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Computing Machinery and Intelligence

"Computing Machinery and Intelligence" is a seminal paper written by Alan Turing on the topic of artificial intelligence. The paper, published in 1950 in Mind, was the first to introduce his concept of what is now known as the Turing test to the general public.

Turing's paper considers the question "Can machines think?" Turing says that since the words "think" and "machine" cannot be clearly defined we should "replace the question by another, which is closely related to it and is expressed in relatively unambiguous words." To do this, he must first find a simple and unambiguous idea to replace the word "think", second he must explain exactly which "machines" he is considering, and finally, armed with these tools, he formulates a new question, related to the first, that he believes he can answer in the affirmative.

Turing's test

Rather than trying to determine if a machine is thinking, Turing suggests we should ask if the machine can win a game, called the "Imitation Game". The original Imitation game, that Turing described, is a simple party game involving three players. Player A is a man, player B is a woman and player C (who plays the role of the interrogator) can be of either sex. In the Imitation Game, player C is unable to see either player A or player B (and knows them only as X and Y), and can communicate with them only through written notes or any other form that does not give away any details about their gender. By asking questions of player A and player B, player C tries to determine which of the two is the man and which is the woman. Player A's role is to trick the interrogator into making the wrong decision, while player B attempts to assist the interrogator in making the right one. Turing proposes a variation of this game that involves the computer: What will happen when a machine takes the part of A in this game?" Will the interrogator decide wrongly as often when the game is played like this as he does when the game is played between a man and a woman? These questions replace our original, 'Can machines think? So the modified game becomes one that involves three participants in isolated rooms: a computer (which is being tested), a human, and a (human) judge. The human judge can converse with both the human and the computer by typing into a terminal. Both the computer and human try to convince the judge that they are the human. If the judge cannot consistently tell which is which, then the computer wins the game.

Researchers in the United Kingdom had been exploring "machine intelligence" for up to ten years prior to the founding of the field of artificial intelligence (AI) research in 1956. It was a common topic among the members of the Ratio Club, an informal group of British cybernetics and electronics researchers that included Alan Turing. Turing, in particular, had been running the notion of machine intelligence since at least 1941 and one of the earliest-known mentions of "computer intelligence" was made by him in 1947.

As Stevan Harnad notes, the question has become "Can machines do what we (as thinking entities) can do?" In other words, Turing is no longer asking whether a machine can "think"; he is asking whether a machine can act indistinguishably from the way a thinker acts. This question avoids the difficult philosophical problem of pre-defining the verb "to think" and focuses instead on the performance capacities that being able to think makes possible, and how a causal system can generate them.

Since Turing introduced his test, it has been both highly influential and widely criticised, and has become an important concept in the philosophy of artificial intelligence. Some of its criticisms, such as John Searle's Chinese room, are themselves controversial. Some have taken Turing's question to have been "Can a computer, communicating over a teleprinter, fool a person into believing it is human?" but it seems clear that Turing was not talking about fooling people but about generating human cognitive capacity.

Digital machines
Turing also notes that we need to determine which "machines" we wish to consider. He points out that a human clone, while man-made, would not provide a very interesting example. Turing suggested that we should focus on the capabilities of digital machinery—machines which manipulate the binary digits of 1 and 0, rewriting them into memory using simple rules. He gave two reasons.

First, there is no reason to speculate whether or not they can exist. They already did in 1950.

Second, digital machinery is "universal". Turing's research into the foundations of computation had proved that a digital computer can, in theory, simulate the behaviour of any other digital machine, given enough memory and time. (This is the essential insight of the Church–Turing thesis and the universal Turing machine.) Therefore, if any digital machine can "act like it is thinking" then, every sufficiently powerful digital machine can. Turing writes, "all digital computers are in a sense equivalent."

This allows the original question to be made even more specific. Turing now restates the original question as "Let us fix our attention on one particular digital computer C. Is it true that by modifying this computer to have an adequate storage, suitably increasing its speed of action, and providing it with an appropriate programme, C can be made to play satisfactorily the part of A in the imitation game, the part of B being taken by a man?"

Hence, Turing states that the focus is not on "whether all digital computers would do well in the game nor whether the computers that are presently available would do well, but whether there are imaginable computers which would do well". What is more important is to consider the advancements possible in the state of our machines today regardless of whether we have the available resource to create one or not.

Nine common objections
Having clarified the question, Turing turned to answering it: he considered the following nine common objections, which include all the major arguments against artificial intelligence raised in the years since his paper was first published.

 * 1) Religious Objection: This states that thinking is a function of man's immortal soul; therefore, a machine cannot think. "In attempting to construct such machines," wrote Turing, "we should not be irreverently usurping His power of creating souls, any more than we are in the procreation of children: rather we are, in either case, instruments of His will providing mansions for the souls that He creates."
 * 2)  'Heads in the Sand' Objection: "The consequences of machines thinking would be too dreadful. Let us hope and believe that they cannot do so."  This thinking is popular among intellectual people, as they believe superiority derives from higher intelligence and the possibility of being overtaken is a threat (as machines have efficient memory capacities and processing speed, machines exceeding the learning and knowledge capabilities are highly probable). This objection is a fallacious appeal to consequences, confusing what should not be with what can or cannot be (Wardrip-Fruin, 56).
 * 3) The Mathematical Objection: This objection uses mathematical theorems, such as Gödel's incompleteness theorem, to show that there are limits to what questions a computer system based on logic can answer. Turing suggests that humans are too often wrong themselves and pleased at the fallibility of a machine.  (This argument would be made again by philosopher John Lucas in 1961 and physicist Roger Penrose in 1989.)
 * 4) Argument From Consciousness: This argument, suggested by Professor Geoffrey Jefferson in his 1949 Lister Oration (acceptance speech for his 1948 award of Lister Medal ) states that "not until a machine can write a sonnet or compose a concerto because of thoughts and emotions felt, and not by the chance fall of symbols, could we agree that machine equals brain." Turing replies by saying that we have no way of knowing that any individual other than ourselves experiences emotions, and that therefore we should accept the test.  He adds, "I do not wish to give the impression that I think there is no mystery about consciousness ... [b]ut I do not think these mysteries necessarily need to be solved before we can answer the question [of whether machines can think]." (This argument, that a computer can't have conscious experiences or understanding, would be made in 1980 by philosopher John Searle in his Chinese room argument. Turing's reply is now known as the "other minds reply". See also Can a machine have a mind? in the philosophy of AI.)
 * 5) Arguments from various disabilities. These arguments all have the form "a computer will never do X". Turing offers a selection:"Be kind, resourceful, beautiful, friendly, have initiative, have a sense of humour, tell right from wrong, make mistakes, fall in love, enjoy strawberries and cream, make someone fall in love with it, learn from experience, use words properly, be the subject of its own thought, have as much diversity of behaviour as a man, do something really new."Turing notes that "no support is usually offered for these statements," and that they depend on naive assumptions about how versatile machines may be in the future, or are "disguised forms of the argument from consciousness." He chooses to answer a few of them:
 * 6) Machines cannot make mistakes. He notes it's easy to program a machine to appear to make a mistake.
 * 7) A machine cannot be the subject of its own thought (or can't be self-aware). A program which can report on its internal states and processes, in the simple sense of a debugger program, can certainly be written. Turing asserts "a machine can undoubtably be its own subject matter."
 * 8) A machine cannot have much diversity of behaviour. He notes that, with enough storage capacity, a computer can behave in an astronomical number of different ways.
 * 9) Lady Lovelace's Objection: One of the most famous objections states that computers are incapable of originality. This is largely because, according to Ada Lovelace, machines are incapable of independent learning."The Analytical Engine has no pretensions whatever to originate anything. It can do whatever we know how to order it to perform. It can follow analysis; but it has no power of anticipating any analytical relations or truths." Turing suggests that Lovelace's objection can be reduced to the assertion that computers "can never take us by surprise" and argues that, to the contrary, computers could still surprise humans, in particular where the consequences of different facts are not immediately recognizable. Turing also argues that Lady Lovelace was hampered by the context from which she wrote, and if exposed to more contemporary scientific knowledge, it would become evident that the brain's storage is quite similar to that of a computer.
 * 10) Argument from continuity in the nervous system: Modern neurological research has shown that the brain is not digital. Even though neurons fire in an all-or-nothing pulse, both the exact timing of the pulse and the probability of the pulse occurring have analog components. Turing acknowledges this, but argues that any analog system can be simulated to a reasonable degree of accuracy given enough computing power. (Philosopher Hubert Dreyfus would make this argument against "the biological assumption" in 1972.)
 * 11) Argument from the informality of behaviour: This argument states that any system governed by laws will be predictable and therefore not truly intelligent. Turing replies by stating that this is confusing laws of behaviour with general rules of conduct, and that if on a broad enough scale (such as is evident in man) machine behaviour would become increasingly difficult to predict. He argues that, just because we can't immediately see what the laws are, does not mean that no such laws exist. He writes "we certainly know of no circumstances under which we could say, 'we have searched enough. There are no such laws.'". (Hubert Dreyfus would argue in 1972 that human reason and problem solving was not based on formal rules, but instead relied on instincts and awareness that would never be captured in rules. More recent AI research in robotics and computational intelligence attempts to find the complex rules that govern our "informal" and unconscious skills of perception, mobility and pattern matching. See Dreyfus' critique of AI). This rejoinder also includes the Turing's Wager argument.
 * 12) Extra-sensory perception: In 1950, extra-sensory perception was an active area of research and Turing chooses to give ESP the benefit of the doubt, arguing that conditions could be created in which mind-reading would not affect the test. Turing admitted to "overwhelming statistical evidence" for telepathy, likely referring to early 1940s experiments by Samuel Soal, a member of the Society for Psychical Research.

Learning machines
In the final section of the paper Turing details his thoughts about the Learning Machine that could play the imitation game successfully.

Here Turing first returns to Lady Lovelace's objection that the machine can only do what we tell it to do and he likens it to a situation where a man "injects" an idea into the machine to which the machine responds and then falls off into quiescence. He extends on this thought by an analogy to an atomic pile of less than critical size, which is to be considered the machine, and an injected idea is to correspond to a neutron entering the pile from outside the pile; the neutron will cause a certain disturbance which eventually dies away. Turing then builds on that analogy and mentions that, if the size of the pile were to be sufficiently large, then a neutron entering the pile would cause a disturbance that would continue to increase until the whole pile were destroyed, the pile would be supercritical. Turing then asks the question as to whether this analogy of a super critical pile could be extended to a human mind and then to a machine. He concludes that such an analogy would indeed be suitable for the human mind with "There does seem to be one for the human mind. The majority of them seem to be "subcritical," i.e., to correspond in this analogy to piles of sub critical size. An idea presented to such a mind will on average give rise to less than one idea in reply. A smallish proportion are supercritical. An idea presented to such a mind that may give rise to a whole "theory" consisting of secondary, tertiary and more remote ideas". He finally asks if a machine could be made to be supercritical.

Turing then mentions that the task of being able to create a machine that could play the imitation game is one of programming and he postulates that by the end of the century it will indeed be technologically possible to program a machine to play the game. He then mentions that in the process of trying to imitate an adult human mind it becomes important to consider the processes that lead to the adult mind being in its present state; which he summarizes as:
 * 1. The initial state of the mind, say at birth,
 * 2. The education to which it has been subjected,
 * 3. Other experience, not to be described as education, to which it has been subjected.

Given this process he asks whether it would be more appropriate to program a child's mind instead of an adults mind and then subject the child mind to a period of education. He likens the child to a newly bought notebook and speculates that due to its simplicity it would be more easily programmed. The problem then is broken down into two parts, the programming of a child mind and its education process. He mentions that a child mind would not be expected as desired by the experimenter (programmer) at the first attempt. A learning process that involves a method of reward and punishment must be in place that will select desirable patterns in the mind. This whole process, Turing mentions, to a large extent is similar to that of evolution by natural selection where the similarities are:
 * Structure of the child machine = hereditary material
 * Changes of the child machine = mutations
 * Natural selection = judgment of the experimenter

Following this discussion Turing addresses certain specific aspects of the learning machine:
 * Nature of inherent complexity: The child machine could either be one that is as simple as possible, merely maintaining consistency with general principles, or the machine could be one with a complete system of logical inference programmed into it. This more complex system is explained by Turing as "..would be such that the machines store would be largely occupied with definitions and propositions. The propositions would have various kinds of status, e.g., well-established facts, conjectures, mathematically proved theorems, statements given by an authority, expressions having the logical form of proposition but not belief-value. Certain propositions may be described as "imperatives." The machine should be so constructed that as soon as an imperative is classed as "well established" the appropriate action automatically takes place". Despite this built-in logic system the logical inference programmed in would not be one that is formal, rather it would be one that is more pragmatic. In addition the machine would build on its built-in logic system by a method of "scientific induction".

 * Ignorance of the experimenter: An important feature of a learning machine that Turing points out is the ignorance of the teacher of the machines' internal state during the learning process. This is in contrast to a conventional discrete state machine where the objective is to have a clear understanding of the internal state of the machine at every moment during the computation. The machine will be seen to be doing things that we often cannot make sense of or something that we consider to be completely random. Turing mentions that this specific character bestows upon a machine a certain degree of what we consider to be intelligence, in that intelligent behaviour consists of a deviation from the complete determinism of conventional computation but only so long as the deviation does not give rise to pointless loops or random behaviour.

 * The importance of random behaviour: Though Turing cautions us of random behaviour he mentions that inculcating an element of randomness in a learning machine would be of value in a system. He mentions that this could be of value where there might be multiple correct answers or ones where it might be such that a systematic approach would investigate several unsatisfactory solutions to a problem before finding the optimal solution which would entail the systematic process inefficient. Turing also mentions that the process of evolution takes the path of random mutations in order to find solutions that benefit an organism but he also admits that in the case of evolution the systematic method of finding a solution would not be possible.

Turing concludes by speculating about a time when machines will compete with humans on numerous intellectual tasks and suggests tasks that could be used to make that start. Turing then suggests that abstract tasks such as playing chess could be a good place to start another method which he puts as "..it is best to provide the machine with the best sense organs that money can buy, and then teach it to understand and speak English.".

An examination of the development in artificial intelligence that has followed reveals that the learning machine did take the abstract path suggested by Turing as in the case of Deep Blue, a chess playing computer developed by IBM and one which defeated the world champion Garry Kasparov (though, this too is controversial) and the numerous computer chess games which can outplay most amateurs. As for the second suggestion Turing makes, it has been likened by some authors as a call to finding a simulacrum of human cognitive development. And such attempts at finding the underlying algorithms by which children learn of the features of the world around them are only beginning to be made.

title: Computing Machinery and Intelligence


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Circular segment

In geometry, a circular segment or disk segment (symbol: ⌓ ) is a region of a disk which is "cut off" from the rest of the disk by a straight line. The complete line is known as a secant, and the section inside the disk as a chord.

More formally, a circular segment is a plane region bounded by a circular arc (of less than π radians by convention) and the circular chord connecting its endpoints.

Formulae
Let R be the radius of the arc which forms part of the perimeter of the segment, θ the central angle subtending the arc in radians, c the chord length, s the arc length, h the sagitta (height) of the segment, d the apothem of the segment, and a the area of the segment.

Usually, chord length and height are given or measured, and sometimes the arc length as part of the perimeter, and the unknowns are area and sometimes arc length. These can't be calculated simply from chord length and height, so two intermediate quantities, the radius and central angle are usually calculated first.

Radius and central angle
The radius is:
 * $$R = \tfrac{h}{2}+\tfrac{c^2}{8h}$$

The central angle is
 * $$ \theta = 2\arcsin\tfrac{c}{2R}$$

Chord length and height
The chord length and height can be back-computed from radius and central angle by:

The chord length is
 * $$c = 2R\sin\tfrac{\theta}{2} = R\sqrt{2(1-\cos\theta)}$$
 * $$c = 2\sqrt{R^2 - (R - h)^2} = 2\sqrt{2Rh - h^2}$$

The sagitta is
 * $$h =R-\sqrt{R^2-\frac{c^2}{4}}= R(1-\cos\tfrac{\theta}{2})=R\left(1-\sqrt{\tfrac{1+\cos\theta}{2}}\right)=\frac{c}{2}\tan\frac{\theta}{4}$$

The apothem is
 * $$ d = R - h = \sqrt{R^2-\frac{c^2}{4}} = R\cos\tfrac{\theta}{2} $$

Arc length and area
The arc length, from the familiar geometry of a circle, is
 * $$s = {\theta}R$$

The area a of the circular segment is equal to the area of the circular sector minus the area of the triangular portion (using the double angle formula to get an equation in terms of $$\theta$$):

 * $$a = \tfrac{R^2}{2} \left(\theta - \sin \theta\right)$$

In terms of $R$ and $h$,

 * $$a = R^2\arccos\left(1-\frac{h}{R}\right) - \left(R-h\right)\sqrt{R^2-\left(R-h\right)^2}$$

In terms of $c$ and $h$,

 * $$a = \left(\frac{c^2+4h^2}{8h}\right)^2\arccos\left(\frac{c^2-4h^2}{c^2+4h^2}\right) - \frac{c}{16h}(c^2-4h^2)$$

What can be stated is that as the central angle gets smaller (or alternately the radius gets larger), the area a rapidly and asymptotically approaches $$\tfrac{2}{3}c\cdot h$$. If $$\theta \ll 1$$, $$a = \tfrac{2}{3}c\cdot h$$ is a substantially good approximation.

If $$c$$ is held constant, and the radius is allowed to vary, then we have$$\frac{\partial a}{\partial s} = R$$

As the central angle approaches π, the area of the segment is converging to the area of a semicircle, $$\tfrac{\pi R^2}{2}$$, so a good approximation is a delta offset from the latter area:

 * $$a\approx \tfrac{\pi R^2}{2}-(R+\tfrac{c}{2})(R-h)$$ for h>.75R

As an example, the area is one quarter the circle when θ ~ 2.31 radians (132.3°) corresponding to a height of ~59.6% and a chord length of ~183% of the radius.

Etc.
The perimeter p is the arclength plus the chord length,

 * $$p=c+s=c+\theta R$$

As a proportion of the whole area of the disc, $$A= \pi R^2$$, you have

 * $$ \frac{a}{A}= \frac{\theta - \sin \theta}{2\pi}$$

Applications
The area formula can be used in calculating the volume of a partially-filled cylindrical tank lying horizontally.

In the design of windows or doors with rounded tops, c and h may be the only known values and can be used to calculate R for the draftsman's compass setting.

One can reconstruct the full dimensions of a complete circular object from fragments by measuring the arc length and the chord length of the fragment.

To check hole positions on a circular pattern. Especially useful for quality checking on machined products.

For calculating the area or centroid of a planar shape that contains circular segments.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Circular segment


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Susan Howe

Susan Howe (born June 10, 1937) is an American poet, scholar, essayist, and critic, who has been closely associated with the Language poets, among other poetry movements. Her work is often classified as Postmodern because it expands traditional notions of genre (fiction, essay, prose and poetry). Many of Howe's books are layered with historical, mythical, and other references, often presented in an unorthodox format. Her work contains lyrical echoes of sound, and yet is not pinned down by a consistent metrical pattern or a conventional poetic rhyme scheme.

Howe is the recipient of the 2017 Robert Frost Medal awarded by the Poetry Society of America, the recipient of the 2011 Bollingen Prize in American Poetry, and a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.

Personal life
Howe was born on June 10, 1937, in Boston, Massachusetts. She grew up in nearby Cambridge. Her mother, Mary Manning, was an Irish playwright and acted for Dublin's Gate Theatre. Her father Mark DeWolfe Howe, was a professor at Harvard Law School and was the official biographer of Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes. Her aunt was Helen Howe, a monologuist and novelist. She has two sisters, Helen Howe Braider and poet Fanny Howe. Howe graduated from the Boston Museum School of Fine Arts in 1961. She married the painter, Harvey Quaytman in 1961. She was married to her second husband, sculptor David von Schlegell, until his death (1992). Her third husband, Peter Hewitt Hare, a philosopher and professor at the University of Buffalo, died in January 2008. She has two children, the painter R.H. Quaytman, and the writer Mark von Schlegell. She lives in Guilford, Connecticut.

Publications
Howe is an author of a number of books of poetry, including Europe of Trusts: Selected Poems (1990), Frame Structures: Early Poems 1974−1979 (1996) and The Midnight (2003), Pierce-Arrow (1999), Bed Hangings with Susan Bee (2001),Souls of the Labadie Track, (2007) Frolic Architecture, (2010), "Spontaneous Particulars: The Telepathy of Archives" (2014) and That This (2010), and three books of criticism, The Birth-Mark: Unsettling the Wilderness in American Literary History (1993), "The Gorgeous Nothings: Emily Dickinson's Envelope Poems" (2013) and My Emily Dickinson (1985). Howe began publishing poetry with Hinge Picture in 1974 and was initially received as a part of the amorphous grouping of experimental writers known as the language poets-writers such as Charles Bernstein, Bruce Andrews, Lyn Hejinian, Carla Harryman, Barrett Watten, and Ron Silliman. Her work has appeared in numerous anthologies, including The Norton Anthology of Modern and Contemporary Poetry, the L=A=N=G=U=A=G=E poetry anthology In the American Tree, and The Norton Anthology of Postmodern Poetry.

In 2003, Howe started collaborating with experimental musician David Grubbs. The results were released on five CD's: Thiefth (featuring the poems Thorow and Melville's Marginalia), Songs of the Labadie Tract, Frolic Architecture, Woodslippercounterclatter, and Concordance.

Other activities
After graduating from high school, Howe spent a year in Dublin as an apprentice at the Gate Theatre. After graduating from the Boston Museum School in 1961, she moved to New York, where she painted. In 1975, she began to produce a series of poetry programs for WBAI/Pacifica Radio. In 1988 she had her first visiting professorship in English at the University at Buffalo, The State University of New York, becoming a full professor and core faculty of the Poetics Program in 1991, later being appointed Capen Chair and Distinguished Professor. She retired in 2006. Recently, Howe has held the following positions: Distinguished Fellow, Stanford Institute of the Humanities; faculty, Princeton University, University of Chicago, University of Utah, and Wesleyan University (English Department's Distinguished Visiting Writer, 2010–11).

Awards
Susan Howe was awarded with the American Book Awards organized by the Before Columbus Foundation in both 1981 and 1986. "She was elected a member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1999 and a Chancellor of The Academy of American Poets in 2000." She was the fall 2009 Anna-Maria Kellen Fellow at the American Academy in Berlin. In 2009, she was awarded a Berlin Prize fellowship. In 2011, Howe was awarded the Yale Bollingen Prize in American Poetry.

Exhibitions

 * Tom Tit Tot, Yale Union, 2013.

Some critical works on Howe's writing

 * Back, Rachel Tzvia. Led By Language: The Poetry and Poetics of Susan Howe. Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press, 2002.
 * Collis, Stephen. Through Words of Others: Susan Howe and Anarcho-Scholasticism. Victoria, BC: English Literary Studies Editions, 2006.
 * Crown, Kathleen. "Documentary Memory and Textual Agency: H.D. and Susan Howe." How2, v. 1, n° 3, Feb. 2000.
 * Daly, Lew. Swallowing the Scroll: Late in a Prophetic Tradition with the Poetry of Susan Howe and John Taggart. Buffalo, NY: M Press, 1999.
 * Davidson, Michael. "Palimptexts: Postmodern Poetry and the Material Text", Postmodern Genres. Marjorie Perloff, ed. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988/89. (Coll.: n° 5 of Oklahoma Project for Discourse and Theory.) pp. 75–95.
 * "The Difficulties Interview", issue dedicated to Susan Howe. The Difficulties, 3.2, 1989. pp. 17–27.
 * Duplessis, Rachel Blau. "Our law /vocables /of shape or sound: The work of Susan Howe", How(ever) v.1 n° 4, May 1984.
 * Foster, Ed. "An Interview with Susan Howe", Talisman: A Journal of Contemporary Poetry and Poetics, n° 4: special issue on Susan Howe, 1990. pp. 14–38.
 * Howard, W. Scott. "Literal/Littoral Crossings: Re-Articulating Hope Atherton’s Story After Susan Howe’s Articulation of Sound Forms in Time." Water: Resources and Discourses. Ed. Justin Scott Coe and W. Scott Howard. Reconstruction: Studies in Contemporary Culture 6.3 (2006):.
 * Howard, W. Scott. “Teaching, How/e?: not per se.” Denver Quarterly 35.2 (2000): 81–93.
 * Howard, W. Scott. “‘writing ghost writing’: A Discursive Poetics of History; or, Howe's hau in ‘a bibliography of the king’s book; or, eikon basilike’.” Talisman 14 (1995): 108-30.
 * Joyce, Elisabeth. "The Small Space of a Pause": Susan Howe's Poetry and the Spaces Between. Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2010.
 * Keller, Lynn. Forms of Expansion: Recent Long Poems by Women. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1997.
 * Ma, Ming-Qian. "Articulating the Inarticulate: Singularities and the Countermethod in Susan Howe," Contemporary Literature v.36 n° 3, 1995, pp. 466–489.
 * Montgomery, Will. The Poetry of Susan Howe: History, Theology, Authority. New York, NY: Palgrave, 2010.
 * Naylor, Paul. Poetic Investigations: Singing the Holes In History. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1999.
 * Nicholls, Peter. "Unsettling the Wilderness: Susan Howe and American History", Contemporary Literature, v.37, n° 4, 1996, pp. 586–601.
 * Perloff, Marjorie. "Against Transparency : From the Radiant Cluster to the Word as Such" & "How it Means: Making Poetic Sense in Media Society" in Radical Artifice, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998.
 * Perloff, Marjorie. "Language Poetry and the Lyric Subject: Ron Silliman's Albany, Susan Howe's Buffalo", Critical Inquiry, n° 25, Spring 1999, pp 405–434.
 * Perloff, Marjorie. Poetic License: Essays on Modernist and Postmodernist Lyric. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 1990.
 * Quartermain, Peter. Disjunctive Poetics: From Gertrude Stein and Louis Zukovsky to Susan Howe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.
 * Rankine, Claudia, and Spahr, Juliana. American Women Poets in the 21st Century: Where Lyric Meets Language. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 2002.
 * Reinfeld, Linda M. Language Poetry: Writing as Rescue. Baton Rouge, LA: Louisiana State University Press, 1992.
 * Swensen, Cole. "Against the Limits of Language: The Geometries of Anne-Marie Albiach and Susan Howe", in Moving Borders: Three Decades of Innovative Writing By Women, Mary Margaret Sloan, ed. Jersey City, NJ: Talisman House Publishers, 1998. pp. 630–641
 * Ziarek, Krzysztof. The Historicity of Experience: Modernity, the Avant-Garde, and the Event. Evanston, IL: Northwestern University Press, 2001.

title: Susan Howe


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Talk:Susan Howe

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title: Talk:Susan Howe


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Talk:Champagne socialist

VfD
Old talk from VfD. It was decided not to delete the article:

ping 07:23, 16 Dec 2003 (UTC)
 * Champagne socialist - a joke. user has history of vandalism. --Jiang | Talk 09:35, 15 Dec 2003 (UTC)
 * It's not a joke. It's a common term at least in British politics and possibly elsewhere. There may be well be enough to eke out an article here - if not it would be a footnote on the socialism and/or british politics pages. Please do not call things a joke without knowing what you are talking about. Pete/Pcb21 (talk) 09:44, 15 Dec 2003 (UTC)
 * limousine liberal would seem to be the equivalent American term (oweing to their unique use of the word liberal). I agree that there's an article there somewhere. -- stewacide
 * This is a serious term in British politics. Keep. Look upon my works, ye Mighty, and despair! 09:51, 15 Dec 2003 (UTC)
 * Is the term really used often? I only get 500 hits on Google, but some are from the BBC.  I'm not sure.  Daniel Quinlan 10:10, Dec 15, 2003 (UTC)
 * Keep. It may not appear all that often, but the bottom entry on the first page of Google I get is in Polish, so the term's definitely got about. -- Arwel 13:32, 15 Dec 2003 (UTC)
 * It's not used hugely often, but it is used often enough. I get 747 Google hits - I'd've guessed there would be more - I suppose usage has tailed off a bit in recent years (where recent years = google cache years)
 * Keep. Very widely used term. Only a joke if you think Tony Blair a joke. Ooops. But seriously, keep. Bmills 10:17, 15 Dec 2003 (UTC)
 * For TB can't be a champagne socialist... that would pre-suppose that he is a socialist :=). I guess the label could be applied to John 'Two Jags' Prescott though! Pete/Pcb21 (talk) 11:23, 15 Dec 2003 (UTC)
 * In Ireland, we had our very own Dick Spring. And yes, that is his real name. Bmills 11:32, 15 Dec 2003 (UTC)
 * Keep, although it might be nice to make it a redirect to a single page which explains synonymous terms, and perhaps other such phrases in politics. Onebyone 11:46, 15 Dec 2003 (UTC)
 * List of pejorative political slogans, perhaps?. Kosebamse 12:52, 15 Dec 2003 (UTC)
 * added it there
 * Keep. There are already good articles on the Australian and US equivalents. Secretlondon 12:38, Dec 15, 2003 (UTC)
 * Keep. Completely legitimate, although certainly not an American term. Anjouli 17:10, 15 Dec 2003 (UTC)
 * Keep. I can't believe anyone was even thinking of deleting this!  --Daniel C. Boyer 21:27, 15 Dec 2003 (UTC)

Champagne Socialists may claim to be against the Capitalist system but will still happily function in it Well they don't have much choice, do they? If the system IS a capitalist one, what are they supposed to do? Refuse to work and sit in a tent for 30 years waiting for capitalism to collapse? What about people in communist countries who don't particularly agree with their system but still happily function in it? What childish term would you apply to them? Pathetic.

End of VfD talk

title: Talk:Champagne socialist


text:
Suvorov (disambiguation)

Suvorov (Russian surname and place name; depending on the language of origin is also found in forms: Suworow, Souvorov) may refer to:

People

 * House of Suvorov
 * Alexander Suvorov (1729–1800), Russian general in service of the Russian Empire and the Habsburgs, founder of Russian military theory
 * Alexander Arkadyevich Suvorov (1804–1882), Russian general and diplomat, son of Arkadi Suvorov
 * Arkadi Suvorov (1784–1811), Russian general, son of Alexander Suvorov
 * Aleksey Suvorov (born 1991), Russian speed-skater
 * Alexandru Suvorov (born 1987), Moldovan football player
 * Andrei Suvorov (1887–1917), Russian footballer
 * Georgii Suvorov (1919–1984), Soviet mathematician
 * Igor Suvorov (born 1948), Russian banker
 * Maxim Suvorov (died 1770), director of the printing house of the Russian Synod
 * Nikolay Suvorov, Soviet commander of the Soviet submarine K-429 in 1983
 * Oleg Suvorov (born 1997), Russian footballer
 * Sergei Suvorov (1869–1918), Russian statistician, philosopher and revolutionary
 * Viktor Suvorov (born 1947), Russian writer and a former Soviet military intelligence officer

Places

 * Suvorov, Tula Oblast, Russia
 * Suvorov (inhabited locality), several inhabited localities in Russia
 * Dumbrăveni, Vrancea, Romania, formerly known as Generalisimul Suvorov
 * Suwarrow, or Suvorov, in the Cook Islands
 * Suvorov Glacier, Antarctica

Ships

 * Aleksandr Suvorov (ship), a Russian/Soviet river cruise ship, launched 1981
 * Soviet cruiser Aleksandr Suvorov 1951–1990
 * Russian battleship Knyaz Suvorov, 1901–1905

Other uses

 * Suvorov (film), a 1941 Soviet film
 * Suvorov Military School, a type of boarding school in the Soviet Union, Russia and Belarus
 * Suvorov military canals, in Finland
 * 2489 Suvorov, a minor planet

title: Suvorov (disambiguation)


text:
Drinking culture

Drinking culture is the set of traditions and social behaviours that surround the consumption of alcoholic beverages as a recreational drug and social lubricant. Although alcoholic beverages and social attitudes toward drinking vary around the world, nearly every civilization has independently discovered the processes of brewing beer, fermenting wine, and distilling spirits, among other practices. Many countries have developed their own regional cultures based on unique traditions around the fermentation and consumption of alcohol, which may also be known as a beer culture, wine culture etc. after a particularly prominent type of drink.

Alcohol, a psychoactive substance with addictive properties and other effects, has been present in numerous societies over the centuries. Drinking is documented in the Hebrew and Christian Bibles, in the Qur'an, in Greek and Roman literature as old as Homer, in Confucius’ Analects, and in various forms of artistic expression throughout history.

History
Alcohol has played a significant role in human history. The production and consumption of alcoholic beverages date back to ancient civilisations. The earliest evidence of Alcohol comes from a Neolithic village dating to around 7000BC in the Yellow Valley. Societies and cultures around the world have made use of intoxicating substances, with alcohol as the most popular, featured in temple rituals for ~2,000 years. In Mesopotamia, the world's oldest known recipe for beer-making can be traced back to 3200 BC, with related pictographs dated to 4000 BC. Similarly, wine has ancient roots, with evidence of production in Jemdet Nasr in 3000 BC, Georgia from around 6000 BC, and Iran from 5000 BC. These practices were not just culinary but often held religious and medicinal significance.

Since the Greek and Roman eras, Bacchanalia rituals involved consuming heavy levels of alcohol to reach an ecstatic state of mind. Bacchanalian fraternities promote the festive consumption of wine.

Binge drinking
Binge drinking is defined as drinking to excess.

The National Institute on Alcohol Abuse and Alcoholism (NIAAA) defines binge drinking as a pattern of drinking alcohol that brings blood alcohol concentration (BAC) to 0.08 grams percent or above. For the typical adult, this pattern corresponds to consuming five or more drinks (men), or four or more drinks (women) in about two hours. As tolerance builds, the person will need more drinks to achieve the same effect or feeling.

Excessive drinking can have many side effects. This includes alcoholism, a term describing the inability to control the intake of alcohol, blackouts, a form of amnesia where short term memory is greatly impaired, and even sudden death associated with strokes.

The concept of a "binge" has been somewhat elastic over the years, implying consumption of alcohol far beyond that which is socially acceptable. In earlier decades, "going on a binge" meant drinking over the course of several days until one was no longer able to continue drinking. This usage is known to have entered the English language as late as 1854; it derives from an English dialectal word meaning to "soak" or to "fill a boat with water". (OED, American Heritage Dictionary)

Binge drinking is found all over the world, costing the UK economy approximately £20 billion a year. It is estimated that 17 million working days are lost due to hangovers and drink-related illness each year.

Speed drinking

Speed drinking or competitive drinking is the drinking of a small or moderate quantity of beer in the shortest period of time, without an intention of getting heavily intoxicated. Unlike binge drinking, its focus is on competition or the establishment of a record. Speed drinkers typically drink a light beer, such as lager, and they allow it to warm and lose its carbonation to shorten the drinking time.

Guinness World Records (1990 edition, p. 464) listed several records for speed drinking. Among these were:
 * Peter G. Dowdeswell (born 1940) of Earls Barton, Northamptonshire, England, drank 2 litre in 6 seconds on February 7, 1975.
 * Steven Petrosino (born 1951) of New Cumberland, Pennsylvania, US, drank 1 L in 1.3 seconds on June 22, 1977, at the Gingerbread Man Pub in Carlisle, Pennsylvania.

Neither of these records had been defeated when Guinness World Records banned all alcohol-related records from their book in 1991.

Former Australian Prime Minister Bob Hawke held a record for the fastest consumption of a yard of ale. In 1954, while he was a student at Oxford University, he drank 2+1/2 imppt in 12 seconds.

Moderate, responsible, and social drinking
Moderate drinking, responsible drinking, and social drinking are often used interchangeably, but with slightly different connotations: In many cultures, good news is often celebrated by a group sharing alcoholic drinks. For example, sparkling wine may be used to toast the bride at a wedding, and alcoholic drinks may be served celebrate a baby's birth. Buying someone an alcoholic drink is often considered a gesture of goodwill, an expression of gratitude, or to mark the resolution of a dispute.
 * Moderate drinking - strictly focuses on the amount of alcohol consumed, following alcohol consumption recommendations (typically 1-2 drinks per day). This is called "drinking in moderation".
 * Responsible drinking - as defined by alcohol industry standards, often emphasizes personal choice and risk management, unlike terms like "social drinking" or "moderate drinking."
 * Social drinking - refers to casual drinking of alcoholic beverages in a social setting without an intent to become intoxicated. A social drinker is also defined as a person who only drinks alcohol during social events, such as parties, and does not drink while alone (e.g., at home).

Drinking etiquette
For the purposes of buying rounds of alcoholic drinks in English public houses, William Greaves, a retired London journalist, devised a set of etiquette guidelines as a Saturday morning essay in the defunct Today newspaper. Known as Greaves' Rules, the guidelines were based upon his long experience of pubs and rounds. The rules were later recommissioned by The Daily Telegraph and published in that newspaper on November 20, 1993. Copies of the rules soon appeared in many pubs throughout the United Kingdom.

Kate Fox, a social anthropologist, came up with a similar idea in her book Watching the English, but concluded their rationale was the need to minimize the possibility of violence between drinking companions.

When it is socially acceptable to drink differs around the world. For example, drinking at early times of the day is frowned upon in some countries, including Britain, Iceland, and the Czech Republic, whose drinkers limit themselves to the evening, some don't start until past midnight and stay out especially late.

Though noon is often seen as earliest appropriate time of day to consume alcohol, especially on its own, there are some exceptions such as drinking Buck's Fizzes on Christmas Day morning. In Germany, it is tradition to get a drink on Sunday morning, Frühschoppen, to commemorate when families would go to the pub after church. In the countries of Spain, France, Russia, and Germany, day drinking is more common. Drinks served with breakfast or brunch, like a mimosa or bloody mary, are common in many cultures. However, even in countries where day drinking is socially acceptable, it is restricted compared to the heavier periods of drinking recurrent during weekend days.

Pub crawl
A pub crawl (sometimes called a bar tour, bar crawl or bar-hopping) is the act of visiting multiple pubs or bars in a single session.

Session drinking
Session drinking is a chiefly British and Irish term that refers to drinking a large quantity of beer during a "session" (i.e. a specific period of time) without becoming too heavily intoxicated. A session is generally a social occasion.

A "session beer", such as a session bitter, is a beer that has a moderate or relatively low alcohol content.

Social and cultural significance
Drinking customs vary significantly across cultures. In many Western societies, raising a toast during celebrations or milestones is a common practice. In contrast, in Japanese culture, the practice of 'nomikai' – a drinking party among colleagues or friends – is prevalent, reflecting their communal approach to drinking. Similarly, in some Native American societies, alcohol consumption has historically been limited and regulated through community norms.

Vertical drinking
Vertical drinking means that all or most of the patrons in an establishment are standing while drinking. This is linked to faster rates of consumption, and can lead to tension and possibly violence as patrons attempt to maneuver around each other.

Sober curious
Sober curious is a cultural movement and lifestyle of practicing none or limited alcohol consumption that started spreading in the late 2010s.

Being sober curious means exploring sobriety at times to challenge the systematic consumption of alcohol in different situations, mostly during social interaction. The goal is to cut back when alcohol is deemed unnecessary, avoid consuming too much alcohol, and/or improve one's health. The consumption of non-alcoholic drinks is associated with the sober curious movement. It is also called the 'No To Lo" beverages movement.

Spiritual use
Most religions prohibit or advise against alcohol use. However, spiritual use of alcohol is found in some religions and schools with esoteric influences, including the Sufi Bektashi Order and Alevi Jem ceremonies, in the Japanese religion Shinto, by the new religious movement Thelema, in Vajrayana Buddhism, and in Vodou faith of Haiti.

Health
While moderate alcohol consumption is often cited for potential health benefits, such as reduced risk of heart disease, excessive drinking is linked to numerous health risks including liver disease, cardiovascular problems, and addiction. The World Health Organization categorizes alcohol as a Group 1 carcinogen, indicating its causal link to cancer. It is crucial to balance these perspectives to understand the full impact of alcohol on health.

Several studies over recent decades have linked moderate alcohol consumption with a reduced risk of heart disease. However, experts caution that this research may not fully account for the influence of other healthy lifestyle factors or the health history of participants who abstain from drinking.

Policy makers have often expressed concern over "drinking culture" due to negative health effects of excess alcohol consumption. Policy makers often focus especially on patterns of problem drinking. These patterns are often expressed in geographical terms, such as in national drinking habits.

Geographic disparity
Understanding drinking in young people should be done through a "developmental" framework. This would be referred to as a "whole system" approach to underage drinking, as it takes into account a particular adolescent's unique risk and protective factors—from genetics and personality characteristics to social and environmental factors.

As early as the eighth century, Saint Boniface was writing to Cuthbert, Archbishop of Canterbury, to report how "In your diocese, the vice of drunkenness is too frequent. This is an evil peculiar to pagans and to our race. Neither the Franks nor the Gauls nor the Lombards nor the Romans nor the Greeks commit it". It is probable, however, that "the vice of drunkenness" was present in all European nations. The 16th-century Frenchman Rabelais wrote comedic and absurd satires illustrating his countrymen's drinking habits, and Saint Augustin used the example of a drunkard in Rome to illustrate certain spiritual principles.

Some cultures may have a higher tolerance for alcohol consumption, while others may stigmatize it. Cultural practices, traditions, and expectations regarding masculinity can influence drinking patterns among people.

Drinking habits vary significantly across the globe. In many European countries, wine and beer are integral to the dining experience, reflecting a culture of moderate, meal-centric drinking. Conversely, in countries like Russia, higher rates of hard liquor consumption are observed, which has been linked to social and health issues. Furthermore, some Islamic countries have religious prohibitions against alcohol, leading to markedly different drinking practices.

Some studies have noted traditional, cultural differences between Northern and Southern Europe. A difference in perception may also account to some extent for historically noted cultural differences: Northern Europeans drink beer, which in the past was often of a low alcohol content (2.5% compared to today's 5%). In pre-industrial society, beer was safer to drink than water, because it had been boiled and contained alcohol. Southern Europeans drink wine and fortified wines (10–20% alcohol by volume). Traditionally, wine was watered and honeyed; drinking full strength wine was considered barbaric in Republican Rome. Nor does binge drinking necessarily equate with substantially higher national averages of per capita/per annum litres of pure alcohol consumption. There is also a physical aspect to national differences worldwide, which has not yet been thoroughly studied, whereby some ethnic groups have a greater capacity for alcohol metabolization through the liver enzymes alcohol dehydrogenase and acetaldehyde dehydrogenase.

These varying capacities do not, however, avoid all health risks inherent in heavy alcohol consumption. Alcohol abuse is associated with a variety of negative health and safety outcomes. This is true no matter the individual's or the ethnic group's perceived ability to "handle alcohol". Persons who believe themselves immune to the effects of alcohol may often be the most at risk for health concerns and the most dangerous of all operating a vehicle.

"Chronic heavy drinkers display functional tolerance when they show few obvious signs of intoxication, even at high blood alcohol concentrations which in others would be incapacitating or even fatal. Because the drinker does not experience significant behavioral impairment as a result of drinking, tolerance may facilitate the consumption of increasing amounts of alcohol. This can result in physical dependence and alcohol-related organ damage."

United Kingdom
Throughout its history, the United Kingdom has had the pub as a central gathering spot in the community. Into the modern day, the English pub is a common social gathering place. The United Kingdom ranks 24th in the world for per capita alcohol consumption, with the prevalence of pub culture sometimes being cited as a factor in the country's high alcohol consumption. On average, the British drink an average of 9.7 litres of alcohol per year. Statistics in 2023 have revealed that around 71.2% of adults in the United Kingdom drink at least once a week.

Finland
Finland has one of the most significant drinking cultures in Europe, with the second highest rate of alcohol consumption in the Nordic countries. Since the early 1960s, the total consumption of alcohol has quadrupled and negative effects of alcohol have increased. Intoxication is not seen as shameful, and is instead praised and seen as a sign of sociality.

One major aspect of modern Finnish alcohol culture is the concept of "Pantsdrunk" (kalsarikännit), referring to a drinking practice in which the drinker consumes drinks at home dressed in very little clothing, usually underwear, with no intention of going out. Alcohol is mostly consumed on the weekends in Finland.

Germany
Drinking culture is very prevalent in Germany, particularly with beer. As of 2013, Germans drink 28 gallons of beer per capita each year. Alcoholism is also an issue, with one-fifth of the population being labeled as "hazardous drinkers" in a 2022 study. Germans are able to purchase and consume soft alcoholic beverages and wine at the age of 16. At 18, Germans are legally allowed to buy and drink beer, wine, and other distilled spirits. The legal limit for blood alcohol concentration is 0.5 milligrams per milliliter of blood.

Islamic world
Alcoholic drinks are generally prohibited under Islamic thought, with the Quran including several verses that admonish the consumption of khamr, an Arabic term meaning intoxicants that is interpreted to include most forms of alcohol and psychoactive drugs.

Islamic countries have low rates of alcohol consumption, and it is completely banned in several of them while strictly controlled in others (such as consumption being allowed only in private places or by non-Muslims). However, a minority of Muslims do drink and believe consuming alcohol is not Qur'anically forbidden, such as the Alevi Muslims of Turkey. Muslim-majority countries produce a variety of regional distilled beverages such as arrack and rakı. There is a long tradition of viticulture in the Middle East, particularly in Egypt (where it is legal) and in Iran (where it is banned).

Korea
Korea's interest in creating its own alcohol came about during the Koryo Dynasty (946–943), when exposure to foreign cultures and the introduction of distilled water created the basis and technique for distilling a unique alcohol.

Alcohol drinking in Korea helps create and form ties between family members and friends. Drinking is very present throughout traditional family rituals such as honoring ancestors. Aside from traditional holiday and family ritual drinking, alcohol consumption has modernized and become a major aspect of everyday socialization in Korean culture.

Russia
Alcohol consumption in Russia remains among the highest in the world. High volumes of alcohol consumption have serious negative effects on Russia's social fabric and bring political, economic and public health ramifications. Alcoholism has been a problem throughout the country's history because drinking is a pervasive, socially acceptable behavior in Russian society and alcohol has also been a major source of government revenue for centuries.

United States
The United States is ranked 39th in the world for alcohol consumption in 2024. It is ranked 1st in alcohol misuse among females, with 10.4%. The U.S., in the past, prohibited alcohol from being produced in the country. This notion is still prevalent in the country with the legal drinking age being 21, and a self reported abstinence rate of 38%. Culture varies significantly by state, with northern states drinking more than southern states.

title: Drinking culture


text:
Tarnopol Voivodeship

Tarnopol Voivodeship (Województwo tarnopolskie; Тернопільське воєводство) was an administrative region of interwar Poland (1918–1939), created on 23 December 1920, with an area of 16,500 km2 and provincial capital in Tarnopol (now Ternopil, Ukraine). The voivodeship was divided into 17 districts (powiaty). At the end of World War II, at the insistence of Joseph Stalin during the Tehran Conference of 1943 without official Polish representation whatsoever, the borders of Poland were redrawn by the Allies. The Polish population was forcibly resettled after the defeat of Nazi Germany and the Tarnopol Voivodeship was incorporated into the Ukrainian SSR of the Soviet Union. Since 1991, most of the region is located in the Ternopil Oblast in sovereign Ukraine.

September 1939 and its aftermath
During the German-Soviet invasion of Poland in accordance with the secret protocol of Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, the Soviet forces allied with Nazi Germany invaded eastern Poland on 17 September 1939. As the bulk of the Polish Army was concentrated in the west fighting the Germans (see also: Polish September Campaign), the Red Army met with limited resistance and their troops quickly moved westward. Tarnopol was occupied as early as 18 September 1939 without substantial opposition from the Poles, and remained in Soviet hands till Operation Barbarossa. Monuments were destroyed, street names changed, bookshops closed, library collections stolen and transported in lorries to the Russian archives. The province was Sovietized in the atmosphere of terror. Families were deported to Siberia in cattle trains, mainly Polish Christians.

During the German attack on the Soviet Union in 1941, Tarnopol was overrun by the Wehrmacht on July 2 1941. A Jewish pogrom lasted from July 4 1941 to July 11 1941, with homes destroyed, synagogue burned and Jews killed indiscriminately at various locations, estimated between 1,600 (Yad Vashem) and 2,000 (Virtual Shtetl). The killings were perpetrated by the SS-Sonderkommando 4b attached to Einsatzgruppe C, and by the Ukrainian People's Militia, formed by Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists – renamed the following month as the Ukrainian Auxiliary Police.

In September 1941, the German occupation authorities established Jewish ghettos in a number of towns including the Tarnopol Ghetto with 12,000–13,000 prisoners. Death penalty was introduced, and food severely rationed. Forced labour camps for Jewish slave workers were established by the Germans in the settlements of Kamionki, Hłuboczek Wielki, Zagrobela, and in Podwołoczyska. The Tarnopol ghetto was liquidated between August 1942 and June 1943. The victims were deported to Belzec extermination camp. Many Jews were denounced by Ukrainian nationalists including shortly before the Soviets took over the area in 1944. A number survived by hiding with the Poles.

Demographics
The capital of Tarnopol Voivodeship was Tarnopol. After the rebirth of Poland, according to Polish census of 1921, the province was inhabited by 1,428,520 people with population density at 88 persons per km2. The national census revealed that a staggering number of people could not read or write due to repressive policies of the partitioning powers; amounting to over half of the regional population of the Republic. Within the total number of inhabitants there were 447,810 Roman Catholics, and 847,907 Greek Catholics, as well as 128,967 Orthodox Christians. Ten years later, the next national census of September 1931 was conducted using different criteria. The respondents were asked about their mother tongue and religion. The population density grew to 97 persons per km2.

The overall number of inhabitants in the province amounted to 1,600,406 people in 1931 of whom 789,114 spoke Polish, 401,963 spoke Ukrainian as their first language, 326,172 spoke Ruthenian (Ukrainian), 71,890 spoke Yiddish, 7,042 spoke Hebrew, 2675 spoke German, and 287 spoke Belarusian, Czech and Lithuanian. Among the Poland's Ukrainian speakers, 397,248 belonged to Greek Catholic Church, and 3,767 were Roman Catholics similar to the majority of Polish language speakers at home; nevertheless, among the Polish language speakers 157,219 belonged to Greek Catholic Church also, like the majority of those who spoke Ukrainian as their mother tongue. The overlapping of religious denominations presented the community as integrated to a considerable degree. Meanwhile, the overwhelming majority of Ruthenian (Ukrainian) speakers were Greco Catholics, like Ukrainians, and only 7,625 of them were Roman Catholics. Jews constituted 44% of the diverse multicultural makeup of Tarnopol, speaking both, Yiddish and Hebrew.

Religion was 50% Greek Catholic, 41% Roman Catholic, 9% Jewish. Ethnic Ukrainian Greek Catholics and Polish-speaking secular Jews were in some cases classified as gentile Poles in the ethnic census, and not as Ukrainians or Jews; this explains the difference between the religious and ethnic census numbers.

The results of the 1931 census (questions about mother tongue and about religion) are presented in the table below:

Ukrainian/Ruthenian and Greek Catholic/Orthodox majority minority counties are highlighted with yellow.

Geography

The Voivodeship's area was 16,533 square kilometers. It was located in south-eastern corner of Poland, bordering Soviet Union to the east, Lwów Voivodeship and Stanisławów Voivodeship to the west, Romania to the south and Volhynian Voivodeship to the north. The landscape was hilly, with the Podole upland covering large part of the Voivodeship. In the north-west there is the Hologory range with the Kamula mountain (473 meters above sea level) as the highest peak (however, the Kamula was located some 5 kilometers beyond the Voivodeship's borderline, in the Lwów Voivodeship). Southern part of the Voivodeship was known for its wineries and peach orchards.

The Dniester and the Seret were the main rivers. Border with the Soviet Union was marked by the Zbruch River, along its whole course. Border of the Voivodeship (and at the same time – of Poland) with Romania was marked by the Dniester. The south-easternmost place was the famous Polish stronghold Okopy Swietej Trojcy (Ramparts of the Hole Trinity), which for some time was protecting Poland from the invasions of the Turks and the Tartars.

Administrative subdivisions
The Tarnopol Voivodeship was created formally on 23 December 1920. It consisted of 17 powiats (counties), 35 towns, and 1087 villages. Its capital was also its largest city, with population of some 34,000 (as for 1931). Other important municipal centers of the voivodeship were: Czortków (pop. 19,000), Brody (pop. 16,400), Złoczów (pop. 13,000), Brzeżany (pop. 12,000) and Buczacz (pop. 11,000).

The Tarnopol Voivodeship consisted of 17 powiats (counties):

 * 1) Borszczów Powiat (1067 km2),
 * 2) Brody Powiat Herb Pilawa.jpg (1125 km2)
 * 3) Brzeżany Powiat (1135 km2)
 * 4) Buczacz Powiat (1208 km2)
 * 5) Czortków Powiat Rola herb.svg (734 km2)
 * 6) Kamionka Strumiłowa Powiat (1000 km2)
 * 7) Kopyczyńce Powiat (841 km2)
 * 8) Podhajce Powiat COA of Pidhaitsi.png (1018 km2)
 * 9) Przemyślany Powiat (927 km2)
 * 10) Radziechów Powiat (1022 km2)
 * 11) Skałat Powiat Skalat COA IRP.png (876 km2)
 * 12) Tarnopol Powiat POL Tarnopol COA.svg (1231 km2)
 * 13) Trembowla Powiat (789 km2)
 * 14) Zaleszczyki Powiat Zaleszczyki coa XVIIIw.png (684 km2)
 * 15) Zbaraż Powiat (740 km2)
 * 16) Zborów Powiat (941 km2)
 * 17) Złoczów Powiat (1195 km2)

Economy
Tarnopol Voivodeship was located in the so-called Poland "B", which meant that it was underdeveloped, with scarce industry. However, agricultural production was good, due to moderate climate and rich, fertile black soil common in these areas of Europe. The southern part of the voivodship was popular among tourists, with the main center in Zaleszczyki – a border-town, located on the Dniestr, where one could spot grapevines, unique to this part of Poland. The railroad network was better developed in the south, with numerous local connections. Major rail junctions were: Tarnopol, Krasne, Kopczynce. On 1 January 1938, total length of railroads within the Voivodeship's boundaries was 931 kilometers (5.6 km per 100 km²)

Voivodes

 * Karol Olpiński, 23 April 1921 – 23 January 1923
 * Lucjan Zawistowski, 24 February 1923 – 16 February 1927
 * Mikołaj Kwaśniewski, 16 February 1927 – 28 November 1928 (acting till 28 December 1927)
 * Kazimierz Moszyński, 28 November 1928 – 10 October 1933
 * Artur Maruszewski, 21 October 1933 – 15 January 1935 (acting till 6 March 1934)
 * Kazimierz Gintowt-Dziewiałtowski, 19 January 1935 – 15 July 1936 (acting )
 * Alfred Biłyk, 15 July 1936 – 16 April 1937
 * Tomasz Malicki, 16 April 1937 – 17 September 1939

title: Tarnopol Voivodeship