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Golkar

The Party of Functional Groups (Partai Golongan Karya), often known by its abbreviation Golkar, is a centre-right big tent political party in Indonesia. It was founded as the Joint Secretariat of Functional Groups (Sekretariat Bersama Golongan Karya, Sekber Golkar) in 1964, and participated for the first time in national elections in 1971 as Functional Groups. Since 2009, it has been the second-largest party in the House of Representatives (DPR), having secured 102 seats in the last election. It is led by Airlangga Hartarto.

Golkar was the ruling political group during the New Order government of Suharto from 1971 to 1999, when it was required to become a party in order to contest elections. In the ensuing legislative election, its share of votes declined. The party then joined Presidents Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Sukarnoputri's coalition. Golkar regained its position as the largest party in the DPR after winning the 2004 legislative election, and its member Jusuf Kalla was elected as vice president. In 2009, Golkar nominated Kalla for president, but he was defeated by the incumbent Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY). When President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) was elected in 2014, Golkar initially joined an opposition coalition led by Prabowo Subianto but in 2016 switched its allegiance to the Jokowi administration.

In 2024, Golkar placed second in the legislative election and gained 102 seats, the party's best performance following a trend of declining seats since 2009.

Origins
In 1959, President Sukarno introduced his concept of Guided Democracy, in which so-called functional groups would play a role in government in place of political parties. The Indonesian National Armed Forces supported its creation because it believed these groups would balance the growing strength of the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI). In 1960, Sukarno awarded sectoral groups such as teachers, the Armed Forces and the Indonesian National Police, workers and artists seats in the Mutual Cooperation – People's Representative Council. As some of the members of these functional groups were linked to political parties, this gave political influence to the National Armed Forces. The TNI then established an anti-PKI trade union, the Central Organization of Indonesian Workers, or Soksi (Sentral Organisasi Karyawan Swadiri Indonesia), and used this as the core of an Armed Forces-led Joint Secretariat of Functional Groups, or Sekber Golkar, which was officially established on 20 October 1964. By 1968 there were almost 250 organisations under the Sekber umbrella. On 22 November 1969 they were organized into seven main organizations, or Kino (Kelompok Induk Organisasi), namely Soksi, Kosgoro (Union of Mutual Cooperation Multifunction Organizations), MKGR (Mutual Assistance Families Association), Gerakan Karya Rakyat (People's Working Movement), Ormas Hankam (Defense and Security Mass Organizations), Professi (professional organizations), and Gerakan Pembangunan (Development Movement). The Joint Secretariat was one of those organisations moblized against the PKI in the aftermath of the failure of the 30 September Movement in 1965.

Suharto and Golkar
In March 1968, General Suharto was officially elected by the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) as Indonesia's second president. Because of his military background, Suharto was not affiliated with any political parties. Suharto had never expressed much interest in party politics. However, if he were to be elected for a second term as president, he needed to align himself with a political party. Originally, Suharto had shown interest in aligning with the Indonesian National Party (PNI), the party of his predecessor, Sukarno. But in seeking to distance himself from the old regime, Suharto settled on Golkar.

Suharto then ordered his closest associate, Ali Murtopo, to transform Golkar and turn it into an electoral machine. Under Murtopo, and with Suharto's supervision, Golkar was turned from a federation of NGOs into a political party. Under Suharto, Golkar continued to portray itself as a non-ideological entity, without favoritism or political agendas. It promised to focus on "economic development" and "stability" rather than a specific ideological goal. Golkar also began identifying itself with the government, encouraging civil servants to vote for it as a sign of loyalty to the government.

Murtopo claimed that workers were a functional group, which by rights ought to be subsumed under Golkar: "thus all unions were united into a single body answerable to the state. The population was no longer there to be mobilised by political parties, rather, the people were the 'floating mass', or the 'ignorant mass', who needed firm guidance so they would not be lured into politics. In order to "Golkar-ize" the nation, Murtopo sometimes used the military and gangs of young thugs to eliminate political competition.

Golkar was declared on 4 February 1970, to participate in the 1971 legislative elections. Suharto's alignment with Golkar paid dividends when Golkar won 62% of the votes and an overwhelming majority in the People's Representative Council (DPR). The members of the DPR also doubled as members of the MPR, and thus, Suharto was easily re-elected to a second term as president in March 1973.

The 1971 legislative election was a success for Golkar and Suharto. Strengthened by his re-election, Suharto quickly began tightening his grip on Golkar. Control was increased in October 1973 with the implementation of a less democratic and more centralized system headed by a chairman. In October 1978, after his re-election to a 3rd term, Suharto further consolidated his control of Golkar by being elected chairman of the executive board (Ketua Dewan Pembina), a position whose authority supersedes even the party chairman. From this position, Suharto had the supreme power in Golkar while leaving the day-to-day running of Golkar to the chairman.

Aside from being dominated by Suharto, Golkar was also an organization dominated by the Armed Forces. Out of the six people that served as Golkar chairmen during the New Order, five had a military background as officers. It was only in the last years of Suharto's rule that Harmoko, a civilian, was elected as Golkar chairman.

Electoral dominance in the New Order
Golkar continued to dominate Indonesian politics well beyond the 1971 legislative elections. In subsequent New Order legislative elections, Golkar won 62% (1977), 64% (1982), 73% (1987), 68% (1992), and 74% (1997). Golkar's dominance was so absolute that for most of the Suharto era, Indonesia was effectively a one-party state. Suharto was able to pass bills without any meaningful opposition, and was able to form a Cabinet which consisted only of Golkar appointees.

After 1973, Suharto banned all political parties except for the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) and the United Development Party (PPP). These two parties were nominally permitted to contest the reign of Golkar. In practice, however, Golkar permitted only a semblance of competition. Elections were "exercises in controlled aggression", and were ritualized performances of "choice", in which local authorities were to obey directives about Golkar's electoral results in their area. A system of rewards, punishments, and violence meted out by thugs helped to guarantee cooperation across the archipelago, and the perpetual reelection of Golkar.

After the 1977 and 1997 legislative elections, there were claims of electoral fraud launched by the party, who together with Golkar were the only legal political parties after 1973. There were also claims of Golkar members intimidating the electorate to vote for Golkar.

Organisation and factions
During the New Order Golkar was formally divided into seven (eight since 1971) organizations, called Main Organization Groups (Kelompok Induk Organisasi), or KINO. These were:
 * the Trikarya, consisting of:
 * Central Indonesian Workers' Organization (Sentral Organisasi Karyawan Swadiri Indonesia, SOKSI/CIWO);
 * Mutual Cooperation Multifunction Organizations' Union (Kesatuan Organisasi Serbaguna Gotong Royong, KOSGORO);
 * Mutual Assistance Families Association (Musyawarah Kekeluargaan Gotong Royong, MKGR);
 * Indonesian People's Working Movement (Gerakan Karya Rakyat Indonesia, GAKARI/IPWM);
 * the Defense and Security Mass Organizations (Organisasi Kemasyarakatan Pertahanan dan Keamanan, Ormas Hankam/DSMOs);
 * professional organizations (Golongan Profesi);
 * the Development Movement (Gerakan Pembangunan);
 * and, since its establishment by Presidential decree in 1971, the Employees' Corps of the Republic of Indonesia (Korps Pegawai Republik Indonesia, KORPRI).

However, Golkar during this era was also de facto divided into three factions:

 * The ABRI faction: Consisted of members of the Indonesian armed forces (ABRI) who under Suharto played a dominant role in political affairs. This faction was headed by the ABRI Commander and was commonly known as the A faction. The Ormas Hankam was, as a general rule, supportive of the Armed Forces faction. It provided much of the military representation in the People's Consultative Assembly.
 * The Bureaucrats (Birokrat) faction: Consisted of KORPRI members—which are de jure all civil servants; non-civil servant public officers; employees of state-, provincial- and municipal-owned enterprises; and ABRI members employed by the government. This faction was headed by the Home Affairs Minister and was commonly known as the B faction.
 * The Groups (Utusan Golongan) faction: Consisted of Golkar members who were neither armed forces service personnel nor the bureaucracy. This faction was headed by the Golkar Chairman and was commonly known as the G faction. Its composition was made up of members of the other organizations that are part of the party.

These three factions worked closely together to gain consensus and in the case of nominating a presidential candidate it was the heads of these three factions who went to inform the candidate (which until 1998 was Suharto) that he had just been nominated as Golkar's presidential candidate. The three factions did not always work together however. In 1988, the ABRI faction was unable to nominate Sudharmono as vice president. The factions disappeared along with the fall of the New Order.

After Suharto: Reformasi and beyond
With the Fall of Suharto in May 1998, Golkar quickly sought to adapt and reform itself. In July 1998, a Special National Congress was held to elect the next chairman of Golkar. The congress was dogged by protests by both pro-Suharto and anti-Suharto groups. Suharto himself did not come to the congress. In the contest that followed, Akbar Tandjung emerged as the new chairman of Golkar after beating Army General Edi Sudrajat. It was the first time that a Golkar chairman was elected democratically rather than appointed by the chairman of the executive board. Under Akbar, the executive board was abolished and replaced by an advisory board which had considerably less authority. Edi Sudrajat, feeling that Golkar was insufficiently cooperative with reform movements, left the party and formed the Indonesian Justice and Unity Party. In the same time, elements of the Pancasila Youth that previously supported Golkar formed the Patriot Party led by Yapto Soerjosoemarno.

In 1999, Golkar lost its first democratic legislative election to Megawati Sukarnoputri's PDI-P. Golkar won 20% of the votes and was the runner-up in the legislative elections. Despite losing these elections Golkar was still able to secure the Tanjung's election as Head of the DPR. October 1999 would see the MPR assemble for its General Session during which a president and a vice president would be elected. It was widely expected that Golkar would support Jusuf Habibie in his bid for a second term as president. Before Habibie could be nominated, however, he was required to deliver an accountability speech: a report delivered by the President to the MPR at the end of his term. The MPR would not ratify the accountability speech and it was revealed that some Golkar members had voted against ratifying the speech.

Although PDI-P had won the legislative elections, Golkar joined forces with the Central Axis, a political coalition put together by MPR Chairman Amien Rais, to nominate and successfully secure the election of Abdurrahman Wahid as president. Golkar, however, was unable to stop the election of Megawati as vice president.

Golkar was rewarded for its support of Wahid by having its members appointed to ministerial positions in Wahid's Cabinet. Much like those who had supported Wahid, Golkar would grow disillusioned with Wahid. In April 2000, Jusuf Kalla, a Golkar member who held position as Minister of Industries and Trade was sacked from his position. When Golkar inquired as to why this was done, Wahid alleged it was because of corruption. In July 2001, Golkar, along with its Central Axis allies, held an MPR Special Session to replace President Wahid with Megawati.

On 2002, members who were dissatisfied with Golkar's abandonment of former president Suharto including former minister Hartono and Suharto's eldest daughter Tutut Soeharto left Golkar and formed the Concern for the Nation Functional Party.

By 2004, the reformist sentiments that had led PDI-P to victory in the 1999 legislative elections had died down. Many Indonesians were disappointed with what Reformasi had achieved thus far and were also disillusioned with Megawati's presidency, enabling Golkar to emerge victorious in the 2004 legislative elections with 21% of the votes.

Unlike the other political parties who had one person as their presidential candidate from the start, Golkar had five. In April 2004, Golkar held a national convention to decide who would become Golkar's candidate for president. These five were Akbar Tanjung, General Wiranto, Lieutenant-General Prabowo, Aburizal Bakrie, and Surya Paloh. Akbar won the first round of elections but Wiranto emerged as the winner in the second round. Wiranto chose Solahuddin Wahid as his running mate.

The 2004 Presidential Election was held on 5 July. The first round was won by Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Jusuf Kalla who faced Megawati and Hasyim Muzadi in the September 2004 run-off. Wiranto/Wahid came second and there were allegations of disunity within the party with Akbar not fully supporting Wiranto after losing the nomination.

In August 2004 Golkar formed, with PDI-P, PPP, Reform Star Party (PBR) and Prosperous Peace Party (PDS), a national coalition to back Megawati. Further infighting would hamper Golkar in its bid to back Megawati. Fahmi Idris led a group of Golkar members in defecting and threw their support behind Yudhoyono and Kalla. At the Presidential Run-Off in September 2004, Yudhoyono emerged victorious over Megawati to become Indonesia's 6th president. Yusuf Kalla, who had gone his own way back in April 2004, became vice president.

2004 National Congress & Party Splits
Although he had overwhelmingly won the presidency, Yudhoyono was still weak in the DPR. His own Democratic Party had only won 7% in the legislative elections and even combined with other parties who had aligned themselves with the new government, they still had to contend with the legislative muscle of Golkar and PDI-P who now intended to play the role of opposition.

With a National Congress to be held in December 2004, Yudhoyono and Kalla had originally backed Head of DPR Agung Laksono to become Golkar chairman. When Agung was perceived to be too weak to run against Akbar, Yudhoyono and Kalla threw their weight behind Surya Paloh. Finally, when Paloh was perceived to be too weak to run against Akbar, Yudhoyono gave the green light for Kalla to run for the Golkar Chairmanship.

This was a widely controversial move. Up to that point, Yudhoyono had not let members of his administration hold a concurrent position in political parties to prevent the possible abuse of power. There were also complaints by Wiranto who claimed that some months earlier, Yudhoyono had promised to support him if he ran for the Golkar chairmanship.

On 19 December 2004, Kalla became the new Golkar chairman with over 50% of the votes. Akbar, who had expected to win a second term as Golkar chairman, was defeated with 30% of the votes. Agung and Surya, who Yudhoyono and Kalla had backed earlier, became the party vice chairman and the chairman of the advisory board, respectively.

Kalla's new appointment as chairman of Golkar significantly strengthened Yudhoyono's government in Parliament and left the PDI-P as the only major opposition party in the DPR.

After being eliminated in the first round of the 2004 Indonesian presidential election, Wiranto was "traumatized" by his defeat and decided not to run for the presidency without his own political vehicle. He resigned from Golkar Party in 2006 and established Hanura, targeting voters who had supported him in 2004. Meanwhile, Prabowo Subianto who came last in the April 2004 convention also resigned from Golkar on 12 July 2008, forming Gerindra in the process.

2009 National Congress
At the 2009 Congress, held in Pekanbaru, Aburizal Bakrie was elected chairman, winning 269 out of 583 votes, and beating Surya Paloh into second place. Surya Paloh then went on to establish the National Democratic organization, which in turn established the National Democratic Party.

Leadership Dualism & Pivot to Government
At the end of 2014, there was dualism in management within Golkar, led by Aburizal Bakrie from the Bali National Conference and Agung Laksono from the Jakarta National Conference. In early March 2015, the Ministry of Law and Human Rights of the Republic of Indonesia issued a decree legalizing Golkar led by Agung Laksono. In April 2015, the Jakarta State Administrative Court (PTUN) issued an interim decision to postpone the implementation of a decree issued by the Minister of Law and Human Rights Yasonna Laoly which legalized the management of the Golongan Karya Party in the Agung Laksono camp. On July 10 2015, the four judges who heard the case, namely Arif Nurdu'a, Didik Andy Prastowo, Nurnaeni Manurung and Diah Yulidar decided to reject the lawsuit filed by the General Chair of the Golongan Karya Party resulting from the Bali National Conference, Aburizal Bakrie, regarding the dualism of party management. The decision was taken at a deliberation meeting of the Jakarta PTTUN panel of judges. With the reading of the PTUN decision, the management of the Golongan Karya Party which was later recognized by the court was the result of the Bali National Conference led by Agung Laksono as general chairman and Zainudin Amali as secretary general.

However, in October 2015, the Supreme Court granted the appeal filed by Golkar as a result of the Bali National Conference led by Aburizal Bakrie. This leadership dualism began to end when an agreement was reached for reconciliation led by the former General Chair of Golkar and Vice President Jusuf Kalla in early 2016. The two camps also agreed to hold an extraordinary national meeting (Munaslub) in mid-2016. This leadership dualism officially ended on May 17 2016 when Setya Novanto was elected as the new General Chair of the Golongan Karya Party during the Golkar National Conference in Nusa Dua, Bali.

Setya Novanto then announced that Golkar was now supporting the government of Joko Widodo despite backed his rival Prabowo Subianto in the 2014 presidential election. However, due to his corruption cases, Golkar then appointed Airlangga Hartanto as their new chairman, replacing Novanto.

Ideology
The 2008 Law on Political Parties states that political parties are allowed to include specific characteristics that reflect their political aspirations, as long as they do not contradict Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. In March 2023, chairman Airlangga Hartarto described Golkar as a "centrist" party. Outsider views on the party's political orientation vary. Academics and domestic observers classified it as a nationalist party, while their international counterparts described it as a secular-nationalist or conservative party. During the New Order, its political leaning was described as far-right. In the post-Suharto era, Golkar is now considered a centrist, centre-right, or catch-all party.

Party platforms
Under chairman Aburizal Bakrie, the party has produced a blueprint known as "Vision Indonesia 2045: A Prosperous Nation" with the aim of making Indonesia a developed nation by the centenary of the country's independence in 2045. The plan comprises three stages each lasting a decade. The key strategies in the vision comprise developing Indonesia from the villages, strengthening the role of the state, quality economic growth, equalizing incomes, ensuring even development in all areas, quality education and healthcare, strengthening communities, sustained economic development, upholding the law and human rights, industrial development based on technology, and revitalization of agriculture and trade.

The first decade would lay the foundations for a developed nation, the second would accelerate development and the final decade would see Indonesia become a developed nation. Each stage would have targets for indicators such as economic growth, GDP, and levels of unemployment and poverty.

Chairpersons

 * Brig. Gen. Djuhartono (1964–1969)
 * Maj. Gen. Suprapto Sukowati (1969–1973)
 * Maj. Gen. Amir Murtono (1973–1983)
 * Lt. Gen. Sudharmono (1983–1988)
 * Lt. Gen. Wahono (1988–1993)
 * Harmoko (1993–1998)
 * Akbar Tandjung (1998–2004)
 * Jusuf Kalla (2004–2009)
 * Aburizal Bakrie (2009–2014)
 * Disputed between Aburizal Bakrie and Agung Laksono (2014–2016)
 * Setya Novanto (2016–2017)
 * Airlangga Hartarto (2017–present)

Presidential election results
Note: Bold text indicates the party's member

title: Golkar


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Samajwadi Party

The Samajwadi Party (abbr. SP; lit. 'Socialist Party') is a socialist political party in India. It was founded on 4 October 1992 by former Janata Dal politician Mulayam Singh Yadav and is headquartered in New Delhi. The Samajwadi Party is currently led by former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Akhilesh Yadav. It is currently the third-largest party in Lok Sabha with 37 seats.

While the party is largely based in Uttar Pradesh, it has significant presence in many other Indian states as well. It has been the ruling party in the state of Uttar Pradesh for four terms – three times under Chief Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav, the fourth and most recent being Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav's full majority government in the 2012-2017 Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly.

The coalition of the party and its alliance partners: Samajwadi Alliance SP+ is currently the largest bloc in Uttar Pradesh in terms of Lok Saba MPs. The alliance has one of the largest vote bases in the state of Uttar Pradesh in terms of the collective voting pattern, with more than 37% vote share in the 2022 assembly elections and 44% in the 2024 general elections.

History
The Samajwadi Party was one of several parties that emerged when Janata Dal fragmented into several regional parties. The party was founded by Mulayam Singh Yadav in 1992. Created just months before the Babri Masjid demolition, the party rose to power by pursuing secular politics. The support of its key voters, Other Backward Classes and Muslims helped the party become a major political force in Uttar Pradesh.

In West Bengal, the West Bengal Socialist Party of Kiranmoy Nanda merged with the SP in 2010. The Samajwadi Party is now led by former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, Akhilesh Yadav.

He was chosen as the President for the first time in an Emergency meeting in 2017. He was chosen for second time in 2017 at Agra Convention of Samajwadi Party. He was chosen for the third time at the party's national convention held in September 2022 at Lucknow,  after he was chosen as the President at the party's national convention held on 1 January 2017.

The party have contested Lok Sabha and State Assembly elections around the country, but by far the bulk of its victories have been in Uttar Pradesh. In the 2012 legislative assembly elections of Uttar Pradesh, SP registered a landslide victory with a clear majority in the house, thus enabling it to form a government in the state. This was expected to be the fifth term of Mulayam Singh Yadav as Chief Minister of state, but he selected his son, Akhilesh Yadav instead. This became official on 15 March. It was also the first time that SP was head of the UP government for a full term of five years. However, the party suffered a landslide defeat in the 2017 Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly Election, slumping to only 47 seats as the Bharatiya Janata Party swept to victory.

National Convention of January 2017
In a National Convention held on 1 January 2017, called by Ram Gopal Yadav, Akhilesh Yadav was appointed as president of the Party for 5 years.

Alliance
The Samajwadi Party provided outside support to the United Progressive Alliance government up to the fourteenth general election. After the fourteenth general election, its support became unnecessary when the UPA became the largest alliance. It contested the 2009 general election in alliance with the Rashtriya Janata Dal and the Lok Janshakti Party of Bihar.

In April 2014, the Save Indian Family Foundation encouraged voters to support the Samajwadi Party or vote None of the above because they had said they opposed the alleged misuse of gender bias laws.

In the last general election, the Samajwadi Party was defeated by the BJP in Uttar Pradesh though allying with Bahujan Samaj Party. It became the thirteenth largest party in parliament. In the general elections of 2019, it won only five seats, while the Indian National Congress gained 52 seats and the Bharatiya Janata Party obtained a clear mandate with 303 seats.

Recently, Samajwadi Party joined the newly formed Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance formed as an umbrella alliance of opposition parties in India.

Most recently, in the 2024 Indian general election, the Samajwadi Party gained a historic upheaval of seats, numbering to 37, becoming the 3rd largest Party in the 18th Lok Sabha, after BJP and the Indian National Congress.

Presence in state assemblies
The SP has two MLAs each in Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra and one newly elected MLA in the 2022 Gujarat assembly election.

Samajwadi Prahari and Samajwadi Sanwad
Under the guidance of Kailash Chaurasia, who was the Minister of State in the Government of Uttar Pradesh and under the direction of Dr.Arvind Srivastava, Shri Shivendra Nandan made the formal announcement of the formation of Samajwadi Sentinel and in this sequence, Samajwadi Samvad to put forward the public's views. He reportedly cited the fight for equal rights for all races and issues related to inequality in youth-related matters as the main issues presented. The Samajwadi Party has front line campaigning groups. Ongoing debate on party policy comes from many of their leaders. Among them are:
 * 1) Chhatra Sabha Sanwad
 * 2) Yuvjan Sabha Sanwad
 * 3) Samajwadi prahari Sanwad
 * 4) Mulayam Singh Youth Brigade Sanwad
 * 5) Lohiya Vahini Sanwad
 * 6) Shikshak Sabha Sanwad
 * 7) Vyapar Sabha Sanwad
 * 8) Adhivakta Sabha Sanwad
 * 9) Ambedkar Vahini Samwad

Prominent members

 * Mulayam Singh Yadav, founder and former President of Samajwadi Party, former Defence minister of India and former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh.
 * Akhilesh Yadav, President of Samajwadi Party and former chief minister of Uttar Pradesh.
 * Azam Khan, Member of Parliament, 9 time MLA, Member of Parliament Loksabha Rampur former cabinet minister of Uttar Pradesh and former Member of Rajya Sabha from Uttar Pradesh.
 * Janeshwar Mishra, former cabinet minister, Government of India. Former Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha.
 * Shivpal Singh Yadav, Former State President of Samajwadi Party, Member of Legislative Assembly from Jaswantnagar - 6th term, Former Cabinet Minister(UP Govt.), Former Leader of Opposition
 * Beni Prasad Verma, former Union Cabinet Minister of India
 * Awadhesh Prasad, General Secretary of Samajwadi Party, Former Cabinet Minister of Uttar Pradesh, founding member
 * Anantram Jaiswal former Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha, Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha, Minister and Samajwadi Ideologist, Founding member
 * Kiranmoy Nanda, Vice President of Samajwadi Party
 * Naresh Uttam Patel, Former Uttar Pradesh State president of Samajwadi Party.
 * Professor Ram Gopal Yadav, Party Leader in Rajya Sabha
 * Jaya Bachchan, Indian actress and Rajya Sabha MP from Uttar Pradesh.
 * Ram Govind Chaudhary, Leader of opposition in Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly.
 * Indrajit Saroj, National General Secretary, Deputy Leader of Opposition in Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly
 * Balram Yadav, 5 times elected as Member of Legislative Assembly from Atraulia Assembly constituency and 4 times as Member of Legislative Council, Former Cabinet Minister (UP Govt.), He is prominent leader in purvanchal( Eastern Uttar Pradesh).
 * Sanjay Lathar, Leader of Opposition in Uttar Pradesh Legislative Council.
 * Dr. Sangram Yadav, 3 times Member of the Legislative Assembly (India) from Atraulia Assembly constituency and Whip/sachetak of Samajwadi party vidhan mandal dal.
 * Abu Asim Azmi, Samajwadi Party Maharashtra state President, Member of Maharashtra Legislative Assembly and former Member of Rajya Sabha.
 * Mohan Singh, former Member of Parliament Rajya Sabha
 * Harendra Singh Malik, former MP Rajya Sabha, prominent Jat leader from Western Uttar Pradesh.
 * Pankaj Kumar Malik, MLA from Charthawal Assembly Seat.
 * Vishambhar Prasad Nishad, Samajwadi Party General Secretary, Rajya Sabha MP, former Member of Lok Sabha, and former Cabinet Minister of Uttar Pradesh.
 * Balwant Singh Ramoowalia, Prominent Sikh leader and former cabinet minister of Uttar Pradesh.
 * Anand Singh, leader, ex 5 time MP and MLA from Gonda district, and former Cabinet Minister of Agriculture from Uttar Pradesh Government, under Akhilesh Yadav from 2012 to 2014.

State leadership

 * Abu Asim Azmi: Maharashtra
 * Shyamlal Pal: Uttar Pradesh
 * Dr.Manoj Yadav: Madhya Pradesh
 * Satyanarayan Sachan: Uttarakhand
 * Manjappa Yadav: Karnataka
 * Devendra Upadhyaya: Gujarat
 * Manas Bhattacharya: West Bengal
 * Mukesh Yadav: Rajasthan
 * Sukhvinder Singh: Punjab
 * Dr Saji Pothen Thomas: Kerala
 * B Jagadeesh Yadav: Andhra Pradesh
 * Om Prakash Sahu:Chhattisgarh

Criticism and Controversies
The Samajwadi Party is infamous for several issues, such as political corruption, appeasement politics, support for criminals, and misogyny. Several party leaders have also been criticized for insensitive comments.

Comments on Rape
The crime of rape became a capital offence in India following the 2012 Delhi gang rape incident. Mulayam Singh Yadav opposed this change in the law, stating at an election rally in April 2014 that "Boys will be boys. Boys commit mistakes. Why Hang them for rape". Echoing similar sentiments in August 2015, Yadav remarked that gang-rapes are impractical and rape-victims in those cases tend to lie; he was subsequently summoned by the Judicial Magistrate of Mahoba district court in Uttar Pradesh for that remark. Following the trial in the Shakti Mills gang rape, SP Maharashtra chief Abu Azmi stated that that if rapists are to be punished, women indulging in consensual sex without marriage should also be hanged. Both Yadav and Azmi were heavily slammed for their insensitive comments on rape victims, and were subsequently labelled as "Supporters of Rape and Rapists".

Support for criminals
The Samajwadi Party has been slammed for supporting gangsters like Atiq Ahmed and Mukhtar Ansari. Both Ahmed and Ansari have had several criminal cases against them, including murder, procuring arms illegally, property-grabbing, and assault. Ahmed was killed in April 2023 while being escorted for a court-mandated medical check, while Ansari died in prison in March 2024, while serving his sentence to a heart attack.

Sand Mining Case
During the tenure of Akhilesh Yadav as chief minister from 2012 to 2017, a major scandal erupted on illegal sand-mining which involved then minister of state of mining Gayatri Prasad Prajapati. IAS officer Durga Shakti Nagpal began an operation in July 2013 to end illegal sand mining by conducting raids and seizing equipment. Nagpal was later suspended by Akhilesh Yadav for demolishing a mosque wall that was in violation of Supreme Court rules, which was stated to be done out of malice. The suspension was heavily condemned by leaders of opposition and several IAS officers; it was later revoked in September 2013.

Toxic Misogyny
The Samajwadi Party has received widespread condemnation for its misogynistic and anti-women views, as well as opposing women's rights. In March 2010, the United Progressive Alliance government tried to pass the Women's Reservation Bill, which allowed 33% reservation quota to the women in the legislative bodies. Mulayam Singh Yadav opposed the bill and warned about withdrawing from the alliance, commenting that "if the bill is passed it will fill Parliament with the kind of women who invite catcalls and whistles". Yadav echoed similar comments in November 2012, stating that "the bill will benefit only rich and attractive women of the society and not those coming poor families and villages". The remarks was termed as sexist and heavily slammed by several political leaders from different parties, as well as his own party leaders.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Samajwadi Party


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Background
I suggest removing the following sentence: "The result is an inconsistent and only partially phonetic spelling system in the same way that English orthographic practices are inconsistent and only partially phonetic."

This sentence is not backed up and is blatantly false. Obviously written by someone who does not understand the Manx spelling system. In fact there are very few inconsistencies. The majority of studies on the Manx language have concentrated on the dialect of the southern part of the island. But the orthography was designed in such a way as to include pronounciations from the north of the island. One of the main arguments is the spelling "-aan", vs. "-ane". But this exists for a good reason. "-aan" is pronounced like Irish "án" in both dialects, whereas when we see "-ane" it is pronounced "én" in the south and "án" in the North. Another "inconsistency" is the doubling of consonants. This is not inconsistent with pronounciation. A doubling of a consonant indicates a softening. E.g. bog ("soft") is pronounced /bɘg/ but the verb boggaghey is pronounced /ˈbɘɣɘxɘ/. Likewise boodeeys is pronounced /buːdiːɘs/ but the plural form boodeeyssyn is pronounced /buːdiːɘzɘn/. Please point out any inconsistencies to me and I will gladly show where they are not inconsistent with pronounciation. All languages have some spellings that are not consistent, Manx is no different, but where there are some they are few and far between. This second sentence should be moved to the relevant section on orthography, as it is a criticism of it and not necessary for background material: "T. F. O'Rahilly has expressed the opinion that Gaelic in the Isle of Man has been saddled with a corrupt spelling which is neither traditional nor phonetic and that if the traditional Gaelic orthography had been preserved that the close kinship which exists between Manx Gaelic and Scottish Gaelic would be obvious to all at first sight."

Personally I don't agree with it (Manx orthography is phonetic and it never had a Gaelic orthography to preserve - it'd be like suggesting French should have preserved the Cyrillic orthography to show its similarities with Moldovan Romanian), but it is a criticism by an eminent scholar and so does deserve a place in the article. Just not in the background section. A simple line or two to describe the orthography should suffice in the Background section. --MacTire02 (talk) 16:34, 12 March 2010 (UTC)
 * It's a bit disingenuous to say Manx never had a Gaelic orthography to preserve; it's descended from a language that had a Latin-alphabet written tradition dating back to the 8th century, not to mention Ogham. It's more like Romanian, which was written with the Cyrillic alphabet until the mid-19th century, despite being descended from a language with a Latin-alphabet written tradition. +Angr 17:05, 12 March 2010 (UTC)

 * But then again, the vikings invaded Man round about the same time as the Irish monks started writing, and unlike the Western Isles of Scotland, Man was never reincorporated into a Gaelic administration -- it was part of Scotland for a brief while, but the language of court by then was early Scots. AFAIK, there is no evidence of Manx literature predating the Book of Common Prayer, so it cannot be said with any certainty that Manx ever had an orthography derived from the Irish monks' one. Prof Wrong (talk) 17:18, 12 March 2010 (UTC)

 * It's not disingenuous. The language we know as Manx never had a Gaelic orthography. The Gaelic orthography only exists in Scotland and Ireland. Never in the Isle of Man. Manx is only spoken in the Isle of Man and did not have any written tradition until the 17th century. From the moment a Gaelic language arrived on the island it was not written down until the 17th century. Therefore it did not have a Gaelic orthography. You cannot say that the separate but related language (through descent) of Irish used one orthography, therefore Manx lost that orthography. --MacTire02 (talk) 17:28, 12 March 2010 (UTC)
 * The spelling of the Manx tongue had remained unsettled till 1772, when the Manx Bible was first printed. That translation has been since recognised as the standard of orthography. "The Celtic language," observes the writer of an anonymous manuscript among Dr. Kelly's papers, "everywhere losing ground, had degenerated in Man in a ratio proportionate to its narrow territory, and the increased intercourse of its inhabitants with Britain. In the Manx dialect many terms were lost, many Anglicisms adopted, many corruptions introduced. The translators had now an opportunity to apply the remedy. By due attention to the orthography and structure of the language, the connexion between roots and compounds might have been preserved, and its original energy and purity restored. But the translators did not consult the structure of the language. By adjusting the orthography to pronunciation, roots are wholly lost. . . . It must, however, be allowed, agreeably to the argument of a learned friend of mine, who was one of the committee of correction and publication, that had not the words been written as they are pronounced, the body of the people must have continued uninstructed. The Irish orthography would have presented insurmountable difficulties; it would have been to the multitude an unknown tongue." Kelly's Manx Grammar - Editor's Introduction AJRG (talk) 23:28, 12 March 2010 (UTC)

'Never in the Isle of Man. Manx is only spoken in the Isle of Man and did not have any written tradition until the 17th century. From the moment a Gaelic language arrived on the island it was not written down until the 17th century.'

Really, I'd say that was unlikely, someone at some stage may have written even just a word! Bheadh an-iontas orm murar raibh sin i gceist! 137.43.182.228 (talk) —Preceding undated comment added 22:49, 13 December 2012 (UTC)

Cross-reference to "Manx literature"
There is an article on "Manx literature", which seems to be a slightly expanded version of the final paragraphs of the "History" section of the "Manx language" article.

The cross-reference to that article is buried in that history section, about 3/4ths of the way through an extremely detailed philological article.

I think it makes more sense to put such an xref either at the beginning (something like "Manx literature dates back to at least the 16th century" would serve) or in the "See also" at the end, as these are the obvious places someone would look for such.

Joe Bernstein joe@sfbooks.com 97.113.99.168 (talk) 23:06, 25 May 2010 (UTC)

contributions to English
Are there any Manx contributions to English, such as a loanword or some such? What about in the English spoken on the island? What about in other area languages, such as Irish, are there any Manx words there?Chrisrus (talk) 20:25, 12 July 2010 (UTC)

 * Good idea for a new section. I'm not entirely sure about Manx contribs to English, but there would be some Manx contribs to Manx-English. Regarding the other Gaelic languages - there are NO Manx contributions to be found in Scots or Irish Gaelic. However there are Irish and Scots contributions to be found in Manx such as anaase meaning "interest" (v'eh feer anaasoil, "that was very interesting"). This word is a direct borrowing from Scots Gaelic dating from the mid 20th century. There is an already existing word "sym" (similar to Irish "suim"), but this can also mean the interest you pay on an account as well as a "sum" of money. For the sake of clarity many have adopted the word anaase to distinguish from sym. There are other examples, but not off the top of my head. --MacTire02 (talk) 20:42, 12 July 2010 (UTC)

IPA for Manx
I just created IPA_for_Manx_Gaelic and would welcome input/amendments. I was using Brodick, Manx not being my natural scene, but I felt the page was needed so we can use the {{IPA-gv| formatting to lead people to a more appropriate page than just the general IPA page. Looking at the main page though, might it not make sense to split the phonology off onto a Manx phonology page? It seems to be getting fairly large. Gura mie ayv! Akerbeltz (talk) 00:20, 20 October 2010 (UTC)

 * A related issue: there is a list of Manx phrases. I recommend that pronunciation be given, in IPA. Another thing: I recommend that, to make article titles more concise, said article, IPA for Manx Gaelic, be retitled "Wikipedia:IPA for Manx" (the "Gaelic" part is obviously redundant).--Solomonfromfinland (talk) 13:33, 27 December 2018 (UTC)

 * The last point is moot. Turns out it is now titled Help:IPA/Manx.--Solomonfromfinland (talk) 13:34, 27 December 2018 (UTC)

Content
A lot of linguistic and phonetic "inkhorn" here, which is all well and good for those interested, but makes for a very "dry" article. I think that the history and literature sections could do with being expanded, so I'm going to tag them with "section-stub".

And please bear in mind that only a tiny minority of people in the world can read IPA competently. I recognise that it is "international", but also question its usefulness to the average reader.--MacRusgail (talk) 18:41, 30 November 2010 (UTC)

 * We've had that debate elsewhere. The compromise that seems to work best is to use IPA but to add .ogg sound files but I can't do those. Akerbeltz (talk) 19:00, 30 November 2010 (UTC)

 * I know, and we'll likely never agree. I can't do IPA or ogg, so that's me scuppered for the both of them.

 * I'm trying to work on a major revamp of the article, but the lack of images isn't helping. --MacRusgail (talk) 19:56, 30 November 2010 (UTC)

By the way folks, I have been writing a lot of new material, but haven't chased down the references for all of it yet. I hope some people can help with that. Hopefully most of what I've written is accurate. Slan eu nish.--MacRusgail (talk) 13:53, 3 December 2010 (UTC)

 * Rather than either IPA (which few can make sense of) or .ogg soundfiles (which hardly anyone seems able to use), why not simply compromise by giving an approximate "imitative pronunciation" (e.g., "kimmer a ha" for "ciamar a tha"). Nuttyskin (talk) 04:35, 9 September 2016 (UTC)

Cedilla
Manx uses relatively few diacritics, but a cedilla is often (but not always) used to differentiate between the two pronounciations of "ch".

 * Çhiarn (ˈtʃaːrn) means "lord" and is pronounced with a hard "ch" (/tʃ/) as in the English "watch"
 * Cha' means "not", and is pronounced with a velar fricative, as in the correct pronounciation of the English "loch" (/ˈlɒx/ ), a sound which more commonly is represented by "gh" in Manzx [sic].

However, the usage of the cedilla is sporadic, and not consistent, e.g. Yn Cheshaght Ghailckagh, which should contain it.

Just a couple of points on the above statement. The use of the cedilla in Manx is one of personal preference - there is no standard associated with its usage, although when listed alphabetically,  is treated the same as <çh> and vice versa. You mention above that the usage of the cedilla is sporadic and not consistent. Well that just depends on who you are reading. The name "Yn Cheshaght Ghailckagh" stems from a time when cedillas were quite rare on the keyboard. As such, the emblem of the society lacks the cedilla - indeed many members of the society do not use the cedilla. However, the cedilla is actually used, albeit not by all, when spelling the name of that society. The cedilla is gaining favour amongst the Manx speaking community, but it is still a matter of personal preference without any sanctioning for, or against, its usage.

Secondly, the  in Manx more accurately represents the sound /ɣ/ or /h/, and not /x/. For example, the Manx word logh "lake" is pronounced /laːh/, magher "field" is pronounced /maː(ə)r/ or /maːhər/.

--MacTire02 (talk) 21:03, 30 November 2010 (UTC)

 * Agreed, it's personal preference (I think it should be used personally, because Manx is confusing enough to most learners, i.e. the majority of users, with its mutation/lenition system, or however they refer to it these days).

 * A lot of my edits are quite tongue in cheek just now, and I've been plagiarising the Irish and Scottish articles too.

 * Regarding "gh", I have heard it as /x/, but then again, I don't do IPA. Too time consuming, and I usually get it wrong. (I have to cut and paste the symbols from elsewhere, and try and find the right examples, often off Wikipedia.)--MacRusgail (talk) 13:51, 3 December 2010 (UTC) p.s. I've caught the "Manzx" already. Therwe wil problaby be other tpypos.-

 * No problems regarding the "tongue-in-cheek" edits.
 * About the /x/ sound in Manx: this sound has all but disappeared in Manx, except for in certain words such as "cha", and in words where the initial /k/ sound has been lenited, either through the usage of preposition plus definite article, or simply because it's a feminine word. The /x/ sound is still to be heard in some words where it is represented by  such as "beagh" /ˌbiːɘx/, but in most cases the /x/ sound has vanished, to be replaced by the sounds /ɣ/, /h/, or simply absent. Personally, I think this is as a direct result of the English language's impact on Manx; the only people to write the language down in the later parts of the 18th and through the 19th century tended to be mainland British clergymen or wealthy Anglo-Manx (by which I mean both Manx of English descent and native Manx who had developed English customs, accents, business links, etc.) with an interest in the language. These people were probably very insistent on speaking with a rather "English"/"RP" accent to emphasize their "Britishness", and I have a feeling it was this that creeped in and removed elements of the phonology of Manx. A similar process can be seen in Ireland today, where, for example,  technically speaking has three different pronounciations depending on the surrounding letters, although only two pronounciations are recognised by the Caighdeán - learners tend to pronounce all cases of the letter  the exact same as the Hiberno-English rhotic , and this has already started to have an impact on the language of the native speakers, evident on TG4, or on any of the news programs on RTÉ television and radio.
 * Regarding the cedilla - the reason I questioned you on it was because you had written that "Yn Cheshaght Ghailckagh [...] should contain it" - while I agree with you that the two sounds should be represented separately (i.e. with the /tʃ/ sound represented by the letters <çh> - certainly more appropriate as the letters <çh> actually better represents the  of the other Gaelics, whereas the /x/ sound in  actually represents a lenited  or ), the fact is there is no body which sanctions, supports, prohibits, etc. the use of the cedilla - therefore Yn Cheshaght Ghailckagh should not necessarily contain it - it should only contain it within the writing of a user who prefers the usage of the cedilla. --MacTire02 (talk) 08:54, 4 December 2010 (UTC)

Cognate??
"Gaelg or Gailck, which is cognate with the English word "Gaelic" - no it is not. The English word "Gaelic" is a direct borrowing or loanword from the Gaelic languages. It is not a cognate. A cognate is the name given to the phenomenon where two separate words, not necessarily of identical meaning, have developed "independently" (sometimes in different languages, sometimes within the same language), but find a common root in a single word distant in the linguistic past. The word Gaelic was simply taken from Irish/Scots Gaelic and repurposed to describe those languages in English because of the fact that no contemporary word was available in English at the time. --MacTire02 (talk) 13:00, 3 December 2010 (UTC)

 * Fair point. If you can come up with some better phrasing, I'll be taking a break in around forty minutes.

 * I'm also unsure if "Erse" or Irish was ever used to refer to Manx, but it wouldn't surprise me.--MacRusgail (talk) 13:47, 3 December 2010 (UTC)

 * I don't have any sources for that, but seeing as how both Irish and Scottish Gaelic were referred to as Erse, then I would imagine that Manx was too. But we do need sources for that. How about "Gaelg or Gailck, the Manx form of Irish "Gaeilge, from which the English word "Gaelic" stems"? A bit convoluted I'd say, but certainly more accurate. --MacTire02 (talk) 13:50, 3 December 2010 (UTC)

Loanwords
The following paragraph appears in the article: Some religious terms originating in Latin, Greek and Hebrew e.g. casherick (holy), from the Latin consecrātus; mooinjer (people) from the Latin monasterium (originally a monastery; agglish (church) from the Greek ἐκκλησία (ekklesia, literally meaning assembly) and abb (abbot) from the Hebrew "אבא" (abba, meaning "father"). Many English loanwords also have a classical origin, e.g. çhellveeish and çhellvane meaning television and telephone respectively. I believe this to be slightly misleading. For a start there are no references provided. Secondly, each of these words have simply evolved from earlier Irish forms. Perhaps this should be acknowledged? These words can still be seen in their modern Irish counterparts as follows:
 * casherick1, v. Coisric.
 * casherick2, a. Coisricthe.
 * mooinjer, f. Muintir f.
 * agglish, f. Eaglais f.
 * abb, m. Ab m.

I understand that these words do have a classical origin, but the way it is phrased it would appear that these words were borrowed directly into Manx, which is not the case. --MacTire02 (talk) 09:13, 2 April 2011 (UTC)

 * I totally agree. Especially the Hebrew link is nonsense, at least in a direct route. For Manx, unless someone can provide a ref for a direct borrowing it goes Some Language > Old(er) Irish > Manx Akerbeltz (talk) 11:54, 2 April 2011 (UTC)

No, they're not not necessarily direct borrowings (the English "cross" is a Latin loanword by an indirect route), but it would be nice to see something that discussed how words came into Manx from languages other than English.--MacRùsgail (talk) 11:42, 4 December 2013 (UTC)

Census Results
I have updated the census figures of Manx speakers, as per the 2011 census - showing an increase of 134 people. This is also now reflected in the history section of the page. Dornálaíocht (talk) —Preceding undated comment added 19:23, 19 October 2012 (UTC)

Orphaned references in Manx language
I check pages listed in Category:Pages with incorrect ref formatting to try to fix reference errors. One of the things I do is look for content for orphaned references in wikilinked articles. I have found content for some of Manx language's orphans, the problem is that I found more than one version. I can't determine which (if any) is correct for this article, so I am asking for a sentient editor to look it over and copy the correct ref content into this article.

Reference named "gov.im": From Isle of Man: Geography - Isle of Man Public Services From Cronk ny Arrey Laa: http://www.gov.im/mnh/heritage/countryside/earycushlin.xml

I apologize if any of the above are effectively identical; I am just a simple computer program, so I can't determine whether minor differences are significant or not. AnomieBOT ⚡ 22:22, 19 October 2012 (UTC)

Hen-oast vs. Ben-oast
I nearly reverted the change of hen-oast to ben-oast, because the quoted source did indeed say "hen-oast". Then I figured it was probably an OCR error and looked up the Bible to check, and sure enough, it's "ben-oast" there too.

However, unless someone has a print version of the Jenner book to verify, we're still technically in the wrong by "correcting" something cited from an outside source. So can anyone verify this? Prof Wrong (talk) 15:01, 7 January 2013 (UTC)
 * 1) Not sure if this counts, but here you go. Mac Tíre   Cowag  22:00, 13 March 2013 (UTC)

Former contents of loanwords category
As of 13/3/2013 Category:Manx loanwords contained the articles listed below. The category is being deleted per Categories_for_discussion/Log/2013_February_10. DexDor (talk) 21:42, 13 March 2013 (UTC)
 * Hop-tu-Naa
 * Skeet
 * Tynwald

However in recent years
Why not just say "In recent years"?

"However" is probably the most useless, pointless, meaningless and overused word in the English language. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 109.154.193.249 (talk) 19:45, 11 July 2013 (UTC)
 * It does however sound nice, in that it smooths the flow of the text and the transition from one statement to the next. Dusty |💬|You can help! 00:47, 12 July 2013 (UTC)

Orthography
A new section (text boxes) has been added in to the orthography section regarding the first few lines of The Hobbit in Manx. This piece is not referenced and I can not find any reference to it online, other than backlinks to Wikipedia itself. The transliterated section is even more suspect and should definitely be removed. There is no traditional Gaelic writing system used for the Manx language and this one, in particular, doesn't even look like it was concocted created by a professional linguist. This piece of "transliteration" falls entirely into the realm of WP:OR and should be removed immediately unless it can be shown that it is not original research. I will leave this message here for 24 hours after which I will remove the piece in question. Mac Tíre  Cowag  14:48, 1 June 2014 (UTC)

Dead link
The link to Jamys Jeheiney doesn't work. You can get from the error page to Manx Radio in English, but that's all.213.127.210.95 (talk) 16:56, 23 April 2016 (UTC)

Northern/Southern dialects
Is the distinction between northern and southern dialects still current, as the article says, or is it merely historical? ---Ehrenkater (talk) 17:30, 31 December 2016 (UTC)

External links modified
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External links modified
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I have just modified 7 external links on Manx language. Please take a moment to review my edit. If you have any questions, or need the bot to ignore the links, or the page altogether, please visit this simple FaQ for additional information. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20140712054609/http://www.manxradio.com/AudioVault/JamysJeheiney.mp3 to http://www.manxradio.com/AudioVault/JamysJeheiney.mp3
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20101128055331/http://manxradio.com/news.aspx?m=70&b1=20&b2=22&b3=24 to http://www.manxradio.com/news.aspx?m=70&b1=20&b2=22&b3=24
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 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20140920121602/http://www.manxradio.com/blog.aspx?blogid=14696 to http://www.manxradio.com/blog.aspx?blogid=14696
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/web/20140904133625/http://www.manxradio.com/blog.aspx?blogid=14872 to http://www.manxradio.com/blog.aspx?blogid=14872
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Manx language data in 2021 Census
On the 2nd of February, 2022, the Manx Government published the first report from its 2021 Census - the total figure for knowledge of the Manx language (speaking, reading and writing inclusive) now stands at 2,223: Culloty82 (talk) 16:53, 14 February 2022 (UTC)

Census data misused
@user:Wracking. Census data is a highly unreliable source but it is often all we have. At best it is a guideline. In the case of what you have just added. I think you have a misread the data. The census asks for a series of answers about a persons level of ability in Manx - can you speak Manx? Can you read Manx? etc. The same person could answer each question. You have given the totals of all questions answered with a yes, not only for the question asking 'can you speak Manx'. This is another example of why we should use censuses with care. Roger 8 Roger (talk) 07:13, 25 March 2023 (UTC)

 * Hey there, I didn't add any new information. I just formatted the citations and made the table into a graph. I'm more than willing to help make this more accurate, but I'm not sure how as I haven't really looked at the base data. Maybe adding a footnote or sentence that highlights discrepancies that may be found in counting speakers? Wracking  💬 18:56, 25 March 2023 (UTC)

 * The simple solution is to look at each source (census data) and change the figures in the article accordingly. The figures to use are only the number of people who 'can speak Manx' (whatever that means). That is too time consuming for me but some editors like playing around with numbers. Roger 8 Roger (talk) 22:13, 25 March 2023 (UTC)

Pronunciation in wikibox
Currently the pronunciation listed in the wikibox is: (Gaelg)

(Gaelg)

(Gailck)

(y Ghaelg)

(y Ghaelg)

(y Ghailk) I believe that this should be reduced to: (Gaelg)

(Gailck) Since Gaelg on its own means “Manx (language)”, y means “the”, so y Ghaelg together mean "the Manx language", there no need to list both the word itself and with the definite article. @Treetoes023 2A01:B340:82:8F97:99C9:2F9E:8DDE:B377 (talk) 14:49, 31 December 2023 (UTC)

Orthographic origins
We're presently lacking all information on this. What I can glean quickly by searching about: The earliest surviving written material in the Manx language as a distinct form, an Anglican Book of Common Prayer manuscript, was completed by Bishop John Philips from Wales, but never published. It is unclear whether the English- and Welsh-based simplistic (but inconsitent) spelling system imposed on Manx (which obviously happened through the activities of literate mainlanders, not the native population) was devised by Philips or came about earlier, in the 16th century, and was simply used by Philips.

At this point, I'm not entirely sure what the best sources are to use for something about this; my focus has been on other languages, and I haven't really caught up on Gaelg/Gailck scholarship. But I do know that we have a gap here and need to fill it. — SMcCandlish ☏ ¢ 😼  03:11, 14 May 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Manx language


text:
United Development Party

The United Development Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, PPP) is an Islam-based political party in Indonesia.

The PPP was formed in 1973 as a result of the merger between several Islam-based parties, assuming the role of umbrella party for Muslims. After the Suharto regime, it once again became an Islamist party in the early Post-Suharto era. Today it is considered a centre-right to right-wing nationalist Islamist party which conforms with Pancasila doctrine and no longer upholds sharia as a main goal.

The party was led by Suryadharma Ali until 2014 when he was prosecuted for corruption. From 2014 to 2016 the party was split in the dispute over its chairmanship. In April 2016, Muhammad Romahurmuziy was declared a new chairman after a reconciliation congress. In the 2024 election, the party won 3.87 of the popular vote, a decrease from 4.52 percent it won in 2019. It was the first time PPP lost all the seats in the DPR.

Origins
Ten political parties participated in the 1971 legislative election, a number that President Suharto considered to be too many. Suharto wished that political parties be reduced to just two or three and that the parties should be grouped based on their programs.

The basis for the merger that would result in the birth of the PPP was a coalition of the four Islamic Parties in the People's Representative Council (DPR) called the United Development Faction. This faction consisted of Nahdatul Ulama (NU), the Muslim Party of Indonesia (Parmusi), the Islamic Association Party of Indonesia (PSII) and the Islamic Education Movement (Perti).

With encouragement by the Government, officials from all four parties had meetings with each other and after finding some common ground, merged the four Islamic parties in Indonesia into the United Development Party on 5 January 1973. Despite this formal merging of the parties however, internal PPP politics under the Suharto government were dominated by the differing priorities of the original groups that formed the party.

Opposition to the New Order

In the mid-1970s, popular support for Suharto's regime was rapidly waning. When Suharto had seized power with a bloody military coup in 1965 and ousted President Sukarno, the Islamic groups had supported Suharto and aided in persecuting his political opponents. But as the regime had become corrupt and even more authoritarian, this alliance began to crumble. As the 1977 legislative election approached, many began to seek other options to vote for aside from the government-backed Golkar.

Worried that the PPP might win the elections, Suharto played on the fears of the people by having the military arrest a group of people who claimed to be associated with the Jihad Commando (Komando Jihad). With this some people became worried that to vote for the PPP and its Islamic leaning would mean expressing support the Jihad Commando and in a government growing increasingly authoritarian, many simply refused to be associated with the wrong side. Golkar would go on to win the legislative elections with 62% with the PPP coming second with 27% of the votes.

The PPP however, would not sit back and accept defeat. At the 1978 MPR General Session, PPP member Chalid Mawardi launched a scathing criticism of Suharto's regime. Mawardi accused the Government of being anti-Muslim, complained about the government's violent crackdown of dissent, and alleged that the 1977 legislative election was won because of electoral fraud. PPP members also conducted a mass walkout when Suharto referred to religions as "streams of beliefs".

The PPP seemed to have cemented itself a status as the strongest opposition party. It would not last long however. In 1984, NU, under its Chairman, Abdurrahman Wahid withdrew from the PPP, severely weakening it. The PPP vote share fell from almost 28% in the 1982 legislative election to 16% in the 1987 legislative election, the PPP was also forced by the government to replace its ideology of Islam with the national ideology of Pancasila and to stop using Islamic symbols. As a result, the party replaced its logo showing the Kabah shrine in Mecca with a star.

1988 MPR general session
At the 1988 MPR General Session, Jailani Naro, the PPP Chairman, was nominated as vice president. Suharto, who had been elected to the presidency for a fifth term at the aforementioned General Session, intervened. He cited a decision that the MPR made in 1973 that one of the criteria for a vice president was that he should be able to work with the president. Suharto also conducted discussions with Naro and convinced him to withdraw the nomination.

What Naro did was unprecedented as both Suharto and his vice presidents had always been elected unopposed. The problem this time was Suharto's choice for vice president, Sudharmono. Suharto's choice had caused a rift between him and his most loyal ally, ABRI. Many within ABRI did not like Sudharmono because he spent more time behind a desk (Sudharmono was a military attorney) than as a field officer. Seeing a gap to exploit, Naro nominated himself, possibly with the private support of ABRI who, in public, had shown support for Sudharmono.

The PPP in the Reform era

The PPP continued as the second biggest party out of the three allowed in the New Order. In May 1998, after Suharto's fall, the PPP returned to its Islamic ideology and prepared itself for the 1999 legislative election, where it won 11% of the vote.

In the 1999 MPR General Session, the PPP was part of the Central Axis, a political coalition of Muslim parties which was formed by MPR Chairman, Amien Rais to counter the dominance of Megawati Sukarnoputri's Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle (PDI-P). The PDI-P had won the legislative election and Megawati was expected to win the presidency. However, the MPR was still at this stage responsible for electing the president and vice president, and the Muslim parties in the Central Axis did not want a female president. Instead, they nominated and successfully secured the election of Abdurrahman Wahid as president. In the vice-presidential election, PPP Chairman Hamzah Haz ran against Megawati and was defeated.

The PPP was the first of Wahid's political allies to become disillusioned with him. The PPP's main problem with Wahid was his visit to Israel and the suggestion that he was willing to establish diplomatic relations with that nation. Hamzah who served in Wahid's cabinet as Coordinating Minister for People's Welfare, immediately resigned from his position just a month after Wahid had appointed him to it. Many other Wahid allies would follow and in July 2001, the PPP would join in removing Wahid from the presidency and naming Megawati as the president. Hamzah was then elected as vice president after defeating Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Akbar Tanjung in the vice-presidential election.

2004 legislative election
The PPP won 8.1% of the vote in the 2004 legislative election, a decrease from its 10.7% share of the vote in 1999, but enough to retain its place as the third-best represented party in the legislature, behind the PDI-P and Golkar.

2004 presidential election
The PPP originally did not have a presidential candidate in mind for the 2004 presidential election. They had expected that Hamzah would be picked as Megawati's running mate and continue the Megawati/Hamzah President/Vice President partnership. Megawati however, chose NU Chairman Hasyim Muzadi as her running mate.

The PPP then continued to wait, still expecting that Hamzah Haz would be picked as a vice-presidential candidate. Finally, a day before the registration of presidential/vice-presidential candidates was closed, Hamzah moved forward and became the PPP's presidential candidate. His running mate was Agum Gumelar, who served as Minister of Transportation in Megawati's Cabinet. Hamzah's presidential run was unsuccessful as he received only 3.1% of the vote and came fifth.

In August 2004, the PPP announced that it was forming a national coalition with the PDI-P, Golkar, the Reform Star Party (PBR) and the Prosperous Peace Party to back Megawati to win the presidential run-off against Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Yudhoyono however would emerge victorious and the PPP would defect from the national coalition to Yudhoyono's camp. They were rewarded by being given cabinet places.

2007 party congress
The PPP held its 6th National Congress in Jakarta from 30 January to 3 February 2007. On the last day of the Congress, Suryadharma Ali emerged as the new PPP Chairman to replace Hamzah. Suryadharma served as Minister of Cooperatives and State and Medium Enterprises in President Yudhoyono's Cabinet. He announced that he would continue as minister while concurrently holding the position of PPP Chairman.

2009 legislative election
The party came sixth in the 2009 legislative election with 5.3 percent of the vote, winning 38 seats in the People's Representative Council. Throughout the election, the party obtained votes from the elderly Muslim men throughout rural and urban area, inside and outside of Java.

The party in the 2010s
In the 2014 Indonesian legislative election, the PPP improved on its performance in the previous election winning 6.53% of the vote, and 39 seats in the legislature. Five years later, in the 2019 Indonesian legislative election, the PPP share of the vote fell to 4.52%, and the number of seats it held in the legislature halved to 19.

Party platform
The party's vision is to bring about a nation that is just, prosperous, moral and democratic and that upholds the law, respects human rights and that holds in high esteem the dignity of mankind and social justice based on the values of Islam. The party believes that religion (Islam) has an important role to play as a moral guidance and inspiration in the life of the nation. It is committed to improving the quality of democracy in Indonesia and respects freedom of expression, opinion and organization, the realization of good governance and the endeavor to preserve the unitary Republic of Indonesia based on Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. It supports the concept of a people-based economic system, economic justice, the creation of jobs, the eradication of poverty, state control of sectors of the economy that have a controlling influence on the lives of the majority, a major role for state-owned companies, and economic independence.

Chairman

 * Mohammad Syafaat Mintaredja (1973–1978)
 * Jailani Naro (1978–1989)
 * Ismail Hasan Metareum (1989–1998)
 * Hamzah Haz (1998–2007)
 * Suryadharma Ali (2007–2014)
 * Muhammad Romahurmuziy (2014–2019)
 * Suharso Monoarfa (2019–2022)
 * Muhamad Mardiono (2022–present)

Presidential election results
Note: Bold text indicates PPP member

title: United Development Party


text:
Tracer ammunition

Tracer ammunition, or tracers, are bullets or cannon-caliber projectiles that are built with a small pyrotechnic charge in their base. When fired, the pyrotechnic composition is ignited by the burning powder and burns very brightly, making the projectile trajectory visible to the naked eye during daylight, and very bright during nighttime firing. This allows the shooter to visually trace the trajectory of the projectile and thus make necessary ballistic corrections, without having to confirm projectile impacts and without even using the sights of the weapon. Tracer fire can also be used as a marking tool to signal other shooters to concentrate their fire on a particular target during battle.

When used, tracers are usually loaded as every fifth round in machine gun belts, referred to as four-to-one tracer. Platoon and squad leaders will load some tracer rounds in their magazine or even use solely tracers to mark targets for their soldiers to fire on. Tracers are also sometimes placed two or three rounds from the bottom of magazines to alert shooters that their weapons are almost empty. During World War II, aircraft with fixed machine guns or cannons mounted would sometimes have a series of tracer rounds added near the end of the ammunition belts, to alert the pilot that he was almost out of ammunition. However, this practice similarly alerted astute enemies that their foes were nearly out of ammunition. More often, however, the entire magazine was loaded four-to-one, on both fixed offensive and flexible defensive guns, to help mitigate the difficulties of aerial gunnery. Tracers were very common on most WWII aircraft, with the exception of night fighters, which needed to be able to attack and shoot down the enemy before they realized they were under attack, and without betraying their own location to the enemy defensive gunners. The United States relied heavily on tracer ammunition for the defensive Browning M2 .50 caliber machine guns on its heavy bombers such as the B-24 Liberator.

History

There are fireworks manuals from the 14th century specifying a way to make "flaming cannonballs," with pitch, gunpowder, a cloth/cordage cover, and finally smearing them with lard and tallow. These were however not available for small arms, and before the development of tracers, gunners still relied on seeing their bullets impact to adjust their aim. However, these were not always visible, especially as the effective range of ammunition increased dramatically during the later half of the 19th century, meaning the bullets could impact a mile or more away in long range area fire. In the early 20th century, ammunition designers developed "spotlight" bullets, which would create a flash or smoke puff on impact to increase their visibility. However, these projectiles were deemed in violation of the Hague Conventions' prohibition of "exploding bullets." This strategy was also useless when firing at aircraft, as there was nothing for the projectiles to hit if they missed the target. Designers also developed bullets that would trail white smoke. However, these designs required an excessive amount of mass loss to generate a satisfactory trail. The loss of mass en route to the target severely affected the bullet's ballistics.

The United Kingdom was the first to develop and introduce a tracer round, a version of the .303 cartridge in 1915. The United States introduced a .30-06 tracer in 1917. Prior to adopting red (among a variety of other colors) bullet tips for tracers, American tracers were identified by blackened cartridge cases.

Tracers proved useful as a countermeasure against Zeppelins used by Germany during World War I. The airships were used for reconnaissance, surveillance and bombing operations. Normal bullets merely had the effect of causing a slow leak, but tracers could ignite the hydrogen gasbags, and bring down the airship quickly.

In World War II US naval and marine aircrew were issued tracer rounds with their side arms for emergency signaling use as well as defense.

Construction

A tracer projectile is constructed with a hollow base filled with a pyrotechnic flare material, made of a mixture of a very finely ground metallic fuel, oxidizer, and a small amount of organic fuel. Metallic fuels include magnesium, aluminum, and occasionally zirconium. The oxidizer is a salt molecule which contains oxygen combined with a specific atom responsible for the desired color output. Upon ignition, the heated salt releases its oxygen to sustain combustion of the fuel in the mixture. The color-emitting atom in the salt is also released and reacts chemically with excess oxygen providing the source of the colored flame. In NATO standard ammunition (including US), the oxidizer salt is usually a mixture of strontium compounds (nitrate, peroxide, etc.) and the metallic fuel is magnesium. Burning strontium yields a bright red light. Russian and Chinese tracer ammunition generates green light using barium salts. An oxidizer and metallic fuel alone, however, do not make a practical pyrotechnic for the purposes of producing colored light. The reaction is too energetic, consuming all materials in one big flash of white light – white light being the characteristic output of magnesium-oxide (MgO), for example. Therefore, in the case of using strontium nitrate and magnesium, to produce a red colored flame that is not over-powered by the white light from the burning fuel, a chlorine donor is provided in the pyrotechnic mixture, so that strontium chloride can also form in the flame, cooling it so that the white light of MgO is greatly reduced. Cooling the flame in this manner also lengthens the reaction rate so that the mixture has an appreciable burn time. Polyvinyl chloride (PVC) is a typical organic fuel in colored light for this purpose. Some modern designs use compositions that produce little to no visible light and radiate mainly in infrared, being visible only on night vision equipment.

Types
There are three types of tracers: bright tracer, subdued tracer and dim tracer. Bright tracers are the standard type, which start burning very shortly after exiting the muzzle. A disadvantage of bright tracers is that they give away the shooter's location to the enemy; as a military adage puts it, "tracers work both ways". Bright tracers can also overwhelm night-vision devices, rendering them useless. Subdued tracers burn at full brightness after a hundred or more yards to avoid giving away the gunner's position. Dim tracers burn very dimly but are clearly visible through night-vision equipment.

The M196 tracer cartridge (54-grain bullet) 5.56×45mm NATO was developed for the original M16 rifle and is compatible with the M16A1 barrel also using 1:12 rifling twist. It has a red tip and is designed to trace out to 500 yards, and trajectory match the M193 (56-grain) ball cartridge, which has no tip color. Trajectory match, or ballistic match, is achieved between two bullets of slightly different weight and aerodynamic characteristics by adjusting the cartridge propellant weight, propellant type, and muzzle velocity, to remain within safe pressure limits, yet provide each bullet with a trajectory to the target that is nearly identical over all atmospheric conditions and target engagement ranges, while using the same gunsight aimpoint. Trajectory match is not intended to be perfect, an engineering impossibility under the closest of similarities between the two bullets, that is further complicated in the case of the tracer losing mass and changing its drag properties as it flies. The intent is that the tracer matches the ball round well enough for the purposes of machinegun fire.

The M856 tracer cartridge (63.7-grain bullet) is used in the M16A2/3/4, M4-series, and M249 weapons (among other 5.56mm NATO weapons). This round is designed to trace out to 875 yards and has an orange tip color, and is trajectory matched to the M855 (62-grain, green tip) ball cartridge. The M856 tracer should not be used in the M16A1 except under emergency conditions and only in relatively warm weather, because the M16A1's slower 1:12 rifling twist is not sufficient to properly stabilize this projectile at colder combat service temperatures (freezing down to –40 degrees), when the air density is much greater, disrupting the gyroscopic stability of the bullet. The M16A2 and newer models have a rifling twist of 1 in 7" necessary to stabilize the M856 tracer round under all temperature conditions. (The M196, however, does function safely in all 1:7 twist barrels, as well as those with 1:12 twist.)

The M25 is an orange-tipped .30-06 Springfield tracer cartridge consisting of a 145 gr bullet with 50 grains of IMR 4895 powder. The tracer compound contains composition R 321 which is 16% polyvinyl chloride, 26% magnesium powder, 52% strontium nitrate.

The M62 is an orange-tipped 7.62×51mm NATO tracer consisting of a 142 gr bullet with 46 grains of WC 846 powder. The tracer compound contains composition R 284 which is 17% polyvinyl chloride, 28% magnesium powder, and 55% strontium nitrate. (This is the same composition used on the M196.)

The M276 is a violet-tipped 7.62×51mm NATO dim tracer that uses composition R 440, which is barium peroxide, strontium peroxide, calcium resinate for example calcium abietate, and magnesium carbonate.

Tracer compositions can also emit primarily in infrared, for use with night-vision devices. An example composition is boron, potassium perchlorate, sodium salicylate, iron carbonate or magnesium carbonate (as combustion retardant), and binder. Many variants exist.

Other applications

Tracers can also serve to direct fire at a given target, because they are visible to other combatants. The disadvantage is that they betray the gunner's position; the tracer path leads back to its source. To make it more difficult for an enemy to do this, most modern tracers have a delay element, which results in the trace becoming visible some distance from the muzzle.

Depending on the target, tracer bullet lethality may be similar to standard ball ammunition. The forward portion of a tracer bullet contains a substantial slug of lead filler, nearly as much as the non-tracer ball round that it trajectory matches. In the case of the M196/M193 bullet set, the lethality differences are probably negligible for this reason. However, with the M856/M855 bullet set, the M855 ball round contains a steel penetrator tip that is not present in the M856 tracer bullet. As a result, different lethality effects can be expected against various targets. Nevertheless, under some circumstances, a slight degradation in lethality can often be made up for by the psychological and suppressive-fire effects tracer bullets can have on an enemy who is receiving them.

Besides guiding the shooter's direction of fire, tracer rounds can also be loaded at the end of a magazine to alert the shooter that the magazine is almost empty. This is particularly useful in weapons that do not lock the bolt back when empty (such as the AK-47). During World War II, the Soviet Air Force also used this practice for aircraft machine guns. One disadvantage in this practice is that the enemy is alerted that the pilot or shooter is low on ammunition and possibly vulnerable. For ground forces, this generally offers no tactical advantage to the enemy, since a soldier with a crew-served weapon such as a machine gun who is out of ammunition is supposed to alert his team that he is "dry" and rely on their cover fire while he reloads the machine gun. Thus, an enemy must risk exposing himself in order to attack the reloading soldier.

Modern jet fighters primarily rely on radar and infrared seeker missiles to track and destroy enemy planes and laser-guided missiles to attack surface targets, rather than the plane's cannon, which may be just an ancillary weapon for air-to-air combat; although in the ground attack role, cannon fire may be emphasized. However, modern fighter aircraft use gyroscopes and inertial sensors coupled with radar and optical computing gunsights that make the use of tracers in cannon ammunition unnecessary. As long as the pilot can put the "pipper" (aiming point) in the head-up display (HUD) onto the target, he can be assured that the burst will be on target, since the computers automatically compute range, closing rate, deflection, lateral accelerations, and even weather conditions to calculate target lead and aimpoint. Thus one of the primary reasons for using tracers on aircraft in the first place, uncertainty over where the bullets will end up in relation to the target, is removed.

Another use for the tracer is in tank hull machineguns, of mostly out-dated tanks, where the machinegun operator cannot sight directly along the barrel, thus he has to rely on tracer bullets to guide his aim. Modern main battle tanks and armored fighting vehicles, however, employ advanced fire control systems that can accurately aim secondary weapons along with the main armament; although the continued use of tracers provides reassurance to gunners on the direction of machinegun fire.

In anti-aircraft autocannon tracer ammunition the tracer material can be part of a shell self-destruct mechanism to prevent missed shots from falling back down on friendly targets. As the tracer material burns to the end it triggers the self-destruct.

Safety restrictions
Tracer is associated with grass fires if used in summer over dry vegetation.

In the UK, use of tracer is prohibited on National Rifle Association-operated ranges, due to the increased risk of fire. Use of tracers is usually only authorized during military training. During spells of hot weather, the Ministry of Defence will suspend use of tracer for non-essential training to reduce the risk of wildfires on sites such as Salisbury Plain.

In July 2009, a large fire was started by tracer ammunition near Marseille, France, an area where shrub vegetation is very dry and flammable in the summer, and where normally this kind of ammunition should not be used.

On February 24, 2013, a fire was started at DFW Gun Club in Dallas, Texas, by the use of a tracer round inside the facility.

On July 3, 2018, the Lake Christine Fire near Basalt, Colorado, was started by tracer rounds fired at a gun range. The two individuals who were deemed responsible for the fire were shooting the tracer round ammunition outside of the designated target area at the gun range.

title: Tracer ammunition


text:
National Awakening Party

The National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa; lit. 'Party of the Nation's Awakening'), frequently abbreviated to PKB, is an Islam-based political party in Indonesia.

The party was founded in 1999 by the traditionalist strand of Muslim society in Indonesia, which overlaps with the membership of Nahdlatul Ulama. The party is described as a nationalist Muslim party, which promotes inclusive and nationalist principles and upholds Pancasila doctrine.

In 2014, the party obtained 9.04 percent of the popular vote, which is an increase from 4.95 percent in 2009 but lower than 10.57 percent in 2004. The party is currently led by Muhaimin Iskandar.

Origins
The PKB was established on 11 May 1998. Kyai (religious scholars), held a meeting at the Langitan Pesantren (islamic boarding school) to discuss several problems facing Indonesia they deemed to be critical. They developed an official statement, which Kyai Muchid Muzadi of Jember and Gus Yusuf Muhammad, were sent to deliver to President Suharto. Before they were able to deliver the statement, however, Suharto resigned on 21 May 1998.

On 30 May 1998, the Kyai held a grand meeting, or Istighosah, at the office of the East Java branch of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) islamic organization. The meeting resulted in KH Cholil Bisri being urged to form a party based on the NU's political aspirations. After initially resisting their request, due to his desire to continue his work with the pesantren, Bisri eventually relented and accepted the leadership role.

A week later, on 6 June, Bisri met the Kyai in order to discuss the formation of the new party. Invitations had been sent via telephone, and more than 200 Kyai attended the meeting, which was held in Bisri's home in Leteh, Rembang, Central Java. This meeting resulted in the formation of the "Standing Committee", consisting of 11 people, with Bisri as chairman and Gus Yus as secretary. In turn, this committee worked in a marathon session, preparing a platform and party components, including the logos which would become the party's symbol. The logos were created by KH A. Mustofa Bisri.

The Standing Committee and representatives of the NU held a major conference in Bandung, on 4 July 1998, which was attended by 27 regional representatives. In a discussion regarding the name of the organization, the proposed names were the "National Awakening Party", the "Nahdlatul Ummah Awakening Party" and the "Ummah Party". The name chosen was "Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa" (PKB) meaning "National Awakening Party". The party's declaratory was 72 people, representing the age of the NU organization, consisting of the Standing Committee Team (11), the Lajnah Assistance Team (14), Team NU (5), the NU Assistance Team (7), and two Representatives from each of the 27 regions (27 x 2). The 72 founders signed the Party's Platform and its components.

Subsequent to this, however, the PBNU decided that only five people could become the party's declaratory. Those five were Kyai Munasir Ali, Kyai Ilyas Ruchiyat, Kyai Muchid Muzadi, KH A. Mustofa Bisri and KH Abddurahman Wahid, who was the chairman of the PBNU. The 72 names of the party's original declaratory were erased by the PBNU.

The party's base of support is strongest in Java Island and draws from the constituency that formerly supported the conservative Muslim organization NU. The PKB differs from Nahdlatul Ulama in that while it supports a role for Islam in government, it does not share the older organization's support for an explicitly Islamic republic.

General elections
The National Awakening Party stood in the 1999 elections, winning 13 percent of the votes. In the 2004 elections, the party gained 10.57% (11,989,564) of votes and 52 seats in the People's Representative Council. However, the party won only 4.9 percent of the votes in the 2009 legislative election, and 27 seats in the legislature.

Policies
According to the party website, the party's policies are to:
 * Strengthen democracy to increase the prosperity of people living in villages
 * Strengthen the protection of farmers and fishermen
 * Accelerate the development of disadvantaged regions
 * Make labourers prosperous
 * Increase the involvement of women in strategic sectors

For the 2014 elections, the party plans to focus more intensively on its policies related to villages, in particular such as village representation, the allocation of funding for villages and the development of education and health facilities.

Presidential election results
Note: Bold text indicates PKB member

List of deputy speakers of the People's Representative Council from PKB
(PPP) · (PAN) · (Golkar) · (PDI-P) · (PBR) · (Gerindra)
 * Colour key

title: National Awakening Party


text:
Georgia Department of Corrections

The Georgia Department of Corrections (GDC) is an agency of the U.S. state of Georgia operating state prisons. The agency is headquartered in Forsyth, on the former campus of Tift College.

Headquarters
The GDC has its offices in Gibson Hall, located in the State Offices South at Tift College in Forsyth, Georgia.

Until 2009, the Georgia Department of Corrections headquarters was in the James H. "Sloppy" Floyd Veterans Memorial Building in Atlanta. In 2006, Governor Sonny Perdue announced that the agency planned to move its headquarters to Tift College by 2009. The state estimated that the relocation would bring around 400 jobs to Forsyth.

A 2007 employee survey indicated that 49% of the headquarters staff who responded to the survey planned to move with the agency and continue employment at the new headquarters. The agency planned to relocate to the former Tift College by 2010. The ordered relocation was to take place in September of that year.

Five GDOC offices in Atlanta are merging into one facility in Tift. After the move was announced in 2006, many employees have moved south of Atlanta, and as of 2010 increasing numbers of employees who live on the south side of Atlanta were hired. Some employees left GDOC for other jobs after the move was announced. Four years of planning and $45 million funded the move. The Georgia Corrections Academy moved to Tift in Fall 2009. In September 2010 the administration began to move into Tift. Employees will reverse commute to Forsyth instead of commuting with traffic into Downtown Atlanta.

The 43 acre Tift College campus is visible from Interstate 75. Part of the Tift College property will be used as the GDC headquarters, and a part is used as the Georgia Corrections Academy.

The State of Georgia stated that the move will occur because the Atlanta location "does not facilitate effective Command & Control." There are 92 GDC facilities in the vicinity of Macon/South, while there are 27 GDC facilities in the vicinity of Atlanta/North. There are 35 state prisons in the vicinity of Macon/South and there are five state prisons in the vicinity of Atlanta/North. The agency stated "Elimination of regional offices accentuates need to be in central GA." In addition, five previous GDC Atlanta offices would be consolidated into one new location; according to GDC this will cause more efficient operations. The moving of the headquarters would cause 80000 sqft of space to become available in the Twin Towers complex in Atlanta.

The agency considered placing its headquarters on the property of the Georgia Diagnostic and Classification Prison (GDCP) in unincorporated Butts County, near Jackson. Other potential headquarters sites included another site in Forsyth, Macon, areas around Macon, Centerville, and the area near Warner Robins.

Death row
The state's death row for men is in the Georgia Diagnostic and Classification Prison (GDCP) in Butts County, Georgia. The death row for women is located in the Arrendale State Prison. GDCP houses the state's execution chamber.

From 1735 until 1924, persons condemned to death were hanged by the sheriff of the county or judicial circuit where the crime occurred. Over 500 of such hangings had occurred. The Georgia General Assembly passed a law on August 16, 1924, that abolished hanging for all capital crimes. Instead the condemned were to be electrocuted at the old Georgia State Prison at Milledgeville. During that year an electric chair was installed in the prison, and the first execution by that method was conducted on September 13, 1924.

On January 1, 1938, the site of the execution chamber relocated to the newly built Georgia State Prison at Reidsville. From 1964 until 1976 the U.S. Supreme Court suspended executions, ruling that states' laws were insufficient. In 1974 the Supreme Court had outlawed executions and nullified original death penalty laws. The State of Georgia passed a rewritten death penalty law in 1973. In 1976 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that the Georgia death penalty was constitutional.

In June 1980 the site of execution was moved to GDCP, and a new electric chair was installed in place of the original one. The original chair was put on display at the Georgia State Prison. On December 15, 1983, the first execution at GDCP occurred. In 2000 the Georgia government signed HB 1284 into law, which changed the method of execution to lethal injection, effective May 1, 2000. The first lethal injection execution occurred in October 2001.

The Georgia Department of Corrections stated in its 1999 annual report that "Typically, all Georgia death row inmates are males" and are housed at the GDCP. In November 1998 Kelly Gissendaner, a woman, was given a death sentence and was housed in the Metro State Prison. She was the first woman to reside on death row since 1992, when Janice Buttram's sentence was commuted to a life sentence. Buttram had been housed at the Middle Georgia Correctional Institution Women's Unit. The death row for women remained at the Metro State Prison, until it was closed in 2011.

Fallen officers
Since the establishment of the Georgia Department of Corrections, 25 officers have died in the line of duty.

Corrections results
According to a Pew Center on the States study in 2009, Georgia had one in 13 adults in the justice system. Figures for Georgia juveniles were not tabulated.

Prison strike
In 2010, seven Georgia state prisons had inmates that participated in an organized strike. The 2010 Georgia prison strike demanded better healthcare, more sanitary conditions in prison and more educational opportunities.

title: Georgia Department of Corrections


text:
List of laser types

This is a list of laser types, their operational wavelengths, and their applications. Thousands of kinds of laser are known, but most of them are used only for specialized research.

Chemical lasers
Used as directed-energy weapons.

Further references

 * Silfvast, William T. Laser fundamentals, Cambridge University Press, 2004. ISBN 0-521-83345-0
 * Weber, Marvin J. Handbook of laser wavelengths, CRC Press, 1999. ISBN 0-8493-3508-6

title: List of laser types