sure he was not himself in the least conscious of the originality of his genius. He was himself and at ease wherever he happened to be.

When he had finished his recital he asked me what I thought of it. I replied that I was much puzzled by his question. Then he begged me to try, in my turn, to take my reason in hand "by the right end."

"Very well," I said. "It seems to me that the point of departure of my reason would be this—there can be no doubt that the murderer you pursued was in the gallery." I paused.

"After making so good a start, you ought not to stop so soon," he exclaimed. "Come, make another effort."

"I'll try. Since he disappeared from the gallery without passing through any door or window, he must have escaped by some other opening."

Rouletabille looked at me pityingly, smiled carelessly, and remarked that I was reasoning like a postman, or—like Frédéric Larsan.


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 Rouletabille had alternate fits of admiration and disdain for the great Fred. It all depended as to whether Larsan's discoveries tallied with Rouletabille's reasoning or not. When they did he would exclaim: "He is really great!" When they did not he would grunt and mutter, "What an ass!" It was a petty side of the noble character of this strange youth.

We had risen, and he led me into the park. When we reached the court and were making towards the gate, the sound of blinds thrown back against the wall made us turn our heads, and we saw, at a window on the first floor of the château, the ruddy and clean shaven face of a person I did not recognise.

"Hullo!" muttered Rouletabille. "Arthur Rance!"—He lowered his head, quickened his pace, and I heard him ask himself between his teeth: "Was he in the château that night? What is he doing here?"

We had gone some distance from the château when I asked him who this Arthur Rance was, and how he had come to know him. He referred to his story of that morning and I remembered that Mr. Arthur W. Rance was the American from Philadelphia with whom he had had so many drinks at the Elysée reception.

"But was he not to have left France almost immediately?" I asked.

"No doubt; that's why I am surprised to find him here still, and not only in France, but above all, at the Glandier. He did not arrive this morning; and he did not get here last night.  He must have


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 got here before dinner, then. Why didn't the concierges tell me?"

I reminded my friend, apropos of the concierges, that he had not yet told me what had led him to get them set at liberty.

We were close to their lodge. Monsieur and Madame Bernier saw us coming. A frank smile lit up their happy faces. They seemed to harbour no ill-feeling because of their detention. My young friend asked them at what hour Mr. Arthur Rance had arrived. They answered that they did not know he was at the château. He must have come during the evening of the previous night, but they had not had to open the gate for him, because, being a great walker, and not wishing that a carriage should be sent to meet him, he was accustomed to get off at the little hamlet of Saint-Michel, from which he came to the château by way of the forest. He reached the park by the grotto of Sainte-Geneviève, over the little gate of which, giving on to the park, he climbed.

As the concierges spoke, I saw Rouletabille's face cloud over and exhibit disappointment—a disappointment, no doubt, with himself. Evidently he was a little vexed, after having worked so much on the spot, with so minute a study of the people and events at the Glandier, that he had to learn now that Arthur Rance was accustomed to visit the château.

"You say that Monsieur Arthur Rance is accustomed to come to the château.  When did he come here last?"

"We can't tell you exactly," replied Madame


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 Bernier—that was the name of the concierge—"we couldn't know while they were keeping us in prison. Besides, as the gentleman comes to the  château without passing through our gate he goes away by the way he comes."

"Do you know when he came the first time?"

"Oh yes, Monsieur!—nine years ago."

"He was in France nine years ago, then," said Rouletabille, "and, since that time, as far as you know, how many times has he been at the Glandier?"

"Three times."

"When did he come the last time, as far as you know?"

"A week before the attempt in The Yellow Room."

Rouletabille put another question—this time addressing himself particularly to the woman:—

"In the grove of the parquet?"

"In the grove of the parquet," she replied.

"Thanks!" said Rouletabille. "Be ready for me this evening."

He spoke the last words with a finger on his lips as if to command silence and discretion.

We left the park and took the way to the Donjon Inn.

"Do you often eat here?"

"Sometimes."

"But you also take your meals at the château?"

"Yes, Larsan and I are sometimes served in one of our rooms."

"Hasn't Monsieur Stangerson ever invited you to his own table?"


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 "Never."

"Does your presence at the château displease him?"

"I don't know; but, in any case, he does not make us feel that we are in his way."

"Doesn't he question you?"

"Never. He is in the same state of mind as he was in at the door of The Yellow Room when his daughter was being murdered, and when he broke open the door and did not find the murderer.  He is persuaded, since he could discover nothing, that there's no reason why we should be able to discover more than he did.  But he has made it his duty, since Larsan expressed his theory, not to oppose us."

Rouletabille buried himself in thought again for some time. He aroused himself later to tell me of how he came to set the two concierges free.

"I went recently to see Monsieur Stangerson, and took with me a piece of paper on which was written: 'I promise, whatever others may say, to keep in my service my two faithful servants, Bernier and his wife.' I explained to him that, by signing that document, he would enable me to compel those two people to speak out; and I declared my own assurance of their innocence of any part in the crime.  That was also his opinion.  The examining magistrate, after it was signed, presented the document to the Berniers, who then did speak.  They said, what I was certain they would say, as soon as they were sure they would not lose their place.

"They confessed to poaching on Monsieur


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 Stangerson's estates, and it was while they were poaching, on the night of the crime, that they were found not far from the pavilion at the moment when the outrage was being committed. Some rabbits they caught in that way were sold by them to the landlord of the Donjon Inn, who served them to his customers, or sent them to Paris. That was the truth, as I had guessed from the first. Do you remember what I said, on entering the Donjon Inn?—'We shall have to eat red meat—now!' I had heard the words on the same morning when we arrived at the park gate. You heard them also, but you did not attach any importance to them. You recollect, when we reached the park gate, that we stopped to look at a man who was running by the side of the wall, looking every minute at his watch. That was Larsan. Well, behind us the landlord of the Donjon Inn, standing on his doorstep, said to someone inside: 'We shall have to eat red meat—now.'

"Why that 'now'? When you are, as I am, in search of some hidden secret, you can't afford to have anything escape you.  You've got to know the meaning of everything.  We had come into a rather out-of-the-way part of the country which had been turned topsy-turvey by a crime, and my reason led me to suspect every phrase that could bear upon the event of the day.  'Now,' I took to mean, 'since the outrage.'  In the course of my inquiry, therefore, I sought to find a relation between that phrase and the tragedy.  We went to the Donjon Inn for breakfast; I repeated the phrase and saw, by the surprise and trouble on Daddy Mathieu's face, that


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 I had not exaggerated its importance, so far as he was concerned.

"I had just learned that the concierges had been arrested. Daddy Mathieu spoke of them as of dear friends—people for whom one is sorry.  That was a reckless conjunction of ideas, I said to myself. 'Now,' that the concierges are arrested, 'we shall have to eat red meat.'  No more concierges, no more game!  The hatred expressed by Daddy Mathieu for Monsieur Stangerson's forest-keeper—a hatred he pretended was shared by the concierges led me easily to think of poaching.  Now as all the evidence showed the concierges had not been in bed at the time of the tragedy, why were they abroad that night?  As participants in the crime?  I was not disposed to think so.  I had already arrived at the conclusion, by steps of which I will tell you later—that the assassin had had no accomplice, and that the tragedy held a mystery between Mademoiselle Stangerson and the murderer, a mystery with which the concierges had nothing to do.

"With that theory in my mind, I searched for proof in their lodge, which, as you know, I entered. I found there under their bed, some springs and brass wire.  'Ah!' I thought, 'these things explain why they were out in the park at night!'  I was not surprised at the dogged silence they maintained before the examining magistrate, even under the accusation so grave as that of being accomplices in the crime.  Poaching would save them from the Assize Court, but it would lose them their places; and, as they were perfectly sure of


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 their innocence of the crime they hoped it would soon be established, and then their poaching might go on as usual. They could always confess later. I, however, hastened their confession by means of the document Monsieur Stangerson signed. They gave all the necessary 'proofs,' were set at liberty, and have now a lively gratitude for me. Why did I not get them released sooner? Because I was not sure that nothing more than poaching was against them. I wanted to study the ground. As the days went by, my conviction became more and more certain. The day after the events of the inexplicable gallery I had need of help I could rely on, so I resolved to have them released at once."

That was how Joseph Rouletabille explained himself. Once more I could not but be astonished at the simplicity of the reasoning which had brought him to the truth of the matter. Certainly this was no big thing; but I think, myself, that the young man will, one of these days, explain with the same simplicity, the fearful tragedy in The Yellow Room as well as the phenomenon of the inexplicable gallery.

We reached the Donjon Inn and entered it.

This time we did not see the landlord, but were received with a pleasant smile by the hostess. I have already described the room in which we found ourselves, and I have given a glimpse of the charming blonde woman with the gentle eyes who now immediately began to prepare our breakfast.

"How's Daddy Mathieu?" asked Rouletabille.

"Not much better—not much better; he is still confined to his bed."


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 "His rheumatism still sticks to him, then?"

"Yes. Last night I was again obliged to give him morphine—the only drug that gives him any relief."

She spoke in a soft voice. Everything about her expressed gentleness. She was, indeed, a beautiful woman; somewhat with an air of indolence, with great eyes seemingly black and blue—amorous eyes. Was she happy with her crabbed, rheumatic husband? The scene at which we had once been present did not lead us to believe that she was; yet there was something in her bearing that was not suggestive of despair. She disappeared into the kitchen to prepare our repast, leaving on the table a bottle of excellent cider. Rouletabille filled our earthenware mugs, loaded his pipe, and quietly explained to me his reason for asking me to come to the Glandier with revolvers.

"Yes," he said, contemplatively looking at the clouds of smoke he was puffing out, "yes, my dear boy, I expect the assassin to-night."

A brief silence followed, which I took care not to interrupt, and then he went on:—

"Last night, just as I was going to bed, Monsieur Robert Darzac knocked at my room. When he came in he confided to me that he was compelled to go to Paris the next day, that is, this morning.  The reason which made this journey necessary was at once peremptory and mysterious; it was not possible for him to explain its object to me. 'I go, and yet,' he added, 'I would give my life not to leave Mademoiselle Stangerson at this moment.'  He did not try to hide that he believed her to


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 be once more in danger. 'It will not greatly astonish me if something happens to-morrow night,' he avowed, 'and yet I must be absent. I cannot be back at the Glandier before the morning of the day after to-morrow.'"

"I asked him to explain himself, and this is all he would tell me. His anticipation of coming danger had come to him solely from the coincidence that Mademoiselle Stangerson had been twice attacked, and both times when he had been absent. On the night of the incident of the inexplicable gallery he had been obliged to be away from the Glandier.  On the night of the tragedy in The Yellow Room he had also not been able to be at the Glandier, though this was the first time he had declared himself on the matter.  Now a man so moved who would still go away must be acting under compulsion—must be obeying a will stronger than his own.  That was how I reasoned, and I told him so.  He replied 'Perhaps.'—I asked him if Mademoiselle Stangerson was compelling him.  He protested that she was not.  His determination to go to Paris had been taken without any conference with Mademoiselle Stangerson.

"To cut the story short, he repeated that his belief in the possibility of a fresh attack was founded entirely on the extraordinary coincidence. 'If anything happens to Mademoiselle Stangerson,' he said, 'it would be terrible for both of us.  For her, because her life would be in danger; for me because I could neither defend her from the attack nor tell of where I had been.  I am perfectly aware of the suspicions cast on me.  The


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 magistrate and Monsieur Larsan are both on the point of believing in my guilt. Larsan tracked me the last time I went to Paris, and I had all the trouble in the world to get rid of him.'

"'Why do you not tell me the name of the murderer now, if you know it?' I cried.

"Monsieur Darzac appeared extremely troubled by my question, and replied to me in a hesitating tone:

"'I?—I know the name of the murderer? Why, how could I know his name?'

"I at once replied: 'From Mademoiselle Stangerson.'

"He grew so pale that I thought he was about to faint, and I saw that I had hit the nail right on the head. Mademoiselle and he knew the name of the murderer!  When he recovered himself, he said to me: 'I am going to leave you.  Since you have been here I have appreciated your exceptional intelligence and your unequalled ingenuity.  But I ask this service of you.  Perhaps I am wrong to fear an attack during the coming night; but, as I must act with foresight, I count on you to frustrate any attempt that may be made. Take every step needful to protect Mademoiselle Stangerson.  Keep a most careful watch of her room.  Don't go to sleep, nor allow yourself one moment of repose.  The man we dread is remarkably cunning—with a cunning that has never been equalled.  If you keep watch his very cunning may save her; because it's impossible that he should not know that you are watching; and knowing it, he may not venture.'


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The original of figure 1 is in Columbia University; those of figures 2–10 are in the State Museum and that of figure 11 is in the National Museum


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 "Have you spoken of all this to Monsieur Stangerson?'

"'No. I do not wish him to ask me, as you just now did, for the name of the murderer.  I tell you all this, Monsieur Rouletabille, because I have great, very great, confidence in you.  I know that you do not suspect me.'

"The poor man spoke in jerks. He was evidently suffering.  I pitied him, the more because I felt sure that he would rather allow himself to be killed than tell me who the murderer was.  As for Mademoiselle Stangerson, I felt that she would rather allow herself to be murdered than denounce the man of The Yellow Room and of the inexplicable gallery.  The man must be dominating her, or both, by some inscrutable power.  They were dreading nothing so much as the chance of Monsieur Stangerson knowing that his daughter was 'held' by her assailant.  I made Monsieur Darzac understand that he had explained himself sufficiently, and that he might refrain from telling me any more than he had already told me.  I promised him to watch through the night.  He insisted that I should establish an absolutely impassable barrier around Mademoiselle Stangerson's chamber, around the boudoir where the nurses were sleeping, and around the drawing-room where, since the affair of the inexplicable gallery, Monsieur Stangerson had slept. In short, I was to put a cordon round the whole apartment.

"From his insistence I gathered that Monsieur Darzac intended not only to make it impossible for the expected man to reach the chamber of


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 Mademoiselle Stangerson, but to make that impossibility so visibly clear that, seeing himself expected, he would at once go away. That was how I interpreted his final words when we parted: 'You may mention your suspicions of the expected attack to Monsieur Stangerson, to Daddy Jacques, to Frederic Larsan, and to anybody in the château.'

"The poor fellow left me hardly knowing what he was saying. My silence and my eyes told him that I had guessed a large part of his secret.  And, indeed, he must have been at his wits' end, to have come to me at such a time, and to abandon Mademoiselle Stangerson in spite of his fixed idea as to the coincidence.

"When he was gone, I began to think that I should have to use even a greater cunning than his so that if the man should come that night, he might not for a moment suspect that his coming had been expected. Certainly!  I would allow him to get in far enough, so that, dead or alive, I might see his face clearly!  He must be got rid of.  Mademoiselle Stangerson must be freed from this continual impending danger.

"Yes, my boy," said Rouletabille, after placing his pipe on the table, and emptying his mug of cider, "I must see his face distinctly, so as to make sure to impress it on that part of my brain where I have drawn my circle of reasoning."

The landlady re-appeared at that moment, bringing in the traditional bacon omelette. Rouletabille chaffed her a little, and she took the chaff with the most charming good humour.


text: The Eurypterida of New York/Volume 2/Explanations of plates/Plate 36


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 "She is much jollier when Daddy Mathieu is in bed with his rheumatism," Rouletabille said to me.

But I had eyes neither for Rouletabille nor for the landlady's smiles. I was entirely absorbed over the last words of my young friend and in thinking over Monsieur Robert Darzac's strange behaviour.

When he had finished his omelette and we were again alone, Rouletabille continued the tale of his confidences.

"When I sent you my telegram this morning," he said, "I had only the word of Monsieur Darzac, that 'perhaps' the assassin would come to-night. I can now say that he will certainly come.  I expect him."

"What has made you feel this certainty?"

"I have been sure since half-past ten o'clock this morning that he would come. I knew that before we saw Arthur Rance at the window in the court."

"Ah!" I said, "But, again—what made you so sure? And why since half-past ten this morning?"

"Because, at half-past ten, I had proof that Mademoiselle Stangerson was making as many efforts to permit of the murderer's entrance as Monsieur Robert Darzac had taken precautions against it."

"Is that possible!" I cried. "Haven't you told me that Mademoiselle Stangerson loves Monsieur Robert Darzac?"

"I told you so because it is the truth."

"Then do you see nothing strange—"

"Everything in this business is strange, my


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 friend; but take my word for it, the strangeness you now feel is nothing to the strangeness that's to come!"

"It must be admitted, then," I said, "that Mademoiselle Stangerson and her murderer are in communication—at any rate in writing?"

"Admit it, my friend, admit it! You don't risk anything!  I told you about the letter left on her table, on the night of the inexplicable gallery affair,—the letter that disappeared—into the pocket of Mademoiselle Stangerson.  Why should it not have been a summons to a meeting?  Might he not, as soon as he was sure of Darzac's absence, appoint the meeting for the coming night?"

And my friend laughed silently. There are moments when I ask myself if he is not laughing at me.

The door of the inn opened. Rouletabille was on his feet so suddenly that one might have thought he had received an electric shock.

"Mr. Arthur Rance!" he cried.

Mr. Arthur Rance stood before us calmly bowing.


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The original is in the museum of Chicago University (no. 12900)


text: The Eurypterida of New York/Volume 2/Explanations of plates/Plate 37


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OU remember me, Monsieur?" asked Rouletabille.

"Perfectly!" replied Arthur Rance. "I recognise you as the lad at the bar. [The face of Rouletabille crimsoned at being called a "lad."]  I want to shake hands with you.  You are a bright little fellow."

The American extended his hand and Rouletabille, relaxing his frown, shook it and introduced Mr. Arthur Rance to me. He invited him to share our meal.

"No thanks. I breakfasted with Monsieur Stangerson."

Arthur Rance spoke French perfectly,—almost without an accent.

"I did not expect to have the pleasure of seeing you again, Monsieur. I thought you were to have left France the day after the reception at the Elysée."

Rouletabille and I, outwardly indifferent, listened most intently for every word the American would say.

The man's purplish red face, his heavy eyelids, the nervous twitchings, all spoke of his addiction to drink. How came it that so sorry a specimen of a man should be so intimate with Monsieur Stangerson?


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 Some days later, I learned from Frédéric Larsan—who, like ourselves, was surprised and mystified by his appearance and reception at the château—that Mr. Rance had been an inebriate for only about fifteen years; that is to say, since the professor and his daughter left Philadelphia. During the time the Stangersons lived in America they were very intimate with Arthur Rance, who was one of the most distinguished phrenologists of the new world. Owing to new experiments, he had made enormous strides beyond the science of Gall and Lavater. The friendliness with which he was received at the Glandier may be explained by the fact that he had once rendered Mademoiselle Stangerson a great service by stopping, at the peril of his own life, the runaway horses of her carriage. The immediate result of that could, however, have been no more than a mere friendly association with the Stangersons; certainly, not a love affair.

Frédéric Larsan did not tell me where he had picked up this information; but he appeared to be quite sure of what he said.

Had we known these facts at the time Arthur Rance met us at the Donjon Inn, his presence at the château might not have puzzled us, but they could not have failed to increase our interest in the man himself. The American must have been at least forty-five years old. He spoke in a perfectly natural tone in reply to Rouletabille's question.

"I put off my return to America when I heard of the attack on Mademoiselle Stangerson. I wanted to be certain the lady had not been killed,


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 and I shall not go away until she is perfectly recovered."

Arthur Rance then took the lead in talk, paying no heed to some of Rouletabille's questions. He gave us, without our inviting him, his personal views on the subject of the tragedy,—views which, as well as I could make out, were not far from those held by Frédéric Larzan. The American also thought that Robert Darzac had something to do with the matter. He did not mention him by name, but there was no room to doubt whom he meant. He told us he was aware of the efforts young Rouletabille was making to unravel the tangled skein of The Yellow Room mystery. He explained that Monsieur Stangerson had related to him all that had taken place in the inexplicable gallery. He several times expressed his regret at Monsieur Darzac's absence from the château on all these occasions, and thought that Monsieur Darzac had done cleverly in allying himself with Monsieur Joseph Rouletabille, who could not fail, sooner or later, to discover the murderer. He spoke the last sentence with unconcealed irony. Then he rose, bowed to us, and left the inn.

Rouletabille watched him through the window.

"An odd fish, that!" he said.

"Do you think he'll pass the night at the Glandier?" I asked.

To my amazement the young reporter answered that it was a matter of entire indifference to him whether he did or not.

As to how we spent our time during the afternoon, all I need say is that Rouletabille led


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 me to the grotto of Sainte-Geneviève, and, all the time, talked of every subject but the one in which we were most interested. Towards evening I was surprised to find Rouletabille making none of the preparations I had expected him to make. I spoke to him about it when night had come on, and we were once more in his room. He replied that all his arrangements had already been made, and this time the murderer would not get away from him.

I expressed some doubt on this, reminding him of his disappearance in the gallery, and suggested that the same phenomenon might occur again. He answered that he hoped it would. He desired nothing more. I did not insist, knowing by experience how useless that would have been. He told me that, with the help of the concierges, the château had since early dawn been watched in such a way that nobody could approach it without his knowing it, and that he had no concern for those who might have left it and remained without.

It was then six o'clock by his watch. Rising, he made a sign to me to follow him, and, without in the least tying to conceal his movements or the sound of his footsteps, he led me through the gallery. We reached the 'right' gallery and came to the landing-place which we crossed. We then continued our way in the gallery of the left wing, passing Professor Stangerson's apartment.

At the far end of the gallery, before coming to the donjon, is the room occupied by Arthur Rance. We knew that, because we had seen him at the


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 looking on to the court. The door of the room opens on to the end of the gallery, exactly facing the east window, at the extremity of the 'right' gallery, where Rouletabille had placed Daddy Jacques, and commands an uninterrupted view of the gallery from end to end of the château.

"That 'off-turning' gallery," said Rouletabille, "I reserve for myself; when I tell you you'll come and take your place here."

And he made me enter a little dark, triangular closet built in a bend of the wall, to the left of the door of Arthur Rance's room. From this recess I could see all that occurred in the gallery as well as if I had been standing in front of Arthur Rance's door, and I could watch that door, too. The door of the closet, which was to be my place of observation, was fitted with panels of transparent glass. In the gallery, where all the lamps had been lit, it was quite light. In the closet, however, it was quite dark. It was a splendid place from which to observe and remain unobserved.

I was soon to play the part of a spyèa common policeman. I wonder what my leader at the bar would have said had he known! I was not altogether pleased with my duties, but I could not refuse Rouletabille the assistance he had begged me to give him. I took care not to make him see that I in the least objected, and for several reasons. I wanted to oblige him; I did not wish him to think me a coward; I was filled with curiosity; and it was too late for me to draw back, even had I determined to do so. That I had not had these scruples sooner was because my curiosity


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 had quite got the better of me. I might also urge that I was helping to save the life of a woman, and even a lawyer may do that conscientiously.

We returned along the gallery. On reaching the door of Mademoiselle Stangerson's apartment, it opened from a push given by the steward who was waiting at the dinner-table. (Monsieur Stangerson had, for the last three days, dined with his daughter in the drawing-room on the first floor.) As the door remained open, we distinctly saw Mademoiselle Stangerson, taking advantage of the steward's absence, and while her father was stooping to pick up something he had let fall, pour the contents of a phial into Monsieur Stangerson's glass.


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text: The Eurypterida of New York/Volume 2/Explanations of plates/Plate 38


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HE act, which staggered me, did not appear to affect Rouletabille much. We returned to his room and, without even referring to what we had seen, he gave me his final instructions for the night. First we were to go to dinner; after dinner, I was to take my stand in the dark closet and wait there as long as it was necessary—to look out for what might happen.

"If you see anything before I do," he explained, "you must let me know. If the man gets into the 'right' gallery by any other way than the 'off-turning' gallery, you will see him before I shall, because you have a view along the whole length of the 'right' gallery, while I can only command a view of the 'off-turning' gallery.  All you need do to let me know is to undo the cord holding the curtain of the 'right' gallery window, nearest to the dark closet.  The curtain will fall of itself and immediately leave a square of shadow where previously there had been a square of light. To do this, you need but stretch your hand out of the  closet, I shall understand your signal perfectly."

"And then?"

"Then you will see me coming round the corner of the 'off-turning' gallery."


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 "What am I to do then?"

"You will immediately come towards me, behind the man; but I shall already be upon him, and shall have seen his face."

I attempted a feeble smile.

"Why do you smile? Well, you may smile while you have the chance, but I swear you'll have no time for that a few hours from now.

"And if the man escapes?"

"So much the better," said Rouletabille, coolly, "I don't want to capture him. He may take himself off any way he can.  I will let him go—after I have seen his face.  That's all I want.  I shall know afterwards what to do so that as far as Mademoiselle Stangerson is concerned he shall be dead to her even though he continues to live.  If I took him alive, Mademoiselle Stangerson and Robert Darzac would, perhaps, never forgive me!  And I wish to retain their good-will and respect.

"Seeing, as I have just now seen, Mademoiselle Stangerson pour a narcotic into her father's glass, so that he might not be awake to interrupt the conversation she is going to have with her murderer, you can imagine she would not be grateful to me if I brought the man of The Yellow Room and the inexplicable gallery, bound and gagged, to her father. I realise now that if I am to save the unhappy lady, I must silence the man and not capture him.  To kill a human being is no small thing.  Besides, that's not my business, unless the man himself makes it my business.  On  the other hand, to render him forever silent without the lady's assent and confidence is to act on one's own initiative and


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 assumes a knowledge of everything with nothing for a basis. Fortunately, my friend, I have guessed, no, I have reasoned it all out. All that I ask of the man who is coming to-night is to bring me his face, so that it may enter—"

"Into the circle?"

"Exactly! And his face won't surprise me!"

"But I thought you saw his face on the night when you sprang into the chamber?"

"Only imperfectly. The candle was on the floor; and, his beard—"

"Will he wear his beard this evening?"

"I think I can say for certain that he will. But the gallery is light and, now, I know—or—at least, my brain knows—and my eyes will see."

"If we are here only to see him and let him escape, why are we armed?"

"Because, if the man of The Yellow Room and the inexplicable gallery knows that I know, he is capable of doing anything! We should then have to defend ourselves."

"And you are sure he will come to-night?"

"As sure as that you are standing there! This morning, at half-past ten o'clock, Mademoiselle Stangerson, in the cleverest way in the world, arranged to have no nurses to-night.  She gave them leave of absence for twenty-four hours, under some plausible pretexts, and did not desire anybody to be with her but her father, while they are away.  Her father, who is to sleep in the boudoir, has gladly consented to the arrangement.  Darzac's departure and what he told me, as well as the


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 precautions Mademoiselle Stangerson is taking to be alone to-night leaves me no room for doubt. She has prepared the way for the coming of the man whom Darzac dreads."

"That's awful!"

"It is!"

"And what we saw her do was done to send her father to sleep?"

"Yes."

"Then there are but two of us for to-night's work?"

"Four; the concierge and his wife will watch at all hazards. I don't set much value on them before—but the concierge may be useful after—if there's to be any killing!"

"Then you think there may be?"

"If he wishes it."

"Why haven't you brought in Daddy Jacques?—Have you made no use of him to-day?"

"No," replied Rouletabille sharply.

I kept silence for awhile, then, anxious to know his thoughts, I asked him point blank:

"Why not tell Arthur Rance?—He may be of great assistance to us?"

"Oh!" said Rouletabille crossly, "then you want to let everybody into Mademoiselle Stangerson's secrets?—Come, let us go to dinner; it is time. This evening we dine in Frédéric Larsan's room,—at least, if he is not on the heels of Darzac.  He sticks to him like a leech.  But, anyhow, if he is not there now, I am quite sure he will be, to-night!  He's the one I am going to knock over!"