text:
Talk:Breen (Star Trek)

First mention
Weren't the Breen introduced in TOS?

 * No, their first mention was in TNG. Their first onscreen appearance was on DS9.--Fallout boy 10:17, 26 February 2006 (UTC)

Diet
The article says that the Breen "eat algae paste". I assume this is from the DS9 episode "'Til Death Do Us Part" when Worf and Ezri were given that to eat. However they were prisoners. Prisoners are not usually fed what their captors eat. If the Breen diet was not mentioned anywhere else, then shouldn't the line about Breen eating algae paste be removed? Kwyjibear 06:36, 11 August 2006 (UTC)

 * I don't think it should've been removed, but clarified to indicate that this is what Worf and Ezri were given. I'm going to review that episode, and add it back in with a proper contextual explanation. Nightscream (talk) 23:06, 28 July 2008 (UTC)

Another use of "Breen"
Breen was also the original term for citizens of Bregna in the animated version of Æon Flux. The movie page and video game page made reference to the term "Bregnan", and thankfully, this was not used in the movie. After all, what's the point of having a name for the citizens of a country, when there is only one left?

 * Breen is also the primary bad guy of Half-Life 2, and the narn version of meatballs in Babylon 5. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 81.233.196.49 (talk) 11:34, 23 June 2008 (UTC)

Weyoun's Comment
Isn't it possible that Weyoun found the Breen homeworld to be pleasant mearly because he was genetically engineered by the founders? I mean, c'mon, we clearly see him in one episode drinking a bottle of poison laced drink that is udnerstood to be able to kill an organism of any other species many times over!

Picture
That's a pretty terrible picture. Are there better ones out there?

The "contradictions" section
I have significantly trimmed the contradictions section, because it sounded as if it was written by a TNG-loving/DS9-hating Trekkie in that, aside from the fact that it was arguably not an "overhaul" when they were introduced as Dominion allies (given their lack of exposure, literally), most "contradictions can be explained away with a little common sense. The fact that the Breen energy weapon is a great example; who's to say it wasn't simply a new invention? The Breen are held to be fierce warriors, but the energy weapon that disabled the Federation/Romulan/Klingon ships was essentially useless once those fleets adapted. Another is Dukat's mention of a Breen embassy - so it's a frozen wasteland, and he's hoping to send his adversary there because Cardassians hate the cold, so what? It's not at all unbelievable that the Breen, with those complex suits, have technology allowing other species to visit their world. Moulder 22:35, 5 June 2006 (UTC)

 * It could be that the Breen planet has a mainly frozen environment with a temperate area around the equator, which could be used to allow alien species to visit. Why should the entire planet haev the same climate?

Dan Tessier, 6th April 2007

Affiliation ?
The Breen's affiliation to Dominion can be only assumed to be valid upto the The Treaty Of Bajor, where the existence of the Dominion would be in dispute. Kingbarney 25 June 2007 23:11 UCT

 * I added a clarification to that. Nightscream (talk) 23:06, 28 July 2008 (UTC)

Assessment
I have added a quality assessment rating and importance rating to this article. Feel free to change them as the article improves! Also, feel free to add more issues to the list below, and strike them out ( strike ) when they're completed. — OranL (talk) 22:52, 28 July 2008 (UTC)

Notable issues
The article lacks sources for much of the information which could lead readers to believe that this is original research. User:OranL 22:52, 28 July 2008

 * Most of the info in the article is sourced. The only thing I could find that wasn't was the assertion about them originating a Ferengi Rule of Acquisition, which I removed. What else is unsourced? Nightscream (talk) 23:06, 28 July 2008 (UTC)

 * The lead section doesn't have any in-line citations. I only see one citation in the History and culture section. If you have sources for any of this information, would you be able to add them using  tags in-line with the text? This way, there will be no question if the information is original research. Thank you for your help! User:OranL 23:57, 28 July 2008

Citations that use the  tags are not the only types of citations. One way to cite a source is to explicitly name the source in the text itself. (i.e.: "In his Pulitzer Prize-winning book, Profiles in Courage, John F. Kennedy said...") Because most of the citations in this article are episodes of the shows, the episode names are thus mentioned. There are two in the Lead section, and nine in the History section, which combined with the one "ref"-formatted one you mentioned, brings the total for that section to ten. Also, please don't add bullets (unless you're listing something) or other unnecessary formatting functions that are not a part of typical Talk Page etiquette. It might confuse the succession of indentations, and make it harder to read the page and differentiate each person's posts. And please make sure to sign your posts, so we know who we're talking to. You can do this by typing four tildes. (~) Thanks. Nightscream (talk) 01:06, 29 July 2008 (UTC)

Bad grammar and bad wiring.
The main article says; "The switches for the lights on the helmets were inside them, requiring the actor to remove them in order to turn them on and off. For reasons unknown to production personnel, the nine-volt batteries that powered them only lasted minutes before burning out." (bold emphasis mine)

I ain't no English major but I see some serious pronoun problems with the word "them" as used above. Can someone who is an English major fix this please?

On a side note... Based on some of stories from friends I have heard about similar lighting problems on various movie sets. I would bet a week's pay that the tech who wired the lights on the helmets wired them in series instead of in parallel. Mystery solved, even if it is illegal and supposition. :) 66.102.204.43 (talk) 20:11, 1 February 2009 (UTC)
 * Done. Nightscream (talk) 23:38, 1 February 2009 (UTC)

Boushh?
No mention of the fact that the Breen look and sound an awful lot like Boushh in Return of the Jedi? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 75.42.88.243 (talk) 08:59, 15 May 2009 (UTC)

 * Please see WP:Verifiability, WP:No Original Research (and in particular WP:SYNTH) Any information added to the article needs to be supported by reliable, verifiable, published sources. Right now, the only ones in the article indicate that the design was derived from ideas other than Star Wars. But if you know of or can find any sources for the resemblance, feel free to add them. Nightscream (talk) 20:58, 13 February 2012 (UTC)

Arctic Wolf
There's a line in Production History: "The look of the Breen masks, which includes a "snout", was derived from the visual suggestion that they are a snouted species, like an Arctic wolf" - There's nothing significant (or especially Breen-like) about the Artic Wolf, as opposed to any wolf, or indeed any snouted animal, lions or bears or badgers (oh my). Is there any actual relationship between the Breen design and specifically Arctic Wolves, or can the reference be removed? -- PaulxSA (talk) 06:49, 1 September 2018 (UTC)

 * That piece of information, including the specification of an Arctic wolf, is what was given in the cited source. Therefore, it's inclusion is appropriate. Nightscream (talk) 20:19, 1 September 2018 (UTC)

title: Talk:Breen (Star Trek)


text:
Let's Get Small

Let's Get Small (1977) is an album by American comedian Steve Martin. It includes "Excuse Me", a comedy bit whose title went on to become a national catchphrase. The album went platinum and peaked at No. 10 on the Billboard Pop Albums Chart.

It was recorded at The Boarding House in San Francisco, California.

This album won the Grammy Award in 1978 for Best Comedy Album.

Some of Martin's bits were dependent on visual demonstration, such as when he dances as a Vegas pop singer on the track "Las Vegas" (presumably recognizing this in the context of recording the album, Martin's shoes are audible and quite loud as he performs the dance on this track) and also during the "Let's Get Small" track where he discusses getting small while driving — here he mimed driving a car while being so short as to barely reach the bottom of the steering wheel. Martin had debuted this particular bit in a February 26, 1977 appearance on the show Saturday Night Live.

The album cover shows Martin wearing balloon animals, bunny ears, Groucho Marx glasses, and a fake arrow through his head; these were all staples of his live act. He made balloon animals on some of his Saturday Night Live appearances as well as his guest appearance on The Muppet Show, while the fake arrow through the head was spoofed by Dinah Shore for a guest appearance by Martin on her talk show.

Track listing

 * 1) "Ramblin' Man/Theme from Ramblin' Man" – 2:14
 * 2) "Vegas" – 5:45
 * 3) "Let's Get Small" – 13:34
 * 4) "Smoking" – 2:10
 * 5) "One Way to Leave Your Lover" – 1:33
 * 6) "Mad at My Mother" – 1:22
 * 7) "Excuse Me" – 2:32
 * 8) "Grandmother's Song" – 3:33
 * 9) "Funny Comedy Gags" – 3:05
 * 10) "Closing" – 2:02

"Grandmother's Song" was released as a 7" vinyl single. A very short excerpt of "Let's Get Small" is the single's B-side.

Excerpts
At the end of the sing-along portion of "Grandmother's Song", Martin says to the audience, "You guys are gonna be on a record" (letting the audience know that this is going to be a part of his comedy album), to which the audience responds positively. Seconds later Martin says, "Maybe someday; not mine, of course".

Production

 * Norman Seeff – photography

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Let's Get Small


text:
Awami League

The Bangladesh Awami League (বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী লীগ), often simply called the Awami League or AL,  is one of the major political parties in Bangladesh. The oldest existing political party in the country, the party played a large role in achieving Bangladeshi independence both before and after the Bangladesh Liberation War. As one of the two most dominant parties in the country, along with its archrival Bangladesh Nationalist Party, it has been the ruling party since 2009, and has since been described as authoritarian.

The All Pakistan Awami Muslim League was founded in Dhaka, the capital of the Pakistani province of East Bengal, in 1949 by Bengali nationalists Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani, and Shamsul Huq, and joined later by Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy who went on to become Prime Minister of Pakistan. The Pakistan Awami Muslim League was established as the Bengali alternative to the domination of the Muslim League in Pakistan and over centralisation of the government. The party quickly gained a massive popular support in East Bengal, later named East Pakistan, and eventually led the forces of Bengali nationalism in the struggle against West Pakistan's military and political establishment.

The party under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, led the struggle for independence, first through massive populist and civil disobedience movements, such as the Six Point Movement and 1971 Non-Cooperation Movement, and then during the Bangladesh Liberation War.

After the emergence of independent Bangladesh, the Awami League won the first general elections in 1973 but was overthrown in 1975 after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. The party was forced by subsequent military regimes onto the political sidelines, and many of its senior leaders and activists were executed or jailed. After the restoration of democracy in 1990, the Awami League emerged as one of the principal players of Bangladeshi politics. Since 2009, when the Awami League came to power, Bangladesh has experienced democratic backsliding.

Amongst the leaders of the Awami League, five have become the President of Bangladesh, four have become the Prime Minister of Bangladesh and one became the Prime Minister of Pakistan. The incumbent Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, has headed the party since 1981.

Founding and early Pakistan era (1949–66)
During the post-Mughal era no political parties existed in the area known as Bangla or Bangal. After the British arrived and established government, the system of political representation (though much later) was adopted in the area of Bangla (Bengal) or introduced in Bengal. After the official departure of the British, the area known as East Bengal became a part of Pakistan, and the establishment of the Muslim was led by its founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah and his Muslim League party.

In 1948, there was rising agitation in East Bengal against the omission of Bengali script from coins, stamps and government exams. Thousands of students, mainly from the University of Dhaka, protested in Dhaka and clashed with security forces. Prominent student leaders including Shamsul Huq, Khaleque Nawaz Khan, Shawkat Ali, Kazi Golam Mahboob, Oli Ahad, and Abdul Wahed were arrested and the police were accused of repression while charging protesters. In March, senior Bengali political leaders were attacked whilst leading protests demanding that Bengali be declared an official language in Pakistan. The leaders included A. K. Fazlul Huq, the former Prime Minister of undivided Bengal. Amidst the rising discontent in East Bengal, Jinnah visited Dhaka and announced that Urdu would be sole state language of Pakistan given its significance to Islamic nationalism in South Asia. The announcement caused an emotional uproar in East Bengal, where the native Bengali population resented Jinnah for his attempts to impose a language they hardly understood on the basis of upholding unity. The resentment was further fuelled by rising discrimination against Bengalis in government, industry, bureaucracy and the armed forces and the dominance of the Muslim League. The Bengalis argued that they constituted the ethnic majority of Pakistan's population and Urdu was unknown to the majority in East Bengal. Moreover, the rich literary heritage of the Bengali language and the deep rooted secular culture of Bengali society led to a strong sense of linguistic and cultural nationalism amongst the people of East Bengal. The only significant language in Pakistan not written in the Persian-Arabic script was Bengali. Against this backdrop, Bengali nationalism began to take root within the Muslim League and the party's Bengali members began to take a stand for recognition.

On 23 June 1949, Bengali nationalists from East Bengal broke away from the Muslim League, Pakistan's dominant political party, and established the All Pakistan Awami Muslim League. Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Shamsul Huq were elected the first president and general secretary of the party respectively, Ataur Rahman Khan was elected the vice-president, Yar Mohammad Khan was elected as the treasurer, while Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad and A. K. Rafiqul Hussain were elected the party's first joint secretaries. The party was formed to champion the rights of the masses in Pakistan against the powerful feudal establishment led by the Muslim League. However, due to its strength stemming from the discriminated Bengali population of Pakistan's eastern wing, the party eventually became associated and identified with East Bengal.

In 1952, the Awami Muslim League and its student wing played an instrumental role in the Bengali Language Movement, during which Pakistani security forces fired upon thousands of protesting students demanding Bengali be declared an official language of Pakistan, famously killing a number of students including Abdus Salam, Rafiq Uddin Ahmed, Abul Barkat and Abdul Jabbar. The events of 1952 are widely seen by historians today as a turning point in the history of Pakistan and the Bengali people, as it was the starting point of the Bengali nationalist struggle that eventually culminated in the creation of Bangladesh in 1971.

Hussein Shaheed Suhrawardy, who had been the AIML-nominated prime minister of Bengal in 1937 and held the same office after 1946 elections, did not agree to 'Muslim League' as the name of AIML in Pakistan. He initiated the thought that the ideal of political representation under religious identity was no longer prudent after independence and the organisation might be named as Pakistan League. Moreover, he claimed that Muslim League's objective of struggling to form a nation state had been achieved therefore political representation should continue focusing on nationalism based on Pakistani sovereignty. Suhrawardy's suggestion was not accepted, thus, he parted ways with the party to be reestablished as the Awami League in 1949. This was to serve the first shock to the country's political structure. In 1953, the party's council meeting voted to drop the word "Muslim". In the run-up to the East Bengal Legislative Assembly Elections in 1954, the Awami League took the lead in negotiations in forming a pan-Bangla political alliance including the Krishak Praja Party, Nizam-e-Islam and Ganatantrik Dal. The alliance was termed the Jukta Front or United Front and formulated the Ekush Dafa, or 21-point Charter, to fight for establishing rights in East Pakistan. The party also took the historic decision to adopt the traditional Bengali boat, which signified the attachment to rural Bengal, as its election symbol.

The election in April 1954 swept the United Front coalition into power in East Bengal with a massive mandate of 223 seats out of 237 seats. The Awami League itself won 143 seats while the Muslim League won only 9 seats. Veteran student leader and language movement stalwart Khaleque Nawaz Khan defeated incumbent prime minister of the then East Bengal Mr. Nurul Amin in a landslide margin. Mr. Nurul Amin was defeated in his home Nandail constituency. Khaleque Nawaz Khan created history at age 27 by defeating sitting prime minister and Muslim League was wiped out from political landscape of the then East Pakistan. A. K. Fazlul Huq assumed the office of Chief Minister of East Bengal and drew up a cabinet containing many of the prominent student activists that were leading movements against the Pakistani state. They included Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from the Awami League, who served as commerce minister.

Leaders of the new provincial government demanded greater provincial autonomy for East Bengal and eventually succeeded in pressuring Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra, himself a Bengali, to endorse the proposed constitutional recognition of Bengali as an official language of Pakistan. The United Front also passed a landmark order for the establishment of the Bangla Academy in Dhaka. As tensions with the western wing grew due to the demands for greater provincial autonomy in East Bengal, Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad dismissed the United Front government on 29 May 1954 under Article 92/A of the provisional constitution of Pakistan.

In September 1956, the Awami League formed a coalition with the Republican Party to secure a majority in the new National Assembly of Pakistan and took over the central government. Awami League President Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy became the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Suhrawardy pursued a reform agenda to reduce the long-standing economic disparity between East and West Pakistan, greater representation of Bengalis in the Pakistani civil and armed services and he unsuccessfully attempted to alleviate the food shortage in the country.

The Awami League also began deepening relations with the United States. The government moved to join the Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO) and Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO), the two strategic defence alliances in Asia inspired by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Maulana Bhashani, one of the party's founders, condemned the decision of the Suhrawardy government and called a conference in February 1957 at Kagmari, Tangail in East Bengal. He protested the move and the support lent by the Awami League leadership to the government. Bhashani broke away from the Awami League and then formed the leftist National Awami Party (NAP). Yar Mohammad Khan funded the 5-day Kagmari Conference. He was the treasurer of the kagmari conference committee.

The controversy over One Unit (the division of Pakistan into only two provinces, east and west) and the appropriate electoral system for Pakistan, whether joint or separate, also revived as soon as Suhrawardy became Prime Minister. In West Pakistan, there was strong opposition to the joint electorate by the Muslim League and the religious parties. The Awami League however, strongly supported the joint electorate. These differences over One Unit and the appropriate electorate caused problems for the government.

By early 1957, the movement for the dismemberment of the One Unit had started. Suhrawardy was at the mercy of central bureaucracy fighting to save the One Unit. Many in the business elite in Karachi were lobbying against Suhrawardy's decision to distribute millions of dollars of American aid to East Pakistan and to set up a national shipping corporation. Supported by these lobbyists, President Iskander Mirza demanded the Prime Minister's resignation. Suhrawardy requested to seek a vote of confidence in the National Assembly, but this request was turned down. Suhrawardy resigned under threat of dismissal on 10 October 1957.

On 7 October 1958, President Iskander Mirza declared martial law and appointed army chief General Ayub Khan as Chief Martial Law Administrator. Ayub Khan eventually deposed Mirza in a bloodless coup. By promulgating the Political Parties Elected Bodies Disqualified Ordinance, Ayub banned all major political parties in Pakistan. Senior politicians, including the entire top leadership of the Awami League, were arrested and most were kept under detention till 1963.

In 1962, Ayub Khan drafted a new constitution, modelled on indirect election, through an electoral college, and termed it 'Basic Democracy'. Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy joined Nurul Amin, Khwaja Nazimuddin, Maulvi Farid Ahmed and Hamidul Haq Chowdhury in forming National Democratic Front against Ayub Khan's military-backed rule and to restore elective democracy. However the alliance failed to obtain any concessions. Instead the electoral colleges appointed a new parliament and the President exercised executive authority.

Widespread discrimination prevailed in Pakistan against Bengalis during the regime of Ayub Khan. The University of Dhaka became a hotbed for student activism advocating greater rights for Bengalis and the restoration of democracy in Pakistan.

On 5 December 1963, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy was found dead in his hotel room in Beirut, Lebanon. His sudden death under mysterious circumstances gave rise to speculation within the Awami League and the general population in East Pakistan that he had been poisoned.

Struggle for Independence and Mujib era (1966–75)
The 6-point demands, proposed by Mujib, were widely accepted by the East Pakistani populace, as they proposed greater autonomy for the provinces of Pakistan. After the so-called Agartala Conspiracy Case, and subsequent end of the Ayub Khan's regime in Pakistan, the Awami League and its leader Sheikh Mujib reached the peak of their popularity among the East Pakistani Bengali population. In the elections of 1970, the Awami League won 167 of 169 East Pakistan seats in the National Assembly but none of West Pakistan's 138 seats. It also won 288 of the 300 provincial assembly seats in East Pakistan. This win gave the Awami League a healthy majority in the 313-seat National Assembly and placed it in a position to establish a national government without a coalition partner. This was not acceptable to the political leaders of West Pakistan and led directly to the events of the Bangladesh Liberation War. The Awami League leaders, taking refuge in India, successfully led the war against the Pakistan Army throughout 1971. Leader Sheikh Mujib was arrested by the Pakistan Army on 25 March 1971, but the Bangladeshi people continued the fight to free themselves for nine months.

After victory on 16 December 1971, the party formed the national government of Bangladesh. In 1972, under Sheikh Mujib, the party name was changed to "Awami League". The new government faced many challenges as they rebuilt the country and carried out mine clearing operations. The party had pro Pakistani newspaper editors arrested and shut down the nations' newspapers leaving only four in operation. Food shortages were also a major concern of the Awami League. War had damaged all forms of farming. The party aligned itself with NAM, and leaned towards the Soviet bloc. The party was accused of corruption by supporters of Pakistan. In 1974 Bangladesh suffered a famine: 70,000 people died, and support for Mujib declined. Bangladesh continued exporting jute to Cuba, violating US economic sanctions, the Nixon government barred grain imports to Bangladesh. This exacerbated famine conditions.

In January 1975, facing violent leftist insurgents Mujib declared a state of emergency and later assumed the presidency, after the Awami League dominated parliament decided to switch from parliamentary to a presidential form of government. Sheikh Mujib renamed the League the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League, and banned all other parties. The consequences lead to a critical political state. BAKSAL was dissolved after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.

The move towards a secular form of government caused widespread dissatisfaction among many low ranking military personnel, most of whom received training from Pakistan army. On 15 August 1975 during the time of K M Shafiullah as a Head of the Army Stuffs. some junior members of the armed forces in Dhaka, led by Major Faruk Rahman and Major Rashid, murdered Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and all his family members, including his wife and minor son. Within months, on 3 November 1975, four more of its top leaders, Syed Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmed, Captain Muhammad Mansur Ali and A. H. M. Qamaruzzaman were killed inside the Dhaka Central Jail as they were on behalf of BAKSAL. Only Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, two daughters of Mujib, survived the massacre as they were in West Germany as a part of a cultural exchange program. They later claimed political asylum in the United Kingdom. Sheikh Rehana, the younger sister, chose to remain in the UK permanently, while Sheikh Hasina moved to India and lived in self-imposed exile. Her stays abroad helped her gain important political friends in the West and in India that proved to be a valuable asset for the party in the future.

Struggle for democracy and Hasina era (1981–present)
After 1975, the party remained split into several rival factions and fared poorly in the 1979 parliamentary elections held under a military government. In 1981 Sheikh Hasina returned as Ziaur Rahman allowed her to return after the largest party faction, the Awami League elected her its president, and she proceeded to take over the party leadership and unite the factions. As she was under age at the time she could not take part in the 1981 presidential elections that followed the assassination of President Ziaur Rahman. Throughout the following nine years of military rule by General Hussain Muhammad Ershad the Awami League participated in some polls but boycotted most as Ershad did not believe in democracy. On 7 May 1986, Awami League participated in the general election of Bangladesh staged by military ruler Lt Gen Hussain Muhammad Ershad even though the other major political party and the winner of previous elections Bangladesh Nationalist Party boycotted. British observers including a journalists termed the elections a "tragedy for democracy" and a "cynically frustrated exercise".

The Awami League emerged as the largest opposition party in parliament in the elections in 1991, in which Khaleda Zia became the first female prime minister.

AL's second term in office had mixed achievements. Apart from sustaining economic stability during the Asian economic crisis, the government successfully settled Bangladesh's long standing dispute with India over sharing the water of the river Ganges (also known as Padma) in late 1996, and signed a peace treaty with tribal rebels in 1997. In 1998, Bangladesh faced one of the worst floods ever, and the government handled the crisis satisfactorily. It also had significant achievements in containing inflation, and peacefully neutralising a long-running leftist insurgency in south-western districts dating back to the first AL government's time. However, rampant corruption allegations against party office bearers and ministers as well as a deteriorating law and order situation troubled the government. Its pro poor policies achieved wide microeconomic development but that left the country's wealthy business class dissatisfied. The AL's last months in office were marred by sporadic bombing by alleged Islamist militants. Hasina herself escaped several attempts on her life, in one of which two anti-tank mines were planted under her helipad in Gopalganj district. In July 2001, the second AL government stepped down, becoming the first elected government in Bangladesh to serve a full term in office.

The party won only 62 out of 300 parliamentary seats in the elections held in October 2001, despite winning 40% of the votes, up from 36% in 1996 and 33% in 1991. The BNP and its allies won a two-thirds majority in parliament with 46% of the votes cast, with BNP alone winning 41%, up from 33% in 1996 and 30% in 1991.

In its second term in opposition since 1991, the party suffered the assassination of several key members. Popular young leader Ahsanullah Master, a member of parliament from Gazipur, was killed in 2004. This was followed by a grenade attack on Hasina during a public meeting on 21 August 2004, resulting in the death of 22 party supporters, including party women's secretary Ivy Rahman, though Hasina lived. Finally, the party's electoral secretary, ex finance minister, and veteran diplomat Shah M S Kibria, a member of parliament from Habiganj, was killed in a grenade attack in Sylhet later that year.

In June 2005, the Awami League won an important victory when the AL nominated incumbent mayor A.B.M. Mohiuddin Chowdhury won the important mayoral election in Chittagong, by a huge margin, against BNP nominee State Minister of Aviation Mir Mohammad Nasiruddin. This election was seen as a showdown between the Awami League and the BNP. However, the killing of party leaders continued. In December 2005, the AL supported Mayor of Sylhet narrowly escaped the third attempt on his life as a grenade thrown at him failed to explode.

In September 2006, several of the party's top leaders, including Saber Hossain Chowdhury MP and Asaduzzaman Nur MP, were hospitalised after being critically injured by police beatings while they demonstrated in support of electoral-law reforms. Starting in late October 2006, the Awami League led alliance carried out a series of nationwide demonstrations and blockades centring on the selection of the leader of the interim caretaker administration to oversee the 2007 elections. Although an election was scheduled to take place on 22 January 2007 that the Awami League decided to boycott, the country's military intervened on 11 January 2007 and installed an interim government composed of retired bureaucrats and military officers.

Throughout 2007 and 2008, the military backed government tried to root out corruption and remove Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia of the AL and BNP respectively. While these efforts largely failed, they succeeded in producing a credible voter list that was used on 29 December 2008 national election.

The Awami League won the national election held on 29 December 2008 as part of a larger electoral alliance that also included the Jatiya Party led by former military ruler General Hussain Muhammad Ershad as well as some leftist parties. According to the Official Results, Bangladesh Awami League won 230 out of 300 constituencies, and together with its allies, had a total of 262 parliamentary seats. The Awami League and its allies received 57% of the total votes cast. The AL alone got 48%, compared to 36% of the other major alliance led by the BNP which by itself got 33% of the votes. Sheikh Hasina, as party head, became the new Prime Minister. Her term of office began in January 2009. The current cabinet has several new faces, including three women in prominent positions: Dr Dipu Moni (Foreign Minister), Matia Chowdhury (Agriculture Minister) and Sahara Khatun (Home Minister). Younger MPs with a link to assassinated members of the 1972–1975 AL government are Sayed Ashraful Islam, son of Syed Nazrul Islam, Sheikh Fazle Noor Taposh, son of Sheikh Fazlul Huq Moni, and Sohel Taj, son of Tajuddin Ahmad.

Since 2009, the Awami League government faced several major political challenges, including BDR (Bangladesh Rifles) mutiny, power crisis, unrest in garments industry and stock market fluctuations. Judicial achievements for the party included restoring original 1972 constitution, returning secularism to the constitution, beginning of war crimes trials, and guilty verdict in 1975 assassination trial. According to the Nielsen 2-year survey, 50% felt the country was moving in the right direction, and 36% gave the government a favourable rating.

In the 2014 election the Awami League led alliance won a second term of which 154 Members (out of 300) of Parliament were selected where there were no election. Only 5% voter attended in the polling station and cast their votes. The opposition and one of the most popular parties (BNP) boycotted the election for removing the caretaker government (neutral government) system from the constitution after completion of 5 years tenure. With 21 people dead due to the violence during election, along with further human rights abuses and an absence of opposition, this was one of the controversial general elections in Bangladesh's history. This election was further tainted by arrests where dozens of opposition leaders and members were taken into custody.

Name and symbols
The All Pakistan Awami Muslim League was formed as a breakaway faction of the Muslim League in 1949, within two years of the formation of Pakistan. The word Muslim was dropped in 1953 and it became a secular party. The word Awami is the adjectival form for the Urdu word Awam, which means "people", thus the party's name can be translated as Bangladesh People's League. During the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, most of the Awami League members joined the Provisional Government of Bangladesh and Mukti Bahini guerrillas to fight against the Pakistani army and the name Bangladesh Awami League was eventually settled upon.

The most common electoral symbol for the party has been a traditional boat, a recognizable and relatable image in riverine Bangladesh.

The salutation Joy Bangla (জয় বাংলা; meaning "Victory to Bengal" or "Long live Bengal") is the official slogan of the Awami League. It was the slogan and war cry of the Mukti Bahini that fought for the independence of Bangladesh during the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. The phrase Joy Bangla, Joy Bangabandhu is used by the party members at the end of speeches and communications pertaining to or referring to patriotism towards Bangladesh and Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib.

The Awami League party flag is a green field with four five-rayed red star at its centre, and a vertical red stripe at the hoist side. The flag also bears some resemblance to the flag of Pakistan, showing the ex-Pakistani origin of the Awami League. The four stars on the Flag represent the four fundamental principles of the party.

Ideology and policies
As a political party of the centre and centre-left, Awami League has been described as secular      (though this is disputed   ), socially liberal, authoritarian and economically liberal, with a historical, though still influential, ideological base combining left-wing nationalism,   socialism, democratic socialism,  and social democracy. The party's nationalist outlook is primarily concentrated in its fundamental principles and historical role of nationalism in the Independence War.

The ideology of Awami League has been evolved through political and socio-economic landscape of the country since its creation. The Party President Sheikh Hasina claimed that her party's ideology has been blended with pragmatism. Party's constitution states four fundamental principles in guiding its philosophy and policies: democracy, socialism, secularism and nationalism. The origins of these principles can be traced to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's political thought.

Secularism
Awami League has been commited to secularism for a long time. The party has promoted a strong secular image and depicted itself as a defender of secularism against Islamism. Most of the party leaders support the restoration of the original constitution of 1972 by removing Islam as the state religion. Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina has defended secularism saying that it doesn't conflict with Islam. However, being a pragmatist party, Awami League's compromising with the Islamist political parties in social issues has been criticized. The party's tolerance of the Islamic practices, retaining of Islam as the state religion, silence during the attacks on secularists in Bangladesh, has been questioned.

Sheikh Hasina supported calls to remove the Statue of Justice in Bangladesh Supreme Court. Many criticized these calls, saying Sheikh Hasina was bowing down to the pressure of Islamist political hard-liners.

Economy
Previously the party advocated for a socialist economy with democratic socialism. Inspiring from Soviet and Indian economic models, Awami League under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman implemented an economic system based on strict protectionism, state intervention and economic regulation under a planned economy and limited market activities, which was characterized as "neither capitalist nor socialist" in nature. During the 1980s, AL began to reposition itself towards more centre-left. Many ideologues strongly objected of this policy shift in the party. Nevertheless, in 1992, AL formally took a liberal economic approach. Since 2010s, AL government has been very pro-market "which focused on boosting exports, attracting foreign investment, improving infrastructure, diversifying the economy, and enhancing the business environment."

Sheikh Hasina's views on socialism has changed over times. In 1991, she noted that socialism was a failed system. However, in 2024, she said that "fulfilling the people's basic needs" had been her "version of 'socialism'".

Social position
The party has taken a sightly conservative position on social issues and promotion of Islam, including the establishment of Islamic Foundation Bangladesh, declaration of public holidays in the Islamic festivals and, more recently, the construction of 360 Model Mosques across the country. The party's position on the LGBT rights is also conservative, the AL-lead Parliament refused to overturn Section 377, in 2009 and 2013. It was reported in 2017 that the party in government has been cracking down on the LGBT community. This has included the arrests of those accused of being homosexual.

Vision 2021 and Vision 2041
Before the 2008 general elections in Bangladesh, the Awami League announced in its manifesto, its "Vision 2021" and "Digital Bangladesh" action plans to transform Bangladesh into a fast-developing middle-income country by 2021. The policy was criticized as a policy emblematic of technological optimism in the context of Bangladesh and the state repression of media, low internet penetration, inadequate electricity generation. Prior to the 2024 Bangladeshi general election, Awami League announced Smart Bangladesh initiative associated with the Bangladesh Vision 2041 framework in its manifesto, a national strategic plan aiming to further develop the socio-economic standings of Bangladesh by transforming the country into a technologically advanced and sustainable society with low income inequality and high standard of living.

Environmentalism
In 2011, Awami League government passed the 15th amendment to the Constitution of Bangladesh wherein Article 18A was added which endeavours to protect and improve environment. Awami League under Sheikh Hasina also promised to protect the country's environment in its manifesto for the 2024 election. Her government also adopted the Bangladesh Delta Plan 2100, an "adaptation-based technical and economic master plan, which has considered the effects of water resources management, land use, environment, and climate change, and its interaction on the development results". Sheikh Hasina's government has been praised for combating natural calamities, greening her country and promoting international consciousness regarding climate change.

Foreign policy
During the premiership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman between 1972 and 1975, Rahman's personal influence in the country's foreign policy was instrumental. Rahman himself wanted to make his country as the Switzerland of Asia. His government was successful in obtaining recognition from the major countries of the world before 15 August 1975, although the People's Republic of China and Saudi Arabia recognized Bangladesh just after 15 August.

Awami League is often described as pro-India. "Bangladesh has enjoyed a good relationship with India under PM Sheikh Hasina". After Awami League formed government under Hasina in 1996, her government adopted an India-oriented foreign policy. This continued since 2009, when she secured power for the second time. In 2015, Hasina signed a historic land exchange agreement with Indian PM Narendra Modi which resolved the decade-long India–Bangladesh enclaves problem.

Awami League continued good relationship with China. "Hasina has adroitly balanced ties with both India and China".

Sheikh Hasina government allowed Rohingyas to take refuge in Bangladesh, for which she received credit and praise in home and abroad.

Awami League continues to support Palestinian cause. In 1972, Awami League government officially rejected the Israeli recognition of Bangladesh. In 2014, Sheikh Hasina said, "We have been continuing our support to the Palestinians and occupation of their land by the Israelis is never acceptable".

Authoritarianism
Awami League has been described as authoritarian by various national and international observers. In 2011, the AL-led government abolished the neutral non-partisan caretaker government system through passage of the 15th amendment of the constitution with its majority in Parliament, despite the protests of opposition parties, including the BNP. Since the 2014, the freedom of the press in Bangladesh has declined dramatically. Awami League government targeted and detained many leading newspapers, television channels and pro-opposition journalists. According to Ali Riaz, "Awami League has established total control over state machinery and politics" since 2018. In a 2021 report Human Rights Watch said that in government the party has "doubled down on an authoritarian crackdown on free speech, arresting critics, and censoring media." This followed a prior violent crackdown on those that criticised the party in 2018. The general elections of 2014 and 2018 was criticized by the United States and the European Union for irregularities.

JRB atrocities
Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini, dissoluted armed wing of Awami League, formed under the supervision of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and active from 1972 to 1975, became involved in numerous charges of political killings, shooting by death squads, and rape. Human Rights Watch states that institutionalized violence committed by the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini, established the culture of impunity and widespread prevalence of abuses by security forces in independent Bangladesh.

Promotion of "political nationalism"
Awami League has been accused for promoting "political nationalism", a form of radical nationalism. This form of nationalism emphasizes on "exclusion based on political identity" over other factors, although it is "more inclined to accept religious diversity, cultural differences, and racial diversity within a state, but cannot accept political differences in ideology or party support". The party always styles itself as the "proliberation force" and positions itself as the "sole custodian" of the spirit of Liberation War, while diminishing the opposition's contributions to the Liberation War; which has been described as an attempt to delegitimize the opposition in the context of electoral politics. Critiques argue that this type of self-proclaimed interpretation of Bangladesh Liberation War results in an illiberal socio-political landscape in the country that marginalizes the opposition.

Constitution
The Constitution of the Bangladesh Awami League (বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী লীগ এর গঠনতন্ত্র) has 24 Articles and includes contents of General Program, Membership, Organization System, Central Organizations, Name, Aims and Objectives, Fundamental Principles, Commitments. In accordance with the changing situation and tasks, revisions were made in some of the articles at the National Conference.

National Conference
The National Conference NC (জাতীয় সম্মেলন) is the party's highest body, and, since the 1st National Conference in 1949, has been convened every three years (sometimes on an irregular basis). According to the party's constitution, the National Conference may be postponed on except "under extraordinary circumstances." The party constitution gives the NC following responsibilities:
 * electing the President
 * electing the general secretary
 * examining the report of the outgoing Central Working Committee
 * discussing and enacting party policies
 * revising the party's constitution

In practice, the party councillors and delegates rarely discuss issues at length at the National Conference. Most substantive discussion takes place before the Conference, in the preparation period, among a group of top party leaders. In between National Conferences, the Central Working Committee is the highest decision-making institution.

Central Working Committee
The Central Working Committee (কেন্দ্রীয় কার্যনির্বাহী সংসদ) of the Awami League is a political body that comprises the top leaders of the Party. It is currently composed of 81 full members and 29 alternate members. Members are elected once every three years by the National Conference of the Bangladesh Awami League. The Central Working Committee is made up of the following: • # Office Secretary
 * The Party Presidium:
 * The Party President
 * 17 Presidium Members
 * The General Secretary
 * 4 Joint General Secretary
 * The Treasurer
 * 28 Additional Members
 * 29 Secretaries of the Sub Committee

• # Liberation War Affairs secretary

• # Finance and planning secretary

• # International Affairs secretary

• # Law Affairs secretary

• # Agriculture and Co-operation secretary

• # Information and Research secretary

• # Relief and Social welfare secretary

• # Religious Affairs secretary

• # Press and Publications secretary

• # Forest and Environment secretary

• # Science and Technology affairs secretary

• # Women Affairs secretary

• # Youth and Sports affairs secretary

• # Education and Human resource secretary

• # Industries and Commerce secretary

• # Labour and Manpower secretary

• # Cultural Affairs secretary

• # Health and Population secretary

• # 8 Organising secretaries

• # Deputy Office-secretary

• # Deputy Press-secretary and
 * 10 Parliamentary Committee member

Members of the Presidium
The *Presidium of the Awami League* is the topmost decision-making body of the Awami League, and in turn, as Awami League has been the sole ruling party of Bangladesh since 2009, unofficially one of the highest and most important decision-making bodies of the country itself.

The members of the current Presidium are:

1. 𝘏𝘌 Sheikh Hasina 2. 𝘉𝘦𝘨𝘶𝘮 Matia Chowdhury 3. Sheikh Fazlul Karim Selim 4. Kazi Zafarullah 5. 𝘌𝘯𝘨. Mosharraf Hossain 6. Pijush Kanti Bhattacharya 7. 𝘋𝘳. Muhammad Abdur Razzaque 8. 𝘓𝘵. 𝘊𝘰𝘭. Muhammad Faruk Khan 9. Shajahan Khan 10. Jahangir Kabir Nanak 11. Abdur Rahman 12. A. H. M. Khairuzzaman Liton 13. 𝘉𝘪𝘳 𝘉𝘪𝘬𝘳𝘰𝘮 Mofazzal Hossain Chowdhury Maya 14. 𝘈𝘥𝘷. Md. Qamrul Islam 15. Simeen Hussain Rimi 16. 𝘋𝘳. Mostafa Jalal Mohiuddin

Advisory Council
Almost 38 Advisory Council (উপদেষ্টা পরিষদ) members working as party's think-tank and are not Part of the Central Working Committee The Awami League Advisory Council is the highest governing of Bangladesh Awami League.

Centre for Research and Information
The Centre for Research and Information CRI is the think-tank and research cell of the Awami League. The foundation offers political education, conducts scientific fact-finding research for political projects, grants scholarships to gifted individuals, researches the history of Awami League, and supports and encourages youth, international understanding, and development-policy co-operation.

Activities

 * Let's Talk
 * Policy Café
 * CRI Junction
 * Young Bangla and CRI: The Young Bangla Programme comprises the several schemes, acting as a flexible space for the youth, thousands of individuals and youth-led organizations, supporting them with resources and capacity enhancement trainings.

title: Awami League


text:
Talk:1949 in music

Untitled
Who recorded the original version of Harry Stewart's song "I Yust Go Nuts at Christmas"? What record label did it appear on?

Harry recorded it himself under the nom de disque "Yogi Yorgesson". It was released in November 1949 on Capitol 57-781.

title: Talk:1949 in music


text:
Hakata-Minami Line

The Hakata-Minami Line (博多南線) is an 8.5 km long railway line in Fukuoka Prefecture, Japan, connecting Hakata Station in Fukuoka with Hakata-Minami Station in Kasuga. It is operated by the West Japan Railway Company (JR West).

Service
Although the line uses Shinkansen equipment, trains are officially designated as limited express trains. In practice, however, most services are extensions of San'yō Shinkansen Kodama services. The Kyushu Shinkansen, opened on 12 March 2011, shares part of the route.

The trip from Hakata to Hakata-Minami takes ten minutes and costs ¥300.

Rolling stock

 * 500-7000 series 8-car sets.
 * 700-7000 series 8-car Hikari Rail Star sets
 * N700-7000/8000 series 8-car sets

History
The line was originally opened in March 1975 to transport San'yō Shinkansen trains from the Hakata terminal to Hakata Depot in Kasuga. At that time, Kasuga was a rural region and did not merit a railway station of its own. By the late 1980s, however, the area had become a sprawling suburb of Fukuoka. JR decided to build a station adjacent to the depot, and inaugurated service on 1 April 1990 with 0 Series Shinkansen trains.

title: Hakata-Minami Line


text:
Talk:Sphinx (iconic image)

We need administrator help to make this move. There was an error made while making a disambiguation page. Stbalbach 23:59, 7 May 2005 (UTC)

I'm not sure, so I won't add it to the main page, but weren't there also Sphinxes in Chinese sculpture and mythology?

 * Are you thinking of the lion-dog guardians with one paw on the pearl, or the young dragons? the idea of a human head on an animal's body seems very barbarian in Chinese culture, I think. Wetman 00:03, 4 Mar 2004 (UTC)

Obviously this article needs a little reorganization. There are several sphinices (I think this is the proper plural, after the model index => indices), all of which derive from either the Greek Sphinx (whose name was then used to describe the Egyptian monument) or the Egyptian Sphinx (which then inspired the story about the creature Oedipus encountered). If nothing else, can a way be found where the first item in the section index is not "External Link"? Having that section header in first place makes the article look odd. -- llywrch 00:15, 26 Apr 2004 (UTC)

 * I think that sphinx in Greek connotes "the strangler" (cf. "asphyxiate"), and that the Greeks applied their archaic monster's name to the (unrelated?) Egyptian sphinx. What did Egyptians call a sphinx? The revived sphinx in the 16th century comes out of Roman arabesque/grotesque decorative painting, not directly from Egypt or Greece. Wetman 04:17, 26 Apr 2004 (UTC)

The proper Greek plural is sphinges, but I think sphinxes is okay in English. Although if you feel daring you could go for sphinxen. Bacchiad 03:23, 14 Jul 2004 (UTC)

Ouch
Someone a comment in parenthesis into this crap about the Sphinx being of alien origin...we need to be more vigilant about this fanatical nonsense. The internet seems to bring out all the new age crazies.

 * I believe that in context the phrase you removed "(for the Greeks remembered the Sphinx's alien origins)" refered to the Sphinx originiating from somewhere other than Greece. As many now seem to assume that "alien" must mean extraterrestrial, that may not have been the best wording. -- Infrogmation 17:15, 20 Jun 2004 (UTC)

Great Sphinx
Why is the Great Sphinx not a true sphinx? Is it not thought to be a lion's body? Or is there some difference between crouching and recumbent pose? Rmhermen 05:14, Jun 26, 2004 (UTC)

For Pseudoarchaeology and Parageology buffs
After I reverted a date to 12,000 (not a typo!) BCE, I received this uninformative geological report:

 * "I reccomend that you read about the geological studies about the sphinx prior to calling real science zany vs the preconcieved beliefs of the egyptologists that cannot reineforce their arguments with facts. Like it or not there are facts that support a construction date as far back as 12500 BCE.  The mainstream egyptologists will not support that date as it throws "their" calander off so far that they would have to do some real thinking.  BTW, Geology is far more factual than opinion - anybody's." (Folks can imagine my opinion... Wetman 02:53, 14 Jul 2004 (UTC) )

 * Why is this info not in the article? I have reviewed the geological evidence myself, and know many history professors that accept it.  What is the big deal?  Also, why is this under a "talk" heading of pseudogeology?  Has anyone provided a counterexplanation for the water errosion clearly visible at the base of the pyramid?

Splitting up the article Sphinx
For people with a short attention span and no genuine interest in the history of images or ideas, it might seem like a good idea to split Sphinx into numerous brief articles, so that any possible interconnections will be untraceable. I hope this won't be done as thoughtlessly as it was suggested. Leave the splitting for the individual Pokemon characters, please! They offer a fine example of how minute splitting can render Wikipedia subjects incomprehensible. Wetman 04:51, 25 Aug 2004 (UTC)

 * I agree in principal, there are too many fragmented articles that disturbs comprehension, although once enough material accumulates it makes sense to have separate articles, with an umbrella article (like this one) that ties common themes and subjects together, similar to what was done with First Crusade or Middle Ages. But not until there is enough material to justify a split should one be made, and only when the top level article can contain a summary of the main points which are expanded in detail the offshoot article. Stbalbach 21:56, 20 Mar 2005 (UTC)

Orientation of the Great Sphinx
"On the vernal equinox, the Great Sphinx points directly toward the rising sun." Any particulars would be welcome. --Wetman 19:39, 20 Mar 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:Sphinx (iconic image)


text:
Berthold Auerbach

Berthold Auerbach (28 February 1812 – 8 February 1882) was a German poet and author. He was the founder of the German "tendency novel", in which fiction is used as a means of influencing public opinion on social, political, moral, and religious questions.

Biography
Moses (Moyses) Baruch Auerbach was born in Nordstetten (now Horb am Neckar) in the Kingdom of Württemberg. He attended Eberhard-Ludwigs-Gymnasium. He was intended for the ministry, but after studying philosophy at Tübingen, Munich and Heidelberg, and becoming estranged from Jewish orthodoxy by the study of Spinoza, he devoted himself to literature. While a student in Heidelberg and under the pseudonym “Theobald Chauber,” he produced a Biography of Frederick the Great (1834–36).

Another early publication was entitled Das Judentum und die neueste Litteratur (Judaism and Recent Literature; 1836), and was to be followed by a series of novels taken from Jewish history. Of this intended series he actually published, with considerable success, Spinoza (1837) and Dichter und Kaufmann ("Poet and Merchant"; 1839), based on the life of Ephraim Kuh. His romance on the life of Spinoza adheres so closely to fact that it may be read with equal advantage as a novel or as a biography. In 1841, he created a translation of Spinoza's works. In 1842, he wrote Der gebildete Bürger ("The Educated Citizen"), an attempt to popularize philosophical subjects.

But real fame and popularity came to him after 1843, when he began to occupy himself with the life of the common people which forms the subject of his best-known works. That year he published Schwarzwälder Dorfgeschichten ("Black Forest Village Stories"; 1843) which was his first great success, widely translated, and expressing with a sympathetic realism the memories and scenes of youth.

In 1857, he paid tribute to the beloved German author and professor of philosophy Christian F. Gellert in his story "Gellerts letzte Weihnachten" published in Deutscher Familienkalendar (The German Family Almanac). Its English translation was first published in 1869 as "Christian Gellert's Last Christmas." It was included in The 10 volume anthology Stories by Foreign Authors (German Volume 2) first published by Charles Scribner's Sons in 1898.

It is the first story in the volume, which includes a frontispiece portrait of Auerbach. The story illustrates the far-reaching impact of the beloved professor's writings on his fellow citizens. It opens with Gellert and the rustic woodcutter Christopher reflecting on how their work takes a toll on their painfully aging bodies, pondering what alternative career might have been more fulfilling. Christopher's attitude is transformed when he reads Gellert's verse in his children's school book, which is lying open on his breakfast table. The lines

"Accept God's gifts with resignation, Content to lack what thou hast not: In every lot there's consolation;  There's trouble, too, in every lot!"

These words inspire Christopher to donate the load of wood he intended to sell at the marketplace in Leipzig to Gellert, when his wife tells him the professor lives there in penury. When the two men meet, each is able to affirm the appreciation of his own life through knowing the other, thus affirming the power of Gellert's positive influence on the German people, especially the "common folk."

In his later books, of which Auf der Höhe (On the Heights; 1865) is perhaps the most characteristic, and certainly the most famous, he revealed an unrivaled insight into the soul of the southern German country folk, and especially of the peasants of the Black Forest and the Bavarian Alps. His descriptions are remarkable for their fresh realism, graceful style and humour. In addition to these qualities, his last books are marked by great subtlety of psychological analysis. Auf der Höhe was first published at Stuttgart in 1861, and has been translated into several languages. Auerbach died at Cannes shortly before his 70th birthday.

Selected works

 * Schwarzwälder Dorfgeschichten (Tales of Villages in the Black Forest; 1843)
 * Barfüssele (1856)
 * Edelweiss (1861)
 * Joseph im Schnee (Joseph in the Snow; 1861)
 * Auf der Höhe (On the Heights; 1865)
 * Das Landhaus am Rhein (A Country House on the Rhein; 1869)
 * Waldfried (1874) draws literary inspiration from German unity and the Franco-Prussian War
 * Nach dreissig Jahren (1876)
 * Der Forstmeister (1879)
 * Brigitta (1880)
 * Briefe an seinen Freund Jakob Auerbach (Letters to His Friend Jakob Auerbach; posthumous, with a preface by Friedrich Spielhagen, 2 vols., 1884)

Literature on Auerbach

 * Andreas W. Daum, Wissenschaftspopularisierung im 19. Jahrhundert: Bürgerliche Kultur, naturwissenschaftliche Bildung und die deutsche Öffentlichkeit, 1848–1914. Munich: Oldenbourg, 1998, ISBN 3-486-56337-8.
 * Jonathan Skolnik, "Writing Jewish History Between Gutzkow and Goethe: Auerbach's Spinoza" in Prooftexts: A Journal of Jewish Literary History (1999)
 * This work in turn cites:
 * Eugen Zabel, Berthold Auerbach (Berlin, 1882)
 * This work in turn cites Zabel and:
 * Eduard Lasker, Berthold Auerbach, ein Gedenkblatt (1882)
 * This work in turn cites Zabel, Lasker and:
 * Anton Bettelheim, B. Auerbach, der Mann, sein Werk (1907)

title: Berthold Auerbach


text:
James FitzGibbon

James FitzGibbon (16 November 1780 – 10 December 1863) was a public servant, prominent freemason of the masonic lodge from 1822 to 1826 (holding the highest position in Upper Canada of deputy provincial grand master), member of the Family Compact, and an Irish soldier in the British Army in Europe before and in the Canadas during the War of 1812 who received messages of warning from two Canadian folk heroes: Laura Secord (Ingersoll) and Billy Green.

James held many titles with Upper Canadian society after the War of 1812, and before the Rebellions of 1837-1838 would be considered a prominent Canadian Tory and a "prime example of government patronage" by William Lyon Mackenzie.

It is noted that the Rebellion of 1837 in Upper Canada brought out "the peak of FitzGibbon's career" and he would be made the acting adjutant-general of militia in Upper Canada, but FitzGibbon would retire the day after the Battle of Montgomery's Tavern, citing "Head's treatment". This "treatment" was likely Head's preferential choosing of Allan MacNab over FitzGibbon first in leading the attack on Montgomery's Tavern.

FitzGibbon would argue in a pamphlet called An appeal to the people of the late province of Upper Canada submitted to the British government in 1847 that he and his actions had "saved Upper Canada for the Empire" during the Rebellions of 1837–1838, but nothing came from it.

FitzGibbon's biography notes him essentially as having been an extremely effective man in his career who was cheated of any real reward beyond recognition. FitzGibbon was "intensely loyal (to the crown) and had a keen mind, but lacked the formal education, wealth, and social background that would have enabled him to penetrate the ranks of office in the army or government". Nevertheless, FitzGibbon is still noted as being "a conscientious, capable, and zealous public servant until he became overburdened with debt and grew obsessed by the injustice of the long delay in granting him his well-earned reward".

Early life and career
Born to Garrett (Gerald) FitzGibbon and Mary Widenham in Glin, County Limerick, Ireland, he enlisted in the Knight of Glin's Yeomanry Corps at age 15. Three years later, he joined the Tarbert Infantry Fencibles, an Irish home service regiment, from which he was recruited into the British Army's 49th Regiment of Foot as a private soldier. He first fought in battle in 1799 at Egmond aan Zee, the Netherlands. He later served as a marine in the Battle of Copenhagen, for which he received the Naval General Service Medal.

Arrival in Canada
He went to the Canadas in 1802, by which time he was a sergeant. He apparently played a key role in the suppression of a near-mutiny at Fort George, Upper Canada, but there is no mention of this in his official biography.

In 1806, when he was the regiment's sergeant-major, his commanding officer, Isaac Brock, made him an officer. This was extremely unusual at the time as most officers' commissions were bought. Later the same year he was appointed regimental adjutant. In 1809, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant.

War of 1812
The "main body" of FitzGibbon's enlisted regiment - the 49th Regiment of Foot (though without its modern renaming) - were present during the Battle of Fort George, at the Fort itself. However, it appears that FitzGibbon was not, as there is a notable lack of evidence within FitzGibbon's official biography of any presence or action of James; it is likely that if a figure held in such high historical esteem as FitzGibbon was present at the battle, this information would be readily available.

In August 1812, FitzGibbon escorted a brigade of ships holding military stores from Montreal to Kingston, going through "the rapids" (the "International Rapids") of the St. Lawrence River, while in view of the American shore.

In January 1813, FitzGibbon led 45 sleighs holding needed supplies from Kingston to Niagara through the Canadian winter.

FitzGibbon fought at the Battle of Stoney Creek on 6 June 1813. Three weeks later, he led 50 soldiers in guerrilla-style raids on a large American force that had captured Fort George on the Niagara Peninsula. It was he who was warned by Laura Secord on 22 June about an impending surprise attack by 500 American troops. This led to the Battle of Beaver Dams near present-day Thorold, Ontario, where FitzGibbon's force, together with about 400 Mohawk and Odawa warriors, defeated the Americans and took 462 prisoners. The victory made FitzGibbon a popular hero and he was promoted to captain in the Glengarry Light Infantry Fencibles.

After the Battle of Beaver Dams, FitzGibbon would operate almost exclusively in reconnaissance and observing the movement of the American troops.

In 1814 he fought at the Battle of Lundy's Lane but his part was not effective. FitzGibbon and his Glengarry Light Infantry Fencibles were attacking the left flank of the opposing American forces when both he and his troops were mistaken as American troops themselves by the British troops under Lieutenant General Drummond, and were subsequently fired upon by those British troops. FitzGibbon and his force, in consequence of this friendly-fire, were forced to withdraw. However, as argued by American historian John R. Elting, the strategy that FitzGibbon was using (in seeking to attack the weakened left flank) against the Americans would likely have been successful in achieving a divisive victory for Drummond if Drummond has concentrated the majority of his troops on the left flank itself.

After FitzGibbon's involvement in the Battle of Beaver Dams, a local legend was created (perhaps by Mohawk Chief John Norton who was present at the time, perhaps by William Hamilton Merritt) and lamented through a piece of prose: "The Caughnawaga (Norton's troops, aka the Kahnawake) got the victory, the Mohawks got the plunder and FitzGibbon got the credit". This was also the battle wherein FitzGibbon would receive warning from Laura Secord (Ingersoll).

Post-war activities
After the war, FitzGibbon retired on half-pay and became a clerk in the office of the Adjutant-General of the militia. He was later promoted to Assistant Adjutant-General.

FitzGibbon married his one and only wife, Mary Haley, in 1814. They would have five children together - four sons and one daughter - with the daughter "living beyond infancy".

In 1818, FitzGibbon responded to accusations from Robert Gourlay that the lieutenant-governor thought Canadians were disloyal and ungrateful British subjects. In 1824 the Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada Peregrine Maitland sent FitzGibbon to negotiate an end to riots in the Bathurst District of York between Irish settlers and previous residents. A year later newspapers in Upper Canada questioned the loyalty of Irish immigrants and FitzGibbon wrote editorials defending the immigrants.

From 1822 to 1826, FitzGibbon held the position of highest-ranking member of the Masonic lodge in Upper Canada as deputy provincial grand master. The next position up - provincial grand master - would have to be retained in England.

In 1826, FitzGibbon initiated a campaign to help the defendants of the Types Riot pay their settlement to Mackenzie. Mackenzie would claim that FitzGibbon's appointment as clerk of the House of Assembly came as reward for this action, and would select FitzGibbon as "a prime example of government patronage". He denied accusations by Francis Collins in the Canadian Freeman that Maitland contributed to the fund but did not deny his involvement or contributions from other government administrators.

During the Upper Canada Rebellion of 1837, FitzGibbon was appointed Acting Adjutant-General of Militia. He organised and led the forces that defended Toronto from William Lyon Mackenzie's rebel force.

FitzGibbon would suffer a mental breakdown before the Battle of Montgomery's Tavern as he had to equip and form about 1200 volunteers the next morning, and had no experience organizing troops for battle. FitzGibbon would retire to his office, fall on his knees in prayer, and accomplish his task following restored post-prayer composure. The battle was won and both the physical building of Montgomery's Tavern and the home of a rebel named David Gibson were burned to the ground.

The day after the Battle of Montgomery's Tavern, FitzGibbon would resign as acting adjutant general of the Upper Canadian militia following Sir Francis Bond Head's "treatment" to FitzGibbon - that likely being Head's decision to first have MacNab lead the troops over FitzGibbon. Note that FitzGibbon would be the one to lead the troops after "vigorous protesting" to Head.

FitzGibbon was a founding member of the York Mechanics' Institute in 1831.

The Bank of Upper Canada would threaten to sue FitzGibbon for money borrowed to pay off creditors, but the threat was never carried out.

Later life and legacy
In May 1838, the citizens of Toronto held a public meeting and expressed gratitude in FitzGibbon for "rescuing them from the horrors of a civil war". They would propose a gift in his honour in the form of a money donation, but this money never materialized.

After various proposals, ignored appeals, and rejections for giving a monetary gift to FitzGibbon, finally a sum of 1000 British pounds would be given to him - but this amount was only half the total of FitzGibbon's debts.

FitzGibbon's physician - Dr. William Winder - said of him in 1845 that his character essentially flipped: "FitzGibbon was temperament, highly sanguine and nervous" which along with "disappointments and distresses of no ordinary character" had come to produce "a state of mental irritation, prostration, and despondency, plus loss of memory" in the man.

FitzGibbon was retired on pension in 1846 following his "virtual transformation of the Office into a sinecure".

He moved to England in 1847 after the death of his wife Mary Haley, with whom he had four sons and a daughter. In 1850 he was appointed a Military Knight of Windsor through the influence of Lord Seaton. There, FitzGibbon lived on a small allowance, in comfortable quarters provided by the crown, using his Canadian pension to pay off debts.

He died at Windsor Castle in 1863 and is buried there in the crypt of St. George's Chapel.

In 2003 his descendants donated some of his personal effects, including a signet ring and a ceremonial sword, to the Canadian War Museum in Ottawa.

In popular culture
FitzGibbon appears in The Bully Boys, a novel by Eric Walters. The book follows his interactions with fictional character Thomas Roberts, whom he takes under his wing during the events surrounding the Battle of Beaver Dams,he was severely wounded in The book but survived.

title: James FitzGibbon


text:
President of Bangladesh

The President of Bangladesh (বাংলাদেশের রাষ্ট্রপতি — Bangladesher Raṣhṭrôpôti) officially the president of the People's Republic of Bangladesh (গণপ্রজাতন্ত্রী বাংলাদেশের রাষ্ট্রপতি —Gaṇaprajātantrī Bangladesher Raṣhṭrôpôti) is the head of state of Bangladesh and commander-in-chief of the Bangladesh Armed Forces.

The role of the president has changed three times since Bangladesh achieved independence in 1971. Presidents had been given executive power. In 1991, with the restoration of a democratically elected government, Bangladesh adopted a parliamentary democracy based on a Westminster system. The President is now a largely ceremonial post elected by the Parliament.

In 1996, Parliament passed new laws enhancing the president's executive authority, as laid down in the constitution, after the Parliament is dissolved. The president resides at the Bangabhaban, which is his office and residence. The president is elected by the 350 parliamentarians in an open ballot, and thus generally represents the majority party of the legislature. He continues to hold office after his five-year term expires until a successor is elected to the presidency.

Mohammed Shahabuddin is the current president, he was elected unopposed on 13 February 2023. He took office for a five-year term on Monday, 24 April 2023.

Powers and duties
Currently, although the position of president holds de jure importance, its de facto powers are largely ceremonial. The Constitution allows the president to act only upon the advice of the prime minister and his/her Cabinet.

Appointments powers
The president can appoint the following to office:
 * By Article 56 (2), the prime minister and his/her Cabinet, with the limitation that the prime minister must be a parliamentarian who holds the confidence of the majority of the House. The president can also dismiss a member of Cabinet upon the request of the prime minister.
 * By Article 95, the chief justice and other judges of the court.
 * By Article 118, the Bangladesh Election Commission, including the chief.

Prerogative of mercy
The president has the prerogative of mercy by Article 49 of the Constitution, which allows him to grant a pardon to anybody, overriding any court verdict in Bangladesh.

Legislative powers
By Article 80, the president can refuse to assent to any bill passed by the parliament, sending it back for review. A bill is enacted only after the president assents to it. But when the bill is passed again by the parliament, if the president further fails or refuse to assent a bill, after a certain period of days, the bill will be automatically transformed into law and will be considered as assented by the president.

Chancellor at universities
Chancellor is a titular position at universities in Bangladesh, always held by the incumbent president of Bangladesh under the Private Universities Act 1992. The position in public universities is not fixed for the president under any acts or laws (since the erection of a state university in Bangladesh requires an act to be passed in itself), but it has been the custom so far to name the incumbent president of the country as chancellor of all state universities thus established.

Eligibility
The Constitution of Bangladesh sets the principal qualifications one must meet to be eligible to the office of the president. A person shall not be qualified for election as president if he-
 * is less than thirty-five years of age; or
 * is not qualified for election a member of Parliament; or
 * has been removed from the office of president by impeachment under the Constitution.

Conditions for presidency
Certain conditions, as per Article 27 of the Constitution, debar any eligible citizen from contesting the presidential elections. The conditions are:
 * No person shall hold office as president for more than two terms, whether or not the terms are consecutive.
 * The president shall not be a member of Parliament, and if a member of Parliament is elected as president, he shall vacate his seat in Parliament on the day on which he enters upon his office as president.

Election process
Whenever the office becomes vacant, the new president is chosen by members of Parliament. Although presidential elections involve actual voting by MPs, they tend to vote for the candidate supported by their respective parties. The president may be impeached and subsequently removed from office by a two-thirds majority vote of the parliament.

Oath or affirmation
The president is required to make and subscribe in the presence of the Speaker of the Jatiya Sangsad, an oath or affirmation that he/she shall protect, preserve and defend the Constitution as follows:

Immunity
The president is granted immunity for all his actions by Article 51 of the Constitution and is not answerable to anybody for his actions, and no criminal charges can be brought to the Court against him. The only exception to this immunity is if the Parliament seeks to impeach the President.

Succession
Article 54 of the Constitution of Bangladesh provides for the succession of the president. It states that in case of absence due to illness or other reasons, the Speaker of the Jatiya Sangsad will act as the president of Bangladesh until the president resumes office. This Article was used during the ascension of Speaker Jamiruddin Sircar as the acting president of the State following the resignation of former president A. Q. M. Badruddoza Chowdhury, and when President Zillur Rahman could not discharge his duties due to his illness, and later, death.

Since Bangladesh is a parliamentary system, it does not have a vice-president. However, during the presidential system of governance, Bangladesh had a vice-president who would assume the president's role in his absence; the post was abolished by the twelfth amendment to the Constitution in 1991.

Removal
A president can resign from office by writing a letter by hand to the Speaker. The president can also be impeached by the Parliament. In case of impeachment, the Parliament must bring specific charges against the president, and investigate it themselves, or refer it to any other body for investigation. The president will have the right to defend himself. Following the proceedings, the president is impeached immediately if two-thirds of the Parliament votes in favour, and the Speaker ascends to power.

Presidential residences and office
The principal Presidential residence at Bangabhaban is located in Dhaka. There is also a Presidential Palace at Uttara Ganabhaban in Natore District.

Parliamentary republic (1970–74)
At the beginning of the Bangladesh war of independence in April 1970, Bangladesh Forces and Bangladesh Government in exile were both established. After the oath ceremony was held at Meherpur, Kushtia, the government-in-exile set up its headquarters at 8 Theatre Road, in Kolkata (then Calcutta), India. The first president of Bangladesh was Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the first vice president to take oath of office was Syed Nazrul Islam with Tajuddin Ahmad as the first prime minister. After the war ended, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman became the prime minister with the election of the first parliament a year later in January, 1972.

Later in 1973 under a new constitution, the set up began under a parliamentary system of government where the president was a nominal head of the state while all the executive powers were vested in the prime minister. In 1974, the government under Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman switched from parliamentary to a single party presidential system banning all press, political parties and activities under the State of Emergency.

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman

Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the apparent acting president of a state yet to be known as Bangladesh (during the Liberation war of Bangladesh, when it was still called East Pakistan, before he was captured, taken to West Pakistan, and kept in a Pakistani prison. His imprisonment therefore resulted in his absence during the entire war-time, which lasted almost a year. In his absence, Syed Nazrul Islam, vice-president of the Provisional Government of Bangladesh was appointed as acting president). Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the founder of Bangladesh and remarked as the 'Father of the Bangladesh Nation'. He headed the Awami League, served as the president from April 1971 to 1972; was the prime minister from 1972 and the president in 1975. He is popularly referred to as Sheikh Mujib, and with the honorary title of Bangabandhu (বঙ্গবন্ধু Bôngobondhu, "Friend of Bengal"). His eldest daughter Sheikh Hasina Wajed is the present leader of the Awami League and the current prime minister of Bangladesh. He introduced the state policy of Bangladesh according to four basic principles: nationalism, secularism, democracy and socialism.

The Awami League won a massive majority in the first parliamentary elections of Bangladesh in March 1973 much due to Mujib's high-profile and as the single large political oppressor. However, the Mujib government faced serious challenges, which included the rehabilitation of millions of people displaced in 1971, organising the supply of food, health aids and other necessities. The effects of the 1970 cyclone had not worn off, and the state's economy had immensely deteriorated by the conflict. Economically, Mujib embarked on a huge nationalisation program. The economy suffered as a result of socialist planning. By the end of the year, thousands of Bengalis arrived from Pakistan, and thousands of non-Bengalis migrated to Pakistan; and yet many thousands remained in refugee camps.

Constitutional Presidential System (1974–1975)
During the aftermath of the 1974 Famine, Mujib proclaimed a State of Emergency to manage the crisis. The lawmakers of the 1st parliament amended the constitution to transition into a strong executive presidential system to better manage emergencies in the country. These changes were remarked as the "Second Revolution," by Sheikh Mujib. Sheikh Mujib assumed the presidency. All politicians were brought together for the unity of the country and a national party was created as the 'National Union Party', with a striking similarity to the Abraham Lincoln's National Union Party during the height of the American Civil War, with all different political members joining the national party for the sake of unity in order to prevent crisis stemming from disunity. It was named as the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL), in which all members of parliament, government and semi-autonomous associations and bodies were obliged to join.

After Bangladesh achieved recognition from most countries, Sheikh Mujib helped Bangladesh enter into the United Nations and the Non-Aligned Movement. He travelled to the United States, the United Kingdom and other European nations to obtain humanitarian and developmental assistance for the nation. He signed a treaty of friendship with India, which pledged extensive economic and humanitarian assistance and began training Bangladesh's security forces and government personnel. Mujib forged a close friendship with Indira Gandhi, strongly praising India's decision to intercede, and professed admiration and friendship for India. But the Indian government did not remain in close co-operation with Bangladesh during Mujib's lifetime.

He charged the provisional parliament to write a new constitution, and proclaimed the four fundamental principles of nationalism, secularism, democracy and socialism. Mujib nationalised hundreds of industries and companies as well as abandoned land and capital and initiated land reform aimed at helping millions of poor farmers. Major efforts were launched to rehabilitate an estimated 10 million refugees. The economy began recovering and a famine was prevented. A constitution was proclaimed in 1972 and elections were held, which resulted in Sheikh Mujib and his party gaining power with an absolute majority. He further outlined state programmes to expand primary education, sanitation, food, healthcare, water and electric supply across the country. A five-year plan released in 1973 focused state investments into agriculture, rural infrastructure and cottage industries.

Post-Coup Unconstitutional Military Dictatorships (1975–1991)
Assassination of Mujibur Rahman

Soon after the passing of a constitutional amendment, there was a disgruntlement among military generals who lamented the old Pakistani military establishment led state and some close associates of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who were ministers and secretaries, out of bitter bureaucratic rivalry with Bangabandhu and his loyalist ministers and secretaries joined the assassination plot. In August 1975, he was assassinated by some junior and mid-level army officers who had since their arrests and trials given testimonies against General Ziaur Rahman for guiding them and instigating them against the President and the State to cause the coup, and a new government, headed by one of the former associates who was in a bitter bureaucratic rivalry with Bangabandhu loyalists, Khandakar Moshtaque, was formed. Mushtaq's government was removed by a bloodless coup that occurred on 3 November 1975. A counter uprising occurred four days later on 7 November, resulting from a power struggle, with the deaths of several military generals, including General Khaled Mosharraf the leader of the November 3 counter coup, trying to prevent the conspirators and plotters of the Bangabandhu assassination from taking over the state successfully. With the absence of any resistance after the 7 November coup, Maj. Gen. Ziaur Rahman emerged into the political scene returning to the post of Army Chief of Staff. He pledged an army led state while the civilian government headed is by the president, Chief Justice Abu Sadat Mohammad Sayem. As the country was in dire situation with no stability and security, with Zia and the rest of the conspirators of the 7 November coup with their armed pressure on the President Sayem who then promulgated martial law, misled Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's use of the State of Emergency to turn it into a tool for a non civilian military takeover of the state and the government, and later replaced President Abu Sadat Mohammad Sayem as the Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA).

Ziaur Rahman (Bangladesh Nationalist Party)

With the Ziaur Rahman's military loyalists now running the state from behind, initially as Deputy CMLA, Ziaur Rahman sought to invigorate government policy and administration. While continuing Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's ban on political parties, he sought to bring back Ayub Khan regime's military bureaucratic system of government. A year later in November 1976, Ziaur Rahman became Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA). He assumed the presidency upon Sayem's retirement 5 months later, promising national elections in 1978. After a Yes-No nationwide vote referendum, Ziaur Rahman was elected for president in 1978. His government removed the remaining restrictions on political parties and encouraged all opposition parties to participate in the pending parliamentary elections while putting military generals into politics. He made constitutional changes without approval from the elected parliamentary representatives required by the constitution, and removed the social welfare system that guaranteed many social securities for the elderly people and poor people that was in place prior. More than 30 parties vied in the parliamentary elections of 15 February 1979, and with massive public support, Zia's Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) won 207 of the 300 elected seats.

Drifting away from the Secular State and Liberal Nationalism

Zia moved to lead the nation in a new direction, significantly different from the ideology and agenda of the 1st parliament of Bangladesh. He issued a proclamation order amending the constitution, replacing secularism with increasing the faith of the people in their creator, following the same tactics that was used in Pakistan during the Ayub Khan regime to establish a military rule over civilian democratic rule in the government system. In the preamble, he inserted the salutation "Bismillahir-Rahmaanir-Rahim" (In the name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful). In Article 8(1) and 8(1A) the statement "absolute trust and faith in Almighty Allah" was added, replacing the commitment to secularism. Socialism was redefined as "economic and social justice." In Article 25(2), Zia introduced the principle that "the state shall endeavour to consolidate, preserve and strengthen fraternal relations among Muslim countries based on Islamic solidarity." Zia's edits to the constitution redefined the nature of the republic from the secularism laid out by Sheikh Mujib and his supporters. Islamic religious education was introduced as a compulsory subject in Bangladeshi schools, with provisions for non-Muslim students to learn of their own religions.

In public speeches and policies that he formulated, Zia began expounding "Bangladeshi nationalism," as opposed to Mujib's assertion of a Liberal Nationalism that emphasised on the liberation of Bengalis from Pakistan's autocratic regime. Zia emphasised the national role of Islam (as practised by the majority of Bangladeshis). Claiming to promote an inclusive national identity, Zia reached out to non-Bengali minorities such as the Santals, Garos, Manipuris and Chakmas, as well as the Urdu-speaking peoples of Bihari origin. However, many of these groups were predominantly Hindu and Buddhist and were alienated by Zia's promotion of political Islam. In an effort to promote cultural assimilation and economic development, Zia appointed a Chittagong Hill Tracts Development Commission in 1976, but resisted holding a political dialogue with the representatives of the hill tribes on the issue of autonomy and cultural self-preservation. On 2 July 1977 Ziaur Rahman organised a tribal convention to promote a dialogue between the government and tribal groups. However, most cultural and political issues would remain unresolved and intermittent incidents of inter-community violence and militancy occurred throughout Zia's rule.

Reforms and international relations

Notable mentions of Ziaur Rahman's tenure as a president have been radical reforms both in country's infrastructure and diplomacy. President Zia successfully pointed out the grounds those could be effectively and exclusively decisive for development of Bangladesh and his reforms covered the political, economical, agricultural and military infrastructure of Bangladesh. Reorganisation of Bangladesh's international relations are especially mentionable because it had active influence over both economy and politics. He successfully bailed Bangladesh out of the Indo-Soviet bloc and grabbed the distancing strings to put bar on the gradually deterioration of Bangladeshi relations with the Western world. Zia gave attention to the other Eastern superpower China that later helped Bangladesh hugely to recover from economical setbacks and to enrich the arsenal of her armed forces.

The most notable of Zia's reformed diplomacy was establishing a relationship with the Muslim world as well as the Middle East. The present bulk overseas recruitment of Bangladeshi migrant workers to Middle Eastern countries are direct outcome of Zia's efforts those he put to develop a long-lasting relationship with the Muslim leadership of the world. The purpose of Middle East relations has been largely economical whereas the rapid improvement of relations with China was particularly made to for rapid advancement of the country's armed forces.

Throughout the study of Zia's international relations it could have been suggested that attention to the bigger neighbour India has been largely ignored. But Zia was found to put strong emphasis on regional co-operation particularly for South Asia. It came evident after Zia took initiative to found SAARC. Zia's dream of Bangladesh's involvement in a strong regional co-operation was met after 4 years of his assassination when SAARC got founded on 8 December 1985 with a key role of the then Bangladeshi authority.

Assassination of Ziaur Rahman

In 1981, Zia was assassinated by fractions of the military who were dissatisfied with his non-conventional means of running many state affairs including the military. Vice-President Justice Abdus Sattar was constitutionally sworn in as acting president. He declared a new national emergency and called for elections within 6 months. Sattar was elected president and won. Sattar was ineffective, however, and Army Chief of Staff, Lt. Gen. H.M. Ershad assumed power in a bloodless coup in March 1982.

Hussain Muhammad Ershad (Jatiya Party)

Like his predecessors, Ershad dissolved parliament, declared martial law, assumed the position of CMLA, suspended the constitution, and banned political activity. Ershad reaffirmed Bangladesh's moderate, non-aligned foreign policy.

In December 1983, he assumed the presidency. Over the ensuing months, Ershad sought a formula for elections while dealing with potential threats to public order.

On 1 January 1986, full political rights, including the right to hold large public rallies, were restored. At the same time, the Jatiyo (People's) Party (JP), designed as Ershad's political vehicle for the transition from martial law, was established. Ershad resigned as chief of army staff, retired from military service, and was elected president in October 1986. (Both the BNP and the AL refused to put up an opposing candidate.)

In July 1987, the opposition parties united for the first time in opposition to government policies. Ershad declared a state of emergency in November, dissolved parliament in December, and scheduled new parliamentary elections for March 1988.

All major opposition parties refused to participate. Ershad's party won 251 of the 300 seats; three other political parties which did participate, as well as a number of independent candidates, shared the remaining seats. This parliament passed a large number of legislative bills, including a controversial amendment making Islam the state religion.

By mid-1990, opposition to Ershad's rule had escalated. November and December 1990 were marked by general strikes, increased campus protests, public rallies, and a general disintegration of law and order. Ershad resigned in December 1990.

Restoration of Parliamentary system (1991—present)
It was reverted to democratic parliamentary system in 1991 when Khaleda Zia became the first female prime minister of Bangladesh through parliamentary election.

The president is the head of state, a largely ceremonial post elected by the parliament. However, the president's powers have been substantially expanded during the tenure of a caretaker government, which is responsible for the conduct of elections and transfer of power. The officers of the caretaker government must be non-partisan and are given three months to complete their task. This transitional arrangement is an innovation that was pioneered by Bangladesh in its 1991 election and then institutionalised in 1996 through its 13th constitutional amendment.

In the caretaker government, the president has the power to control over the Ministry of Defence, the authority to declare a state of emergency, and the power to dismiss the Chief Adviser and other members of the caretaker government. Once elections have been held and a new government and Parliament are in place, the president's powers and position revert to their largely ceremonial role. The Chief Adviser and other advisers to the caretaker government must be appointed within 15 days after the current Parliament expires.

title: President of Bangladesh


text: User:Ann Kyslowski

title: User:Ann Kyslowski