text:
Talk:List of Trotskyist internationals

AWL
Having spent several years in the organisation, I wonder if the Alliance for Workers' Liberty wouldn't fit better under 'Ex-Trotskyist'. It sees little positive meaning in the 'Trotskyist' label. Unsigned comment
 * As an AWL member, I think that the group is accurately described as "Trotskyist". But the only way for this list not to descend into chaos is to take groups' self definitions.  Hence the Posadists are listed, although I'd say they have nothing signficant in common with Trotsky.  As a brief list, this isn't the best place for discussion of the political orientation of groups - the article on the AWL should make our positions clear (and probably needs some work). Warofdreams talk 10:51, 26 September 2005 (UTC)

ITC
Is the International Trotskyist Committee for the Political Regeneration of the Fourth International still active? I thought it never recovered from its 1991 split. --Duncan 09:21, 28 June 2006 (UTC)

Scope
We are adding to this not only Internationals (world parties) but also co-ordinating committees and liason groups without a party-type structure. Do we want to turn this into a list of international trotskyist committees? --Duncan 07:34, 23 October 2006 (UTC)
 * I agree with using a broad definition here, because even, say, the ICFI didn't have a party-type structure for most of its existance. Do you think we should rename the article, or that this current name is clearer, and the precise scope could be covered in the introduction? Warofdreams talk 20:56, 23 October 2006 (UTC)
 * I think broader scope makes sense, and we should spell it out. Can you imagine trying to work out a dispute on which are 'real' Internationals?!? --Duncan 11:16, 24 October 2006 (UTC)

Socialist Utopia (Utopia Socialista)
The seems to have only an Italian organisation supporting it. --Duncan 12:38, 5 November 2006 (UTC)

Sentence with a ...

 * ''Others argue that the title "Fourth International" is so discredited that a Fifth International or another new organization.

''

This sentence needs to be completed, however I am not sure what it is trying to say, or I would fix it. --86.128.252.182 02:42, 22 March 2007 (UTC)

Ex-trotskyist
I think these organisations should be moved off this page, which is a list of Trotskyist internationals, and instead onto the list of left-wing internationals.--Duncan (talk) 09:07, 15 March 2008 (UTC)
 * Sounds good to me. Warofdreams talk 02:18, 16 March 2008 (UTC)
 * Okay, I'l do that now.

Criteria
I have removed Humanists for Revolutionary Socialism from the list, and think it's worth making a point about criteria. An international is a world party formed of national political organisations. It forms one organisation which can act, so it's more than a co-ordinating discussion body in which national groups meet(for example, LO's Necessary International Initiative was not an international). An international has national sections, so a single world organisation formed of individual members isn't an international either. --Duncan (talk) 11:26, 22 March 2009 (UTC)
 * I agree...it should never of been on any international list. Now, however, it's affiliated to one called the "International Leninist Trotskyist Fraction" which is listed on their web site.DavidMIA (talk) 03:21, 6 January 2010 (UTC)

 * For the same reason, the non-Internationals (FSP, AWL) should be moved off this page. Agreed? --Duncan (talk) 23:04, 27 January 2010 (UTC)
 * I disagree - unlike a single world organisation of individual members, these groups (and the Necessary International Initiative) are similar to internationals, in that they are international networks of parties, the difference being that they have no formal structure. They are not internationals, as you say, but it is relevant and useful to note them here.  It may also discourage people from mistakenly adding them to the main list of internationals on this page. Warofdreams talk 23:40, 27 January 2010 (UTC)

"Tendencies"
What does the word "tendencies" mean in the phrase "Certain tendencies which claim to be Trotskyist make no attempt to claim any relationship to the Fourth International in an organisational sense"? This is not common English usage. Geoffrey.landis (talk) 13:52, 25 September 2012 (UTC)
 * "Tendency' is a noun in this context but, yes, it's not common use. I've replaced it with organization. --Duncan (talk) 19:50, 25 September 2012 (UTC)

I changed the status of the WIRFI on this page to that of an active organisation, see its website here: http://workersinternational.info/ --82.113.121.236 (talk) 22:16, 21 August 2015 (UTC)

title: Talk:List of Trotskyist internationals


text:
Talk:Original Dixieland Jass Band

Record question
i have in my possession a victor record i'm wearing my heart for you macdonough & bieling  1854  victor talking machine company camden nj  im trying to find out the age and some history behind it

Columbia and Victor recordings
I reverted as in this case 64.48.74.4 was correct rather than Pitchka. Pitchka's version is understandable as many written sources have given the story that way, but it's been known in the record collecting community for at least some 15 years that the 2 Columbia sides were actually recorded AFTER the first 2 Victor sides-- the master numbers and chronology are doccumented, and this is known to be so. -- Infrogmation 23:16, 17 Dec 2004 (UTC)

Title
The "Jazz" spelling is certianly more well known. Title should be changed. Zazaban 23:28, 4 April 2007 (UTC)

 * I disagree. It was while it was still spelled "Jass" that they made their first and most important recordings and had their greatest historical influence. We have a redirect from the "Jazz" spelling already anyway. -- Infrogmation 23:36, 4 April 2007 (UTC)
 * The name was changed in 1917. Before Livery Stable Blues and before Tiger Rag. Zazaban 22:24, 9 May 2007 (UTC)

 * Not before the first recordings of those numbers. It is spelled "Jass" on the original issues of the first Victors, Columbias, and all the A-Vs. -- Infrogmation 03:50, 10 May 2007 (UTC)

Members
I can't get the members to show up on the infobox. Could somebody help? Zazaban 22:24, 9 May 2007 (UTC)

Benny Krueger
Page currently says nothing about him... Chubbles (talk) 17:03, 5 May 2008 (UTC)

Jass/Jazz
Should it be Jazz instead of Jass? --98.28.62.205 (talk) 22:55, 20 December 2008 (UTC)

The name of the article should be changed. Their first single came out in 1917, and they changed their name to "Jazz" band from "Jass" in the same year. From then on, everything they released was under the name "Jazz" and not "Jass". When you have a listing for any other band you wouldn't put them under their old name before their commercial success. "Madness" aren't listed as "The Invaders". Apart from being inconsistent, it is just plain silly. --86.163.91.248 (talk) 13:26, 1 February 2012 (UTC)

 * A counter argument is that their most important historically (and also best seller records) came out when they billed themselves as "Jass". Their later work was of less importance. -- Infrogmation (talk) 18:56, 2 February 2012 (UTC)

I have not checked any sources on this yet, but perhaps it should be regarding this information: in studying history of jazz in a master's program, it was said that the ODJB were essentially frauds, as all the members of the band were incapable of improvising. They wrote out in advance things that were supposed to sound like improvisations, and in their numerous performances in New York, classical musicians noticed that the compositions were played exactly the same way every time, while audiences were told that the ODJB were improvising on chord changes. Exposing this caused accusations of fraud against ODJB, who also faced accusations of claiming authorship of many tunes they did not write, including Tiger Rag. It has been said that the ODJB were essentially exploiting a music invented by black musicians and claiming it was their own invention. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 162.194.149.183 (talk) 14:07, 26 February 2014 (UTC)

Film use in "honors" section
The below text was in the "Honors" section, where it doesn't seem relevant. Use of ODJB tunes in films and tv would certainly go to the thousands of examples; if there are particularly notable examples perhaps they could be mentioned but "Honors" hardly seems the place to do so. -- Infrogmation (talk) 20:45, 21 November 2012 (UTC)

 * In 2008, the Original Dixieland Jazz Band classic "Ostrich Walk", written by Edwin B. Edwards, Nick LaRocca, Henry Ragas, Tony Sbarbaro, and Larry Shields, in a performance by Bix Beiderbecke and Frankie Trumbauer, was included on the soundtrack to the film The Curious Case of Benjamin Button. The soundtrack also included "Wah Dee Dah", a collaboration with Russel Robinson, in a performance by Cab Calloway. The movie was based on a short story by F. Scott Fitzgerald from the collection, Tales of the Jazz Age.

 * The soundtrack album to the 2011 Boardwalk Empire series on HBO features performances of three songs originally recorded by the Original Dixieland Jazz Band: "Livery Stable Blues", "Mournin' the Blues", and "Margie", peformed by Vince Giordano and the Nighthawks Orchestra. The soundtrack won the Grammy Award for Best Compilation Soundtrack for Visual Media at the 54th Grammy Awards.

Tiger Rag list
Might the list of covers of "Tiger Rag" better belong in the "Tiger Rag" article rather than here? -- Infrogmation (talk) 20:46, 21 November 2012 (UTC)

POV edits needed
I've added a POV template to this article. The section "Music of ODJB" in particular needs a rewrite to achieve neutrality. Also needs citations. ==Design (talk) 06:11, 1 June 2013 (UTC)
 * I understand the need for sources, but I'm not seeing the POV, unless you are talking about the "repetitive" recordings. Help?    78.26   (I'm no IP, talk to me!) 00:43, 18 June 2013 (UTC)
 * there are unsourced adjectives praising the band for their exciting, liberating, innovative music etc. all POV. Also there is a debate about the source and authorship of Tiger Rag and other material the band credited to themselves. This debate needs to be included in the article, in part. The article should not endorse one side or the other. --Design (talk) 13:50, 19 June 2013 (UTC)
 * I removed the POV tag, instead I put an unreferenced tag in the "Music of ODJB" section (even though there was one citation at the very end of the section). I suggest that you enter "citation needed" tags where you think they are necessary. Personally, I don't really have a problem with the page. Tagging the entire article as POV was a little too much, imo.BassHistory (talk) 08:32, 7 November 2014 (UTC)

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In 1919 they were spelling their name Jazz. They only used the Jass spelling a short time and it makes no sense to use the spelling they were no longer using in articles.Mike32065 (talk) 09:37, 4 September 2021 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Original Dixieland Jass Band


text:
Mythologies (book)

Mythologies (Mythologies) is a 1957 book by Roland Barthes. It is a collection of essays first published from 1954 to 1956 in the French literary review Les Lettres nouvelles, examining the tendency of contemporary social value systems to create modern myths. Barthes also looks at the semiology of the process of myth creation, updating Ferdinand de Saussure's system of sign analysis by adding a second level where signs are elevated to the level of myth.

Mythologies
Mythologies is split into two: Mythologies and Myth Today, the first section consisting of a collection of essays on selected modern myths and the second further and general analysis of the concept. The first section of Mythologies describes a selection of modern cultural phenomena, chosen for their status as modern myths and for the added meaning that has been conferred upon them. Each short chapter analyses one such myth, ranging from Einstein's Brain to Soap Powders and Detergents. They were originally written as a series of bi-monthly essays for the magazine Les Lettres Nouvelles.

In a typical example, Barthes describes the image that has been built up around red wine and how it has been adopted as a French national drink, how it is seen as a social equaliser and the drink of the proletariat, partly because it is seen as blood-like (as in Holy Communion) and points out that very little attention is paid to red wine's harmful effects to health, but that it is instead viewed as life-giving and refreshing — 'in cold weather, it is associated with all the myths of becoming warm, and at the height of summer, with all the images of shade, with all things cool and sparkling.'

In another chapter, Barthes explores the myth of professional wrestling. He describes how, unlike in the sport of boxing, the aim of theatrical stunt fighting is not to discover who will win or 'a demonstration of excellence', it is a staged spectacle acting out society's basic concepts of good and evil, of 'Suffering, Defeat and Justice'. The actors pretending to be wrestlers, like characters in a pantomime, portray grossly-exaggerated stereotypes of human weakness: the traitor, the conceited, the 'effeminate teddy-boy'. The audience expects to watch them suffer and be punished for their own transgressions of wrestling's rules in a theatrical version of society's ideology of justice.

Essays in English translation of Mythologies

 * "The World of Wrestling" (professional wrestling)
 * "The Romans in Films" (the 1953 American film Julius Caesar)
 * "The Writer on Holiday" (an article in Le Figaro about André Gide's travels in the Congo)
 * "The 'Blue Blood' Cruise" (a yacht cruise taken by European royalty to celebrate the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II)
 * "Blind and Dumb Criticism"
 * "Soap-powders and Detergents" (advertisements for Omo and Persil detergents)
 * "The Poor and the Proletariat" (Charlie Chaplin)
 * "Operation Margarine" (From Here to Eternity; the Jules Roy play Les Cyclones; Graham Greene's The Living Room; advertisements for Astra brand margarine)
 * "Dominici, or the Triumph of Literature" (the Dominici Affair)
 * "The Iconography of the Abbé Pierre"
 * "Novels and Children" (Elle magazine on women novelists)
 * "Toys"
 * "The Face of Garbo" (Greta Garbo in Queen Christina)
 * "Wine and Milk"
 * "Steak and Chips"
 * "The Nautilus and the Drunken Boat" (the novels of Jules Verne)
 * "The Brain of Einstein"
 * "The Jet-man"
 * "The Blue Guide"
 * "Ornamental Cookery" (food photography in Elle magazine)
 * "Neither-Nor Criticism"
 * "Striptease"
 * "The New Citroën" (the Citroën DS 19)
 * "Photography and Electoral Appeal" (photographs of French politicians)
 * "The Lost Continent"
 * "Astrology"
 * "Plastic"
 * "The Great Family of Man" (the touring photography exhibition known in English-speaking countries as The Family of Man)
 * "The Lady of the Camellias"

Myth today
In the second half of the book Barthes addresses the question of "What is a myth, today?" with the analysis of ideas such as: myth as a type of speech, and myth as a type of politics.

Following on from the first section, Barthes justifies and explains his choices and analysis. He calls upon the concepts of semiology developed by Ferdinand de Saussure, who described the connections between an object (the signified) and its linguistic representation (such as a word, the signifier) and how the two are connected. Working with this structure Barthes continues to show his idea of a myth as a further sign, with its roots in language, but to which something has been added. So with a word (or other linguistic unit) the meaning (apprehended content) and the sound come together to make a sign. To make a myth, the sign itself is used as a signifier, and a new meaning is added, which is the signified. But according to Barthes, this is not added arbitrarily. Although we are not necessarily aware of it, modern myths are created with a reason. As in the example of the red wine, mythologies are formed to perpetuate an idea of society that adheres to the current ideologies of the ruling class and its media.

Barthes demonstrates this theory with the example of a front cover from Paris Match edition no. 326, of July 1955, showing a young black soldier in French uniform saluting. The signifier, a saluting soldier, cannot offer us further factual information of the young man's life. But it has been chosen by the magazine to symbolise more than the young man; the picture, in combination with the signifieds of Frenchness, militariness, and relative ethnic difference, gives us a message about France and its citizens. The picture does not explicitly demonstrate 'that France is a great empire, that all her sons, without any colour discrimination, faithfully serve under her flag,' etc., but the combination of the signifier and signified perpetuates the myth of imperial devotion, success and thus, a property of 'significance' for the picture.

I am at the barber’s, and copy of Paris-Match is offered to me. On the cover, a young Negro in a French uniform is saluting, with his eyes uplifted, probably fixed on a fold of the tricolour. All this is the meaning of the picture. But whether naively or not, I see very well what it signifies to me: that France is a great Empire, that all her sons, without any colour discrimination, faithfully serve under the flag, and that there is no better answer to the detractors of an alleged colonialism than the zeal shown by this Negro in serving his so-called oppressors ...

Myth and power
Exploring the concept of myth, Barthes seeks to grasp the relations between language and power. He assumes that myth helps to naturalize particular worldviews.

According to Barthes, myth is based on humans’ history, and myth cannot naturally occur. There are always some communicative intentions in myth. Created by people, myth can easily be changed or destroyed. Also, myth depends on the context where it exists. By changing the context, one can change the effects of myth. At the same time, myth itself participates in the creation of an ideology. According to Barthes, myth doesn't seek to show or to hide the truth when creating an ideology, it seeks to deviate from the reality. The major function of myth is to naturalize a concept, a belief. Myth purifies signs and fills them with a new meaning which is relevant to the communicative intentions of those who are creating the myth. In the new sign, there are no contradictions that could raise any doubts regarding the myth. Myth is not deep enough to have these contradictions; it simplifies the world by making people believe that signs have inherent meaning. Myth “abolishes the complexity of human acts, it gives them the simplicity of essences…”

Why do people believe in myth? The power of myth is in its impressive character. It seeks to surprise the audience. This impression is far more powerful than any rational explanations which can disprove the myth. So, myth works not because it hides its intentions, but because the intentions of myth have been naturalized. Through the usage of myths, one can naturalize “the Empire, [the] taste for Basque things, the Government.”

Speaking of myth and power, Barthes asserts that myth is a depoliticized speech. He uses the term ex-nomination (or exnomination), by which he "means 'outside of naming'. Barthes' point was that dominant groups or ideas in society become so obvious or common sense that they don't have to draw attention to themselves by giving themselves a name. They're just the 'normality', against which everything else can be judged." For example, he says, "[the bourgeoisie] makes its status undergo a real ex-nominating operation: the bourgeoisie is defined as the social class which does not want to be named" (italics in original). Myth removes our understanding of concepts and beliefs as created by humans. Instead, myth presents them as something natural and innocent. Drawing upon Karl Marx, Barthes states that even the most natural objects include some aspect of politics. Depending on how strong the political side of myth is, Barthes defines the strong and the weak myths (des mythes forts et des mythes faibles). Depoliticization of the strong myths happens abruptly, as the strong myths are explicitly political. The weak myths are the myths which have already lost their political character. However, this character can be brought back by “the slightest thing”.

Barthes also provides a list of rhetorical figures in bourgeoisie myths:
 * The inoculation. The government admits the harm brought by one of the institutes. Focusing on one institute, myth hides the inconsistency of the system. Inoculation consists in "admitting the accidental evil of a class-bound institution in order to conceal its principal evil." A "small inoculation of acknowledged evil" protects against "the risk of a generalized subversion."
 * The privation of History. A history standing behind a myth gets removed. People don't wonder where the myth comes from; they simply believe it.
 * Identification. The ideology of the bourgeoisie seeks sameness and denies all concepts that don't fit into its system. The bourgeoisie either ignores subjects that differ from them, or they strive to make this subject the same as the bourgeoisie.
 * Tautology. The myths of the bourgeoisie define the concepts through the same concepts (Barthes provides an example of theatre, “Drama is drama”)
 * Neither-Norism (le ninisme). Two concepts are defined by each other, and both of the concepts are considered inconsistent.
 * The quantification of quality. Myth measures reality by numbers, not by quality. This way, myth simplifies reality.
 * The statement of fact. Myth doesn't explain the reality. Myth asserts a certain picture of the world without explanation just like a proverb does.

The model of semiosis suggested by Barthes seeks to link signs with the social myths or ideologies that they articulate.

Mythologisation and cultural studies
Barthes refers to the tendency of socially constructed notions, narratives, and assumptions to become "naturalised" in the process, that is, taken unquestioningly as given within a particular culture. Barthes finishes Mythologies by looking at how and why myths are built up by the bourgeoisie in its various manifestations. He returns to this theme in later works including The Fashion System.

There are analogies between Mythologies (1957) and Marshal McLuhan's The Mechanical Bride (1951), in which also a series of exhibits of popular mass culture (like advertisements and newspaper or magazines articles) are critically analyzed.

title: Mythologies (book)


text:
Liberal Forum

The Liberal Forum (Liberales Forum, LiF) was a centrist,  liberal    political party in Austria. The party was active from February 1993 to January 2014, when the party merged into NEOS – The New Austria.

A member of the Liberal International and the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, it was founded as a classical liberal split from the FPÖ due to its right-wing populist stances and was placed on the libertarian/post-materialist on a two-axis political spectrum, alongside The Greens – The Green Alternative, in a 2000 comparative analysis among Austrian political parties.

Founding
The Liberal Forum (LiF) was founded on 4 February 1993, when liberals in the Freedom Party of Austria (FPÖ), including five members of the National Council of Austria, left the party. The five Nationalrat members were Heide Schmidt, Klara Motter, Friedhelm Frischenschlager, Hans Helmut Moser, and Thomas Barmüller. Heide Schmidt (who was third president of the Nationalrat until 1994) became the party's first chairperson.

The reason for the split within the FPÖ was growing disagreements between the liberal wing and the nationalist camp. Jörg Haider launched a petition-drive against foreign immigrants in Austria, the so-called Austria First Referendum (Österreich Zuerst Volksbegehren). This in turn was unacceptable to Heide Schmidt and her followers. The founders of the new party wanted to be a liberal party in the classical sense, which the FPÖ had ceased to be since the resignation of Norbert Steger and the rise of Haider.

LiF was the first party in the history of the Second Republic (since 1945) to achieve immediate seats in parliament without prior elections. After some initial confusion, the chairs of the house accepted the new formation as an official party, thereby granting access to public financial means of support. The FPÖ left the Liberal International and LiF took over its membership in its place. The party managed to gain 11 seats in the 1994 parliamentary elections, and with 5.51% of all votes cast 10 seats in the 1995 elections.

However, following the resignation of Schmidt as chairperson and the elections in 1999, the party's support plummeted, and it failed to gain any seats. In the elections of 3 October 1999, the party obtained 3.65% of all votes and therefore failed to surmount the 4% mandatory threshold in order to enter parliament. In the elections of 2002, it obtained 1% of the vote and got no seats. As a consequence, it also lost votes in state elections and is only represented on the communal level. In Vienna the party lost all seats on the district level in the elections of 2005.

LiF decided not to contest the 2009 European election, focussing on refounding and building up the party instead. The Young Liberals (JuLis), the LIF's student and youth organisation, contested the election independently instead.

LiF contested the 2013 legislative election in an electoral alliance with newly formed NEOS – The New Austria. On 25 January 2014, LiF merged into NEOS, which took the full name of NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum.

Ideology
According to its founding charter, the LiF propagated political liberalism and advocated a free market economy. Furthermore, the party wanted environmental protection and supported world peace. The party supported:
 * Promotion of privatisation
 * Legalisation of cannabis
 * Equalisation of homosexuals
 * Liberalisation of shopping hours
 * Increase of the voting age

Chairpersons since 1993
The chart below shows a timeline of the Liberal chairpersons and the Chancellors of Austria. The left bar shows all the chairpersons (Bundessprecher, abbreviated as "CP") of the Liberal party, and the right bar shows the corresponding make-up of the Austrian government at that time. The red (Social Democratic Party of Austria, SPÖ) and black (Austrian People's Party, ÖVP) colours correspond to which party led the federal government (Bundesregierung, abbreviated as "Govern."). The last names of the respective chancellors are shown, the Roman numeral stands for the cabinets.

title: Liberal Forum


text:
World Socialist Party (New Zealand)

The World Socialist Party of New Zealand (WSPNZ) is a revolutionary socialist and anti-Leninist political party in New Zealand founded in 1930 as the Socialist Party of New Zealand (SPNZ).

The WSPNZ is affiliated with the Socialist Party of Great Britain (SPGB) and the World Socialist Movement (WSM).

In the 1940s, the party co-operated on Socialist Comment. In 1971, the party contested its first parliamentary election and in 1975 put up seven candidates.

The WSPNZ last ran a candidate in the 1996 election, gaining a total of 27 votes.

Radio
The WSPNZ ran Radio Imagine 88.3 FM out of Manurewa, Auckland, starting as early as 2001.

title: World Socialist Party (New Zealand)


text:
Talk:Usage of words for eyepieces

"Sun eyeglasses" does produce 99 hits on Google (some of which should be, or are, "sun/eyeglasses"), but very, very few people use it in regular speech anywhere in the U.S. and Canada. --MIRV 20:21, 16 Dec 2003 (UTC)

title: Talk:Usage of words for eyepieces


text:
Austin Healey

Austin Sean Healey (born 26 October 1973 in Wallasey (now part of Merseyside, formerly Cheshire), is a former English rugby union player who played as a utility back for Leicester Tigers, and represented both England and the British & Irish Lions.

He has 51 England caps and 2 Lions caps. He played for England at scrum half, fly-half, fullback and wing, and was often used as a replacement (or substitute) because of his versatility. He is a famously competitive and "outspoken" character, gaining the nickname "The Leicester Lip".

Since retiring he has worked in the media.

Early life and education
Austin attended Bidston Avenue Primary School in Claughton, Birkenhead, during his primary years. He passed the entrance exam and attended St Anselm's College, Birkenhead (Edmund Rice Trust) then Leeds Polytechnic.

His Youth Rugby was with Birkenhead Park FC where he returned with His Big Tackle Programme in 2009 which featured Park's Junior Colts.

Early career
Healey played for England U21 in 1992 and went on to represent England A and the Barbarians '96 tour of Japan. After spells at Waterloo and Orrell, Healey initially signed for Leicester as a scrum half, having played at wing and outside centre for Orrell. He made his full England début against Ireland during the 1997 Five Nations tournament, and toured with the British Lions in 1997, making two appearances.

He has played in the Five/Six Nations tournaments (‘98-'02) and in the 1999 World Cup. In the 1999/00 season he was voted both Leicester Tigers' and Allied Dunbar's Player of the Season.

Leicester coach Bob Dwyer switched him to the wing to accommodate Fijian Waisale Serevi at scrum half. Healey was then selected on the wing for England.

After an injury to Tigers' South African fly-half Joel Stransky, and the unsuitability of others such as Pat Howard and Andy Goode to fill the role, Healey was switched to fly-half. In this position, however, he was unable to make much of an international impression, his sole appearance at fly-half coming in the 2000 tour to South Africa in the first test, after Jonny Wilkinson fell victim to food poisoning.

In 2001 he made the break during the Heineken Cup final that resulted in the winning try - Healey had started the match at scrum half with Andy Goode at 10, but was switched to fly-half in the closing minutes. He also scored the second and decisive try against Munster when Tigers retained the cup the following year.

His form for Tigers during the 2001 season, was rewarded with a call up to England's starting line-up during the Six Nations, and selection for the British & Irish Lions squad to tour Australia, where he put in some good performances for the mid-week team but missed out on further caps due to injury.

However, for many people the abiding memory of this tour will be the controversy caused by his comments on Wallaby lock Justin Harrison in his column in the Guardian. The comments backfired after Harrison was selected to make his debut for the Third and deciding test of the series, and stole a crucial lineout - sealing the series victory for Australia. There was some suggestion that Healey's comments had served as motivation for the Wallabies team.

On his return from Australia he played in every game for England until he was rested for the summer 2002 tour to Argentina, showing his versatility by starting at fullback, scrum half, and wing and came on twice as a replacement.

He returned to international action appearing as a replacement in all three of the following season's autumn internationals when England recorded a series of victories over Australia, New Zealand and South Africa.

Healey flew out to Australia as injury cover for the victorious 2003 Rugby World Cup, however he was never officially added to the squad after certain players recovered, meaning he was unable to pick up a medal for the success despite flying out to Australia.

2004/2005 season
In the 2004/05 season Healey hit form again, and with the failings of the England backline, there were calls for him to be reinstated to ignite it. England coach Andy Robinson humoured the press that there was a chance of a recall, but it never came. Instead Healey turned his attention to the 2005 Lions' tour. He was included in the long list, but not the tour party (having not played international rugby for 3 years). He wrote a column for the Guardian on the tour, which included the quote 'Have you heard the latest from the Lions' camp? Clive's sending Andy Robinson to a fancy dress party tonight. He's going as a pumpkin, they're hoping when it gets to midnight he'll turn into a real coach!'

2005/2006 season
Tigers finished top of the league. A notable performance for Healey was Away at Wasps, where he scored in the last minute to steal a draw. However, Wasps hammered Tigers in the final. In the 05/06 season, Healey was handed club vice-captaincy and regularly captained the team from scrum half and fly half during the international period. He looked back to near his best form and pressed both Harry Ellis and Andy Goode out of their respective regular slots of 9 and 10 at different times throughout the season. Leicester made the premiership final again and were beaten by Sale Sharks, Healey claims to have thrown his silver medal away in disgust at the end of the game, claiming that he didn't do 'losers medals'.

Retirement
Following retirement from Leicester Tigers at the end of the 2005/6 season, Healey planned to start a new career as a banker with Credit Suisse and to also continue working as a BBC analyst.

Television appearances
Healey competed in the sixth series of the BBC competition series Strictly Come Dancing with professional dancer Erin Boag. He was eliminated in week 12 of the competition to come 4th overall.

He joined Gary Lineker on Who Wants to Be a Millionaire? Christmas Special, on 23 December 2008. Together they won £50,000 for their chosen charity - Nicholls Spinal Injury Foundation.

Healey presented The Big Tackle on ITV in March 2009, aimed at promoting and assisting rugby clubs around the country. In January 2009, he obtained his basic coaching qualifications, in order to put him in a better position from which to advise clubs. During the filming, he returned to his roots and visited his former local club, Birkenhead Park. Some of the other teams that he coached on the series included; Bristol Barbarians, Witney Angels RFC, Rosslyn Park, and University of Sussex.

He competed on show one of the new series of Beat the Star in April 2009. He won 4/8 games, and ended up with 22 points overall, beating his opponent; Factory Manager, Glenn Clarke, who had 14 points overall.

Healey appeared as one of the team captains for the second series of Hole in the Wall along with ex-EastEnders star Joe Swash.

Austin is the host of the ITV gameshow The Fuse, which began on 13 July 2009.

He also appeared on BBC gameshow, Mastermind, on 4 January 2013. His specialist subject was Everton Football Club.

Autobiography
Healey's autobiography, Lions, Tigers and Roses, was published by Oxford University Press in 2001.

title: Austin Healey


text:
Brazilian Democratic Movement

The Brazilian Democratic Movement (Movimento Democrático Brasileiro, MDB) is a Brazilian political party. It is considered a "big tent party" and it is one of the parties with the greatest representation throughout the national territory, with the most numbers of senators, mayors and city councillors,  always having formed a large part of the National Congress since 1988, and also has the largest number of affiliates, with 2,043,709 members as of July 2023.

Originally, the MDB was founded on 1965 as part of an enforced two party system by the Brazilian military dictatorship, providing an official, if controlled, opposition. With political opening, on 1980 the former members of the MDB created the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro, PMDB), name which was known until 2018. It was the party of former Presidents of Brazil Tancredo Neves, José Sarney, Itamar Franco and Michel Temer, as well providing support for the governments of Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Luíz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff, as well as unofficial support for the government of Jair Bolsonaro.

After the redemocratization of Brazil, MDB became a big tent party without a clear ideological program, seeking to have many members from various positions and different interest groups under its wing. As such, MDB has been criticized and accused of being a cronyistic "physiological party", aiming at ensuring proximity to the executive branch in order to guarantee advantages and allow them to distribute privileges through clientelistic networks. This has been shown by the support to multiple governing parties since the beginning of the Sixth Brazilian Republic. As such, the MDB has been considered one of the core members of the Centrão.

History
Under military rule from 1965 to 1979, Brazil had a legally enforced two party system, with supporters of the regime gathered under the National Renewal Alliance Party (ARENA) umbrella, and the official opposition making up the MDB. Essentially, the MDB comprised nearly all of the Brazilian Labour Party and the main body of the Social Democratic Party.

For much of the first decade-and-a-half of the military dictatorship, ARENA had large majorities in the federal and state legislatures, and the MDB was virtually powerless. Since the president was indirectly elected by Congress, ARENA's candidate—in practice, selected by the military high command—could not possibly be defeated. The MDB did not even put forward candidates in the first post-coup elections, in 1966 and 1969. While the MDB did put forward presidential candidates in 1974 and 1978, they were soundly defeated.

Starting in 1979, multipartyism was reintroduced to Brazil by the military government. A restricted number of parties were allowed and the two original parties were officially disbanded, with ARENA became officially known as the Democratic Social Party (PDS). Many of the MDB left into multiple new opposition parties such as the Democratic Labour Party (PDT), Brazilian Labour Party (PTB) and the Workers' Party (PT). Even though the country was redemocratizing, the military government sought to weaken the future successor of the MDB by demanding that new parties have "Party" on their official designations, thus forcing a rebranding. The group which remained reorganized the old MDB as the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (Partido do Movimento Democrático Brasileiro; PMDB).

The MDB had been a big tent party uniting nearly all of the opposition to the military dictatorship. As such, it harboured elements ranging across the political spectrum. PMDB had a similar character to its predecessor, including a range of politicians from conservatives such as José Sarney to liberals such as Pedro Simon, leftists like Roberto Requião, populists like Íris Resende, nationalists like Orestes Quércia and the former guerrilla movement MR-8.

In 1985, party leader Tancredo Neves won the presidential election, but died before taking office. His running mate José Sarney, who had recently joined the party after defecting from the political wing of the military, became president, serving until 1990. Up until 2016, he was the only president of Brazil to come from the party. In recent presidential elections the party has not run candidates of its own, preferring to focus on congressional and gubernatorial elections.

At the legislative elections on 6 October 2002, the party won 74 out of 513 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and 19 out of 81 seats in the Senate, making it one of the biggest parties in Brazil.

The party decided not to launch a candidate for the 2006 presidential election in order to be free to join any coalition in the states. Under Brazilian electoral law then, parties launching presidential candidates could not form alliances at the state level that differed at the national level (this norm was subsequently repealed). At the congressional elections in October 2006, PMDB won 89 of 513 seats in the Chamber of Deputies, becoming its biggest party; and in the Senate it had 15 of the 81 seats after its one-third renovation, becoming the third-largest party. PMDB also won seven state gubernatorial elections in the same election.

In 2010, the party made gains in the Senate, winning 16 of the elected seats for a total of 20. It was somewhat weakened in other elections, winning 79 seats in the Chamber of Deputies (becoming the second largest party) and winning five state governorships.

Notable PMDB members included: Wanderlei Silva, Tancredo Neves, Ulysses Guimarães, Itamar Franco, Orestes Quércia, Michel Temer, Anthony Garotinho, José Sarney, Renan Calheiros, Pedro Simon, Roberto Requião, Germano Rigotto, Paulo Skaf, Ramez Tebet, Marcelo Fortuna, Iris Rezende and Maguito Vilela.

On 29 March 2016, PMDB announced that it was leaving the coalition with the Workers' Party following accusations against President Dilma Rousseff and former president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva of corruption. The PMDB supported the impeachment process against Dilma Rousseff. After the impeachment process began, vice president Michel Temer formed a new center-right liberal coalition government with PSDB and other parties. He was confirmed as president as Dilma was permanently removed from office by the Senate on August, 31st 2016, thus becoming the second Brazilian president to hail from PMDB.

On 19 December 2017, the party reverted to its former name, Brazilian Democratic Movement (Movimento Democrático Brasileiro, MDB). The move was seen as an attempt to renew party identity. The initials PMDB had become associated with corruption and cronyism, while the original acronym was associated with the struggle for democracy, according to party leader, Romero Jucá. The party announced a program based on economic liberalism, fiscal conservatism and greater openness to sectors of civil society such as evangelicals and environmentalists. The party also made it clear that it will prioritize parliamentarians who agree with the new positions of the party, which has been interpreted by many as a warning that rebel parliamentarians, especially the senator from Paraná, Roberto Requião, strongly associated with the Brazilian nationalist left (and who eventually left the party in the summer of 2021 and eventually joined the Workers' Party), and even Renan Calheiros, the President of the Federal Senate, considered one of the most powerful personalities of Brazilian politics, but who shows little alignment with Temer's government and propositions of economic liberalism, can be excluded from the party. A few days earlier, Senator Kátia Abreu of Tocantins was expelled from the party for her support of the opposition, especially for her firm stance against the pension reform, as an alignment to the PT of whom she had been allied in the mandate of Dilma Rousseff.

The PMDB is the Brazilian political party that received the most bribes from Odebrecht. The company's "institutional relations" manager, Melo Filho, says he can find among the PMDB senators "the parliamentarians most devoted to the group's interests", but also those "who asked for the highest contributions".

Ideology
The original MDB was founded as a legal, civil movement of opposition to Brazilian military government. Without a clear program except the democratization of the country, the party was an umbrella of opponents of military regime, ranging from liberal conservatives and Christian democrats from parties like Christian Democratic Party and Social Democratic Party to former labourists, socialists and communists, of Brazilian Labour Party, Brazilian Socialist Party and Brazilian Communist Party. With the redemocratization, many centrists and leftists left the party and joined other parties with more consistent ideologies.

Many Christian democrats, social liberals and social democrats broke with the party in 1988 to form the Brazilian Social Democracy Party, led by Mario Covas, Fernando Henrique Cardoso, José Serra and Franco Montoro. Other PMDB members exited the party to more established left-wing parties, like the new incarnation of Brazilian Socialist Party, Communist Party of Brazil and Democratic Labour Party. In 2009, the last left-wing section of the party abandoned it and formed the Free Fatherland Party, a far left party descending from the MR-8 guerrilla. Some strong leftists, however, like senator Roberto Requião, remained in the party, but more isolated and less powerful (Requião too would eventually leave the party in July 2021). Other powerful politicians within the party, like former Rio de Janeiro governor Sérgio Cabral Filho and senator Renan Calheiros, established a neutral political stance, sometimes described as "physiological" by critics.

The left-wing loss was strong, and as such, the positions of those who left were replaced eventually by dissidents of centrist, centre-left and even right-wing parties, who joined to avoid falling out of power (as independent candidates are not allowed to run in elections in Brazil) and/or losing feuds with local or national party leadership. This replacement changed the character of the party from a catch-all party to a centrist one with a visible centre-right tendency. The party denied the centre-right character or any strict adherence to any political ideology. The party maintains that it is an open party for any and all Brazilians committed to democracy.

The party's programme from 2015 is based on the document "Bridge to the Future" detailing the measures to be taken to modernise Brazil, including reform of the labour code, overhaul of the pension system, privatisation of some public companies and reduction of some social rights.

title: Brazilian Democratic Movement


text:
Workers Party of New Zealand

The Workers Party of New Zealand (previously known as the Anti-Capitalist Alliance) was a socialist political party in New Zealand. It published a monthly magazine called "The Spark". In February 2013 the party was transformed from a "mass workers party" to a "fighting propaganda group". The organisation was subsequently renamed Fightback.

Its last national organiser and secretary was Rebecca Broad.

Platform
According to the party's official website,

"The Workers Party of New Zealand is a socialist political party active in campaigns nationwide. We aim to build a new political movement based on the interests of workers in New Zealand and internationally. Our activities include organising in workplaces, campaigning against imperialism and fielding candidates in local and general elections."

The five-point policy platform of the Workers Party is as follows:

 * 1) Opposition to all New Zealand and Western intervention in the Third World and all Western military alliances.
 * 2) Secure jobs for all with a living wage and a shorter working week.
 * 3) For the unrestricted right of workers to organise and take industrial action and no limits on workers' freedom of speech and activity.
 * 4) For working class unity and solidarity – equality for women, Maori and other ethnic minorities and people of all sexual orientations and identities; open borders and full rights for migrant workers.
 * 5) For a working people's republic.

The party's magazine The Spark states that the party wants: "A world without poverty and war, a world of material abundance where human potential can be expressed in full," adding that "While these ideas appear untenable today, they were the notions that inspired revolutions in the 20th century."

History
The party was founded in 2002. It was formed by an electoral alliance of the original Workers' Party (pro-Mao, Marxist-Leninist) and the pro-Trotsky Revolution group, with the intention of fielding candidates in the 2002 New Zealand general election. The party was unregistered, and so could not contest the party vote in New Zealand's Mixed Member Proportional electoral system.

In 2004, the original Workers' Party and Revolution merged to become the Revolutionary Workers' League (RWL), which describes itself as a "Marxist current". Subsequently, publications formerly published by the RWL became Workers' Party publications.

Elections
In the 2002 elections, the Anti-Capitalist Alliance stood four candidates, the highest number for an unregistered party that year. The candidates gained a total of 336 votes between them, placing the party in fourth place amongst the unregistered parties which contested.

In the 2005 election the ACA stood eight candidates, again the highest number for an unregistered party. The ACA won a combined total of 582 votes, placing them first amongst the unregistered parties. A nationwide recruitment campaign entitled Let’s Make Workers’ Issues Hi-Viz began in 2006 as an attempt to gain the necessary members to register and contest the party vote in the 2008 general election.

In the 2007 local elections, the Workers Party stood four mayoral candidates in Christchurch, Dunedin, Waitakere City, and Wellington. The Workers Party received 4,705 votes nationwide, with 2,101 of those votes being for Waitakere candidate Rebecca Broad.

In July 2008, the party announced four electorate candidates for the 2008 general election.

On 3 October 2008 the party was registered by the Electoral Commission, allowing it to contest the party vote. In the 2008 New Zealand election, it ultimately received 932 party votes (0.04% of the vote), and 480 electorate votes.

In the leadup to the 2011 election the leadership of the party resigned. The party subsequently failed to apply for broadcasting funding, and its registration was cancelled at its own request on 20 May 2011. The party announced that it would not stand candidates, saying that the previous election "gave quite clear evidence" that trying to using electoral participation to "raise the profile of both socialist ideas and our own organisation" was not working, however on their website they stated that they are backing the Mana Party in the elections.

Notable members
In 2003 Paul Hopkinson (who subsequently stood as a candidate for the Anti-Capitalist Alliance in the 2005 election) became the first person charged under the Flags, Emblems, and Names Protection Act of 1981 after burning a New Zealand flag at an anti-war demonstration. In 2008 Hopkinson also became the first school teacher suspended without pay for challenging the provisions of the 1993 Electoral Act relating to public servants, when he refused to voluntarily take unpaid leave in order to contest the seat of Christchurch East in that year's general election as the Workers Party candidate.

Another party member, Joel Cosgrove, won the presidency of Victoria University of Wellington Students' Association (VUWSA) in 2008.

The Party expelled Jasmine Freemantle in May 2009 – she had contested the Mana electorate seat on behalf of the Anti-Capitalist Alliance in the 2005 general election, stood for Parliament for the Workers Party as a list candidate in the 2008 general election and succeeded Joel Cosgrove as VUWSA President in 2009.

title: Workers Party of New Zealand


text:
George Green, Buckinghamshire

George Green is a hamlet in the parish of Wexham, in the Buckinghamshire district of the ceremonial county of Buckinghamshire, England. It is situated between Slough and Iver Heath, close to the boundary of the borough of Slough.

The hamlet is named after King George I. Close by are Langley and Black Park. The George, a historic pub, used to be located here but closed during the pandemic and never opened again.

title: George Green, Buckinghamshire


text:
Hege Riise

Hege Riise (born 18 July 1969) is a Norwegian football coach and former midfield player. She is considered one of the best footballers of her generation, having won the FIFA Women's World Cup, the Olympic Games, and the UEFA Women's Euro with the Norway women's national football team.

Club
Riise started playing football at age six and played on a boys' team until age 14. She won the Norwegian Cup competition with Setskog-Høland in 1992. In late 1995 along with four other Norwegians she joined Nikko Securities Dream Ladies football club in Japan. Nikko won the Japanese league and cup competitions in 1996 and the cup in 1997, after which Riise moved back to Norway to play again with Setskog-Høland.

She joined Asker FK, in 2000, and again won the cup competition with Asker the same year. Drafted by the Carolina Courage in the Women's United Soccer Association 2000 foreign draft, Riise was the team's MVP two times and led the Courage to a WUSA Founders Cup title in 2002, before her involvement was curtailed by an anterior cruciate ligament injury. In 2003 the Norwegian Football Association named Riise the best female Norwegian footballer ever.

Returning to Norway in 2005 Hege Riise joined Team Strømmen of Oslo and became the club's playing assistant trainer in 2006. She played her last top-level match with Team Strømmen on 28 October 2006 aged 37 and retired from football as a player.

International
Riise made her international debut with the Norwegian national team in 1990. Norway won the UEFA Women's Championship in 1993. Two years later with Norway she won the Women's World Cup and was awarded the Golden Ball after the competition.

Riise's biggest achievement with Norway was winning the gold medal at the 2000 Summer Olympics in Sydney, to become one of only three women in the world to win the Olympics, the World Cup and the European Championship (with Gro Espeseth and Bente Nordby).

She retired from international football in September 2004 with 188 caps and 58 goals.

Coaching career
Riise retired as a player at the end of the 2006 season with 188 international caps to her credit, the record for all Norwegian footballers. In 2007, she became the chief trainer at Team Strømmen, in the Norwegian women's premier league, the Toppserien. In the 2008 season, Team Strømmen were runners-up in both the league and the Cup competitions.

On 28 January 2009, Riise was appointed Assistant Trainer to the U.S. women's national team.

Riise was appointed interim head coach of the England women's national football team in January 2021. Her tenure bridged the gap between the resignation of Phil Neville, who had originally agreed to see out his contract, and his already-agreed-upon replacement, the incumbent Netherlands head coach Sarina Wiegman due to start in September 2021. Due to the reduced international schedule as a result of the COVID-19, Riise only took charge of three friendlies: defeating Northern Ireland 6–0 in her debut before losing to France and Canada. On 10 March 2021, she was also announced as the manager for Team GB at the delayed 2020 Tokyo Olympics. The team progressed as group winners with seven points in three games before being eliminated in the first knockout round by Australia 4–3 in extra-time.

After her stint in the United Kingdom, Riise fulfilled a prior agreement to take charge of the Norway women's national under-19 football team. In the 2022 UEFA Under-19 Championship, Norway won their group and came second overall, after being defeated 2-1 in the final by Spain.

On 3 August 2022, Riise was officially appointed as Norway head coach replacing Martin Sjögren. The rest of the coaching team consists of the assistant coaches Monica Knudsen and Ingvild Stensland, and the goalkeeping coach Jon Knudsen.

On 1 September 2023, Riise stood down from her role as Norway head coach following an unsuccessful 2023 FIFA Women's World Cup campaign. She subsequently moved into a different role at the Norwegian Football Federation (NFF).

Player

 * Norway
 * FIFA Women's World Cup: 1995
 * UEFA Women's Championship: 1993
 * Summer Olympics gold medal: 2000
 * Summer Olympics bronze medal: 1996

 * Individual
 * FIFA Women's World Cup Golden Ball: 1995
 * UEFA Women's Championship Golden player: 1993

Manager
Norway Under-19
 * LSK Kvinner
 * Toppserien: 2016, 2017, 2018, 2019
 * Norwegian Women's Cup: 2016, 2018, 2019

 * UEFA Women's Under-19 Championship silver medal: 2022

title: Hege Riise


text: Talk:Curry College

title: Talk:Curry College


text:
Justicialist Party

The Justicialist Party (Partido Justicialista, ; abbr. PJ) is a major political party in Argentina, and the largest branch within Peronism.

Former president Alberto Fernández belongs to the Justicialist Party (and has, since 2021, served as its chairman), as do (or did) former presidents Juan Perón, Héctor Cámpora, Raúl Alberto Lastiri, Isabel Perón, Carlos Menem, Ramón Puerta, Adolfo Rodríguez Saá, Eduardo Camaño, Eduardo Duhalde, Néstor Kirchner, and Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Justicialists have been the largest party in Congress almost consistently since 1987.

Founded by Juan Perón, it was previously called the Peronist Party after its founder. It is overall the largest party in Congress; however, this does not reflect the divisions within the party over the role of Kirchnerism, the main, left-wing populist faction of the party, which is opposed by the dissident Peronists (also known as Federal Peronism or Menemism), the conservative faction of the party.

Overview
The Justicialist Party was founded in 1946 by Juan and Eva Perón, uniting the Labour Party, the Radical Civic Union Renewal Board and the Independent Party, the three parties that had supported Peron in the election. After the enactment of women's suffrage, the Female Peronist Party, led by the First Lady, was also established. All Peronist entities were banned from elections after 1955, when the Revolución Libertadora overthrew Perón, and civilian governments' attempt to lift Peronism's ban from legislative and local elections in 1962 and 1965 resulted in military coups. Basing itself on the policies espoused by Perón as Argentine president, the party's platform has from its inception centered on populism, and its most consistent base of support has historically been the General Confederation of Labor, Argentina's largest trade union. Perón ordered the mass nationalization of public services, strategic industries, and the critical farm export sector; enacted progressive labor laws and social reforms; and accelerated public works investment.

His tenure also favored technical schools, harassed university staff, and promoted urbanization as it raised taxes on the agrarian sector. Those trends earned Peronism the loyalty of much of the working and lower classes but helped alienate the upper and middle classes of society. Censorship and repression intensified, and following his loss of support from the influential Argentine Catholic Church, Perón was ultimately deposed in a violent 1955 coup.

The alignment of groups as supporting or opposing Peronism has largely endured, but the policies of Peronism itself varied greatly over the subsequent decades, as did increasingly those put forth by its many competing figures. During Perón's exile, it became a big tent party united almost solely by its support for the aging leader's return. A series of violent incidents, as well as Perón's negotiations with both the military regime and diverse political factions, helped lead to his return to Argentina in 1973 and to his election in September that year.

An impasse followed in which the party had a place both for leftist armed organizations such as Montoneros, and far-right factions such as José López Rega's Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance. Following Perón's death in 1974, however, the tenuous understanding disintegrated, and a wave of political violence ensued, ultimately resulting in the March 1976 coup. The Dirty War of the late 1970s, which cost hundreds of Peronists (among thousands more) their lives, solidified the party's populist outlook, particularly following the failure of conservative Economy Minister José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz's free trade and deregulatory policies after 1980.

In the first democratic elections after the end of the dictatorship of the National Reorganization Process, in 1983, the Justicialist Party lost to the Radical Civic Union (UCR). Six years later, it returned to power with Carlos Menem, during whose term the Constitution was reformed to allow for presidential reelection. Menem (1989–1999) adopted neoliberal right-wing policies which changed the overall image of the party.

The Justicialist Party was defeated by a coalition formed by the UCR and the centre-left FrePaSo (itself a left-wing offshoot of the PJ) in 1999, but regained political weight in the 2001 legislative elections, and was ultimately left in charge of managing the selection of an interim president after the economic collapse of December 2001. Justicialist Eduardo Duhalde, chosen by Congress, ruled during 2002 and part of 2003.

The 2003 elections saw the constituency of the party split in three, as Carlos Menem, Néstor Kirchner (backed by Duhalde) and Adolfo Rodríguez Saá ran for the presidency leading different party coalitions. After Kirchner's victory, the party started to align behind his leadership, moving slightly to the left.

The Justicialist Party effectively broke apart in the 2005 legislative elections when two factions ran for a Senate seat in Buenos Aires Province: Cristina Fernández de Kirchner (then the First Lady) and Hilda González de Duhalde (wife of former president Duhalde). The campaign was particularly vicious. Kirchner's side allied with other minor forces and presented itself as a heterodox, left-leaning Front for Victory (FpV), while Duhalde's side stuck to older Peronist tradition. González de Duhalde's defeat to her opponent marked, according to many political analysts, the end to Duhalde's dominance over the province, and was followed by a steady defection of his supporters to the winner's side.

Néstor Kirchner proposed the entry of the party into the Socialist International in February 2008. His dominance of the party was undermined, however, by the 2008 Argentine government conflict with the agricultural sector, when a bill raising export taxes was introduced with presidential support. Subsequent growers' lockouts helped result in the defection of numerous Peronists from the FpV caucus, and further losses during the 2009 mid-term elections resulted in the loss of the FpV absolute majorities in both houses of Congress.

In 2015, the PJ, with its presidential candidate Daniel Scioli, was defeated by the Cambiemos coalition. Mauricio Macri was inaugurated as President of Argentina, ending 12 years of Kirchnerism.

However, in the elections of 2019, the PJ joined the Frente de Todos, which won the presidential elections. The PJ returned to power, with Alberto Fernández as President of the nation. On 10 December 2019, the Centre-left Alberto Fernández of the Justicialist Party was inaugurated president, after defeating the incumbent Mauricio Macri in the 2019 Argentine general election.

On 22 March 2021, Fernández was elected by the national congress of the Justicialist Party as the party's new national chairman, succeeding José Luis Gioja. Fernández ran unopposed, heading the Unidad y Federalismo list, which received the support of diverse sectors in the Peronist movement, including La Cámpora.

The Union for the Homeland (Unión por la Patria, UP) is a Centre-left political and electoral coalition of Peronist political parties in Argentina, formed to compete in the 2023 general election. The coalition is a successor to the previous Frente de Todos coalition. The coalition is centered on the Justicialist Party and its allies both on the federal and provincial levels, including the Renewal Front of Sergio Massa.

In April 2023, President Alberto Fernandez announced that he would not seek re-election in the next presidential election. In the primary elections on August of that year, Sergio Massa defeated Juan Grabois by a margin of nearly 16 percentage points, although it became the worst result for a ruling Peronist coalition since the PASO was first implemented in 2009.

In the runoff in November 2023, Libertarian candidate Javier Milei defeated Massa with 55.7% against 44,35% of the vote, the highest percentage of the vote since Argentina's transition to democracy. Massa conceded defeat shortly before the official results were published.

Beginning
The Justicialist party was created in November 1946, 10 months after Juan D. Perón was elected president of the nation, with the name Single Revolutionary party; previously this would be called the Peronist party. The party was a result of the fusion of three parties that had been created in 1945 in order to sustain the presidential candidacy of Perón: the Labor party, the Radical Renovating Together Civic Union, and the Independent party.

Peronism
Peronism is a political current that was established between November 1943 and October 1945, as a result of an alliance between a large number of unions, principally of socialist and revolutionary union ideology, and two soldiers – Juan Domingo Perón and Domingo Mercante, whose initial objective was to run the National Labor Department – later elevated to the level of Secretary of Labor and Social Security – and to drive until there were laws and measures for the worker's benefit. The Secretary was run by Perón, who in the course of those years was converted into the leader of a new political movement that would take the name Peronism in the course of 1945.

In those years the country was governed since 1943 by a military dictatorship self-designated as the Revolution of ‘43, made of a very heterogeneous composition, that had overthrown at its time a fraudulent regime, known as the Infamous Decade. At the start of 1945, the US ambassador to Argentina, Spruille Braden, organized a broad movement that was defined as anti-peronist, with the goal of opposing Perón and the sanctioned labor laws. Largely as a reaction to the union movement, principally the socialist and revolutionary union majority started to define themselves as peronists.

On 8 October 1945, at the loss of the vote from the officials of Campo de Mayo, Perón renounced, being later detained. Nine days later, a big worker mobilization known as Loyalty Day, compelled the military government to prepare Perón’s liberation and call elections. That day is the most cited as the date of peronism’s birth.

Party Organization until 1955
Many union leaders opposed him, but their political inexperience and Perón’s charisma before the masses made them unsuccessful. Lewinsky characterizes the Peronist party (PP) as a popular party that will differ from other European, union based parties in four aspects.

The first of them is that they had been created from above by agents of the State, destined to retain power more than to obtain it; operated in major part by their own government using State resources whereas PP never developed their own organization. The second is that they were an extremely personalist party that in the statutes of 1954 declared Perón is their “Supreme Leader” and gave him the authority to “modify or declare null and void the decision of the party authorities… to inspect, intervene, and replace” the leaders of the party and even prohibited party headquarters from displaying photographs that were not Perón or Eva Perón. The national party management intervened in permanent form in the provincial subsidiaries and used to choose the local candidates. Usually the leaders with independent support were displaced and replaced by those “loyal to the death” that followed Perón's directives exclusively. In this form, the political career inside the party depended exclusively on the bonds with Perón; there was not a structure for political promotion nor a stable bureaucratic hierarchy. For example, the reorganization of the party in 1947 signified the replacement of the entirety of the highest party leadership members.

Third, the party had a fluid structure that was maintained until the final days of the decade of 1940. In 1951, Perón once again reorganized the party structure creating a parallel hierarchy with a “strategic national command” and provincial “tactical commands” that would have representatives of the three party branches – masculine, feminine, and union – but in practice Perón and Eva Perón exercised strategic leadership, and the governors and “inventors” arrived ahead of the tactics. Lastly, differently from the English Labor party, the PP did not initially have rules about their relation with the unions. In the decade of 1950, the union was recognized as one of the three branches and, as such, was attributed to them by tradition – without a written norm – a right to a third of the candidacies, but until 1955 it was not complied with rigor.

Ideology
The Justicialist Party was historically left-wing populist. Founded by Juan Perón who rose to Argentinian presidency in the 1940s with the support of his wife Eva Perón, the party was composed of Perón's loyalists and was a personification of populism in the form of a strong charismatic leader. The reforms carried out by Perón in 1940s and 1950s were described as socialist and populist. Christopher Wylde defines Peronism as "a form of leftist–populist nationalism, rooted in an urban working-class movement that was allied to elements of the domestic bourgeoisie as well as the military." Writing on Perón and his ideology, Charles D. Ameringer argued that "The rise to power of Juan Perón in 1943 was not the end of the socialist impulse in Argentina; it was the culmination" and added that "much of the social legislation either introduced or implemented by Perón . . . originated with the Socialist Party."

The basic principles of Peronism and the Justicialist Party were economic independence, political sovereignty, and social justice, as formulated by Perón. Economically, Perón expanded public spending and gave the state a dominating role in production and distribution (economic nationalism), implemented egalitarian distribution of national income (therefore Peronism is considered to represent syndicalism and/or non-Marxist socialism), and implemented a system of incentives and rewards that would direct economic activities towards local markets while severely limiting production for international markets (protectionism). Peronism rejected individualism in favor of communitarianism and sought a system that would reject both capitalism and liberalism in favor of an economic system that would be oriented around "social equity, rather than the individual pursuit of wealth." This was combined with Peronist redefinition of citizenship, as Perón attracted and empowered groups that were previously excluded socially and economically - urban poor, immigrant communities and unionised workers.

Socially, Peronism was authoritarian, yet it also implemented free suffrage and promoted causes such as feminism, indigenous rights and emancipation of the working class. Peter Ranis wrote that "paradoxically, Perón democratized Argentina in the sense of bringing the working class more fully into the political process, though his administrations often placed cultural and political restrictions on the opposition that severely compromised that democracy." The legitimacy of Peronism derived from trade unions who gave Perón their support, and his ideology was a reflection of demands and expectations of the Argentinian labor movement. According to historian Daniel James, the reliance of Peronism on trade unions was so strong, that in the Peronist movement, "the initiative very much lay with the trade union movement; Perón was more its creature than the labor movement was his."

Following the overthrow of Perón in 1955, Peronism would gradually shift further to the left, something that was influenced by political developments in Latin America such as the Cuban Revolution and the development of far-left liberation theology amongst Latin American Catholics, as well as by Perón's tactical endorsement and promotion of socialist and leftist currents within his movement. In 1956, exiled Perón picked left-wing activist John William Cooke to represent the Peronist movement in Argentina in his absence. Cooke promoted socialism and presented Peronism as a movement that was "antibureaucratic, socialist, profoundly national, and sister to all the world's exploited [peoples]", and praising Perón as the "leader of national liberation". In 1960, Cooke moved to Revolutionary Cuba, where he combined Peronism with Guevarism, Castroism and the foco theory.

Perón approved of Cooke's activism and wrote positively of Marxism himself, identifying Peronist struggle with the Cuban Revolution. With Perón's encouragement, Peronist youth formed left-wing, revolutionary orgnizations such as the Montoneros and the People's Revolutionary Army. Perón supported their struggle as a realisation of his justicialist doctrine, agreeing with the Montoneros' conclusion that "the only possible road for the people to seize power and install national socialism is total, national, and prolonged revolutionary war . . . [following] the methods of rural and urban guerrillas." Following Vatican II that led to development of anti-capitalist, revolutionary and Marxist-aligned rhetoric amongst Latin American clergy, Perón also gained support of left-wing Catholics who supported the far-left liberation theology. Left-wing priests praised Peronism as a precursor to liberation theology, and the Movement of Priests for the Third World argued that "the Peronist movement, revolutionary, with its massive force... will necessarily lead to the revolution which will make possible an original and Latin American socialism."

From the return of Perón in 1973 and under the leadership of Isabel Perón, the Justicialist Party was no longer characterized by anti-imperialist and revolutionary tones but by a strong focus on Orthodox Peronism and anti-communism (of which it became the main bulwark in South America).

That line continued even after the military dictatorship of the National Reorganization Process, with the government of Carlos Menem until that of Eduardo Duhalde. The party moved from Orthodox Peronism to the centre-right, while its rival Radical Civic Union acted as a centre-left party.

Since 2003, the party has undergone an abrupt revolution, with the rise of a faction known as the Front for Victory, led by Néstor Kirchner. The policies and ideology of that faction were dubbed Kirchnerism, a mix of anti-neoliberalism, left-wing nationalism and radicalism. Kirchner was elected President of Argentina and soon became a popular left-wing figure. The party shifted to being left-wing populist, while the Radical Civic Union joined with other anti-Kirchnerist centrist and center-right parties including Republican Proposal. After his death in 2010, his wife, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, took over the leadership of the Front for Victory, which continues to be a major faction of the Justicialist Party.

Leaders
The party is headed by a National Committee, whose president is the de facto leader of the party.
 * 1946–1974: Juan Perón (President: 1946–1955, 1973–1974)
 * 1974–1985: Isabel Perón (President: 1974–1976)
 * 1985–1990: Antonio Cafiero
 * 1990–2001: Carlos Menem (President: 1989–1999)
 * 2001: Rubén Marín (interim)
 * 2001–2003: Carlos Menem
 * 2003–2004: Eduardo Fellner
 * 2004–2005: (No leader)
 * 2005–2008: Ramón Ruiz
 * 2008–2009: Néstor Kirchner (President: 2003–2007)
 * 2009: Daniel Scioli (interim)
 * 2009–2010: Néstor Kirchner
 * 2010–2014: Daniel Scioli (interim)
 * 2016–2018: José Luis Gioja
 * 2018: Luis Barrionuevo (union leader) (judicial controller)
 * 2018–2021: José Luis Gioja
 * 2021–present: Alberto Fernández (President: 2019–2023)

title: Justicialist Party


text:
Gerrards Cross

Gerrards Cross is a town and civil parish in south Buckinghamshire, England, separated from the London Borough of Hillingdon at Harefield by Denham, south of Chalfont St Peter and north bordering villages of Fulmer, Hedgerley, Iver Heath and Stoke Poges. It spans foothills of the Chiltern Hills and land on the right bank of the River Misbourne. It is 19.3 miles west-north-west of Charing Cross, central London. Bulstrode Park Camp was an Iron Age fortified encampment.

The town has a railway station on the Chiltern Main Line with regular services to London. Fast train takes 19 minutes to Marylebone. The town is close to M25 motorway and the M40 motorway runs beside woodland on its southern boundary.

In 2014, a major national surveying company named Gerrards Cross as the most sought-after and expensive commuter town or village in their London Hot 100 report, with an average sale price of £1,000,000.

History
The town name is new compared with the great bulk of English towns. Gerrards Cross did not exist in any formal sense until 1859, when it was formed by taking pieces out of the three parishes of Chalfont St Peter, Fulmer, Stoke Poges and Upton cum Chalvey to form a new ecclesiastical parish. It is named after the Gerrard family who in the early 17th century owned a manor here. At that time, homes which were not farms, were smallholdings clustered in a hamlet in the south of an elongated parish of Chalfont St Peter. Near its centre is the site of an Iron Age minor hillfort, Bulstrode Park Camp, which is a scheduled ancient monument. Originally named Jarrett's Cross, before the times of the Gerrard family, after a highwayman, some areas retain the original name, such as Jarrett's Hill leading up to Bulstrode Park off the A40 west of the town.

On 1 January 2016, Gerrards Cross officially became a town with the parish council becoming a town council.

Facilities
The large and distinctive parish church is dedicated to St. James. It was built in 1861 as a memorial to Colonel George Alexander Reid who was MP for Windsor, and designed by Sir William Tite in yellow brick with a Byzantine-style dome, Chinese-looking turrets and an Italianate Campanile. In 1969 the singer Lulu married Maurice Gibb of the Bee Gees in the church. The actress Margaret Rutherford is buried with her husband Stringer Davis in the St James Church graveyard.

The town has its own library and its own cinema, the Everyman Gerrards Cross, which originally opened in 1925.

Independent schools include St Mary's (all girls- through to sixth form). Students of secondary school age attend either one of the local grammar schools, such as Dr Challoner's Grammar School (Boys with co-educational Sixth Form), Dr Challoner's High School (Girls), The Royal Grammar School, High Wycombe (Boys), John Hampden Grammar School (Boys), and Beaconsfield High School (Girls) Chesham Grammar School (Co-ed), and the local Upper School, Chalfonts Community College, which is the catchment school.

On the south side of the town is the Gerrards Cross Memorial Building, on the site of the former vicarage. The building was designed by Sir Edwin Lutyens and unveiled in 1922 to commemorate the town's losses during the First World War. It is the only example of a Lutyens war memorial designed with a functional purpose.

Transport
The town has a railway station on the Chiltern Main Line which opened on 2 April 1906. This provides services to London, High Wycombe and Oxford with a commuting time of 18 minutes on the fast train to London Marylebone. A new arch over the section of deep railway cutting to allow Tesco to build a supermarket collapsed on 30 June 2005 at 19:30. Nobody was injured but the line was closed for over six weeks. Compensation by Tesco to Chiltern was reported as £8.5m and the retailer compensated by funding a media campaign to reinstate business immediately lost by the closure. Construction of a correctly constructed arch began in January 2009.

The 11.36am from London Paddington to Gerrards Cross was an official or 'parliamentary train' recognised as an outlandish loss-making service to prevent the link to that terminus being closed or re-allocated. This train now terminates at West Ruislip. In 2011, National Rail was lobbied to phase the service out.

The town lies 8.4 miles north west of London's Heathrow Airport.

Demographics
In the 2021 Census, the largest religious affiliations in Gerrards Cross were Christian (46.2%), those with no religion (22.4%), Sikh (10.5%), Hindu (7.5%), Muslim (6.4%), Jewish (0.8%), Buddhist (0.5%) and Other (0.5%).

It was reported 65.5% of people living in Gerrards Cross were reported as White (65.5%), Asian (25.5%), Mixed (4.0%), Black (4.0%) and Other (1.1%).

Recent history
Many houses built during development in the 1950s had defective tiles, leading to the highest court reported judgment Young & Marten Ltd v McManus Childs Ltd, holding that a person who contracts to do work and supply materials implicitly warrants that the materials will be fit for purpose, even if the purchaser specifies the materials to be used.

Popular culture
Stanley Kubrick filmed some of the exteriors in his feature 1962 film Lolita, notably Charlotte Haze's house, in Gerrards Cross.

"The Italian Lesson" sketch in the first episode of the first series of the BBC Television comedy show Monty Python's Flying Circus (first broadcast in 1969) includes the line "'Sono inglese di Gerrard's (sic) Cross', I am an Englishman from Gerrard's Cross."

Wombling Free (1977 film) about the Wombles was filmed in various locations in Gerrards Cross and nearby Black Park and Pinewood Studios in Iver

Jethro Tull's song "Journeyman" on their 1978 album Heavy Horses includes the line "Too late to stop for tea at Gerrards Cross".

Indie band the Hit Parade released their 3rd single "The Sun Shines in Gerrards Cross" in 1986.

St Hubert's House, a Grade II listed house to the southeast of Gerrards Cross, has been used as a filming location for TV series including Inspector Morse and The Professionals, and was the location of Colonel Hyde's house in The League of Gentlemen.

In New Tricks, the popular BBC crime drama, the opening shots of the large house in Season 12 Episode 8 "Lottery Curse" were filmed on the private road of Camp Road in Gerrard's Cross.

Notable people

 * Matt Aitken, song writer, record producer and musician from Stock Aitken Waterman lived in Gerrards Cross.
 * Roy Castle, dancer, singer, comedian, actor, television presenter and musician, lived in Gerrards Cross.
 * Amal Clooney, barrister and human rights activist, moved from Lebanon to Gerrards Cross with her family at the age of 2.
 * Angela Douglas, actress, born in Gerrards Cross 29 October 1940.
 * Helen McKay, singer, first person to sing on the BBC Television Service, 26 August 1936, lived in Gerrards Cross.
 * Kenneth More, actor, born in Gerrards Cross 20 September 1914.
 * Dominic Raab, politician, Conservative Member of Parliament for Esher and Walton and former Deputy Prime Minister, Secretary of State for Justice, Lord Chancellor and Foreign Secretary, grew up in Gerrards Cross.
 * Joan G. Robinson, author and illustrator, lived in Gerrards Cross. Her best-known book is When Marnie Was There, which was adapted into an animated film by Studio Ghibli.
 * Peter Stringfellow, businessman and nightclub owner, lived in Gerrards Cross (died 7 June 2018).
 * Benjamin Zander, composer, born in Gerrards Cross 9 March 1939.

title: Gerrards Cross


text:
Lists of landmark court decisions

Landmark court decisions, in present-day common law legal systems, establish precedents that determine a significant new legal principle or concept, or otherwise substantially affect the interpretation of existing law. "Leading case" is commonly used in the United Kingdom and other Commonwealth jurisdictions instead of "landmark case", as used in the United States.

In Commonwealth countries, a reported decision is said to be a leading decision when it has come to be generally regarded as settling the law of the question involved. In 1914, Canadian jurist Augustus Henry Frazer Lefroy said "a 'leading case' [is] one that settles the law upon some important point".

A leading decision may settle the law in more than one way. It may do so by:
 * Distinguishing a new principle that refines a prior principle, thus departing from prior practice without violating the rule of stare decisis;
 * Establishing a "test" (that is, a measurable standard that can be applied by courts in future decisions), such as the Oakes test (in Canadian law) or the Bolam test (in English law).
 * Sometimes, with regard to a particular provision of a written constitution, only one court decision has been made. By necessity, until further rulings are made, this ruling is the leading case. For example, in Canada, "[t]he leading case on voting rights and electoral boundary readjustment is Carter. In fact, Carter is the only case of disputed electoral boundaries to have reached the Supreme Court." The degree to which this kind of leading case can be said to have "settled" the law is less than in situations where many rulings have reaffirmed the same principle.

Landmark decisions in Australia
Decisions in leading cases in Australia have usually been made by the High Court of Australia, although historically some have been made by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in London.

 * Amalgamated Society of Engineers v Adelaide Steamship Co. Ltd. (Engineers' Case) (1920): Rejected the doctrines of implied intergovernmental immunities and reserved State powers and determined that each head of federal power should be interpreted simply on the words of the grant.
 * Re Judiciary and Navigation Acts (1921): dealt with what is a matter for the court and what the court can hear.
 * In 1948, the High Court of Australia found that the Chifley government's legislation to nationalise Australia's private banks was unconstitutional.
 * In 1951, the High Court of Australia found that Robert Menzies' attempts to ban the Communist Party of Australia were unconstitutional.
 * In Commonwealth v Tasmania (Tasmanian Dams Case), the High Court held that the Commonwealth was able to invoke its external affairs power to give effect to Australia's obligations under international law, including to prevent the construction of the Franklin Dam in a World Heritage Zone.
 * In Eddie Mabo & Ors v The State of Queensland (No.2) invalidated the declaration of terra nullius.
 * Dietrich v The Queen, it was found that Australians accused of serious offences have a limited right to legal representation in order to guarantee a fair trial.
 * In Plaintiff M70/2011 v Minister for Immigration and Citizenship (The Malaysian Solution Case) the High Court held that refugees could not be deported to countries that did not meet certain human rights protection standards.
 * In Commonwealth v the ACT (Same-Sex Marriage Case) the High Court held that only the Commonwealth had the necessary legislative head of power to reform marriage laws to encompass same-sex marriage.
 * In Williams v Commonwealth and Williams v Commonwealth (No 2) (School Chaplains Case) the High Court held that the Commonwealth did not have the necessary constitutional head of legislative power to fund the National School Chaplaincy Programme.
 * In Re Canavan (The Citizenship Seven Case), the High Court's earlier ruling in Sykes v Cleary was clarified and it was found that a dual citizen, irrespective of whether they knew about their citizenship status, will be disqualified from sitting in Parliament unless they are irremediably prevented by foreign law from renouncing their foreign citizenship as a result of the operation of s 44(i) of the Australian Constitution. 15 members of the 45th Parliament were either ruled ineligible to serve, or resigned on the basis of holding foreign citizenship.

Landmark decisions in Canada
There is no universally agreed-to list of "leading decisions" in Canada.

One indication, however, as to whether a case is widely regarded as being "leading" is its inclusion of the ruling in one or more of the series of compilations prepared over the years by various authors. One of the earlier examples is Augustus Henry Frazer Lefroy's Leading Cases in Canadian Constitutional Law, published in 1914. More recently, Peter H. Russell and a changing list of collaborators have published a series of books, including:
 * Leading Constitutional Decisions (first published 1965, with several later editions);
 * Federalism and the Charter: Leading Constitutional Decisions (published in 1989, co-edited by Russell, F.L. Morton and Rainer Knopff);
 * The Court and the Charter: Leading Cases (published in 2008, co-edited by Russell, Morton, Knopff, Thomas Bateman and Janet Hiebert); and
 * The Court and the Constitution: Leading Cases (published in 2008, co-edited by Russell, Morton, Knopff, Bateman and Hiebert).

Decisions in leading cases in Canada have usually been made by the Supreme Court of Canada. Prior to the abolition of appeals of Supreme Court decisions in the 1940s, most landmark decisions were made by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in London.

Landmark decisions in India
The Supreme Court of India, which is the highest judicial body in India, has decided many leading cases of Constitutional jurisprudence, establishing Constitution Benches for hearing the same. Given below are a list of some leading cases:
 * Kesavananda Bharati Sripadagalvaru & Ors. v. State of Kerala & Anr., (W.P. (C) 135 of 1970), was a case in which the Court formally adopted the Basic structure doctrine.
 * Three Judges Cases (in which the Court established precedent regarding appointment of judges while ensuring absolute independence of the judiciary from the Legislature and the Executive):
 * 1) S.P. Gupta v. Union of India & Anr. (Transfer Case (civil) 19 of 1981; 1982 2 SCR 365)
 * 2) Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record Association & Anr. v. Union of India (W.P. (C)  1303 of 1987)
 * 3) In re Special reference 1 of 1998
 * Justice K. S. Puttaswamy (Retd.) & Anr. v. Union of India & Ors. (W.P. (C) 494 of 2012), wherein the Court held that Right to Privacy was a fundamental right under the Constitution of India.

Landmark decisions in Italy
The criminal case against the operator of the Italian fake review business PromoSalento in 2018 has been described as a "landmark ruling".

Landmark decisions in New Zealand
Decisions in leading cases in New Zealand were made by the Court of Appeal of New Zealand before the establishment of the Supreme Court of New Zealand, although historically some have been made by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in London.

 * In 1976, the Wellington Supreme Court in Fitzgerald v Muldoon and Others held that Prime Minister Robert Muldoon had purported to suspend laws in a manner contrary to the Bill of Rights 1689.
 * In 1987, the Court of Appeal in New Zealand Maori Council v Attorney-General recognised the principles of the Treaty of Waitangi.
 * In 2022, the Supreme Court ruled in Make It 16 Incorporated v Attorney-General that restricting 16 and 17 year olds from voting was unjustified age discrimination under the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act.

Landmark decisions in the United Kingdom
Decisions in leading cases in the United Kingdom have usually been made by the House of Lords, or more recently the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom; in Scotland by the Court of Session or High Court of Justiciary; in England and Wales by the Court of Appeal or the High Court of Justice of England and Wales.

 * Heydon's Case 76 ER 637 (1584) (Exchequer of Pleas): The first case to use what would come to be called the mischief rule for statutory interpretation.
 * Darcy v Allein [1603] 77 Eng. Rep. 1260 (King's Bench): (most widely known as The Case of Monopolies): establishing that it was improper for any individual to be allowed to have a monopoly over a trade.
 * The Case of Prohibitions (1607) (Court of Common Pleas)
 * Bushel's Case (1670) (Court of Common Pleas): establishing the principle that a judge cannot coerce a jury to convict.
 * Entick v Carrington [1765] 19 Howell's State Trials 1030: establishing the civil liberties of individuals and limiting the scope of executive power.
 * Tulk v Moxhay (1848) 41 ER 1143: establishing that in certain cases a restrictive covenant can "run with the land" (i.e., bind a future owner) in equity.
 * Hadley v Baxendale (1854) 9 Exch. 341 (Court of Exchequer): the extent to which a party in breach of contract is liable for the damages.-
 * Rylands v Fletcher (1868) LR 3 HL 330: doctrine of strict liability for some inherently dangerous activities.
 * Foakes v Beer [1884] 9 A.C. 605: the rule that prevents parties from discharging a contractual obligation by part performance.
 * The Moorcock 14 P.D. 64 (1889): the concept of implied terms in contract law.
 * Carlill v Carbolic Smoke Ball Company [1893] 1 QB 256: establishing the test for formation of a contract.
 * Dunlop Pneumatic Tyre v Selfridge and Co. Ltd. [1915] A.C. 847: confirming privity of contract: only a party to a contract can be sued on it. (This principle was later reformed by statute.)
 * A-G v De Keyser's Royal Hotel Ltd [1920] A.C 508: establishing that the Crown has no right under the royal prerogative to take possession of an owner's land in connection with the defence of the realm without paying compensation, and that a statute in force may prevail to regulate the exercise of an existing prerogative power.
 * Donoghue v Stevenson [1932] S.C.(H.L.) 31: Lord Atkin established the neighbour principle as the foundation of the modern Scots delict (English tort) of negligence. This case used a wide ratio decidendi, which was held later as obiter, but established the principle of "duty of care.".
 * Regal (Hastings) Ltd v Gulliver [1942] "UKHL 1," regarding the rule against company "directors" and officers from taking corporate opportunities in violation of their "duty of loyalty" to the company.
 * Central London Property Trust Ltd v High Trees House Ltd [1947] K.B. 130: doctrine of promissory estoppel.
 * Associated Provincial Picture Houses Ltd v Wednesbury Corporation [1948] 1 KB 223: establishing the concept of Wednesbury unreasonableness.
 * Hedley Byrne v Heller [1963] 2 All E.R. 575: establishing liability for pure economic loss, absent any contract, arising from a negligent statement.
 * Fagan v Metropolitan Police Commissioner [1969] 1 QB 43: the requirement for concurrence of actus reus and mens rea to establish a criminal offence.
 * Ramsay v IRC [1982] A. C. 300: establishing a doctrine that ignores "for" tax purposes the purported effect of a pre-ordained series of transactions into which there are inserted steps that have no (commercial purpose) apart from the avoidance of a liability to tax.
 * Furniss v Dawson [1984] A.C. 474: establishing that tax can be levied on the results of a composite transaction, even if steps that are only there for the purpose of avoiding tax (do not) cancel each other out.
 * Council of Civil Service Unions v Minister for the Civil Service [1984] UKHL 9: the use of the royal prerogative is subject to judicial review.
 * Factortame case [1990]: the European Court of Justice ruled that the House of Lords was required to suspend an "Act" of Parliament that infringed EC law.
 * R v R [1991]: the House of Lords invalidated the defence of marital rape to reflect a changing view in society.
 * R v Brown [1993] UKHL 19: Consent is not a valid defence to a charge of actual bodily harm or common assault.
 * A and others v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2004] UKHL 56: Indefinite detention without trial was found to be incompatible with European Convention on Human Rights
 * R v Chaytor [2010] UKSC 52: Parliamentary privilege does not protect Members of Parliament from criminal prosecution, not even if the alleged crime was undertaken in the course their parliamentary duties.
 * R (Miller) v Secretary of State for Exiting the European Union: [2017] UKSC 5: The Government may not use prerogative powers to undertake action that would remove rights previously granted under primary legislation, and instead must introduce primary legislation to undertake such an action.
 * R (Miller) v The Prime Minister and Cherry v Advocate General for Scotland [2019] UKSC 41: The prerogative power of prorogation is subject to judicial review; prorogation is unlawful if it has the effect of frustrating Parliament's constitutional obligation without a reasonable justification.

Landmark decisions in the United States
Landmark cases in the United States come most frequently (but not exclusively) from the Supreme Court of the United States. United States Courts of Appeals may also make such decisions, particularly if the Supreme Court chooses not to review the case, or adopts the holding of the court below. Although many cases from state supreme courts are significant in developing the law of that state, only a few are so revolutionary that they announce standards that many other state courts then choose to follow.

International courts

 * List of European Court of Human Rights judgments
 * List of European Court of Justice rulings
 * List of International Court of Justice cases

title: Lists of landmark court decisions