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 244 which may be dated circa 1200 relates to a grant to the Abbey of land situated at Cauldon (p. 52). The boundaries are given, several can be identified, and one of them is "Viam Comitis,"—the Earl's Way. It is evident, therefore, that this place-name had crystallised into permanent use as early as the twelfth century.

Who, then, was the Earl? The earliest mention of Cauldon occurs in the will of Wulfric Spot, the founder of Burton Abbey in A.D. 1004. He is styled "Consul ac Comes Merciorum" in the Burton Chronicle, but, though a very large landowner, it is doubtful whether he ever in strictness held the title of Earldorman of Mercia. If he be excluded there is only one other Earldom which, having regard to the date, can be associated with the "Earlsway," and that is the Palatine Earldom of Chester, created at the Conquest. For two centuries these feudal potentates dominated Cheshire and a large part of Staffordshire and the Midlands. At different dates both Trentham and Dieulacres Abbey (near Leek) were founded by members of this all-powerful house. In Staffordshire they held at one time or another the manors of Alstonefield, Warslow, Chartley, Sandon, Leek, Endon, Rudyard, Rushton, and Alton—all but one in the north of the county. So far as available records go, however, it does not appear that they held Cauldon, which was held by the de Stafford barony in chief from the Crown for many years after the Conquest, and was so held at the presumable date of the grant above mentioned.

The credibility of this tradition being thus established, has it any historical value? It bears testimony to the almost royal state and authority of the Earls Palatine. "Via regia" is the technical description used in mediaeval documents for what were the equivalent of the turnpikes. But in North Staffordshire during the twelfth and thirteenth

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 Rh centuries the King was a name, but the great Earl of Chester a reality. Thus men spoke of the "Earl's" highway not the "King's" highway. That the Earls of Chester were constantly at Leek, five miles west of Cauldon, admits of no doubt. The scarce pamphlet history of Rushton Spencer, published in 1856 by the Rev. T. W. Norwood, mentions that a road between that village and Congleton in Cheshire was known as the "Earlsway," and at Congleton itself the same name occurs in a perambulation of 1593.

These two names clearly mark the route between Beeston Castle in Cheshire and Leek and the moorland manors of the Earl. The road now under notice may be a continuation of that, but it looks much more like a route from north to south. Right down to the close of the Middle Ages, long-distance cross-country travelling was substantially confined to two classes—the peddling merchants and the itinerant landlords eating their way from manor to manor; and as a solution I would suggest that the Earl, when on tour from his northern manors (Alstonefield, Warslow) to Chartley and Sandon further south, regularly made the passage of the river Hamps at this point. Whether or not it is to-day the sole or the most suitable route is hardly a relevant inquiry; we cannot judge of the respective advantages of different routes in the light of modern physical geography and road systems, because river levels have altered and obstacles of forest and swamp no longer cramp the traveller.

IV. Another equally interesting illustration of the permanence of folk memory comes from Waterfall, a true moorland village, lying some 900 feet high on the fringe of the vast expanse of stonewall country which forms the backbone of England. It is a mile north of Waterhouses on the Ashbourne and Macclesfield high road, and lies in the centre of a large loop of the river Hamps. The direct road to Waterhouses runs precipitously down to a ford


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 246 (now disused) across the river, and is known as Rocester Lane. Needless to say, the natives have no explanation why Rocester is thus advertised to the exclusion of many nearer centres of population. There is no possible relationship between the two places, either administrative or economic; they lie some dozen miles apart, connected by an indirect and indifferent road. The strong probability is that if you asked the way to Rocester of a Waterfall man he would not be able to tell you: certainly he would not direct you down "Rocester Lane," which is practically a cul de sac, ending at the disused ford.

In the survival of this name there is the only link with the pre-Reformation status of Waterfall Church as an appendage of Rocester Abbey. Along this road the parishioners in successive harvest seasons laboriously transported their tithes in kind. Or, the imagination may not unreasonably picture a constant procession of black-cowled priests to and from the Abbey. For the Austin Canons set parochial ministration among their "appropriated" congregations in the forefront of their religious activities. Waterfall has not now, and had not in those days, easy access to the outer world. Leek has now superseded Rocester as the ultimate horizon of travel. With the snapping of monastic ties the artificial geographical relationship of Waterfall and Rocester vanished. It is good, therefore, to note this place-name, for it represents three hundred years of English history; it is a vivid and accurate piece of historical evidence revealing as it does the powerful influence a distant monastic house could exercise on parochial life.

V. My last example is perhaps the most striking of all, but it comes rather at second hand. It is taken from Hinchcliffe's History of Barthomley, a somewhat rare book, written about 1850 by the rector of the parish, which is situated partly in Staffordshire but mainly in Cheshire. The period of the incident in question is of the Civil War. Cheshire was in the main Royalist, but there was


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Rh very considerable skirmishing up and down the county, of which one Burghall, the Puritan vicar of Acton, who owed his living to the Parliamentary victory, has left a detailed account in diary form. It forms circumstantial reading, though somewhat offensively unctuous in tone. The diary was first published at Chester in 1778 and has since been re-published by the Cheetham Society.

Burghall records under 1643 that "the enemy [i.e. the Royalists] on Saturday came to Barthomley, giving an alarm to the garrison of Crewe Hall: as they marched they set upon the church which had in it about twenty neighbours that had gone in for safety: but the Lord Byrom's troop & Connought, a major to Colonel Sneyd, set upon them and won the church, but the enemy burning the forms, rushes, mats, etc. made such a smoke that being almost stifled they called for quarter which was granted by Connought: but when they had them in their power they stripped them all naked and most cruelly murdered twelve of them contrary to the laws of arms, nature and nations. Counonght cut the throat of Mr. John Fowler, a hopeful young man and a minor."

This reads like an episode of August, 1914, in Belgium, and one feels and hopes with Mr. Hinchcliffe that perhaps Burghall has been carried away by his extreme Puritan bias and is not a credible historian. Tradition here most opportunely throws light upon what really happened. There lived in the parish one Daniel Stringer, who was born in 1743, and was living in 1839, in which year (being then 97 years of age) he informed Mr. Hinchcliffe that his grandfather was one of the few who escaped from the massacre. So his father had told him. He declared that the trouble arose because the son of the rector fired from the steeple upon the troops marching past and killed one. This so irritated the soldiers that they revenged their comrade's death by butchering many within the church.


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 248 Now mark three points. Daniel Stringer had never heard of Burghall's diary. He did not know the name of the rector. In point of fact the rector of 1643 was Richard Fowler, whose sympathies were well-known to be with the Puritan party. It is pretty evident, therefore, that Mr. Fowler, "the hopeful young man" of the diary who lost his life, and the rector's son of the tradition were one and the same person.

And so the affair does not appear quite so wanton and cold-blooded an atrocity as the Puritan historian would wish his public to understand.

Fortunately for the reputation of Lord Byrom's troop what one may term official history is here supplemented and corrected from traditional sources. This is an admirable instance of the strong sidelight which survivals of this nature may throw upon past events. But it would be futile to argue that all traditions can be so satisfactorily worked out as this.

Three of these examples, it will be observed, date from the period of the Civil Wars, some two centuries and a half ago. Two of them, at any rate, were consciously related as historical incidents. The two remaining examples derive from a much older period. Such place-names as Earlsway and Rocester Lane embody no conscious tradition. They have no meaning for the folk who use them, and to whose tenacious memories we owe our knowledge of them. Superficially, all the material brought to your notice this evening is commonplace. Many a highly-coloured picturesque tradition can be traced to an imaginative guide-book. But there is no ground for suspecting any of these five traditions to have been inspired or due to motive. The evidence of bygone social conditions which they afford is all the more weighty because it is unconscious; and this leads me, though it is a little beside my main point, to draw attention to a popular belief which is by no means peculiar to Staffordshire. In October, 1910, a witness at an inquest at


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 Rh Stone, in that county, said, "I was under the impression the body was not to be touched till the police came." The Coroner was much surprised (not being a folklorist), and rightly commented upon the absurdity of the idea. But is it so absurd? It is admittedly an inaccurate and highly inconvenient notion, but I cannot help feeling that its source lies far back in mediaeval criminal procedure. If so, there is here provided an excellent example of the stubbornness of traditional knowledge. Under the criminal law as it stood in the first three centuries after the Norman Conquest there was in the case of any unexplained death a certain presumption of guilt upon the first finder of the dead body, who was compelled to attend at the inquest. The following extracts from the Staffordshire Assize Roll of Henry III. will illustrate the procedure: "Thomas the miller, of Burton, and Richard his son, were drowned while conveying turf in a boat on the water of the Trent. Henry son of Ralph was the first finder. Nobody is suspected." Or this: "Nicholas, son of William de Oaken, through madness fell on the wheel of a mill so that he died. Henry the miller is the first finder and is not suspected. Henry did not appear, therefore his sureties are fined half a mark."

So then it was manifestly a prudent thing to let someone else be the first finder of a dead body. Now, a man who pulls a dead body out of the river stamps himself at once as the first finder: at any rate he runs great risk of being found in the act. The prudent man of the Middle Ages left someone else to do this, for fear lest he should be put to the inconvenience of clearing himself from a crime he had not committed. His descendant to-day, impelled, as I believe, by an inherited memory of mediaeval coroner's law, leaves the police to be the first to touch a dead body.

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 SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF IRISH FOLKLORE.

BY D. H. MOUTRAY READ.

(Read at Meeting, 15th March, 1916.)

It was, I believe, Mr. Andrew Lang who summarised Scotch Folklore as "all witches" and Irish as "all fairies." The latter at least is the popular idea on the subject. It is correct to the extent that belief in fairies (Sidhe) is general in Ireland—all the varieties, from the Fairy Host to the Leprechaun. The varieties, it must not be forgotten, are more than a differentiation of local nomenclature. The Fairy Host, according to tradition, consists of the fallen angels. One version of their origin is as follows:

The Devil was admiring himself in a looking-glass, and he said, "I am very beautiful. I am very beautiful. I am more beautiful than God." He went on saying this till God got in a tearing rage and turned the Devil out of Heaven. A lot of the angels laughed at this, and God was so angry at their laughing that He threw them out of Heaven also, bailing them out by handfuls. So they fell down, down, down. But St. Michael interfered and begged for them to be spared. So they were allowed to stay where they were. And some were on earth, some were in the sea, and some were in the sky. So they became the Fairy Host.

A great deal has been written about the Banshee,


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Rh the middle, in order to make them more pliable. Many of the women have rings made out of the bones of birds suspended from the inside of their nostrils, and the men have a small straight bone with a sort of knob at one end. Those who have the most ornaments are considered the most fashionable and attractive.

The baskets I mentioned before are made of rushes and grass, dried and split; and so nicely are they turned out of hand, as to have the appearance of those manufactured in India; but they are much more durable. No person could suppose they were the handywork of an uncivilized people. To return.

We remained at the opposite side of the lake, until the approach of spring. Here they made their food principally of the large ants called the kalkeeth, which are found in hives within hollow trees. In order to ascertain where they are, the trees are struck with the tomahawk, and, at the noise, they show themselves at the holes. An entrance for the hand is then made, and so they are taken out and put into baskets, being, at the proper season, as fat as marrow. These creatures are prepared for eating, by placing them on slips of bark about three feet long and one foot wide, and so, burnt, or roasted. It is only for about one month in each year they can be had, for after that time they are transformed to large flies, and then fly away to die, or again change their shape and nature.

Having finished this ant hunting and eating expedition, we shifted our quarters; but before I go any further I must say something about their tomahawks;


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 BARDNEY, RICHARD (fl. 1503), a Benedictine of Bardney, Lincolnshire, was educated at Oxford, where he took the degree of bachelor of divinity. In 1503 he wrote in verse ‘Vita Roberti Grosthed quondam Episcopi Lincolniensis,’ a work of little or no value, which he dedicated to William Smith, then bishop of Lincoln. He also wrote ‘Historia S. Hugonis Martyris.’ ‘The Life of Robert Grosstête’ is printed with some omissions in Wharton's Anglia Sacra,’ vol. ii.

[Wood's Athenæ Oxon. (Bliss), vol. i. col. 8; Wharton's Anglia Sacra, ii. pref. and p. 325; Hardy's Descriptive Catalogue of MSS. iii. 130, Rolls Series.]  BARDOLF, HUGH (d. 1203), justiciar of the Curia Regis, is presumed to have been son of William Bardolf (sheriff of Norfolk 16–21 Hen. II), and first appears in attendance on the court at Chinon, 5 April 1181, where he tests a charter as ‘Dapifer’ (Mon. Ang. vii. 1097), a post which he retained till the end of the reign (1189). He held pleas in Worcestershire (1187), and acted as an itinerant justice (1184–9). He also sat in the Curia Regis, and acted as sheriff of Cornwall (1185–7), and Wilts (1188), and was associated in the charge of the kingdom on Henry's departure for France in 1188. At the accession of Richard I he was sheriff of Somerset and Dorset, and a justice itinerant, and was associated in the justiciarship with the bishops of Durham (Puiset) and Ely (Longchamp), when the king went on the crusade (December 1189), but was one of Richard's sureties at Messina in November 1190 ( iii. 28, 62), having probably quarrelled with Longchamp. In the possibly spurious letter of February 1191 he was associated with Walter of Coutances in the commission that was to supplant Longchamp (ib. p. 96). Returning accordingly, he was among those excommunicated by Longchamp, but was specially offered pardon if he would surrender Scarborough and his counties of Yorkshire and Westmoreland (ib. p. 154). In 1193, as ‘justitiarius regis’ and sheriff of Yorkshire, he assisted the archbishop of York to fortify Doncaster for Richard, but refusing, as John's vassal, to besiege Tickhill, was denounced as a traitor (ib. 206), and on Richard's return (March 1194) was dismissed from his post (ib. p. 241); but was at once transferred to Northumberland, and ordered to take it over from the bishop of Durham (Puiset), and, on his resistance, to seize it (July 1194). At Puiset's death (March 1195) the castles of Norham and Durham were surrendered to him (ib. pp. 249, 261, 285), and, remaining faithful to Richard, he retained his counties (Northumberland and Cumberland) till John's accession (1199). From John he received the counties of Nottingham and Derby and the custody of Tickhill Castle. He continued to act as an itinerant justice and to sit in the Curia Regis till his death in 1203 (Ann. Wav. p. 255). He appears from the rolls to have acted as a baron of the exchequer in all three reigns.

[Eyton's Court and Itinerary of Henry II (1878); Roger of Hoveden (Rolls series); Dugdale's Baronage, i. 683; Foss's Judges of England (1848), ii. 325.]  BARDOLF, WILLIAM (d. 1275–6), baronial leader, was lord of Wirmgay, Norfolk, in right of his mother, daughter and heiress of William de Warrenne. In 1243 he had livery of his lands, and in 1258, in the parliament of Oxford, was elected one of the twelve baronial members of the council of twenty-four appointed to reform the realm (Ann. Burt.) By the Provisions of Oxford he was made constable of Nottingham (ib.), and was among those offered pardon by the king, 7 Dec. 1261 (Fœdera). Adhering to the barons, he became one of their sureties for observing the Mise of Amiens (13 Dec. 1263), and was again entrusted by them with Nottingham (Pat. 47 H. III, m. 6), but surrendered it to the king after his victory at Northampton (13 April 1264), and joining him, was taken prisoner by the barons at Lewes (14 May 1264). He died about 1275, his son having livery of his lands in the fourth year of Edward I's reign (Fin. 4 Ed. I, m. 4).

[Dugdale's Baronage, i. 681.]  BARDSLEY, JAMES LOMAX, M.D. (1801–1876), physician, was born at Nottingham on 7 July, 1801. His professional education was gained first under the direction of his uncle, Dr. Samuel Argent Bardsley, and subsequently at the Glasgow and Edinburgh universities. From the latter university he received the diploma of M.D. in 1823. While a student at Edinburgh he was elected president of the Royal Medical Society. In 1823 he settled in Manchester, and was appointed one of the physicians of the Manchester Infirmary, an office which he held until 1843. He was associated with Mr. Thomas Turner in the management of the Manchester Royal School of Medicine and Surgery, and took an active part in the early proceedings of the British Medical Association. In 1834 he became president of the Manchester Medical Society, and in 1850 a


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74 which, perhaps, as a very important instrument, ought to have been mentioned in an earlier part of this narrative. The heads of these instruments are made from a hard black stone, split into a convenient thickness, without much regard to shape. This they rub with a very rough granite stone, until it is brought to a fine thin edge, and so hard and sharp as to enable them to fell a very large tree with it. There is only one place that I ever heard of in that country, where this hard and splitting stone is to be had. The natives call it karkeen; and say, that it is at a distance of three hundred miles from the coast, inland. The journey to fetch them is, therefore, one of great danger and difficulty; the tribes who inhabit the immediate localities being very savage, and hostile to all others. I was told, that it required an armed party of resolute fighting men, to obtain supplies of this very necessary article; so that the tomahawk is considered valuable for all purposes. They vary in weight from four to fourteen pounds; the handles being thick pieces of wood split, and then doubled up, the stone being in the bend, and fixed with gum, very carefully prepared for the purpose, so as to make it perfectly secure when bound round with sinews.

A messenger now came from another tribe, to tell us they would be glad to see our party near a river they called Booneawillock—so named from a sort of eels they call Boonea—with which that stream abounds. It was very much swollen, in consequence of heavy floods, so that we could not cross it, to join our friends;


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 native blacks, who have been supplied with liquor, yelling and screeching like demons, under the influence of alcohol. Such are a few of the accompaniments of the cedar sawyers' drinking bouts. At length, when they have drank enough to balance their account, they wend their way once more to the brushes with their rations, there to remain until the next time of settlement.

The cedar is cut in square logs, on which the cedar dealer strikes his initials with a branding hammer; the logs are then launched into the water by the aid of bullocks, and afterwards rafted down to the vessels to be conveyed to Sydney. The cedar is employed in Sydney for every purpose to which deal is generally applied; and is also used for all kinds of cabinet work, as it is of a handsome grain and colour.

Twenty-eight miles from the mouth of the MacLeay, is the small village of Kempsey, on the south bank of the river, at the termination of the northern boundary of the county of Macquarie. It consists of several good brick-built cottages, an inn, a store, and police station. Mr. Sullivan has established a very fine fruit garden here. The fruit trees, of all descriptions, have arrived sooner at maturity, and grown with greater luxuriance, than in any other garden I have seen in the colony. Not far from Kempsey is the station in which I lately possessed a share; the portion of alluvial plain that we cultivated, has now been under the plough for upwards


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 of six years, producing two crops a year;—maize, followed by either wheat, potatoes, sugar loaf cabbages, or swede turnips. Our crops of cabbages and turnips, which we cultivated for the pigs, were nearly twice as abundant as good crops in England. Our potatoes were large, and the crops always abundant; but the quality was very indifferent, as they possessed a strong earthy flavour, the ground evidently being too rich for them. Wheat yielded good crops in dry seasons; but when the spring was moist, it grew as luxuriantly as reeds, and consequently there was not much grain. Maize, whether the seasons were wet or dry, was a never failing crop. The greatest quantity harvested on the plain we cultivated, was at the rate of seventy-five bushels per acre; other settlers, however, in the neighbouring Port Macquarie district, have informed me that they have had one hundred bushels per acre. The cause of our crops not being greater, was probably owing to our planting pumpkins between the rows. The ground was twice flooded during the time that I lived at this station, but the floods did not occasion much detriment to the standing corn, our only loss being a few cabbages and turnips.

Directly the tide loses its influence in the river it ceases to be navigable any farther, even for small boats; and it now assumes the appearance of a rapid stream flowing over beds of shingles, a quarter of a


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 similar position in the Manchester Medico-Ethical Association was given to him. The honour of knighthood was bestowed on him as a distinguished provincial physician in August 1853. Dr. Bardsley published a volume of ‘Hospital Facts and Observations’ in 1830, wrote the articles on diabetes and hydrophobia in the ‘Cyclopædia of Practical Medicine’ (1833), and made other contributions to medical science, including the retrospective address in medicine at the annual meeting of the British Medical Association in 1837. He died at Manchester 10 July 1876.

[Photographs of Eminent Medical Men, ed. by Dr. W. T. Robertson, vol. ii.; Manchester Guardian, 12 July 1876; Lancet, 1876, ii. 137.]  BARDSLEY, SAMUEL ARGENT, M.D. (1764–1851), physician, was born at Kelvedon, Essex, on 27 April 1764. His medical studies were begun at Nottingham, where he passed an apprenticeship to a surgeon, and followed up at London, Edinburgh, and Leyden. He was entered of the Leyden University in August 1786, and graduated there in 1789. After passing a short time at Doncaster he removed to Manchester in 1790, and was elected physician to the Manchester Infirmary, a position he retained until August 1823, gaining during the thirty-three years great esteem as ‘the very model of an hospital physician.’ He relinquished his professional ‘practice’ many years before his death, which occurred on 29 May, 1851, while on a visit to a friend near Hastings. He was buried at St. Saviour's Church, Manchester. Dr. Bardsley published in 1800 ‘Critical Remarks on the Tragedy of Pizarro, with Observations on the subject of the Drama;’ and in 1807 a volume of ‘Medical Reports of Cases and Experiments, with Observations chiefly derived from Hospital practice; also an Enquiry into the Origin of Canine Madness.’ To the ‘Memoirs’ of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Manchester, of which he was a vice-president, he contributed in 1798 a paper on ‘Party Prejudice,’ and in 1803 one on ‘The Use and Abuse of Popular Sports and Exercises.’

[Biog. Dict. Living Authors, 1816, p. 13; London Medical Gazette, 1850, ix. 41; Index of Leyden Students, published by the Index Society.]  BARDWELL, THOMAS (d. 1780?), portrait painter, is known chiefly as a copyist. He painted a picture of ‘Dr. Ward relieving his sick and lame patients,’ which is libellously described by one authority (Hobbes) as a painting of a ‘quack doctor.’ This same Dr. Ward is caricatured by Hogarth. This picture was engraved (1748–9) probably by Baron. There is also a mezzotint by Faber after a portrait by Bardwell of Admiral Vernon. At Oxford, in the university galleries, there are portraits by him of the Earl and Countess of Pomfret. In 1756 he published the ‘Practice of Painting and Perspective made Easy.’ This work was well thought of in its day. Mr. Edwards thinks, however, that in so far as it treats of perspective, it is a snare and delusion. A pirated edition, omitting the perspective, appeared in 1795. Bardwell died about 1780.

[Edwards's Anecdotes of Painters, 1808; Hobbes's Picture Collector's Manual, 1849; Füssli's Allgemeines Künstler-Lexikon, 1806; Redgrave's Dict.]  BAREBONES, PRAISEGOD (1596?–1679), anabaptist, leather-seller, and politician. [See .]

BARENGER, JAMES (1780–1831), animal painter, was born 25 Dec. 1780. He was the son of J. Barenger, a chaser, who exhibited water-colour drawings of insects at the Royal Academy between the years 1793 and 1799, and died in 1813, and he was on his mother's side a nephew of William Woollett, the eminent engraver. He obtained some celebrity as a painter of racehorses, dogs, deer, and other animals, which he exhibited at the Royal Academy from 1807 to 1831, in which year he died.

[Redgrave's Dictionary of Artists, 1878; Royal Academy Exhibition Catalogues, 1793–1831.]  BARET or BARRET, JOHN (d. 1580?), lexicographer, was a fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, and took the degree of B.A. in 1554–5, and that of M.A. in 1558. About 1555 he describes himself as ‘having pupils at Cambridge, studious of the Latin tongue.’ In later years he is said to have travelled abroad, and to have taught in London. He received the degree of M.D. at Cambridge in 1577, but there is no evidence that he ever practised medicine. Baret died before the close of 1580, but the exact date is uncertain.

Baret published, about 1574, a dictionary of the English, Latin, and French languages, with occasional illustrations from the Greek. It was called ‘An Alvearie, or Triple Dictionarie in English, Latin, and French,’ and was dedicated to William Cecil, Lord Burghley, the chancellor of Cambridge University. The date, 2 Feb. 1573–4, appears among the


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Rh we therefore pitched our huts on the other side. Many parts of that river are rocky, leaving but an inconsiderable depth of water, into which the eels get in great numbers; indeed so numerous were they, that we caught them in dozens. These eels appeared to be very sagacious, but not so much so as to avoid our fishing parties; for although they would shoot away into deep water at the falling of a star, or any extraordinary noise, yet they would come to our fishing torches and allow themselves to be taken very placidly.

When the flood in the river—which had been occasioned by very heavy and continuous rains—had subsided, we passed over, and hutted ourselves on the other side. Another tribe soon after joined us, amounting to about one hundred men, women, and children. I should here say, that the eels mentioned, seemed inexhaustible at this place, those of the smallest kind being the most numerous. They are light blue on the back, with white bellies; these the natives call the Mordong; and the larger kind, the Babbanien; the latter being brown on the back, with white bellies.

The tribe which arrived the last, only remained a few days, when another fight occurred, again about the women—one of whom was killed, and several severely wounded: they then left. We also shifted our quarters a short time after, and kept up the old fancy of wandering about; not exactly from "post to pillar," but from one hunting ground to another, seeking variety of food, from fish to flesh, from roots to anything available; for the natives are, in truth, a rambling lot, never


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76 content—unless sleeping, and then dreaming of Corrobberrees, and fights, and mischief. In one of these excursions, one of our men was bitten by a snake whilst stepping over a fallen tree, of which bite the poor fellow died immediately. As he was one of the principal men of the tribe, his death caused great sorrow, and he was buried; or, rather stowed away in the branches of a very high tree, with all the honors suited to his value, as one of this very estimable community, of which I had, involuntarily, become a member.

Time passed on, and a variety of circumstances occurred to separate us, so that I was at last left with my supposed relations, and only two or three other families—each living in our separate huts.

One day we saw a large party of natives coming towards us, but they passed on to the back, at a distance; and, when there, began to polish themselves up with clay, and ochre, as if for a fight; it occasioned us great alarm; but we hoped our defenceless position would induce them to treat us mercifully. There were about sixty of them, and they soon undeceived us as to their intentions; for they came first to the other bank of the river, shaking their spears; and then crossing over, attacked us so furiously, as to give the women and children only time to attempt escape. My old friend, and supposed brother-in-law, had a spear sent right through his body, and then they hunted out his wife and killed her dead upon the spot. The savages then came back to where I was supporting my wounded


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Baretti introductory pages, but not on the title-page. The materials for the volume were gradually collected during eighteen years by Baret's many pupils, and he entitled it, on that account, an ‘Alvearie,’ or beehive. Every English word is first explained, and its equivalent given in Latin and French. Two indexes at the end of the volume collect the Latin and French words occurring in the text. The expenses of publication were mainly borne by Sir Thomas Smith, ‘principall secretarie to the queenes majestie,’ and ‘Maister Nowell, deane of Pawles’ (, Life of Alexander Nowell, p. 220). Latin, Greek, and English verses in praise of the compiler and his work were prefixed to the book, among the writers being Richard Mulcaster and Arthur Golding. A second edition of the dictionary, in which Greek took almost as important a place as the other languages, was published shortly after Baret's death, and bore the date 2 Jan. 1580–1. A lengthy poem ‘to the reader,’ signed ‘Tho. M.,’ laments the recent death of the author, and new Latin elegiacs are added by Mulcaster. The title of the book in its final form runs: ‘An Alvearie, or quadruple Dictionarie containing foure sundrie tongues, namely, English, Latine, Greeke, and Frenche, newlie enriched with varietie of wordes, phrases, proverbs, and divers lightsome observations of Grammar.’ Baret's dictionary is still of great service in enabling us to trace the meaning of Elizabethan words and phrases that are now obsolete.

[Cooper's Athenæ Cantabrigienses, i. 421; Tanner's Bibliotheca Britannico-Hibernica; the Prefaces of Baret's Alvearie.]  BARETTI, GIUSEPPE MARC' ANTONIO (1719–1789), miscellaneous writer, traced his descent from a family which formerly flourished in the duchy of Monferrato in Italy. His grandfather, Marc' Antonio, a physician, settled at Mombertaro, where he married a lady who belonged to the illustrious family of the Marquises of Carretto, and who bore him two sons, Luca (born in 1688) and Giambattista. Luca established himself at Turin, where he studied architecture under the Abbé Filippo Juvara. By his first wife, Caterina, Luca had four sons, of whom Giuseppe Marc' Antonio, the eldest, was born at Turin on 25 April 1719. His education was much neglected by his father, who fostered the vanity of his children by reminding them of their descent from the Marquises of Carretto. On two occasions, when secrecy seemed expedient, Giuseppe assumed the name of Giuseppe del Carretto. His father at first destined him for the priesthood. Then it was thought he might become an architect, but the plan was abandoned on account of his habitual short-sightedness. He read much Italian; but a pedantic master disgusted him with Latin, and his father would not let him learn Greek. His father's marriage with a young opera-dancer rendered his position so intolerable that he left Turin for Guastalla (June 1735), where his uncle Giambattista procured for him employment as a merchant's clerk. There he became acquainted with two men of letters, Carlo Cantoni and Dr. Vittore Vettori. After staying more than two years at Guastalla, Baretti removed to Venice, where he contracted a friendship with Count Gaspare Gozzi, the ‘Venetian Addison.’ Subsequently he settled at Milan, and obtained introductions to the men of letters of the Accademia de' Trasformati. He sojourned at Milan nearly three years, studying hard and executing the metrical translation, published several years subsequently, of two of the works of Ovid.

His father having died, he returned to Piedmont, spent the autumn of 1742 at Cuneo, and from 1743 till 1745 was keeper there of the stores of the new fortifications. He returned to Turin in 1747, where he lived with his brothers for three years. He contributed to poetical collections issued in 1741 and the subsequent years. In 1744 he addressed to Father Serafino Bianchi his forty-five ‘Stanze,’ in which he interwove an account of his own career. Next he brought out an insipid translation in blank verse of the tragedies of Pierre Corneille, printed with the French original on the opposite pages. In 1750 he printed a small volume of ‘Piacevoli Poesie.’ Literary academies were the fashion in Italy in that age, and Baretti became a member of the Trasformati of Milan and the Granelleschi of Venice.

Baretti's frank and impetuous disposition brought him into various controversies. He had a literary passage of arms with Dr. Biogio Schiavo, and in 1750 he, in a satirical piece entitled ‘Primo Cicalamento,’ ridiculed Dr. Giuseppe Bartoli, professor of literature in the university of Turin, who pretended that he had discovered the true meaning of an ancient ivory bas-relief. His hopes of public employment were destroyed by this attack upon Bartoli, who appealed to the authorities. The matter was referred to the first president of the senate and rector of the university. Baretti escaped with a severe reproof and the forfeiture of the unsold copies of the obnoxious work; but he found that all chance of employment in his own country was at an end, and he seized the opportunity


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Rh friend; who, seeing them approaching, sprang up, even in the last agonies of death, and speared the nearest assailant in the arm. My friend was, of course, dispatched immediately, with spears and boomerangs; as was a son of his, who was with us at the time. Strange to say, not one raised his hand against me; had I done so against them, I must have been sacrificed instantly; for what could I do, being only one against so many?

The cause of this sudden unprovoked cruelty was not, as usual, about the women, but because the man who had been killed by the bite of the snake belonged to the hostile tribe, and they believed my supposed brother-in-law carried about with him something that had occasioned his death. They have all sorts of fancies of this kind, and it is frequently the case, that they take a man's kidneys out after death, tie them up in something, and carry them round the neck, as a sort of protection and valuable charm, for either good or evil. They took the son's life because he had a daughter, who he had promised to the man who killed him, and had afterwards given her to another.

I should have been most brutally unfeeling, had I not suffered the deepest mental anguish from the loss of these poor people, who had all along been so kind and good to me. I am not ashamed to say, that for several hours my tears flowed in torrents, and, that for a long time I wept unceasingly. To them, as I have said before, I was as a living dead brother, whose presence and safety was their sole anxiety. Nothing could exceed the kindness these poor natives had shown me, and


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Baretti which presented itself at this juncture of an engagement in the Italian Opera House at London. He left for London towards the end of January 1751. On his arrival he opened a school for teaching Italian, and was engaged to teach Italian to Mrs. Lennox, the author of ‘The Female Quixote.’ After some time he was presented to Dr. Johnson, who introduced him to the family of Mr. Thrale, and to most of the distinguished scholars and artists of the day. His first literary performances in London were two facetious pamphlets, written in French and published in 1753, relating to the disputes between the actors and the lessee of the Italian Opera House. In the same year he printed in English a ‘Dissertation on the Italian Poets,’ in which he censured some superficial and inexact criticisms of Voltaire. Next he published in 1757 an ‘Introduction to the Italian Language,’ and ‘The Italian Library,’ containing an account of the lives and works of the principal writers of Italy. But his reputation as a scholar was made by his ‘Italian and English Dictionary,’ which first appeared in the beginning of the year 1760. This dictionary entirely superseded all previous works of the kind, and has been often reprinted. The author prefixed to his work a new grammar, and his friend Dr. Johnson wrote for him the dedication.

Determined to return to Italy, he left London on 14 Aug. 1760, and, after visiting Portugal and Spain, reached Genoa on 18 Nov. Previously to his departure from England he had been recommended by Dr. Johnson to write a journal of his travels, and to this suggestion we owe the charming narrative of his tour.

Baretti first visited his brothers at Turin; he afterwards stayed at Milan, where his friends introduced him to Count de Firmian, the Austrian minister, who was regarded as a Mæcenas. The account of his travels, in four volumes, was licensed for the press in the beginning of 1762. In the summer the first volume was published, but the complaints of the Portuguese minister in Italy, on account of certain reflections upon Portugal, induced the Count de Firmian to give orders that the publication should not proceed further. Baretti removed to Venice, much dejected, towards the close of the year 1762. There he prepared for the press the three unpublished volumes of his ‘Travels,’ from which he struck out all the passages relating to the government of Portugal. Baretti now undertook the publication of a periodical sheet which he entitled ‘La Frusta Letteraria’ (‘The Literary Scourge’), himself taking the name of Aristarco Scannabue. His object was to denounce the worthless books of all kinds with which the press of Italy teemed. In the second number his sarcastic remarks on the work of contemporary archæologists gave offence to the Marquis of Tanucci, who was president of the academy for publishing the Herculanean monuments. Tanucci insisted that the ‘Frusta’ should be suppressed and its author punished. Baretti respectfully appeased the marquis's wrath, but his merciless onslaught on bad writers raised up a host of other enemies, and the publication was suppressed in 1765 after the twenty-fifth number.

The suppression of the ‘Frusta’ gave Baretti such a shock that he was obliged to keep his bed for nearly two months after. He left Venice late in 1765 for Ancona, where for about five months he led a most secluded life. There he printed his reply to an attack upon him by Father Buonafede, called the ‘Bue Pedagogo,’ in the form of a continuation of the ‘Frusta Letteraria.’ In sending to his hated adversary a copy of this intemperate reply, he accompanied it with a letter or invective, which was printed in London in 1786 with many variations.

About the middle of February 1766 he proceeded to Leghorn, and after some delay, from illness and want of money, returned to London in the autumn. His old friends received him with cordiality, especially Dr. Johnson, who during Baretti's stay in Italy had kept up a confidential correspondence with him. He now published an ‘Account of the Manners and Customs of Italy,’ in answer to ‘Letters from Italy’ by Samuel Sharp. It passed through a second edition in London, was reprinted in Dublin, and led to the author's election as a fellow of the Society of Antiquaries, besides bringing him 200l. It was with reference to this work that Johnson said: ‘His account of Italy is a very entertaining book; and, sir, I know no man who carries his head higher in conversation than Baretti. There are strong powers in his mind. He has not, indeed, many hooks, but with what hooks he has he grapples very forcibly’ (, Life of Johnson, ed. Croker, iii. 48). In 1768 he spent several months in France and Flanders in company with Thrale, the wealthy brewer, and in November of that year he visited Spain. An amplified account of his first journey to that country was published in 1770, and was highly praised by Johnson (see Letter to Mrs. Thrale of 20 July 1771), and brought him 500l. Johnson says that he was the first author who ever received money for copyright in Italy.

On 6 Oct. 1769 Baretti was accosted in the


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78 now they were dead, murdered by the band of savages I saw around me, apparently thirsting for more blood. Of all my sufferings in the wilderness, there was nothing equal to the agony I now endured. My feelings made me desperate, so that when a tall powerful fellow came to the hut some time after, to demand my friend's spears, I refused, in fierce language, to surrender them, so that he desisted; ordering me however away, with a quantity of fish, and his rug, to where his wife and family were, telling me to wait there until his arrival; at the same time, assuring me of his good-will and future friendship. These I did not choose to rely upon, and so, after having arrived at a convenient distance from the scene of these savage murders, I resolved on making my escape. With this view, I tied my spears together, and put myself in light marching order, rolled up my rug as tightly as possible, crossed the river, and made for the bush; going in another direction to that which I thought it likely the savages would follow in pursuit.

After what I have stated as to their cold-blooded murders, I may surely call them savages, although, as we have seen, there are many kind-hearted creatures amongst them.

When I got about four miles, I unexpectedly fell in with a tribe I knew, to whom, my hurry and fright was a source of great anxiety. I told them all that had happened, on hearing which, they immediately prepared for vengeance on the murderers, for the young man was amongst them to whom my old friend's son had given


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Baretti Haymarket by a woman of bad character, gave her a blow on the hand, was attacked by three bullies, and in self-defence inflicted mortal wounds upon one of them with a knife. At the next sessions Baretti was tried at the Old Bailey. Johnson and Burke went to see him in Newgate, and had small comfort to give him. ‘Why, what can he fear,’ said Baretti, placing himself between them, ‘that holds two such hands as I do?’ (, Autobiography, 2nd ed. i. 97). He declined to claim the privilege of being tried by a jury half composed of foreigners. Sir Joshua Reynolds, Dr. Johnson, Mr. Beauclerk, Fitzherbert, Burke, Garrick, Goldsmith, and Dr. Hallifax bore testimony to the quietness of his general character. The jury acquitted him. It has been supposed that Baretti was assisted in drawing up his defence by Dr. Johnson and Mr. Murphy, but on the other hand it is asserted that he claimed it as his own at Mr. Thrale's table in the hearing of both those gentlemen. The street scuffle and the subsequent trial were made the subject of a poem in Italian ottava rima published at Turin in 1857.

In 1770 Baretti determined to revisit Italy and repay his brothers a portion of the money advanced by them. At the end of April 1771 he returned to London after an absence of nine months. Among the works he published about this time were an improved edition of his Italian-English Dictionary; prefaces to the magnificent London reprints of the works of Machiavelli and other standard authors; and a volume of Italian-English dialogues. He likewise began an English translation of ‘Don Quixote,’ but abandoned it half finished in 1772.

From October 1773 to 6 July 1776 Baretti was domesticated in the family of Mr. Thrale. He had, at Dr. Johnson's request, undertaken to instruct his eldest daughter, Hester Thrale, afterwards Lady Keith, in the Italian language. In 1774 he received an offer of the professorship of Italian in the university of Dublin, but declined it (Gent. Mag. lx. 1063). In the autumn of 1775 Baretti accompanied the Thrales and Dr. Johnson on their well-known visit to France. They were about to make another continental tour in 1776 under Baretti's guidance, but were prevented by the sudden death of Thrale's only son. The bitterest enmity had by this time arisen between Mrs. Thrale and Baretti, who finally left the house on 6 July 1776. Baretti's strictures in the ‘European Magazine’ for 1788 on Mrs. Thrale's marriage with Piozzi are so brutal that even her enemy Boswell could not approve them (, Life of Johnson, ed. Croker, vi. 169 n.) Baretti's manuscript notes on Mrs. Piozzi's ‘Letters of Dr. Johnson’ are still more insulting. In a private communication to a friend he accused her of breaking a promise to pension him for teaching her daughter (Letter to Don Francesco Carcano, 12 March 1785). Mrs. Piozzi says that Baretti's overbearing insolence was intolerable (, Autobiography, 103 et seq.)

Baretti became embarrassed and again sought help from his brothers; but he received no reply. In 1777 he published in French a ‘Discourse on Shakespeare,’ which increased his reputation. In 1778 he brought out a Spanish and English dictionary, which has become a standard work. In 1779 he aided Philidor in producing a musical setting of the ‘Carmen Seculare’ of Horace. Baretti says this work ‘brought me in 150l. in three nights, and three times as much to Philidor, whom I got to set it to musick. It would have benefited us both (if Philidor had not proved a scoundrel) greatly more than those sums’ (Manuscript Note on Johnson's Letters, ii. 41). He next published, in Italian, ‘A Collection of Familiar Letters,’ ascribed to various historical and literary personages, but really composed by himself; and in a work entitled ‘Tolondron’ (1786) he violently attacked Bowle's edition of ‘Don Quixote’ [see ].

In 1782 he had received from the government an annual pension of 80l. Not long afterwards he contracted a friendship with Richard Barwell [q. v.], whom he used to call his rich Nabob, and usually spent several months of the year at Barwell's country seat at Stanstead in Sussex.

He died on 5 May 1789, and was buried at Marylebone. Immediately after his death his legal representatives burnt every letter in his possession without inspection.

His portrait, painted by Sir Joshua Reynolds, has been engraved by Bromley.

Baretti was tall in stature, and had a robust constitution. He was exceedingly temperate. He early abandoned the doctrines of the Roman catholic church, without adopting those of any other; but his scepticism was never offensively displayed. In England he is chiefly remembered as the friend of Dr. Johnson, and as the compiler of the Italian and Spanish dictionaries, though the English account of his ‘Travels’ is still sometimes read, and always with pleasure. In Italy his fame has been kept alive by reprints of his lively prose writings, and his continued popularity among his countrymen is proved by the fact that in 1870 a philocritical society called after him was founded at Florence.

His works are as follows: 1. ‘Stanze al


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In contrast to the Silurian, the North American Devonian deposits have not yielded a rich fauna of eurypterids, although the list of known species is continuously growing. The occurrence of eurypterids in the Holland Quarry shale, a lens locally underlying the Sylvania sandstone at the base of the Devonian in Lucas County, Ohio (see Carman, 1960), adds materially to our relatively meager knowledge of Devonian forms in North America.

The eurypterids in this Lower Devonian deposit are preserved as patches of integument up to four inches in diameter, although most patches cover no more than one or two inches. The preservation of these fragments is excellent, and permits study of minute details in structure and ornamentation. The eurypterids are intimately associated with numerous fishes and land plants in a dark gray to black bituminous shale with numerous single grains of coarse, round, frosted quartz sand, and clusters of these sand grains in pockets, along with small light-gray mud pellets (phosphatic?), some sulphur specks, selenite crystals, pyrite and coaly or carbonized streaks which probably represent mineralized plants. The fishes included are pteraspids, cyathaspids and arthrodires (see Denison, 1960). The pterygotids are by far the most common eurypterids present.

It is of interest to note again the intimate association of primitive fishes with eurypterids. In this bed, the pointed teeth of the large pterygotid chelicerae are very worn. The ends are rounded and all traces of the longitudinal ridges are worn off from the distal ends of the teeth.

It might be well to speculate on the prey on which these chelicerae were abraded. Besides the common fishes and eurypterids, no

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Baretti Padre Serafino Bianchi di Novara, M.O.R., che fa il Quaresimale di quest' anno in Cuneo,’ Cuneo, 1744, 12mo. 2. ‘Lettere ad un suo amico di Milano sopra un certo fatto del Dottor Biagio Schiavo da Este’ [Lugano], 1747, 4to. 3. ‘Poesie diverse scritte dal Baretti per varie occasioni dal 1741 al 1747.’ 4. ‘Tragedie di Pier Cornelio tradotte in versi italiani, con l'originale a fronte,’ 4 vols. Venice, 1747–8, 4to. 5. ‘Primo Cicalamento sopra le cinque Lettere del signor Giuseppe Bartoli intorno al libro che avrà per titolo “La vera spiegazione del Dittico Quiriniano”’ [Lugano], 1758, 8vo. 6. ‘Le piacevoli Poesie di Giuseppe Baretti Torinese,’ Turin, 1750, 1764, 8vo. Minute biographical details concerning Baretti's poems are given by the Baron Custodi in the ‘Scritti scelti di Baretti.’ 7. ‘Fetonte sulle rive del Po,’ Turin, 1750, 4to. A dramatic composition on the occasion of the marriage of Victor Amadeus, duke of Savoy. 8. ‘Dei rimedj d'Amore d'Ovidio volgarizzati,’ Milan, 1752, 4to. 9. ‘Li tre Libri degli Amori d'Ovidio volgarizzati.’ These are given in vols. xxix. and xxx. of the Milan collection of Latin poems in the Italian versions (1754). 10. ‘Projet pour avoir un Opéra Italien à Londres dans un goût tout nouveau,’ Lond. 1753, 8vo. 11. ‘La voix de la Discorde, ou la Bataille des Violons,’ &c. Lond. 1753, 8vo. Written in French and in English. 12. ‘A Dissertation upon the Italian Poetry, in which are interspersed some Remarks on Mr. Voltaire's “Essay on the Epic Poets,”’ Lond. 1753, 8vo. 13. The Italian translation which accompanied ‘An Account of an Attempt to ascertain the Longitude at Sea’ published under the name of Zachariah Williams in 1755, but really written by Dr. Johnson (, Life of Johnson, ed. Croker, ii. 55). 14. ‘The Italian Library; containing an Account of the Lives and Works of the most valuable Authors of Italy; with preface,’ Lond. 1757, 8vo. 15. ‘A Dictionary of the English and Italian Languages, augmented with above ten thousand words omitted in the last edition of Altieri. To which is added an Italian and English Grammar,’ 2 vols. Lond. 1760, 4to, and again 1770 and 1778; corrected and improved by P. Ricci Rota, 2 vols. Lond. 1790, 4to; 2 vols. Venice, 1795, 4to; 2 vols. Lond. 1807, 8vo (called the 4th ed.); revised and corrected by J. Roster, 2 vols. Florence, 1816, 4to; 7th ed. 2 vols. Lond. 1824, 8vo; 2 vols. Leghorn, 1828, 4to; 8th ed. corrected by C. Thomson, 2 vols. Lond. 1831, 8vo; 9th ed. also corrected by Thomson, 2 vols. Lond. 1839, 8vo; and with large additions by John Davenport and Guglielmo Comelati, 2 vols. Lond. 1854, 8vo. 16. ‘A Grammar of the Italian Language, to which is added an English Grammar for the use of the Italians,’ Lond. 1762, 8vo. A reprint, in a separate form, of the grammars prefixed to the ‘Dictionary.’ 17. ‘Lettere familiari a suoi tre fratelli Filippo, Giovanni e Amadeo,’ vol. i. Milan, 1762, vol. ii. Venice, 1763, 8vo; 3rd ed. 2 vols. Piacenza, 1805, 8vo. 18. ‘La Frusta Letteraria di Aristarco Scannabue, 1763 al 1765,’ 3 vols. 4to [see above]; reprinted at Carpi in 1799, and at Milan in 1804. 19. ‘An Account of the Manners and Customs of Italy, with observations on the mistakes of some travellers with regard to that country,’ Lond. 1768 and 1769, 4to. Baretti added to the second edition of his ‘Account’ ‘An Appendix in answer to Mr. Sharp's Reply.’ Baretti's book was translated into French and Italian. 20. ‘A Journey from London to Genoa, through England, Portugal, Spain, and France,’ 2 vols. Lond. 1770, 4to. This work was translated into French and Italian. 21. ‘Proposals for printing the Life of Friar Gerund,’ 1771, 4to. It was intended to print the original Spanish. The scheme proved abortive, but a translation by Dr. Warner was printed in 2 vols. 8vo. 22. ‘An Introduction to the most useful European Languages, consisting of select passages from the most celebrated English, French, Italian, and Spanish authors; with translations,’ Lond. 1772, 8vo. 23. Preface to the new edition of ‘Tutte le Opere di Niccolò Machiavelli,’ 3 vols. Lond. 1772, 4to. Baretti also wrote the prefaces to the reprints of other classical authors published in London. 24. ‘Easy Phraseology for the use of young ladies who intend to learn the colloquial part of the Italian language,’ Lond. 1775, 8vo, with preface by Dr. Johnson. 25. ‘Discours sur Shakespeare et sur Monsieur de Voltaire,’ Lond. 1777, 8vo. Luigi Morandi published at Rome in 1882, ‘Voltaire contro Shakespeare, Baretti contro Voltaire. Con otto lettere del Baretti, non mai pubblicate in Italia.’ These eight letters appeared in the ‘Scelta di Lettere Familiari,’ but were omitted from the reprint of that work in the ‘Classici Italiani.’ 26. ‘A Dictionary, Spanish and English, and English and Spanish,’ 2nd ed. 2 vols. Lond. 1778, fol.; reprinted in 1786, 1794, and 1800. Other editions corrected and amplified by Henry Neuman appeared in 1827 [1831?], 1853, 1854, and 1857. 27. ‘Delle Arti del Disegno, Discorsi del Cav. Giosuè Reynolds, Presidente della R. Accademia di Londra ec., trasportati dall' Inglese in Italiano,’ Leghorn, with the imprint of Florence, 1778, 8vo. 28. The Introduction to the ‘Carmen Seculare’ of Horace, as set to music by Baretti, in conjunction with Philidor, Lond. 1779, 8vo.


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 432 to go, all they had to do was to get into the big cocoa-nut root basket. Trustfully the maids of heaven crept into this aquatic carriage, which the provident Bajikole carefully weighted with stones. Then, with a heave and a splash, away they sailed to the bottom of the sea, whilst Bajikole returned to land. And at the bottom of the sea they would have remained had not the great god Tangaloa at length interposed on their behalf.

It is said that this irreverent conduct of Bajikole was responsible for both Niua and Samoa being long held in disfavour by the whole Polynesian pantheon.

, D.D.

(See Vol. xix. p. 379; and xx. 89, 227.)

The following letter from Professor F. W. Tilden of the University, Indiana, has been kindly sent by Sir James Frazer:

"On August 10th, 1911, I drove out from Edinburgh to the small town at the end of the Firth of Forth Bridge, and there saw a boy dressed entirely in a suit of burs, being led about by other youths, collecting pennies. I was told by a bystander that the custom had been observed there for four hundred years, and that originally the person was called the Borough Man, and later the Bur Man."

A correspondent of Country Life of 25th November, 1916, describes the door of a farm-house cupboard marked with the shape of a heart. At the base of the heart was a diamond-shaped figure. He was informed that recently at a betrothal party each guest was asked to bore a hole in the cupboard door, the number of holes representing the number of guests. The diamond-shaped figure represented hearts' blood, and it was made some time afterwards to show that one of the betrothed pair died before marriage. Further accounts of similar betrothal customs would be interesting.

.


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 remains are present. It is difficult to explain the intimate association of fishes and eurypterids not only in this black shale but also throughout the Silurian and Devonian sections other than by the conclusion that one served as prey for the other. In the Ohio Devonian, the pterygotids surpassed five feet in length (from the anterior of the carapace to the end of the telson) and were armed with stout and formidable chelicerae which, with their strong teeth, served as excellent grasping organs. Also, the pterygotids were active swimmers, as suggested by the flattened body and great telsonic flipper. In contrast to these active swimmers, the associated eurypterids, namely, Dolichopterus asperatus and Syntomopterus richardsoni, had simple, small chelicerae not serviceable as weapons of either defense or predation; both were probably benthonic forms, crawling on the mud but perhaps capable of swimming to a limited extent. These could well have been prey to the fishes and, indeed, to the large pterygotids. However, in this shale the fishes are the only animals with a covering rigid and hard enough to abrade the tough pincer-teeth of the pterygotids.

The numerous and persistent instances of the intimate association of pterygotids with primitive fishes throughout Silurian and Devonian time, as well as the presence of the greatly abraded teeth in the pterygotids herein described, point to the tentative conclusion that the fishes were a source of food to the great pterygotids.

The four forms from the Ohio Lower Devonian are different from any of the described North American species. In particular, there is no basis for comparison with the eurypterids of the Lower Devonian Beartooth Butte (listed above as "Wyoming"), as each species is quite different. The same is true of a comparison with the Lower Devonian of the Rhineland, Germany (Størmer, 1936). The Ohio Lower Devonian eurypterid fauna retains such Silurian elements as Erettopterus and Dolichopterus, two genera previously unknown above the Silurian. Pterygotus (Pterygotus) carmani likewise shows closer relationship to Silurian than to Devonian forms. The Downtonian eurypterids of the Welsh borderland seem to bear closest resemblance to the Ohio forms. The Downtonian is considered Devonian by some authors, although it has been recognized for many decades as a transition zone between Silurian and Devonian. Our knowledge of Devonian and even Downtonian eurypterids is still far from complete, and correlations on the basis of these fossils are not desirable at the present time. Undoubtedly, the highly specialized eurypterids will constitute good index fossils when more is known of their


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Rh

All friends of the bride give her presents of bedclothes, it being an honour or mark of superiority to have many pairs of blankets. All those bidden to the "Bedding," as it is called, have to heap their gifts on the bed, and in the end there is quite an erection. Most of it however is removed the night of the wedding.

The bridegroom has to supply the bride's boots and shoes for her trousseau, and all clothes, save underwear.

The bride has to have her feet washed the day before, money put in the water in which this is done, and when the bride sits with her feet in the basin or tub, her girl friends scramble for the coin, with which they buy sweets.

The top portion of the wedding cake is kept for the christening of the first-born child.

Collected neighbourhood of Cromarty, N.B., 1914.

The eve of the annual celebration of Obalufon (deity) known as Gbolodo came off on the night of Saturday, the 16th instant. Great importance is attached to the worship of this deity, being the only Orisa in Egbaland, upon whose altar human life was formerly sacrificed annually. Its worship is confined to the township of Ikereku, and is regarded by them as of national importance. Thanks to the influence of the British Government, the barbarous custom of offering human life has long since become a thing of the past. The most curious part of the ceremonies is, that before this Orisa, every worshipper must curse instead of blessing himself; for it is their belief that it gives the opposite of what a man asks. Thus a man who wants wealth will ask for poverty, etc., etc.—Nigeria Pioneer, 22nd September 1916.

The above extract has been kindly forwarded by Sir James Frazer, who remarks: "The custom of cursing as a mode of securing a blessing is so comparatively rare that this instance from West Africa deserves a record in Folk-Lore."


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. They do so in parts of the Upper Silurian of New York, where the various specific ranges are well known.

The list of North American eurypterids of the Devonian is as follows:

The ecological conditions are discussed by Dr. Denison in his paper on fishes (1960, p. 610) and will not be repeated here.

This large eurypterid is the most common element of the Lower Devonian eurypterid fauna of Lucas County. Most of the patches


text: Folk-Lore/Volume 27/The Worship of the God Obalufou: Cursing to Obtain a Blessing


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And now that we have the inevitable aftermath; now that business men, farmers, all are seeking aid from the Government because of ruinously low prices; now that we see panic in Japan, moratoriums in Boston, Cuba asking and even getting countenance from our Government, that there may be resources to carry it through; business men on all sides seeking and getting extensions; men by the thousands losing their occupations, it is being asked: "How was it possible to predict accurately the inevitability of all this, in the foregoing pages, written at a time when everything was at the highest, and the public convinced that it was there to stay forever?"

It is regrettable, however, that credit cannot be accepted. The task was no more difficult than predicting that the sun will rise to-morrow. Even an elementary inquiry as to economic law at once establishes that all


text: Folk-Lore/Volume 27/Obituary/Marian Emily Roalfe Cox


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 of integument retaining typical Pterygotus ornamentation probably belong to this species, although part may be referable to the rarer Pterygotus (Erettopterus) serratus (see p. 87). The species is based on three incomplete chelicerae, the gnathobases of two coxae, a metastoma, and a pretelson. Fragments described herein indicate a form that reached an overall length of body, exclusive of the long chelicerae, of more than five feet, a size not unusually large for the genus.

The holotype (PE5105) comprises fragments of an articulated chelicera retaining the proximal part of both rami (see fig. 35). Two of the specimens designated as paratypes (PE5106 and PE5107) retain the base and ramus of the chelicera, as well as parts of the fixed and free rami (see figs. 36 and 37). A reconstruction of an almost complete chelicera is therefore possible (see fig. 38).

The hand of the chelicera comprises a rather slender, rectangular structure, without any trace of ornamentation. The rami are slender, and the free ramus is slightly more curved. The distal ends are missing in our specimens. On the inner edge of the rami are a number of teeth, all of which are curved backward and are stout and unusually short. Part of this general stoutness of the teeth is due to conspicuous wearing, as the distal part of each tooth has been rounded off as if by an abrasive. However, part of the general stout aspect is inherent. The majority of the teeth are small, with several large, thick teeth interspersed. The central, or principal, tooth of the free ramus (no. 1 in figs. 35–38) is the largest, and is represented by a curved, thick structure. Nearly opposite this tooth is a similar but smaller tooth (no. 3). In front of this tooth is another one, half as large (no. 4). This combination is present on all chelicerae of this species.

Each tooth is longitudinally marked by narrow ridges, which generally are described in the literature as striations, anastomosing furrows, or fine longitudinal furrows. In reality, these structures are longitudinal ridges strengthening the individual tooth and are not furrows or striations. The longitudinal ridges are worn off at the distal end of most teeth in the present specimens.

The hand of specimen PE5107 measures 18.5 mm. at midsection; the large tooth (no. 3) is 3 mm. long by 2.2 mm. wide; the ramus, opposite the no. 3 tooth, is 6.3 mm. wide. In the holotype (PE5105) the free ramus opposite the no. 1 tooth is 14.5 mm. in diameter, and the principal tooth, which has been broken out, measures 9.1 mm. in length and 6.3 mm. at the base. Paratype no. PE5106 is approximately the same size as paratype PE5107.


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Barham a monthly magazine of divinity and universal literature,’ Lond. (1845), 8vo. No portion of the projected magazine was ever published. 9. ‘An Odd Medley of Literary Curiosities, original and selected,’ Lond. (1845) 8vo. This volume contains a memoir of James Pierrepont Greaves. 10. ‘A Key to Alism and the highest initiations, Sacred and Secular. With Miscellaneous Pieces, original and select,’ Lond. 1847, 8vo. 11. ‘The Bible revised. A carefully corrected translation of the Old and New Testament,’ Lond. 1848, 8vo. In three parts, containing the Book of Ecclesiastes, the Song of Solomon, and the Book of Micah.’ 12. ‘The New Bristol Guide, a poem,’ Bristol, 1850, 8vo. 13. ‘The Pleasures of Piety, a poem,’ London, 1850, 18mo. 14. ‘A Life of Edward Colston of Bristol.’ 15. ‘Improved Monotessaron, a complete authentic Gospel Life of Christ, combining the words of the four Gospels in a revised version and an orderly chronological arrangement,’ Lond. 1862, 12mo. 16. ‘Lokman's Arabic Fables, literally translated into English (word for word),’ Bath, 1869, 12mo. 17. ‘A Rhymed Harmony of the Gospels. By F. Barham and Isaac Pitman. Printed both in the phonetic and the customary spelling,’ Lond. 1870, 8vo. 18. ‘The Writings of Solomon, comprising the Book of Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Song of Solomon, and Psalms lxxii. cxxvii. Translated. Printed both in phonetic and in the customary spelling,’ Lond. 1870, 16mo. 19. ‘A Revised Version of the Prophecies of Hosea and Micah,’ Lond. 1870, 8vo. 20. ‘The Book of Job, newly translated from the original. Printed both in the phonetic and the customary spelling,’ Lond. 1871, 8vo. 21. ‘An Elucidated Translation of St. John's Epistles, from the Greek and Syriac, with a devotional commentary,’ Lond. 1871, 8vo. 22. ‘The Book of Psalms, translated from the Hebrew and the Syriac. By F. Barham and Edward Hare,’ Lond. 1871, 8vo.

Barham left behind him 116 lb. weight of manuscript, much of it in a small handwriting. It consists of treatises on Christianity, missions, church government, temperance, poems in blank verse, rhymed poetry, and a few dramas. From this mass of papers Mr. Isaac Pitman selected about seven pounds, and printed them in his ‘Memorial of Francis Barham,’ Lond. 1873, 8vo. This volume, which is mostly in the phonetic character, contains reprints of the ‘Memoir of James Greaves,’ ‘Lokman's Fables,’ the ‘Life of Reuchlin,’ and the ‘Rhymed Harmony of the Gospels.’

[Pitman's Memorial of Francis Barham; Boase and Courtney's Bibl. Cornubiensis, i. 11, iii. 1048; Notes and Queries, 3rd ser. v. 36, 120, 5th ser. ix. 268, 374; Cat. of Printed Books in Brit. Mus.]  BARHAM, HENRY, F.R.S. (1670?–1726), a writer on natural history, was born about 1670, and was descended from the Barhams of Barham Court in Kent. In books of reference he has hitherto been confounded with his son, Henry Barham, M.D. The main events of his life are recorded by himself in one of his letters to Sir Hans Sloane (Sloane MS. 4036, pp. 357–358). His father, a physician, intended to give him a university education, but died before he could carry out his wishes. As the mother married soon afterwards, the boy, then about fourteen years of age, was left to his own resources, and became apprentice to a surgeon. This situation he left to become surgeon's mate in the Vanguard, from which he was promoted to be master surgeon in another man-of-war. Tiring of the monotony of his life he went to Spain, thence to Madras, and thence to Jamaica. As in 1720 (Add. MS. 22639, f. 19) he refers to his son as having practised physic and surgery in Jamaica for the last twenty years, he himself had probably settled in the island twenty years before the end of the century. According to his own account he obtained a lucrative practice, and was appointed surgeon-major of the military forces in the island. About 1716 he came to England and settled at Chelsea, devoting his chief attention to the rearing of the silkworm and the manufacture of silk, on which subject he published a treatise in 1719. His name appears in 1717 on the list of members of the Royal Society, and he states also that shortly after he came to England he was made free of the Company of Surgeons, but his hopes of obtaining the diploma of M.D. do not appear to have been fulfilled, for the only change that occurs in his designation on the roll of the Royal Society is from ‘Mr.’ to ‘Esquire.’ In his application, in 1720, for the situation of mineral superintendent to a company formed to prosecute silver mining in Jamaica (Add. MS. 22639, ff. 18–20), he stated that his business prospects were so good that he could not sacrifice them for less than 500l. a year. He received the situation on his own terms; but the enterprise, which had been undertaken chiefly through his representations, proved a complete failure, and though a year's salary was due to him it was never paid. He continued, however, to reside in Jamaica till his death at Spanish Town in May 1726 (Sloane MS. 4036, p. 377). A memorial tablet is in the cathedral at Spanish Town ( Monuments of Spanish Town, p. 38).

Barham states that after he came to Jamaica


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 PREFACE

the National Museum in Florence is a marble statue which Michael Angelo called "The Victor." It represents the beautiful nude figure of a young man, with curly hair over a low forehead. Standing erect, he has placed his knee on the back of a bearded prisoner, who bends and, like an ox, stretches his head forward. But the victor looks not upon him. When about to strike he stays his hand, and turns away his sad mouth and irresolute eyes. His arm falls back towards his shoulder. He throws himself backwards. A desire for victory no longer fills his heart—it is repulsive to him. Though he has conquered, he in turn is vanquished.

This representation of heroic Doubt, this victory with shattered wings (which was the only one of all the works of Michael Angelo to remain in his Florence studio until the day of his death, and which Daniello da Volterra, the bosom friend who was acquainted with his thoughts, wished to use in the ornamentation of his catafalque) is Michael Angelo himself and the symbol of his whole life.

Suffering is infinite and assumes a multitude of forms. At one time it is caused by the blind tyranny

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text: The Life of Michael Angelo/Preface

title: The Life of Michael Angelo/Preface


text: Folk-Lore/Volume 27/Marriage Customs in Cromarty


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 {| align="center" width="700px" . 35. Holotype of Pterygotus (Pterygotus) carmani, n. sp., PE5105. Part of a chelicera; natural size. . 36. Paratype of Pterygotus (Pterygotus) carmani, n. sp., PE5106. Part of a chelicera; ✕ 2. . Paratype of Pterygotus (Pterygotus) carmani, n. sp., PE5107. The fixed ramus of a chelicera; ✕ 2. . 38. Composite of known parts of chelicera of Pterygotus (Pterygotus) carmani, n. sp.; natural size.
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The gnathobase of the coxa of the swimming legs (figs. 39, 40) comprises a row of triangular, curved teeth, progressively smaller from anterior to posterior. A complete gnathobase (fig. 40) reveals that the anterior tooth is largest, and that 13 teeth are present. Another, but larger, gnathobase (fig. 39) is incomplete and lacks the anterior two teeth. The width of the gnathobase illustrated (fig. 40; specimen PE5109) is 20.3 mm.; the first tooth is 3.5 mm. in length


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Barham he ‘read many books, especially physical.’ His letters and manuscripts indicate that in early life his education had been much neglected; but although apt also to be led astray by fantastic and utopian ideas, he possessed undoubtedly great ingenuity and a very minute knowledge of the fauna and flora of Jamaica. Logwood, now so common there, was introduced by him in 1715. Sir Hans Sloane, who refers to him in terms of high commendation, received from him many valuable communications, of which he made large use in his ‘Natural History of Jamaica.’ Among these was a treatise, ‘Hortus Americanus,’ sent in 1711. This treatise was published in 1794 with a preface in which it is stated to be the work of Henry Barham, M.D., who, it is added, practised as a physician in Jamaica from the beginning of the century, and after acquiring large property by marriage returned to England in 1740 and settled at Staines near Egham. The Henry Barham thus referred to was the son of Henry Barham, F.R.S., but that the father was the author of the book is proved beyond all doubt by letters in the Sloane MSS. (4036). Henry Barham, F.R.S., wrote also a ‘History of Jamaica,’ which his son, after his death, sent to Sir Hans Sloane, ‘to see the best method of printing it,’ but it was never published. The original copy, in the handwriting of the father, and inscribed ‘wrote by Henry Barham, Senr. F.R.S.,’ is in the British Museum (Sloane MS. 3918). In another copy, in a different hand (Add. MS. 12422), there is a note by E. Long erroneously attributing the work to Henry Barham, M.D. Barham also wrote two papers for the Royal Society: ‘An Account of a Fiery Meteor seen in Jamaica to strike the Earth,’ Phil. Trans. 1718, Abrev. vi. p. 368; and ‘Observations on the Produce of the Silkworm and of Silk in England,’ 1719, Abrev. vi. p. 426.

[Sloane MSS. 4036, f. 84, 3918; Add. MSS. 22639, ff. 18–20, 12422; Sloane's Natural History of Jamaica, Introduction ii. vii–x.]  BARHAM, NICHOLAS (d. 1577), lawyer, was a native of Wadhurst, Sussex. His family had been settled there for some generations, being a branch of the Barhams of Teston House, Teston, Kent, descended from Robert de Berham, upon whom the estates of his kinsman, Reginald Fitzurse, notorious as one of the murderers of Thomas Becket, devolved upon his flight into Ireland after the murder. Nicholas Barham was called to the bar at Gray's Inn in 1542, became an ‘ancient’ of that society 24 May 1552, Lent reader in 1558, and was made serjeant-at-law in 1567, having previously (1562–3) been returned to parliament as member for Maidstone, of which town he also appears to have been recorder. Dugdale does not place him in the list of queen's serjeants until 1573. He is, however, so designated in certain papers relating to the trial of the Duke of Norfolk for high treason in conspiring with the Queen of Scots to depose Elizabeth, under date 1571–2. He was entrusted with the conduct of that famous prosecution, and seems to have displayed therein considerable ability and energy and some unscrupulousness. Thus it is perfectly clear, from a letter from Sir Thomas Smith to Lord Burghley, that the rack was employed in eliciting evidence from a witness, Banister by name, one of the duke's agents. Yet, on the duke, after the confession of the witness had been read, remarking ‘Banister was shrewdly cramped when he told that tale,’ Barham, who had been present at the examination, replied without hesitation, ‘No more than you were.’ The trial of the duke took place in Westminster Hall 16 Jan. 1571–2. In the following February Barham was engaged in prosecuting a less illustrious offender, the duke's secretary, Robert Higford, at the Queen's Bench, on the charge of adhering to and comforting the queen's enemies. Higford was found guilty and, like his master, condemned to death. After this we see no more of Barham until 1577, when we find him present at the Oxford assizes during the prosecution of a malcontent bookbinder, Rowland Jencks by name, a Roman catholic, and vehemently opposed to the existing order of things. Apparently he had been guilty of little more than speaking evil of dignities and keeping away from church; but the university authorities, judging it necessary to make an example, had him arrested and sent to London to undergo examination, whence he was returned to Oxford to stand his trial. This took place 4 July, when he was sentenced to lose his ears, as in due course he did. Jencks, however, was amply avenged. ‘Judgment being passed,’ says Wood, ‘and the prisoner taken away, there rose such an infectious damp or breath among the people that many there present were then smothered, and others so deeply infected that they lived not many days after.’ There was a sudden outbreak of gaol-fever of a more than usually virulent kind, which destroyed within a few hours, if Wood is to be credited, besides Barham and Sir Robert Bell, baron of the exchequer, the high sheriff and his deputy, Sir William Babington, four justices of the peace, three gentlemen, and most of the jury, and in the course of the next five weeks more than five hundred other persons. Wood


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 gives a minute account of the symptoms, the chief of which were violent pain in the head and stomach, frenzy, hæmorrhage, and total inability to eat or sleep. Barham was survived by his wife, Mary, daughter of John Holt, of Cheshire, and one son, Arthur. He was the owner of two estates, one of which, known as Bigons or Digons, he had acquired by grant from the crown in 1554, the former proprietor having been implicated in the insurrection of Sir Thomas Wyatt; the other, the manor of Chillington, he purchased about the same time. Both estates were sold by his son Arthur. In the records of the corporation of Hastings is preserved a letter from one Nicholas Barham to the Right Hon. Lord Cobham, lord warden of the cinque ports, relative to a dispute between Hastings and Pevensey as to the title to some wreckage cast upon the shore in the neighbourhood of the latter town, as to which the opinion of the writer had been taken by the lord warden. The letter was read to the corporation of Hastings 29 April 1599, and, though undated, must have been written about that time. The author of a paper in the ‘Sussex Archæological Collections’ identifies this Nicholas Barham with the serjeant; but the contemporary evidence of Camden—who notes the epidemic at Oxford in 1577, and places Barham amongst the victims, and whose account Wood, while adding fresh details, follows in all essential particulars, together with the absence of any mention of Barham by Dugdale after 1573, though had he lived he would in all likelihood have been raised to the bench—appears to be conclusive against the identification, while there is nothing surprising in the coincidence of name, the Barhams being a numerous clan in Kent and Sussex, and Nicholas a name much affected by them. The Sussex branch of the family was largely concerned in the business of ironfounding, of which the county was, during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the seat. Wadhurst Church contains many mural tablets of iron inscribed with the names and arms of the gentry who were engaged in the manufacture, to some of whom the decay of the industry was very disastrous. The Barhams in particular suffered severely, sinking gradually into the position of handicraftsmen. An engraving of one of these iron mural tablets, dedicated to one John Barham, Esq., of Great Butts, who died in 1648, may be seen in the ‘Sussex Archæological Collections,’ ii. 200.

BARHAM, RICHARD HARRIS (1788–1845), author of the ‘Ingoldsby Legends,’ was born at Canterbury on 6 Dec. 1788, and was the son of Richard Harris Barham of Tappington Everard in the county of Kent. He was educated at St. Paul's School and at Brasenose College, and, though originally intended for the bar, took orders in 1813, and in 1817 was presented by the Archbishop of Canterbury to the living of Snargate in Romney Marsh. An accident which confined him to the house directed his active mind to literary composition as a resource against ennui, and in 1819 he produced his first work, a novel entitled ‘Baldwin,’ which fell dead from the press. Nothing daunted, he began to write ‘My Cousin Nicholas,’ and in 1821 was placed in a more favourable position for literary effort by obtaining a minor canonry in St. Paul's Cathedral. His energy, good sense, and good humour soon gained him the esteem and confidence of the chapter, and more especially the friendship of Bishop Copleston, dean of St. Paul's from 1827 to 1849. In 1824 he was presented to the living of St. Mary Magdalene and St. Gregory, and was made priest in ordinary of the chapels royal. The latter appointment brought him into closer intimacy with the eccentric Edward Cannon, and connection with the press introduced him to other kindred spirits, whose society fostered the talent for humorous composition in verse of which he had already given proof. His acquaintance with Theodore Hook dated from their college days. He contributed to ‘Blackwood’ and the ‘John Bull,’ and in 1834 ‘My Cousin Nicholas,’ which had long lain in his desk, was completed and published in the former periodical. Though endowed with indefatigable powers of work, Barham seems to have always required some strong external prompting to composition of any extent. His first novel was the result of an accident; his second was forced into completion by a friend who printed the first chapters without his knowledge; and, although he was continually throwing off humorous verse with great freedom and spirit, the ‘Ingoldsby Legends’ would probably never have existed but for his desire to aid his old friend and schoolfellow, the


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 publisher Bentley, in ‘Bentley's Miscellany,’ commenced under the editorship of Charles Dickens in January 1837. The magazine was originally intended to have been called ‘The Wits' Miscellany.’ ‘Why,’ urged Barham, when the change of title was suggested to him, ‘why go to the other extreme?’ This excellent mot has been erroneously attributed to Jerrold. ‘The Spectre of Tappington’ opened the series, and was speedily succeeded by a number of others, at first derived from the legendary lore of the author's ancestral locality in Kent, but soon enriched by satires on the topics of the day and subjects of pure invention, or borrowed from history or the ‘Acta Sanctorum.’ The later members of the series appeared in the ‘New Monthly Magazine.’ The success of the ‘Legends’ was pronounced from the first, and when published collectively in 1840 they at once took the high place in humorous literature which they have ever since retained. A second series was added in 1847, and a third was edited by his son in the same year. In 1842 Barham was appointed divinity lecturer at St. Paul's, and exchanged his living for St. Faith's, also in the city. In 1840 the death of his youngest son had inflicted a blow upon him from which he never recovered, and in 1844 a cold caught at the opening of the Royal Exchange, and aggravated by his neglect of precautions, laid the foundation of a fatal illness. He died on 17 June 1845, having written his pathetic lines, ‘As I laye a-Thynkynge,’ a few days previously.

Barham owes his honourable rank among English humourists to his having done one thing supremely well. He has thoroughly naturalised the French metrical conte with the adaptations necessary to accommodate it to our national genius. French humour is rather finely malicious than genial: Barham carries geniality to the verge of the exuberant. He riots in fancy and frolic, and his inexhaustible faculty of grotesque rhyming is but the counterpart of his intellectual fertility in the domain of farcical humour. There is, indeed, an element of farce in his fun, an excessive reliance on forced contrasts between the ghastly and the ludicrous, and a not unfrequent straining after cheap effects; nor can the most successful work of the professional jester be compared to the recreation of a great poet, such as Browning's ‘Pied Piper of Hamelin.’ It is nevertheless true that no English author, with the exception of Hood, has produced such a body of excellent rhymed mirth as Barham; and that, if his humour is less refined than Hood's, and his gaiety not equally purified and ennobled by being dashed with tears, he excels his rival as a narrative poet. He may, indeed, be said to have prescribed the norm in our language for humorous narrative in irregular verse, which can now hardly be composed without seeming to imitate him.

As a man Barham was exemplary, a pattern Englishman of the most distinctively national type. The associate of men of wit and gaiety, making himself no pretension to any extraordinary strictness of conduct, he passed through life with perfect credit as a clergyman and universal respect as a member of society. He mitigated the prejudices of his education by the innate candour of his disposition, and added to other endowments soundness of judgment and solidity of good sense.

 BARHAM, THOMAS FOSTER (1766–1844), musician and miscellaneous writer, the third son of Joseph Foster, who took the name of Barham by authority of a private act of parliament, and in accordance with the will of Henry Barham, was born at Bedford, 8 Oct. 1766, and educated at St. John's College, Cambridge, where he graduated B.A. as Thomas Foster in 1792. After his university course he travelled on the Continent. On his return he became connected with the mercantile house of Plummer & Co., but ill-health obliged him to leave London, and to retire into the west of England, where he finally settled at Leskinnick, near Penzance, Cornwall. He died there 25 Feb. 1844. He married in 1790 Mary Ann, eldest daughter of the Rev. Joshua Morton, of Blackheath, and by this lady had six children, of whom Charles, Francis, Thomas, and William are mentioned in separate articles in this work.

His principal publications are: 1. ‘Letter from a Trinitarian to a Unitarian,’ Penzance, 1811. 2. ‘Musical Meditations, consisting of original compositions, vocal and instrumental,’ Lond. 1811, 2nd set 1815. 3. ‘Abdallah or the Arabian Martyr, a Christian drama in three acts’ [and in verse], Lond. 1820, 2nd edit., Penzance, 1821. 4. ‘Elijah, a sacred poem in four cantos,’ Lond. 1822. 5. ‘Colonel Gardiner, a Christian drama in three parts,’ Lond. 1823. 6. ‘Pergolesi's celebrated Stabat Mater or Calvary; with English words written for the purpose, substituted in the place of the ancient Latin verses, and the instrumental parts arranged for the organ or pianoforte,’ &c., 1829.


text: Folk-Lore/Volume 27/Examples of Folk Memory from Staffordshire


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 {| width="700px" align="center" . 39. Pterygotus (Pterygotus) carmani, n. sp., paratype, PE5110; ✕ 3.5. Part of gnathobase of coxa of swimming leg. Ruled line, one centimeter. . 40. Gnathobase of coxa of swimming leg of Pterygotus (Pterygotus) carmani, n. sp., paratype, PE5109. Shading indicates preserved patches of test. Ruled line, one centimeter.
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and 2.7 mm. in width. The incomplete structure in figure 39 (specimen PE5110) is 21.5 mm. in width.

The gnathobase of the coxa of one of the walking legs (PE5113) measures 17 mm. in width; it bears at least 18 teeth, of which the second tooth is the largest and measures 5.5 mm. in length. The teeth are slender and pointed and become exceedingly slender in the posterior part of the gnathobase.

The metastoma is represented by a single specimen (PE5112 a and b) in which the posterior third is missing. It is an ovoid-cordate plate, deeply indented on the anterior margin and reaching its greatest width slightly anterior to the midsection. It is covered with large scales, more prominently developed on the anterior part. The metastoma is 41.0 mm. in greatest width with an estimated length of 55.0 mm. (see fig. 41).

The mesosoma is undoubtedly represented by many of the fragments found throughout the black shale but these cannot be determined as belonging certainly to P. carmani. Another pterygotid, P. (Erettopterus) serratus, which has similar ornamentation, is


text: The Life of Michael Angelo/Introduction

title: The Life of Michael Angelo/Introduction


text: The Life of Michael Angelo/Strength

title: The Life of Michael Angelo/Strength