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Grangemouth

Grangemouth (Grangemooth; Inbhir Ghrainnse, ) is a town in the Falkirk council area, Scotland. Historically part of the county of Stirlingshire, the town lies in the Forth Valley, on the banks of the Firth of Forth, 3 mi east of Falkirk, 5 mi west of Bo'ness and 13 mi south-east of Stirling. Grangemouth had a resident population of 17,906 according to the 2001 Census. Preliminary figures from the 2011 census reported the number as 17,373.

Grangemouth's original growth as a town relied mainly on its geographical location. Originally a bustling port, trade flowed through the town with the construction of the Forth and Clyde Canal in the 18th century. Nowadays, the economy of Grangemouth is focused primarily on the large petrochemical industry of the area which includes the oil refinery, owned by Ineos, one of the largest of its kind in Europe. The town is twinned with La Porte, Indiana.

Residents of the town are known as Portonians.

History
Grangemouth was founded by Sir Lawrence Dundas in 1768 as a result of the construction of the Forth and Clyde Canal. Originally referred to as Sealock by workers brought in to labour on the canal digging and lock constructions, the name referred to the Forth and Clyde Canal connection to the sea and where it flowed into the River Forth. After Dundas died in 1781 his son Thomas Dundas commissioned the architect Henry Holland to re-plan the town including the layout around the canal and its basin.

The settlement was also named Grangeburnmouth for a period and then finally to Grangemouth. A map held at the National Library of Scotland dated 1817 by John Grassom, records the town as Grangemouth. This more properly refers to its location at the mouth of the Grange Burn which flows into the River Forth at this time.

As canal and general shipping traffic came to the town the area became more prosperous. This was aided by the high tariffs at the port of Leith which caused more traffic to pass through Grangemouth instead. Additionally, the dredging and a major re-alignment of the River Carron for deeper draught vessels and the founding of collieries to the North of the town saw the increase in trade to and from the Baltic States. Being downstream from the world-famous Carron Company also increased the volume of shipping to the town as cast iron products and armaments were transported around the globe. Until 1810, duties had to paid on cargoes through the customs house at Bo'ness which benefited from the duties paid and involved a journey of some four or five miles each way. With poor roading between the towns, ships captains and agents had to undertake multiple journeys by foot or by horse and cart to register cargoes and pay their duties in weathers fair and foul. After years of appealing Grangemouth was granted its own Customhouse and a fine three storied stone building was erected on the Northern side of the harbour.

The 1830s saw 750 ships in port and over 3,000 trade journeys using the canal. The local shipyard had a graving or drydock built by the Earl of Zetland in 1811 and commenced building larger and larger vessels. The harbour and the river were unable to handle the volume of shipping and larger vessels had to rely completely on the tide to reach wharves on the river bank. A new dock was commissioned to be built and dredging and further re-alignment of the River Carron were undertaken. 200 men dug out what is now called the Old Dock and lock gates were built, allowing vessels to enter the port at any time and tide. A canal link to the south west was named Junction lock and it was also connected to the canal. This allowed timber logs from Scandinavia to be floated in rafts right up to the sawmills almost a mile inland.

Over the next 50 years the docks would be increased in size fourfold or more with a major land reclamation in the late 1890s pushing the entrance of the docks to the River Forth and avoiding the Carron with its limited depth and width. There was also Grangemouth Dockyard Company established in 1885. Grangemouth Town Hall was designed by William Black and was completed the same year.

In November 1914 the Admiralty requisitioned Grangemouth Docks and they were banned to merchant shipping for the remaining duration of the First World War. During this period the dock was referred to as HMS Rameses in military circles.

A 1936 LMS advert said that the docks had 121 acre of water (excluding timber basins), direct access to the Forth and Clyde Canal ("giving through access to Glasgow and the Clyde") and handled 3,250,000 tons of goods a year. The now re-opened canal no longer passes through the old part of Grangemouth, but joins the tidal River Carron.

The original two townships were almost totally demolished in the 1960s as a result of poor planning decisions. The last vestiges of the original old town were the Queens Hotel and the Institute Building (built 1876) which were demolished at that time.

Economy
Grangemouth Port is one of the main ports in the UK with the largest container terminal in Scotland, with 9 million tonnes of cargo handled through the dock facilities each year. There are links to the inter-modal freight facilities elsewhere in the town which use the town's motorway connections.

The main industry of Grangemouth and the wider Falkirk council area is focused on the Grangemouth Refinery which employs a significant workforce and is one of the largest of its kind in Europe.

The Soap Works building which was used to manufacture soap and glycerine, and owned by the Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Society was established in 1897. This was the largest works of its kind in Scotland and employed a considerable number of local people. It was demolished in November 2005 to make way for a new Whyte & Mackay blending and bottling plant.

Grangemouth has an Air Training Corps Squadron, 1333 (Grangemouth) Squadron (located at the TA Centre in Central Avenue), an Army Cadet Detachment (also in Central Avenue) and a Sea and Marine cadet corps at Grangemouth Docks.

There are two general health practices, and a dentist's surgery in the town. The area is covered by NHS Forth Valley and with the recent downgrading of the Falkirk and Stirling Hospitals, all major services have been transferred to the newly built Forth Valley Royal Hospital in nearby Larbert.

Education
Grangemouth has four primary schools: Bowhouse Primary School, Beancross Primary School, Moray Primary School and Sacred Heart R.C. Primary School. The former three are within the catchment area of Grangemouth High School and the latter is a catchment primary school for St. Mungo's High School. Grangemouth High School was recently rebuilt with new facilities such as an indoor swimming pool, dance studio, a gym, and an outdoor football pitch. For many years Grangemouth had a three-tier school system - the only area in Scotland to do so. This ended in 1988.

Transport
Grangemouth has access to three nearby railway stations: Falkirk High, Falkirk Grahamston and Polmont.

Recreation
Grangemouth has an international-standard sports stadium and sports centre. Grangemouth Stadium was built in 1966 for the citizens of Grangemouth, partly funded by BP. The stadium has been extended to host a 150-metre running track, physio room, and weight-lifting. The stadium is used as the National Indoor Sports Stadium and for the Football Referees' Fitness Test for Stirlingshire. It was announced in August 2014 that the temporary running track used at Hampden Park for the athletics programme at the 2014 Commonwealth Games would be installed at Grangemouth Stadium. The Games legacy programme also agreed to donate £30,000 worth of sports equipment to Falkirk Community Trust, which runs the stadium.

A number of parks exist in the town which are used for sports and recreational activities. Inchyra Park, which is situated close to the stadium, Rannoch Park in the Bowhouse area which is situated at the point where the Grange Burn flows into the town, and Zetland Park in the centre of the town. Grangemouth Golf Club is actually located in the neighbouring village of Polmont.

Football
The town has many amateur football teams, including Zetland AFC and Bowhouse F.C.

Falkirk Juniors, who were established in 2011, played their home fixtures at the Grangemouth Stadium before folding in 2016. They competed in the Scottish Junior Football Association, East Region.

Religion
Many churches are located in Grangemouth: three Church of Scotland, two Catholic Churches, one Episcopal Church and several mission-type churches including a Kingdom Hall of Jehovah's Witnesses. The nearest Mosque is Falkirk Islamic Centre.

Twin towns
Grangemouth is twinned with La Porte, Indiana, US.

Burials
Grangemouth Cemetery, officially called Grandsable Cemetery lies south of the town, closer to Polmont.

Provosts of Grangemouth

 * Charles Manson from 1917 to 1926.
 * George Hearns from 1968 to 1971

Notable people

 * Kaye Adams, TV presenter
 * Robert Black (serial killer), convicted serial killer, kidnapper and rapist
 * Alan Davie, artist and musician
 * Elizabeth Fraser, vocalist, formerly of Cocteau Twins
 * Steve Frew, Scottish gymnast
 * Robin Guthrie, guitarist and music producer, formerly of Cocteau Twins
 * Stuart Kennedy, footballer for Falkirk, Aberdeen and Scotland
 * Stuart Munro, footballer for Rangers
 * Sir John Ronald Peddie, linked to the Carnegie Trust
 * Professor Gillian Reid, President of the Royal Society of Chemistry.
 * Isla St Clair, singer, actress
 * George Young, footballer, postwar captain of Rangers and Scotland

title: Grangemouth


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Social Democratic Party (Romania)

The Social Democratic Party (Partidul Social Democrat, PSD) is the largest political party in Romania, though in the European Parliament, it is the second largest by total number of political representatives (i.e. MEPs), after the National Liberal Party (PNL). It is also the largest social democratic political party in the country. It was founded by Ion Iliescu, Romania's first democratically elected president at the 1990 Romanian general election. It is currently part of the National Coalition for Romania (CNR), which is a big tent grand coalition comprising also the National Liberal Party (PNL). The CNR formerly included the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR/RMDSZ) until mid June 2023.

It is a member of the Progressive Alliance (PA), which was founded in 2013, Socialist International (SI), and Party of European Socialists (PES). As of 2015, the PSD had 530,000 members.

PSD traces its origins to the Democratic National Salvation Front (FDSN), a leftist breakaway group established in 1992 from the center-left National Salvation Front (FSN) established after 1989. In 1993, this merged with three other parties to become the Party of Social Democracy in Romania (Partidul Democrației Sociale in România, PDSR), also translated as the Social Democracy Party of Romania. The present name was adopted after a merger with the smaller Romanian Social Democratic Party (PSDR) in 2001.

Since its formation, it has always been one of the two dominant parties of the country. The PDSR governed Romania from 1992 to 1996, while the PSDR was a junior coalition partner between 1996 and 2000. The merged PSD was the senior party in the coalitions governing from 2000 to 2004, and from March 2014 to November 2015, as well as one of the main coalition partners between December 2008 and October 2009 (with the Democratic Liberal Party, PDL) and again between May 2012 and March 2014 (as part of the Social Liberal Union, USL). PSD left government after former Prime Minister, Victor Ponta resigned in November 2015, only for PSD to return as the senior governing party in January 2017, shortly after it achieved a major victory in the 2016 Romanian legislative election. The party remained in power at governmental level until 2019, before being voted down in the parliament and then endorsing a PNL minority government between 2019 and 2020. Subsequently, it entered opposition between 2020 and 2021, before eventually returning to government within the CNR coalition in late 2021.

Party founder Ion Iliescu is the only PSD candidate to become President of Romania, he served in office from the 1989 to 1996, and again from 2000 to 2004.

Currently, PSD is the largest party in the Parliament of Romania with initially 47 seats in the Senate of Romania and 110 seats in the Chamber of Deputies (as obtained at the 2020 Romanian legislative election), it also has the largest number of mayors, as well as the second largest number of local and county councillors and county presidents (after PNL), remaining the biggest and most influential political force in the country to the present day.

History
Following the 27–29 May 1992 Convention of the National Salvation Front (Frontul Salvării Naționale, FSN) when Petre Roman became President of the Party, former Party Leader Ion Iliescu and his group of supporters withdraw from FSN and founded the Democratic National Salvation Front (Frontul Democrat al Salvării Naționale, FDSN) while the rest of FSN was renamed as the Democratic Party (Romanian: Partidul Democrat) in May 1993.

During its first National Conference on the 28th of June 1992, FDSN decided on endorsing Ion Iliescu in the 1992 Romanian general election, which they later won and went on to govern Romania until 1996. On 10 July 1993, it took the name of Party of Social Democracy in Romania (PDSR) upon merger with the Socialist Democratic Party of Romania, the Republican Party, and the Cooperative Party.

From 1992 to 1996, the PDSR ruled in coalition with the Romanian National Unity Party (PUNR) and Greater Romania Party (PRM), and the left-wing Socialist Party of Labour (PSM), nicknemed by the Press as the Red Quadrilateral. The PUNR had ministers in the cabinet chaired by Nicolae Văcăroiu from March 1992 to September 1996. The PRM was not present at the cabinet-level but was given some posts in the state administration but which it retracted when it left the coalition in 1995.

PDSR went into opposition after the 1996 Romanian general election, which was won by the right-wing coalition Romanian Democratic Convention (CDR).

After four years of governmental turmoil and economic downfall, poorly managed by the crumbling CDR, saw PDSR making a fulminant comeback, winning the 2000 Romanian general election, this time in a coalition named the Social Democratic Pole of Romania (PDSR) along with the Romanian Social Democratic Party (PSDR, who was part of the government from 1996 to 2000, as a member of the Social Democratic Union, now led by Alexandru Athanasiu) and the Romanian Humanist Party (PUR). The PSDR merged with PDSR on 16 June 2001, and the resulting party took the PSD name, with PDSR/PSD leader Adrian Năstase becoming Prime Minister. The center-left Democratic Party (PD) was also invited by both Athanasiu and Năstase to join the new PSD, but PD president Traian Băsescu refused to take part in the merger. A controversial figure due to the corruption scandals in which he and his party were involved, Năstase is still regarded by both admirers and rivals (including his archrival Traian Băsescu), as the best and most efficient Romanian post-communist Prime Minister, being praised for his efforts of Euro-Atlantic integration of Romania and for the stabilization and modernization of the Romanian economy.

In November 2004, Adrian Năstase, the PSD candidate and incumbent Prime Minister of Romania, won the first round of the presidential elections but did not have a majority and had to go to a second round of voting, which he narrowly lost to Traian Băsescu of the opposition Justice and Truth Alliance (DA), who became Romania's 4th president. In the 2004 Romanian general election, the PSD gained the largest share of the vote but because it did not have a majority, the other parties that managed to enter parliament, UDMR/RMDSZ and PUR, abandoned their respective pre-electoral agreements with the PSD and joined the Justice and Truth Alliance (DA), mainly at the pressure of Băsescu. Mircea Geoană was elected president of the party in April 2005 by delegates at a PSD Party Congress held in Bucharest. His victory represented a surprise defeat for Iliescu, who was expected to defeat Geoană with ease. On 17 April 2008, the PSD and the PC announced they would form a political alliance for the 2008 Romanian local elections.

In February 2010, the Congress elected Victor Ponta as president after Geoană lost the 2009 Romanian presidential election. On 5 February 2011, the PSD formed a political alliance known as the Social Liberal Union (USL) with the PC and the National Liberal Party (PNL). The USL was disbanded on 25 February 2014 with exit of the PNL, which entered the opposition.

In July 2015, Liviu Dragnea was elected by the Congress of the PSD as the new president of the party, with 97% of the votes from the members. He was elected as leader after the former prime minister Victor Ponta stepped down on 12 July 2015 following charges of corruption that were later dropped. On 12 April 2019, the PSD was suspended from the Party of European Socialists (PES) following concerns about judicial reforms of the Dăncilă Cabinet. In May 2019, after Liviu Dragnea's jailing, Viorica Dăncilă was elected by the Congress of the PSD as the new president of the party.

After being ousted from power in October 2019, the PSD also lost the 2019 Romanian presidential election. Such decline sent shockwase across the European Union (EU), especially the PES, as it resulted in their loss of power within von der Leyen Commission. Nonetheless, Daniel Hegedüs posited that this could be a win for both the PES and the wider European left, as the PES would regain credibility because "mounting authoritarianism in Hungary and Poland has suffered under the burden of PSD's rule-of-law record". In addition, Hegedüs noted the fact that this could represent another chance for the PSD to reform itself and change its ways.

In August 2020, Marcel Ciolacu became president of the party (after having previously served for this position only as ad interim between November 2019 and August 2020). During the same month, the PSD was willing to vote a motion of no confidence against the second Orban cabinet. Shortly after December 2020, while still the largest party in the wake of the 2020 Romanian legislative election, the PSD suffered significant political capital losses (as they previously did in the 2020 Romanian local elections as well) given the chaotic and negative governmental activity the party was responsible for during the former legislature (more specifically during the years 2017 and 2019), yet remained the biggest parliamentary opposition well up until the end of 2021.

During the 2021 Romanian political crisis, the PSD was again willing to have such a vote, this time against the Cîțu Cabinet, which it subsequently did, thereby contributing to its final dismissal. In November 2021, successful negotiations with the PNL led the PSD closer to returning government in the incumbent Ciucă Cabinet within a grand coalition government known as the National Coalition for Romania (or CNR for short). The PSD is still governing Romania as of early 2022, albeit with major tensions in the said grand coalition. The coalition has been described as authoritarian conservative.

In November 2022, the PSD agreed with the Moldovan European Social Democratic Party (PSDE) to begin a strategic partnership.

Party splits

 * Alliance for Romania (1997)
 * National Union for the Progress of Romania (2010)
 * Romanian Social Party (2015)
 * United Romania Party (2015)
 * PRO Romania (2018)
 * Romanian Nationhood Party (2019)
 * Alliance for the Homeland (2023)

Absorbed parties

 * Republican Party (1993)1
 * Cooperative Party (1993)1
 * Romanian Socialist Democratic Party (1993)1
 * Romanian Social Democratic Party (2001)2
 * Alliance for Romania (2002)
 * Socialist Party of Labour (2003)
 * Socialist Party of the National Renaissance (2003)
 * Romanian Social Party (2018)
 * United Romania Party (2019)

1 After the merger, the party changed its name from the Democratic National Salvation Front (FDSN) to the Party of Social Democracy in Romania (PDSR).
 * Notes

2 After the merger, the party changed its name from the Party of Social Democracy in Romania (PDSR) to the Social Democratic Party (PSD).

Ideology and platform
Like its counterpart national-level members of the Party of European Socialists (PES), the PSD has a centre-left outlook and has been described as governing as centre-left,  but has also been described as pragmatic, owing to its syncretic politics. The PSD was formed as a result of the merger of the Romanian Social Democratic Party (PSDR), which had an internationalist social-democratic ideology, with the Party of Social Democracy in Romania (PDSR), whose governance was marked by a combination of social democracy, democratic socialism, labourism, pragmatism, left-wing populism, and nationalism. The 2003 absorption of the Socialist Party of Labour (PSM) and the Socialist Party of the National Renaissance (PSRN) led to the strengthening of the left-wing nationalism component within the party. Until 2021 unlike the majority of Western European PES party members and as other like-minded centre-left, social democratic parties in Central and Eastern European post-Communism, it has taken a more soft Eurosceptic outlook,  though it is neutral in regards to European integration. PSD stated that it endorses EU and NATO membership. The party is more conservative than PES when it comes to social issues, reflecting the country's social-conservative outlook, including in its centre-right counterpart, the National Liberal Party (PNL). It has been described as a left-wing nationalist and left-wing populist social democratic party.

The party has been described as having centre-left rhetoric and economic policies, while being more conservative on personal and ethical matters. According to Florin Poenaru, "the movement led by Ion Iliescu was from the very beginning the party of local capitalists and not of the industrial proletariat. ... PSD was the party that aggregated the interests of the autochthonous capitalists, but whose electoral basis was the former industrial proletariat." Poenaru states that PSD never said no to the neoliberal agenda but applied it rather slowly. Andrei Pleșu once stated that the main post-Communist Romanian parties do not act according to some ideology or doctrine.

Political analyst Radu Magdin said that the PSD is "a catch-all party: its values are conservative, its economic policy is liberal and it has a social, left-leaning rhetoric when it comes to public policies." An example is their calls for both tax cuts and pensions and wages increase in 2016. Its more conservative outlook is owed to the social-conservative nature of post-Communist countries, and has been adopted by both the centre-left (PSD) and the centre-right (PNL). For Cornel Ban, Assistant Professor of International Relations at the Pardee School of Boston University, the PSD is an anomaly in Eastern Europe in that it was an ideal playground for right-wing populist parties but has seen the political left routinely win; this was in part because the political right and far-right were in government, including at the local level, during the post-Communist slumps which remained in the mind of many voters. Journalist Jean-Baptiste Chastand said that the PSD-led pro-European government in Romania took a national conservative turn. The historian Ioan Stanomir stated that PSD is a conservative party, that has nothing to do with the left, while journalist Bogdan Tiberiu Iacob described the party as progressive-conservative. PSD also opposed the mandatory refugee quotas. Journalist Daniel Mihăilescu labeled the party as national populist. Deutsche Welle stated that, unlike most European Social-democratic parties, PSD is against social progressivism and is strongly conservative. Journalist and philosipher Andrei Cornea also stated that PSD is not a social-democratic party, but a patrimonial-conservative one, structured around vassalism and clientelism, whose essential electoral pool is formed by a poor, ignorant and especially devoid of civic conscience. PSD has also ethno-nationalist factions. Under Dragnea's leadership, PSD has been described as national populist and sovereigntist.

In regards to LGBT rights, in general, PSD opposes the recognition of same-sex marriages and civil partnerships. However, in 2018, then PSD president Liviu Dragnea hinted that PSD could support the recognition the civil partnership. Also, in January 2001, it was the PSD-dominated Adrian Năstase's government that adopted the Emergency Ordinance no. 89/2001, which eliminated Art. 200 of the Penal Code and adjusted other articles referring to sex offences to avoid discriminatory treatment of offenders, thus legalising same-sex relations. This ordinance came into force in January 2002, after President Ion Iliescu (the founder of PSD) signed the new law. However, the current president of the Social Democrats, Marcel Ciolacu, is a strong opponent to the recognition of same-sex marriage and the civil partnership.

The party has strong connections with the Romanian Orthodox Church (BOR), reflecting the party's social conservatism.

President
The president of the party conducts the general activity of the party, the activity of the National Executive Committee and the National Permanent Bureau and responds to the Congress on the general work of the PSD. The president is elected by secret vote by the Congress for a four-year mandate and represents the party in the Romanian society, in relations with the central and local public authorities, as well as with other parties or organizations in the country or abroad.

Honorary President
PSD Honorary President is nominated by Congress for the four-year mandate of the party's recognized personalities. The Honorary President of the PSD participates with the right to vote in the work of the national governing bodies.

Secretary-General
The Secretary-General manages the functional services at the central level and the relationship with the county and Bucharest organizations. It coordinates the Executive Secretariat of the PSD with 7 to 9 executive secretaries. Executive secretaries shall be appointed by the National Executive Committee, on a proposal from the chair, after consulting the Secretary-General.

Permanent National Bureau
The Permanent National Bureau is the operative body for analyzing and deciding the party. It has the following composition: PSD President, PSD Honorary President, PSD Secretary General, PSD Deputy Chairpersons. At the National Permanent Bureau, the chairman of the National Council, the leaders of the parliamentary groups, the presidents of women and youth organizations, the treasurer, the director of the Social Democratic Institute, the representative of the county administrative council presidents, the mayors of municipalities and the representative of the National League of Mayors and PSD Councilors participate. The National Permanent Bureau meets weekly, usually Monday.

The Permanent National Bureau have the following duties:
 * To organize and direct the entire activity of the party according to the decisions adopted as appropriate by the Congress, the National Council, and the National Executive Committee.
 * Drafts draft decisions that it submits to the debate and adoption of the National Executive Committee.
 * Orientates the work of parliamentary groups.
 * Establishes and coordinates working committees on doctrine, electoral programs, and strategies.
 * Establishes and co-ordinates political analysis groups of the economic, social, domestic and international situation.
 * Manages the party's patrimony.

National Executive Committee
Coordinates the entire activity of the party between the meetings of the National Council. The PSD National Executive Committee analyzes, debates and decides on the fundamental issues of the Party's work on: the program, the electoral strategy, the political and electoral alliances, the governing program, the structure and the nominal composition of the Government, the validation of the party's preliminary election for the nomination of candidates for senators, MEPs, MEPs, and elected local, merging by absorption or merging with other parties; PSD collaboration agreements with trade unions and employers' confederations; the strategy of selecting, preparing, training and promoting the party's human resources, organizing and conducting internal party choices, coordinating the activities of the Youth Organization and the Women's Organization.

The adopted decisions are validated by the National Council. The National Executive Committee consists of PSD President, PSD Honorary President, PSD Secretary General, PSD Vice Presidents, President of the National Council, Presidents of County Organizations, Sectors and the Bucharest Municipality Organization, the President of the Women's Organization and the President of the Youth Organization.

National Council
The National Council is the governing body of the party in the interval between two congresses. It consists of a maximum of 751 members elected from the candidates nominated by the County and Bucharest Conferences, or proposed by the Congress. The National Council elects and revokes by secret vote the President of the National Council and the treasurer, validates the composition of the National Executive Committee and The Permanent National Bureau; decides to conclude political alliances as well as merge by merging or absorbing with other political parties or political parties; to hear the activity reports submitted by members of the Permanent National Bureau, by the Chairman of the Commission for Arbitration and Moral Integrity, by the President of the National Commission for Financial Control and Treasurer and decides accordingly on the basis of the mandate given by the Congress, according to the provisions of the Statute; is responsible for organizing presidential, parliamentary, euro-parliamentary and local electoral campaigns; analyzes the work of parliamentary groups, women's and youth organizations, the National League of Mayors and PSD Councilors; validates the decisions of the National Executive Committee on the Governance Program and confirms the proposals of members of the Government; resolve the appeals lodged against the decisions of the councils of the county organizations or of the Bucharest municipality; resolves the divergences between the Councils of the County Organizations, respectively the Bucharest Municipality Organization and the National Executive Committee in connection with the nomination of the candidates for the legislative elections, if they persist; approves the party's annual revenue and expenditure budget, decides on its execution.

The PSD National Council meets annually and whenever needed. Deputies, senators and MEPs who are not members of the National Council participate in its meetings without the right to vote. The National Council may decide, on a proposal from the Permanent National Bureau, to organize forums, leagues, associations, clubs and other such bodies for the promotion of strategies in the PSD Political Program, in the Romanian society and in partnership with the trade unions. The party-union relationship as well as the concrete ways of collaboration will be established by the National Permanent Bureau. Within the PSD there are: the National Workers' Forum; National Farmers Forum; National Ecologists' Forum; The National Forum of Scientists, Culture and Art and the Pensioners' League. In order to develop PSD programs and strategies in the field of party life, consultative councils can be set up on: political analysis, image and relations with the media; organization and human resources. The Consultative Council for the Problems of National Minorities of the PSD carries out activities to identify the specific problems faced by national minorities in Romania and develops appropriate solutions and proposals for their resolution.

Congress
The supreme governing party of the Social Democratic Party is the Congress, which is convened every four years or in extraordinary cases. The PSD Congress is made up of elected delegates by secret ballot by the County Conferences and the Bucharest Municipality and has the following attributions: adopting or modifying the PSD Statute and the Political Program of the Party; sets out the party's guidelines, strategy and tactics for the period between two congresses; elects the party chairman, the vice-presidents, the general secretary, the other members of the National Council, the National Commission for Arbitration and Moral Integrity and the National Commission for Financial Control; appoints the PSD candidate to the position of President of Romania and the Prime Minister in the event of winning the elections; resolves possible appeals against decisions of other PSD central bodies.

Party leadership
{{legend|red|Also served as President of Romania|outline=silver}} {{legend|#FA8072|Also served as Prime Minister|outline=silver}} {{legend|#FF6347|Also served as Chamber President|outline=silver}} {{legend|#F08080|Also served as Senate President|outline=silver}}

1 Năstase served twice as Chamber President, the first term from March 1992 to May 1996, while the second from December 2004 to March 2006.
 * Notes

Presidents

 * Oliviu Gherman: 1992–1996 (FDSN/PDSR);
 * Ion Iliescu: 1992, 1997–2000 (PDSR);
 * Adrian Năstase: 2000–2005 (acting/ad interim until 2001) (PDSR/PSD);
 * Mircea Geoană: 2005–2010 (PSD);
 * Victor Ponta: 2010–2015 (PSD);
 * Rovana Plumb: 2015 (acting/ad interim) (PSD);
 * Liviu Dragnea: 2015–2019 (PSD);
 * Viorica Dăncilă: 2019 (PSD);
 * Marcel Ciolacu: 2019–present (acting/ad interim until 2020) (PSD).

Executive presidents

 * Adrian Năstase: 1993–1997;
 * position abolished 1997–2003;
 * Octav Cozmâncă: 2003–2005;
 * Adrian Năstase: 2005–2006;
 * Dan Mircea Popescu: 2005–2006, when the office was dissolved (nominated acting/ad interim after the resignation of Adrian Năstase from the office);
 * position abolished 2006–2013;
 * Liviu Dragnea: 2013–2015;
 * Valeriu Zgonea: 2015–2016;
 * Niculae Bădălău: 2016–2018;
 * Viorica Dăncilă: 2018–2019;
 * Paul Stănescu: 2019 (acting/ad interim);
 * Eugen Teodorovici: 2019;
 * position abolished: 2019–present.

Current notable members

 * Ion Iliescu, founder of the party the party FDSN which then became PDSR and ultimately as PSD, former President of Romania, and Honorary President of PSD;
 * Nicolae Văcăroiu, former Prime Minister of Romania;
 * Alexandru Athanasiu, former acting Prime Minister;
 * Viorel Hrebenciuc, former deputy;
 * Eugen Bejinariu, former acting Prime Minister;
 * Ilie Sârbu, former President of the Senate;
 * Paul Stănescu, former Deputy Prime Minister as well as Minister of Regional Development;
 * Ecaterina Andronescu, former Minister of Education;
 * Marcel Ciolacu, current president of the party since 2019 onwards;
 * Gabriela Firea, former Mayor of Bucharest;
 * Titus Corlățean, Minister of Foreign Affairs, Minister of Justice;
 * Rovana Plumb, MEP, Minister of Environment, Minister of Labour;
 * Mihai Tudose, former Prime Minister of Romania;
 * Sorin Grindeanu, former Prime Minister of Romania;
 * Mihai Fifor, former acting Prime Minister of Romania;
 * Dan Nica, former deputy and current MEP;
 * Lia Olguța Vasilescu, Mayor of Craiova, Minister of Labour;
 * Alexandru Rafila, current Health Minister.

Former notable members

 * Gabriel Oprea, former army general (now general in army reserves), former Minister of National Defence, former Deputy Prime Minister of Romania, former Minister of Internal Affairs, former acting Prime Minister of Romania;
 * Corina Crețu, former European Commissioner for Cohesion and Reforms;
 * Viorica Dăncilă, former president of the party, former Prime Minister of Romania;
 * Adrian Năstase, former president of the party, former Prime Minister of Romania as well as former Minister of Foreign Affairs;
 * Teodor Meleșcanu, former Minister of Defence, former acting Minister of Justice, former Director of the Foreign Intelligence; Service (SRI), former Minister of Foreign Affairs three times, former President of the Senate;
 * Robert Negoiță, former Mayor of the 3rd Sector of Bucharest;
 * Mircea Geoană, former president of the party, former President of the Senate as well as former Minister of Foreign Affairs;
 * Sorin Oprescu, former Mayor of Bucharest;
 * Marian Vanghelie, former Mayor of the 5th Sector of Bucharest;
 * Radu Mazăre, former Mayor of Constanța;
 * Victor Ponta, former president of the party as well as former Prime Minister of Romania;
 * Valeriu Zgonea, former President of the Chamber of Deputies;
 * Liviu Dragnea, former president of the party as well as former President of the Chamber of Deputies;
 * Oliviu Gherman, former president of the party as well as former President of the Chamber of Deputies;
 * Șerban Valeca, acting President of the Senate;
 * Hildegard Puwak, former Minister for European Integration;
 * Antonie Iorgovan, lead author of the 1991 Romanian Constitution;
 * Cristian Diaconescu, former State Secretary at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, former Minister of Justice, former Minister of Foreign Affairs twice.

Legislative elections
1 Social Democratic Pole of Romania members: PDSR, PSDR (2 senators and 10 deputies), and PUR (4 senators and 6 deputies).
 * Notes

2 National Union PSD+PUR members: PSD and PUR (11 senators and 19 deputies).

3 Soon after the elections, PUR broke the alliance with the PSD and switched sides, joining the government led by the Justice and Truth Alliance (DA).

4 Alliance PSD+PC members: PSD and PC (1 senator and 4 deputies).

5 The Social Liberal Union (USL) was an alliance consisting of two smaller alliances, more specifically the Centre Left Alliance (ACS) and the Centre Right Alliance (ACD). The members of the Centre Left Alliance (ACS) were the PSD and the UNPR (5 senators and 10 deputies) whereas the members of the Centre Right Alliance (ACD) were the PNL (50 senators and 100 deputies) and the PC (8 senators and 13 deputies).

Mayor of Bucharest elections
1 Independent candidate endorsed by the USL
 * Notes

European Parliament elections
1 Alliance PSD+PC members: PSD and PC (1 MEP).
 * Notes

2 Social Democratic Union (USD) members: PSD, PC (2 MEPs), and UNPR (2 MEPs).

Controversies
Political opponents have criticised PSD for harbouring former Romanian Communist Party (PCR) officials, and for allegedly attempting to control the Romanian mass media. By 2009, a number of its incumbent or former senior members have also been accused of corruption, interfering in the judiciary and using their political positions for personal enrichment. As of 2015, founding member Ion Iliescu is facing prosecution on charges of crimes against humanity for his role in the June 1990 Mineriad, while former president Liviu Dragnea was convicted for electoral fraud and for instigation to the abuse of public office and being indicted for forming an "organised criminal group" in 2018. That same year, former president Victor Ponta had also been investigated for corruption but was ultimately acquitted. Adrian Năstase temporarily self-suspended himself from the position on 16 January 2006, pending investigation of a scandal provoked by his wealth declaration, where he was accused of corruption. Alleged text transcripts of PSD meetings surfaced on an anonymous website just before the 2004 Romanian general election. Năstase and his ministers are shown talking about political involvement in corruption trials of the government's members, or involvement in suppressing "disobedient" media. Năstase stated that the transcripts were fake, but several party members, including former PSD president and former foreign minister Mircea Geoană, have said they are genuine, though Geoană later retracted his statement. Security expert Iulian Fota stated that PSD is a neocommunist anti-Western party backed by Russia.

Politicians of the party have occasionally employed "utilitarian anti-Semitism", meaning that politicians who may usually not be antisemites played off certain antisemitic prejudices in order to serve their political necessities. On 5 March 2012, PSD Senator Dan Șova, at that time the party spokesman, said on The Money Channel that "no Jew suffered on Romanian territory, thanks to marshal Antonescu." Elie Wiesel National Institute for Studying the Holocaust in Romania expressed its deep disagreement and indignation over the statements of the spokesman of the party. Following public outcry, Șova retracted his statement and issued a public apology; nevertheless, the chairman of the party, Victor Ponta, announced his removal from the office of party spokesman.

Between 2017 and 2019, the party, along with its former junior coalition partners, more specifically the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats (ALDE) and the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR/RMDSZ), had unsuccessfully tried to pass a series of tremendously controversial laws related to the judicial system. In a 2018 preliminary opinion, the Venice Commission stated that the changes could severely undermine the independence of judges and prosecutors in Romania. This unsuccessful endeavour committed by the former PSD–ALDE coalition was the basis for the nationwide 2017–2019 Romanian protests, the largest in the country's entire history thus far.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Social Democratic Party (Romania)


text:
The Day After Tomorrow

The Day After Tomorrow is a 2004 American science fiction disaster film conceived, co-written, co-produced, and directed by Roland Emmerich, based on the 1999 book The Coming Global Superstorm by Art Bell and Whitley Strieber, and starring Dennis Quaid, Jake Gyllenhaal, Sela Ward, Emmy Rossum, and Ian Holm. The film depicts catastrophic climatic effects following the disruption of the North Atlantic Ocean circulation, in which a series of extreme weather events usher in climate change and lead to a new ice age.

Originally slated for release in the summer of 2003, it premiered in Mexico City on May 17, 2004, and was released in the US on May 28, 2004. The film was a commercial success, grossing $552 million worldwide against a production budget of $125 million, becoming the sixth-highest-grossing film of 2004. Filmed in Montreal, it was the highest-grossing Hollywood film made in Canada at its time of release. The film received mixed reviews. It was nominated for Best Science Fiction Film and Best Special Effects at the Saturn Awards.

Plot
Jack Hall, an American paleoclimatologist, and his colleagues Frank and Jason, drill for ice-core samples in the Larsen Ice Shelf for the NOAA, when the ice shelf splits away. At a UN conference in New Delhi, Jack discusses his research showing that climate change could cause an ice age, but US Vice President Raymond Becker dismisses his concerns. Professor Terry Rapson, an oceanographer of the Hedland Centre in Scotland, befriends Jack over his views of an inevitable climate shift.

Tokyo is struck by a giant hail storm, and astronauts from the International Space Station spot three gigantic superstorms above Canada, Europe, and Siberia. Rapson's team in Scotland begin noticing severe temperature drops from multiple buoys from the North Atlantic realizing Jack's theories were correct, but the climate shift is happening too fast. Remnants of a hurricane spawn a destructive tornado outbreak over the LA Basin, and three helicopters sent to rescue the British royal family from Balmoral Castle crash in Scotland after they fly into their superstorm's eye. Jack's and Rapson's teams, along with NASA meteorologist Janet Tokada, build a forecast model based on Jack's research discovering the impact of climate change will happen in 6-8 weeks (later discovered as being 7-10 days). Rapson notifies Jack that siphon frozen air from the upper troposphere flash freezes anything caught in the eyes of the cyclones with temperatures below -150 F which was the cause of the helicopter crash.

In New York City, Jack's son Sam, along with his friends Brian and Laura, participate in an academic decathlon, where they make a new friend, J.D. The North American superstorm creates strong winds and rain that flood Manhattan in knee-deep water. All transportation halts, stranding the city population. A massive storm surge inundates the city, forcing Sam's group to seek shelter at the New York Public Library, but not before Laura, in an attempt to help rescue two French-speaking tourists in distress from a cab with a police officer, cuts her leg between two taxis. Sam is able to contact Jack and his mother Lucy, a pediatrician, through a working payphone. Jack warns Sam of the exacerbating superstorm and urges him to stay inside and warm and promises to rescue him. Rapson and his team succumb to the European storm. Lucy remains in her hospital caring for bedridden patients, where the authorities eventually rescue them.

Upon Jack's suggestion, President Blake orders the southern states to be evacuated into Mexico, while the northern ones are warned by the government to seek shelter and stay warm. Jack, Jason, and Frank make their way to New York. In Pennsylvania, Frank falls through the skylight of a mall covered in snow and sacrifices himself by cutting his rope to prevent his friends from falling in with him.

In the library, most survivors seek to join the southern states' refugees once the floodwater freezes, despite Sam's warnings. In Mexico, Becker learns that Blake's motorcade perished in the superstorm. Laura develops sepsis from her injury, whereupon Sam, Brian, and J.D. scour an abandoned Russian cargo ship that drifted into the city before the water froze for penicillin and supplies. Although they find them, they also encounter a pack of escaped wolves from the Central Park Zoo. The boys fend off the wolves and make it back to the library with what they need as the eye of the North American superstorm passes over and freezes Manhattan. Jack and Jason take shelter in an abandoned restaurant.

Days later, the superstorms dissipate. After finding people outside frozen to death including those from the library who tried to escape, Jack and Jason reach the library, finding Sam's group alive. Jack sends a radio message to US forces in Mexico.

In his first address as the new president from the US embassy in Mexico, Becker apologizes on The Weather Channel for his ignorance and sends helicopters to rescue survivors including Jack and Sam's group in the northern states. On the International Space Station, astronauts look down in awe at Earth's transformed surface, now with ice sheets extending across much of the Northern Hemisphere, remarking that the air never looked so clear.

Development
The Day After Tomorrow was inspired by Coast to Coast AM talk-radio host Art Bell and Whitley Strieber's book, The Coming Global Superstorm, and Strieber wrote the film's novelization. To choose a studio, writer Michael Wimer created an auction, with a copy of the script being sent to all major studios along with a term sheet. They had a 24-hour window to decide whether to produce the movie with Roland Emmerich directing, and Fox Studios was the only studio to accept the terms.

Filming
The Day After Tomorrow was filmed predominantly in Montreal and Toronto, with some footage also shot in New York City and Chiyoda, Tokyo. Filming ran from November 7, 2002, until October 18, 2003.

Special effects
The Day After Tomorrow features 416 visual effects shots, with nine effects houses, notably Industrial Light & Magic and Digital Domain, and over 1,000 artists, working on the film for over a year.

Although a miniature set was initially considered according to the behind-the-scenes documentary, for the destruction of New York, effects artists instead utilized a 13-block-sized, LIDAR-scanned 3D model of Manhattan, with over 50,000 scanned photographs used for building textures. Due to its overall complexity and a tight schedule, the storm surge scene required as many as three special effects vendors for certain shots, with the digital water created by either Digital Domain or small effects house Tweak Films, depending on the shot. Miniatures were employed for a later underwater scene in which a city bus is crushed under the bulb stern of an abandoned Russian tanker ship that had drifted inland.

Similarly, the opening flyover of Antarctica was also computer-generated, created by digitally scanning miniature iceberg models created out of sculpted styrofoam; the falling pieces of ice as the shelf cracks were entirely hand-animated. Created by the effects company Hydraulx and running for approximately two and a half minutes in length, the scene was at the time the longest continuous all-CG shot in film history, surpassing the space zoom-out from the opening of Contact (1997).

Soundtrack
The Day After Tomorrow (Original Motion Picture Soundtrack) is the soundtrack of the film. It was released on May 18, 2004.

Release
The film had its world premiere in Mexico City in May 17, 2004. It was released to theaters in the United States on May 28, 2004.

Home media
The film was released on VHS and DVD by 20th Century Fox Home Entertainment on October 12, 2004, and was released in high-definition video on Blu-ray in North America on October 2, 2007, and in the United Kingdom on April 28, 2008, in 1080p with a lossless DTS-HD Master Audio track and few bonus features. DVD sales were $110 million, bringing the film's gross to $652,771,772.

Box office
The film came in second at the US box office behind Shrek 2 over its four-day Memorial Day opening and grossed $85,807,341. It led the per-theater average, with a four-day average of $25,053 (compared to Shrek 2 four-day average of $22,633). At the end of its theatrical run, the film had grossed $186,740,799 domestically and $552,639,571 worldwide. It was the second-highest opening-weekend film not to lead at the box office; Inside Out surpassed it in June 2015.

Critical response
On Rotten Tomatoes, 45% of 219 critics gave the film a positive review, with an average rating of 5.3/10. The website's critics consensus reads: "The Day After Tomorrow is a ludicrous popcorn thriller filled with clunky dialogue, but spectacular visuals save it from being a total disaster." On Metacritic, the film has a weighted average score of 47 out of 100 based on 38 critics, indicating "mixed or average reviews". Audiences surveyed by CinemaScore gave the film an average grade "B" on an A+ to F scale.

Roger Ebert of the Chicago Sun-Times described the film as "profoundly silly", but nonetheless said the film was effective and praised the special effects. He gave it three stars out of four. Mark Caro of the Chicago Tribune wrote a completely negative review which considered the film unworthy of publicity for the climate change debate it had created.

Political and scientific criticism
Emmerich did not deny that his casting of a weak president and the resemblance of Kenneth Welsh to Vice President Dick Cheney were intended to criticize the climate change policy of the George W. Bush administration. Responding to claims of insensitivity in his inclusion of scenes of a devastated New York City less than three years after the September 11 attacks, Emmerich said that it was necessary to showcase the increased unity of people in the face of disaster because of the attacks.

Some scientists criticized the film's scientific aspects. Paleoclimatologist and professor of earth and planetary science at Harvard University Daniel P. Schrag said, "On the one hand, I'm glad that there's a big-budget movie about something as critical as climate change. On the other, I'm concerned that people will see these over-the-top effects and think the whole thing is a joke ... We are indeed experimenting with the Earth in a way that hasn't been done for millions of years. But you're not going to see another ice age – at least not like that." J. Marshall Shepherd, a research meteorologist at the NASA Goddard Space Flight Center, expressed a similar sentiment: "I'm heartened that there's a movie addressing real climate issues. But as for the science of the movie, I'd give it a D minus or an F. And I'd be concerned if the movie was made to advance a political agenda." According to University of Victoria climatologist Andrew Weaver, "It's The Towering Inferno of climate science movies, but I'm not losing any sleep over a new ice age, because it's impossible."

Patrick J. Michaels, a former research professor of environmental science at the University of Virginia and fellow at the Cato Institute who rejected the scientific consensus on global warming, called the film "propaganda" in a USA Today editorial: "As a scientist, I bristle when lies dressed up as 'science' are used to influence political discourse." College instructor and retired NASA Office of Inspector General senior special agent Joseph Gutheinz called The Day After Tomorrow "a cheap thrill ride, which many weak-minded people will jump on and stay on for the rest of their lives" in a Space Daily editorial.

Stefan Rahmstorf of the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research, an expert on thermohaline circulation and its effect on climate, said after a talk with scriptwriter Jeffrey Nachmanoff at the film's Berlin preview:

"Clearly this is a disaster movie and not a scientific documentary, [and] the film makers have taken a lot of artistic license. But the film presents an opportunity to explain that some of the basic background is right: humans are indeed increasingly changing the climate and this is quite a dangerous experiment, including some risk of abrupt and unforeseen changes ... Luckily it is extremely unlikely that we will see major ocean circulation changes in the next couple of decades (I'd be just as surprised as Jack Hall if they did occur); at least most scientists think this will only become a more serious risk towards the end of the century. And the consequences would certainly not be as dramatic as the 'superstorm' depicted in the movie. Nevertheless, a major change in ocean circulation is a risk with serious and partly unpredictable consequences, which we should avoid. And even without events like ocean circulation changes, climate change is serious enough to demand decisive action."

Environmental activist and Guardian columnist George Monbiot called The Day After Tomorrow "a great movie and lousy science".

In 2008, Yahoo! Movies listed The Day After Tomorrow as one of its top-10 scientifically inaccurate films. It was criticized for depicting meteorological phenomena as occurring over the course of hours, instead of decades or centuries. A 2015 Washington Post article reported on a paper published in Scientific Reports which indicated that global temperatures could drop relatively rapidly (1 F-change over an 11-year period) due to a temporary shutdown of the Atlantic meridional overturning circulation caused by global warming.

title: The Day After Tomorrow


text:
Mnl

MNL is an acronym that may refer to:

 * Ninoy Aquino International Airport, in Pasay, Philippines
 * Myanmar National League, a Burmese professional football league
 * Municipalities in the Netherlands
 * Manila, Philippines

title: Mnl


text: User talk:81.86.1.244

title: User talk:81.86.1.244


text:
Gottfried Feder

Gottfried Feder (27 January 1883 – 24 September 1941) was a German civil engineer, a self-taught economist, and one of the early key members of the Nazi Party and its economic theoretician. One of his lectures, delivered on 12 September 1919, drew Adolf Hitler into the party.

Early life and education
Feder was born in Würzburg on 27 January 1883, the son of civil servant Hans Feder and Mathilde Feder (née Luz). After being taught in a classical Gymnasium first in Ansbach and then in Munich, he studied engineering in Berlin and Zürich. He founded a construction company in 1908 that became particularly active in Bulgaria where it built a number of official buildings.

Feder claimed that he studied financial politics and economics on his own from 1917 onward. But there is no evidence to back up this claim. He developed a hostility towards wealthy bankers during World War I and wrote a "manifesto on breaking the shackles of interest" ("Brechung der Zinsknechtschaft") in 1919. This was soon followed by the founding of a "task force" dedicated to those goals that demanded a nationalisation of all banks and an abolition of interest.

That year, Feder, together with Anton Drexler, Dietrich Eckart and Karl Harrer, were involved in the founding of the Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (German Workers' Party-DAP). Adolf Hitler met him in the summer of 1919 while he was in an anti-Bolshevik training course at Munich university—funded by the army and organized by Major Karl Mayr—and Feder became his mentor in finance and economics. He helped to inspire Hitler's opposition to "Jewish finance capitalism." Delivering political courses alongside Feder was Karl Alexander von Müller (son of Bavaria's Culture Minister) who spotted Hitler's oratorical ability and forwarded his name as a political instructor for the army—an important step in Hitler's career.

1920s politics
In February 1920, together with Adolf Hitler and Anton Drexler, Feder drafted the "25 points" which summed up the party's views and introduced his own anti-capitalist views into the program. When the paper was announced on 24 February 1920, more than 2,000 people attended the rally. In an attempt to make the party more broadly appealing to larger segments of the population, the DAP was renamed in February 1920 to the Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (National Socialist German Workers' Party, NSDAP), more commonly known as the Nazi Party.

Feder took part in the party's Beer Hall Putsch in November 1923. After Hitler's arrest, he remained one of the leaders of the now outlawed Party and was elected to the Reichstag in 1924 under the banner of the Nazi front organization, the National Socialist Freedom Movement. In 1928, after the ban on the Nazi Party was lifted, he was elected as one of the first 12 Nazi deputies. He served until 1936 representing the electoral constituencies of Chemnitz-Zwickau (1924-1932), Leipzig (1932-1933) and East Prussia (1933-1936). As a Reichstag deputy, he demanded the freezing of interest rates and dispossession of Jewish citizens. He remained one of the leaders of the anti-capitalistic wing of the NSDAP, and published several papers, including "National and social bases of the German state" (1920), "Das Programm der NSDAP und seine weltanschaulichen Grundlagen" ("The programme of the NSDAP and its ideological foundations" 1927) and "Was will Adolf Hitler?" ("What does Adolf Hitler want?", 1931).

In early 1926, Feder played a key role in assisting Hitler to overcome the challenge to his authority presented by the National Socialist Working Association. This was a short-lived group of northern and western German Gauleiter, organized in September 1925 and led by Gregor Strasser, which unsuccessfully sought to amend the "25 Points." Around Christmas 1925, Feder obtained a copy of the proposed revision and informed Hitler of it. As a coauthor of the original 1920 program, Feder felt protective of it and was furious that an attempt to amend it was underway without his or Hitler's knowledge. At a meeting of the Working Association in Hanover on 24 January 1926, Feder attended, uninvited but as Hitler's representative. The meeting became contentious with Joseph Goebbels, one of the Working Association leaders, demanding that Feder be ejected, shouting: "We don't want any stool pigeons!" However, a vote was taken and Feder was allowed to participate. The draft program was vigorously debated with Feder raising objections on various points. In the end, the Strasser draft was not approved. Shortly afterward, on 14 February, Hitler called a leadership meeting known as the Bamberg Conference where he forcefully opposed the positions advocated by the Working Association and insisted that the original program be retained intact. Strasser was made to retrieve all copies of the draft program that had been distributed. Hitler reasserted his authority as supreme Party leader and stamped out any potential threat from the Working Association, which faded into irrelevance and was formally dissolved later in the year.

Feder briefly dominated the Nazi Party's official views on financial politics, but after he became chairman of the party's economic council in 1931, his anti-capitalist views led to a great decline in financial support from Germany's major industrialists. Following pressure from Albert Vögler, Gustav Krupp, Friedrich Flick, Fritz Thyssen, Emil Kirdorf and especially Hjalmar Schacht, Hitler decided to move the party away from Feder's economic views. Schacht wrote in the 'Magic of Money' that "National Socialist agitiation under the leadership of Gottfried Feder" aimed to curtail "private banking" and "the entire currency system." He further explained that the goal of Feder and his pupils was to destroy their entire "banking and monetary economy" and concludes that he "had to try to steer Hitler away from these destruction conceptions." (p. 154) When Hitler became Reichskanzler in 1933, he appointed Feder as State Secretary at the Reich Ministry of Economics in July, an appointment that disappointed Feder, who had hoped for a much higher position.

Nazi Germany
Feder continued to write papers, putting out "Kampf gegen die Hochfinanz" ("The Fight against high finance", 1933) and the antisemitic "Die Juden" ("The Jews," 1933). In 1939 he wrote Die Neue Stadt (the New City). This can be considered an attempt at Garden City building through the use of Nazi architecture. Here he proposed creating agricultural cities of 20,000 people divided into nine autonomous units and surrounded by agricultural areas. Each city was to be fully autonomous and self-sufficient, with detailed plans for daily living and urban amenities provided. Unlike other garden city theorists, he believed that urban areas could be reformed by subdividing the existing built environment into self-sufficient neighborhoods. This idea of creating clusters of self-contained neighbourhoods forming a mid-sized city was popularised by Uzō Nishiyama in Japan. It would later be applied in the era of Japanese New Town construction.

However, despite its consistency with the blood and soil ideology of the Nazis, his concept of decentralized factories was successfully opposed by both generals and Junkers. Generals objected because it interfered with rearmament, and Junkers because it would prevent their exploiting their estates for the international market.

When Hjalmar Schacht took office as Minister of Economics on 2 August 1934, one of his first actions was to fire Feder from his State Secretary post. Feder then served as Reichskommissar for Settlement until December 1934. He also was a member of Hans Frank's Academy for German Law. Feder ended up becoming Professor for Settlement Policy at the Technische Hochschule Berlin in December 1936, where he stayed until his death in Murnau, Bavaria, on 24 September 1941.

Publications by Feder

 * "Das Manifest zur Brechung der Zinsknechtschaft des Geldes" in Kritische Rundschau (1919) (The Manifesto for Breaking the Interest Bondage of Money in Critical Review).
 * Expanded New Edition in An Alle, Alle! Number 1 (1919).
 * "Der Staatsbankrott die Rettung" in An Alle, Alle! Number 2 (1919) ("The State Bankruptcy the Rescue").
 * Das Programm der N.S.D.A.P. und seine weltanschaulichen Grundgedanken (The program of the NSDAP and its ideological principles).
 * Die Wohnungsnot und die soziale Bau- und Wirtschaftsbank als Retterin aus Wohnungselend, Wirtschaftskrise und Erwerbselend (The housing shortage and the social construction and business bank as a rescuer from the misery of the home, the economic crisis and the economic crisis).
 * Der Deutsche Staat auf nationaler und sozialer Grundlage (1923) (The German state on a national and social basis).
 * Was will Adolf Hitler? (1931) (What does Adolf Hitler want?).
 * Kampf gegen die Hochfinanz (1933) (Fight against high finance).
 * Die organische Volkswirtschaft (1934) (The organic economy).[17]
 * Der ständische Gedanke im Nationalsozialismus (The concept of class in National Socialism).
 * Grundriß einer nationalsozialistischen Volkswirtschaftstheorie (Floor plan of a National Socialist economic theory).
 * with Ferdinand Werner, Ernst Graf zu Reventlow and others: Das neue Deutschland und die Judenfrage. Diskussionsbeitrag (The new Germany and the Jewish question. Discussion contribution). Rüdiger (C. E. Krug), Leipzig 1933 (original title: Der Jud ist schuld (The Jew is to blame)).
 * Die Juden (The Jews). Central Publisher of the NSDAP, Frz. Rather Nachf., Munich 1933.
 * Gewerkschaften, DAF und der Wert des Arbeit (Trade unions, DAF and the value of labor), 1934.
 * Die neue Stadt. Versuch der Begründung einer neuen Stadtplanungskunst aus der sozialen Struktur der Bevölkerung (The new city. Attempt to establish a new urban planning art from the social structure of the population). Published by Julius Springer, Berlin 1939.

title: Gottfried Feder


text:
GNL

GNL may refer to:

 * Galveston National Laboratory, a biocontainment lab in Texas
 * Gangulu language
 * Gender-neutral language
 * GFSN National League, a British amateur football league
 * Ghandhara Nissan, a Pakistani automobile manufacturer
 * Gordon Newey, a defunct British car manufacturer
 * Green Lane railway station, in England
 * Regucalcin, a protein

title: GNL


text:
DJ Babu

Christopher E. Oroc, stage name Melvin Babu (born September 17, 1974), better known as DJ Babu or DJ Babu the Dilated Junkie, is a Filipino-American DJ and record producer. He is a member of DJ crew the Beat Junkies, Los Angeles-based hip hop trio Dilated Peoples together with Evidence and Rakaa Iriscience, and a member of the Likwit Junkies along with rapper Defari. He served as the curator and host of Soundcheck for Beat Junkie Radio on Dash Radio. As of 2017, DJ Babu is the Program Director and a lead instructor alongside fellow crew members Mr. Choc, Melo-D, DJ Rhettmatic, D-Styles and J.Rocc at the Beat Junkie Institute of Sound.

Career
In his early years, Babu lived in Oxnard, California for one year, and later moved to the neighboring city of Camarillo; he currently resides in Los Angeles County.

Babu started as part of the Beat Junkies DJ crew, joining in by late 1993. He has won multiple competition titles Including the Vestax World Championships and multiple International Turntablist Federation titles. He has appeared in and hosted numerable videos. Babu is famous for redefining the art of Beat juggling during the 1997 ITF/Beat juggling category competition, when he first performed his "Blind Alley" routine. Under the name "The Turntablist", produced perhaps the genre's most popular battle record, 1996's Super Duck Breaks, which sold over 10,000 copies.

Along with rapper and record producer Evidence and rapper Rakaa, he released the debut Dilated Peoples' single "Third Degree" in 1997 for ABB Records. The trio's dropped their first studio album, The Platform, in 2000. Babu, Evidence and Pharoahe Monch are featured in the song "H! Vltg3" from Linkin Park's remix album Reanimation. DJ Babu has also featured on numerous acts alongside groups such as Jurassic 5, Swollen Members and the Visionaries. Individually Babu has been featured in many other groups, including his affiliation with the Likwit Crew, which led to form the Likwit Junkies duo with Defari. The duo's debut studio album, The L.J.'s, was released in March 2005 to generally favorable reviews from music critics.

Babu's latest endeavors include Dilated Peoples' 2014 release of their fifth studio album, Directors of Photography via Rhymesayers Entertainment label, which features tracks that were primarily produced by Evidence and Babu, with guest appearances from Vince Staples, Aloe Blacc, Action Bronson, Sick Jacken and Rapsody to name a few.

In 2014, the Beat Junkies crew launched their own membership based record pool curated by the members of the crew, including Babu. At the top of 2015, "Beat Junkie Radio" began airing on Dash Radio, the station stars all members of the crew, but led by Babu, Mr. Choc, and Rhettmatic. Their live show "Soundcheck' which aires live every 2nd and 4th Tuesday of the month has been ranked as one of the top 5 shows on Dash Radio.

Duck Season Vol. 4 is set to be released in 2018.

Aside Babu's musical accomplishments, his hobbies also include photography, with Babu being noted for his "behind the decks" shots of his turntables with Evidence and Rakaa during live shows, as well as landscape shots of his travels around the world with Dilated Peoples.

On January 18, 2017, The Beat Junkies formally announced plans to open their own DJ school (The Beat Junkie Institute of Sound) and Professional training facility. Babu leads in the introductory classes, intermediate/advanced level scratching, creative mixing and beat juggling classes.

Albums

 * Super Duck Breaks (1996)
 * Super Duper Duck Breaks (2000)
 * Duck Season Vol. 1 (2002)
 * Duck Season Vol. 2 (2003)
 * The L.J.'s (with Defari, as the Likwit Junkies) (2005)
 * The Beat Tape Vol. 1 (2007)
 * Duck Season Vol. 3 (2008)
 * The Beat Tape Vol. 2 (2010)
 * No Apologies (with LMNO) (2010)

Featured

 * "Wild Stylus" (1997) [Scratches – tracks: A2 to A4, B1 to B2]

Singles

 * "Pay Attention" (2001)
 * "Duck Season" (2002)
 * "Fan Mail" (2007)

Production

 * "Funky Duck" Wild Stylus (1997)
 * "Service" Dilated Peoples (2000)
 * "Phil Da Agony Interlude" Dilated Peoples (2001)
 * "Proper Propaganda" Dilated Peoples (2001)
 * "Pay Attention" Dilated Peoples (2001)
 * "Hard Hitters" Dilated Peoples (2001)
 * "Dilated Junkies" Dilated Peoples (2001)
 * "Behold My Life" Defari (2002)
 * "Behold My Life (Remix)" Defari (2003)
 * "International" Chali 2na (2005)
 * "The L.J.'s" Likwit Junkies (2005)
 * "Alarm Clock Music" Dilated Peoples (2006)
 * "Burn Big" Defari (2006)
 * "Vultures" Defari (2006)
 * "Rain or Shine" Evidence (2008)
 * "C.T.D." Rakaa Iriscience (2010)
 * "Eyes Wide" Rakaa Iriscience (2010)
 * "Same Folks" Evidence (2011)
 * "No Gunz Come Out" Defari (2013)
 * "Lip Service" Defari (2013)
 * "Curveball" Defari (2013)
 * "Progressive 3" Vince Staples (2014)

title: DJ Babu


text:
Talk:Kerning

Figure?
The last sentence in the "Examples of Kerning" section refers to a figure on the page. There is no figure on the page. Is the figure coming back, or should this reference be removed?

In Metal Typsetting
Currently, the caption to the diagram / figure says: "The glyph on the right is kerned to overlap the following character." Should it in fact say: "The glyph on the right is kerned to overlap the previous character." — Preceding unsigned comment added by 89.101.19.116 (talk) 22:43, 5 February 2012 (UTC)
 * Little late on this response, but I think you are overlooking the fact that the type will be reversed when printed. That is, while the overlap is with the physically previous character as the type is laid out it is with the character that will be printed following this character. --Khajidha (talk) 11:01, 24 October 2012 (UTC)

Yes; I see it now, but I came here to the Talk Page with the same comment in mind. The caption as it is, "The glyph on the right is kerned to overlap the following character", should perhaps say "When reversed onto paper, the right glyph will appear to overlap its following character", or to that effect. —— John Sinclair (talk) 19:12, 22 September 2013 (UTC)

Kerning in wordprocessors

 * "However, many word processors, such as Microsoft Word or OpenOffice.org do not enable kerning by default."

OpenOffice 2.0 has pair kerning enabled by default. It would suprise me if older versions and Word don't? —Ruud 23:21, 1 May 2006 (UTC)

Microsoft Word 2003 for Windows XP has the kerning feature as described by the article but it is not enabled by default. —ryker 01:08, 18 July 2006 (UTC)

I know that MS Word 2010 has kerning enabled by default. I thought that was true of Word 2003 and 2007 also. On any of them, you can go into the font properties, and there is a kerning option that you can enable or disable for a particular font. On all headings in 2010, it comes enabled. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Meviin (talk • contribs) 05:35, 29 November 2011 (UTC)

Hog image
I've removed the "Hog" image which User:Stevage added. He said it was an "extreme" example, but much of what made it look so "extreme" was the fact that the letters were italicized. Iticicized letters overlap even without any kerning - because the invisible "boxes" that they're contained within in are forward leaning paralelagrams instead of rectangles, whereas kerning involves more of an irregular interlocking between letters of different shapes and sizes so that they fit well together. The text did look like it was kerned somewhat (assuming it's a typeface and not just hand-drawn letters), but I'd say about 75% of the overlap is do to italicization and not kerning. In the future, images and discussion of kerning italicized letters might be a good idea, but the lead image should be non-italicized to avoid undue obfuscation.

Also, who ever made the image that's currently the lead (the "AV" and "Wa" examples"), I think it would be a good idea for them to modify it so that each example has at least three letters. With only two letters present, it's a lot more difficult to see the difference between kerning and tracking.  Helvetica 05:25, 20 May 2006 (UTC)
 * Ok. For the lead image, can I suggest making a much simpler, more symbolic image, rather than one that attempts to explain the entire article in a picture? Seriously, just make an image with two letters - the absolute minimum, so that it "represents" kerning. Then use other images later in the article to really explain the concept. Stevage 06:14, 22 May 2006 (UTC)

Stevage - I hate to seem all contrary, but I disagree with your proposal and here's why... It's pretty easy for people to understand that tracking and kerning both involve changing the distance between letters. We probably don't even need a picture to show that. What the pictures need to show is more specifically what tracking and kerning are and how they differ from eachother. Now if there are only two letters in a document - say an A and a T - then adjusting the tracking and adjusting the kerning will have exactly the same effect. There's only a difference when a third letter is added - so that say instead of AT you now have ATE. With ATE, when you make the kerning tighter, the A and the T get closer to eachother but the distance between the T and the E remains the same. Whereas with tracking adjustments, the distances between all three of the letters would increase or decrease. So to show that kerning has taken place, we must show it in context with at least a third letter where the distance doesn't change. People need to be able to see that the distance between two (or more) of the characters has changed relative to the distance between some of the other characters, which has remained the same. And it's also invaluable to show this side by side with tracking adjustments of the same word so that there's a clear visual comparison between the two. I'd be happy to modify my illustration if you think there's a way it could be more clear, but I feel that if any of these key components are removed then this will obfuscate things and make it less helpful for the readers. Helvetica 14:59, 27 May 2006 (UTC)

PS - in response to your new caption for the hog image - I never said that those letters weren't kerned - I said they probably were (assuming that it's actually a typeface and not hand-drawn). What I did say was that 1. Italicized letters overlap even if they're not kerned, and 2. Using an image with italicized text adds another variable to the equation - thus causing undue obfuscation and making it a poor choice of an image for introducing the concept to the readers. I thought I had explained that earlier, but I'm sorry if I wasn't clear. Helvetica 15:06, 27 May 2006 (UTC)

Which WAR is better?
Note that I am not a font expert, but the auto-kerned version of "WAR" in the example image looks better to me. The space between the W and A does not match with the space between the A and R in the manually kerned version. The longer I look at the auto kerned version, the more I find that something inbetween would be good. The auto-kerned version does not look perfectly "connected" whereas the manually kerned version is a bit "inhomogenous". (What are the technical terms for these?) Any comments from the experts?

 * I definitely wouldn't consider myself an "expert" on typography by any means, but I did create the image - along with several others on here when I was bored and playing around with some graphic design software and some new fonts I downloaded. If you look at the image at full resolution and, you can see that the W and the A (at the closest point) are actually farther apart than the A and the R in the manual version.  Though I see how it could appear that they're closer together - due to the heavy degree of overlap.  They maybe should be a bit farther apart still, but not as far apart as the auto-kerned version.  Helvetica 05:24, 12 November 2007 (UTC)

My opinion of 38 years in the business is this: if you are looking only at the word "WAR," as opposed to WARBLE or WARMONGER, I would vote for the auto-kerned example over the manually kerned example. The auto-kerned example reads as WA R. What you are trying to achieve is a visual balance for the word as a whole, as best you can given the letters you must work with. You cannot just look at kerning pairs. If you are setting the words WARBLE or WARMONGER, then you cannot just pick up the WAR and attache either BLE or MONGER after it. You have to look at the entire word and kern according. This assumes the word WAR, WARBLE or WARMONGER is the extend what you are working with-- as in a large 200 point headline. If you are setting the headline DECLARES WAR then you have to view the entire phrase and strive for the best overall visual appearance. Of course you can resort to creating ligatures, (e.g. AR) which can be acceptable, but I would do so sparingly. You look at it case-by-case. I would also point out the goals are different depending upon what you are setting-- headlines, subheads, and text, plus the font(s) you are using. Revans1953 (talk) 09:47, 24 March 2009 (UTC)
 * http://www.rit.edu/emcs/admissions/bca/blog/item/that-kerning-is-tight JMP EAX (talk) 22:56, 7 August 2014 (UTC)
 * And I'm almost tempted to add http://xkcd.com/1015/ to the article. JMP EAX (talk) 23:26, 7 August 2014 (UTC)

 * I am a professional type designer, and work a lot with spacing and kerning my typefaces. My view is that the third WAR is very greatly overkerned; optically, this creates an ungainly hole between A and R. Typefaces such as this, with very heavy, quite wide serifs and low contrast, are notoriously difficult to space and kern. But as will all kerning, it is generally better to kern things a little too loose than a little too tight. With digital, scalable fonts, it is best to make them work in small sizes, which typically needs looser kerning and spacing. For bigger sizes, manual kerning should be applied. My approach would be to kern quite a bit looser than in the auto-kerned example here. The bad kerning in the example makes me think this is a ripoff of Clarendon. For comparison, here is a screenshot of Linotype Clarendon with kerning applied. Devanatha (talk) 12:33, 4 May 2016 (UTC)

diacritics
A word on kerning and diacritics? Do fonts commonly define kerning pairs of which the second member is a diacritic? Such as defining different (negative) spacing for m + combining macron (m̄) vs. a + combining macron (ā)? which fonts have that? dab (ᛏ) 13:05, 17 July 2006 (UTC)

 * These aren’t kerning, and aren’t implemented as kerning either. In a TTF/OpenType font I’ve been editing in FontForge, instead, the the combining character and the base character both have an ‘anchor’, and the anchor points are matched up when combined. So I accidentally once put anchor 1 where anchor 0 should’ve been and vice versa, and had a letter that had the accents that were meant to go above the letter beneath (and vice versa).
 * But also, if the combination of combining character and the base character already have a precomposed pair (as with ā), then I’ve found that XeLaTeX and I assume other ICU-based software like OpenOffice.org use the precombined character regardless of whether that’s what was encoded in the document.
 * —Felix the Cassowary 15:50, 23 September 2006 (UTC)

 * I think the previous poster misunderstood the question. Anyway, yes, most professionally produced fonts will include kernpairs that feature the diacritic versions of the base characters - with the same or different kerning value depending on the design of the font and the features of the pair. In the case of OpenType fonts using attached accents, or class-based kerning the situation is different, but much more flexible. Dpmarshall 17:11, 23 September 2006 (UTC)

"Two-dimensional" spaces
In a well-kerned font, the two-dimensional blank spaces between each pair of letters all have similar area. Why "two-dimensional"? What other dimensionality of blank space might be appropriate here? 86.137.107.36 21:29, 6 February 2007 (UTC)
 * It does seem like there should be a better way of saying it, but I'd say the instinct at that point is to think purely in terms of the left-right distance between the characters (one-dimensional), instead of the actual total area of the space (which I think is the intended point). Either way, it could stand some cleanup from a better typographer than I. --Rindis 16:37, 7 February 2007 (UTC)
 * I'm late to the game on this discussion, but I seem to recall that the pairing "oo" was often lowered by a half point. So the word "took" and "look" would have the oo's moved depending upon the position of the descender of the starting letter.  This was applied to both letters, but it stands to reason that there might be cause to lower a j slightly if tucked under a T with a very strong serif overhang on the top bar, and this would be part of the kerning table.Tgm1024 (talk) 21:36, 3 August 2015 (UTC)

Kerneling vs. Kerning
The opening paragraph states, "The word kerneling derives from..." However, is this a typo which should actually read, "The word kerning derives from..." ? —The preceding unsigned comment was added by OnlineCop (talk • contribs) 14:41, 7 April 2007 (UTC).

Point of disagreement
However, it is rarely a sufficient alternative for manual kerning, as some characters may appear to an algorithmic comparison to be spaced very closely together, but to a human reader might appear to be spaced too far apart; especially when the only part of a glyph that is 'too close' is a diacritic sign.

This may have been true 15 years ago, but my personal experience in the field is that kerning these days is not manual. It's pair-specific and font-specific so that it always looks just right. In the occasional case where something doesn't look quite right there may be some "fudging" of the result, but that's usually when we're trying to make something fit into a space where it wouldn't normally; or where we're trying to spread things up to reduce unused space in a particular line or column. For the most part, the programmatic kerning does exactly what we want it to do - have a nice, tight appearance, and take up less space. 204.152.119.46 14:51, 21 September 2007 (UTC)

 * "pair-specific" (as you put it) *is* manual kerning. "Programatic Kerning" is a broken concept of an algorithm taking a look at how the glyph is layed out and deciding, for example, that this serif is too close, or that base is just far enough away, etc.  That is never a valid substitute for a human visual inspection and a manually crafted pairing table.  As soon as you have a human built kerning table, you have by definition been employing "manual kerning".Tgm1024 (talk) 20:16, 7 August 2015 (UTC)

 * People who do graphic design can not stop themselves from excessively hand-kerning text. People who are producing straight matter (plain blocks of text, as for a book or other document) do not ever manually kern.  Exception: people who are including a block of straight matter in their graphic design may not be able to help themselves from hand-kerning the entire block.  I think this conflict is just a case of different worlds colliding.  Battling McGook (talk) 02:13, 8 August 2015 (UTC)

the top left of the upper diagram seems wrong
Does anyone agree that the upper left quadrant of File:Track_Kern.png shows kerning, not tracking? 75.55.199.5 (talk) 21:14, 14 July 2009 (UTC)

The definition of track "uniform spacing" _could_ apply to the top image, but the placement of the fullstop looks odd and does not look like uniformly spaced. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 184.105.138.211 (talk) 16:56, 10 February 2012 (UTC)

confusing image
I was looking at the image at the top for a minute until I realized that there was a transition from left to right in both cases. Maybe somebody should put arrows from left to right for the examples. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 78.43.137.82 (talk) 20:18, 25 June 2011 (UTC)

Hi, I can't understand the first image either. The image just below "Tracking" seems to be applied some kerning (just like the second line in ), while the image just below "Kerning" has no kerning, (like the first line of the image I linked previously). (David.stosik (talk) 06:21, 10 February 2012 (UTC))

Agreed. This image is almost incomprehensible. The image directly below "Tracking" shows kerning and the image below "Kerning" doesn't show kerning. If the left and right images are to be read as a "before" and "after" (which still doesn't make sense to me), then the figure needs to explain this. The image should be fixed or removed. Ross Fraser (talk) 01:41, 17 February 2012 (UTC)

Monospace
The article states (twice) that monospaced fonts can't be kerned. This is false; I have developed an experimental technique (see and ) which uses deviation of position to produce kerning in monospaced text. (It also does some other things, like ligatures, by means of contextual glyph substitution, where the kerning is part of the 'context'.)

Obviously this hasn't been covered in a Reliable Source™, so it's not clear what, if anything, should be changed in the article. PT 06:31, 20 August 2012 (UTC)
 * What you've done is make the font not monospaced, by definition. Changing the glyphs might work, but shifting them violates what monospaced means. — trlkly 00:01, 10 October 2012 (UTC)
 * I completely agree. Once you've mucked with the inter-glyph spacing in any way, you've specifically thrown away the "mono" designation.  BTW, there used to be endless battles roughly relating to this "back in the day" in my prepress years.  There was a camp that insisted that even bold and italic versions of a monospaced font should be the same width as a "regular" font.  Software engineers prefer this for their IDEs so keep text aligned even when keywords are in bold.  A counter faction argued against this.  Quite an interesting little struggle.  Many monospaced fonts these days are only monospaced within their respective attribute.  (All bold characters are the same width, all italics are the same width, all regulars are the same width, but they each are allowed to be slightly different as groups).

Keming source
Is the Wired interview really an inappropriate WP:PRIMARY for sourcing the neologism "keming"? It isn't the interviewee using the word in a response to a question, it's the interviewing journalist deciding to write "you may know him as the guy who invented the word keming, his coinage for bad kerning" in the article's introduction. --McGeddon (talk) 11:51, 1 February 2013 (UTC)

 * It's little different from the interviewer saying, "My guest tonight is Smith. His new book, in stores now, is Such and Such." -- even weaker than your typical passing reference. This term was introduced in 2008. If it's got any traction there should no problem finding non-marginal sources by now. See WP:NEO. EEng (talk) 20:19, 1 February 2013 (UTC)

 * See also related discussion at Keming. 183.89.161.174 (talk) 07:00, 14 May 2014 (UTC)

Illustration caption gives misleading info about auto-kerning
The illustration on the right is captioned: "Three versions of "WAR" in the Clarendon typeface: The top version has no kerning, the middle version has auto-kerning applied, and the bottom version has manually adjusted kerning." However, this is misleading since it implies that you can visually tell the difference between automatic and manual kerning, which is not the case. In this case, the bottom example simply has tighter kerning than the middle example. Both could have been equally the result of some automatic kerning algorithm, just as both could have equally been the result of someone manually kerning them. 136.186.72.46 (talk) 05:24, 28 May 2013 (UTC)

Kerning in browsers
I always dislike text like that found in this section, as software feature lists frequently change making the entry quickly obsolete. Further, the text lists a version number for IE, but doesn't list it for the others, this inconsistency is odd. Better text would show a table indicating things like "kerning was supported in Opera on such-and-such a date in version such-and-such." This makes it a historic record (which is unchanging) vs. a current-status snapshot (which gets quickly out of date) Jpbjoel (talk) 14:35, 12 October 2013 (UTC)
 * Are you volunteering to work on it? Surely something like would be better... JMP EAX (talk) 00:53, 8 August 2014 (UTC)

Notched Metal Typesetting
This section is either very misleading or entirely wrong. It was never standard practice to notch or corner cut sorts for kerning. Kerned letters simply had the face of the letter overhang the next sort. Just as shown in the accompanying image.

If this practice existed at all, I've never heard of it. Googling for "typesetting notched sort" or "typesetting corner cut sort" produces nothing of any use at all. I've never come across a single image that shows this might be the case.

There is a more modern practice called "sector kerning". This was a primitive kerning algorithm that generalized letter shapes into sectors. It's possible there was a mechanical type system over the years that did something like this, but if so, it was relatively obscure, and as I said, I haven't seen or heard of it.

Unless anyone can come up with a source for this, I'm going to scrap it completely and rewrite it. Battling McGook (talk) 19:00, 10 January 2014 (UTC)

 * Rewritten. Will add references later.  Battling McGook (talk) 21:59, 14 January 2014 (UTC)

 * For what it's worth I've seen "kerned" type, e.g. a W with a corner filed away by hand. It has also been called kerfing, after the name of the sort of metal cutting file you'd use to do it. Barefootliam (talk) 05:38, 8 April 2014 (UTC)

 * I have now found some images on the web of fonts that are kerned in this way. So far I've primarily seen large headline fonts done this way, primarily woodcut, but also one that looks like metal.  I did find one modern shop filing away corners of a a smaller font to kern letters together.  This is a completely custom thing - the sorts become unusable after that (although in their case it looked like  hot metal type so it didn't matter anyway).  If we can find a reliable source that talks about any of these practices and when they have been used, we can add that information to the article. Battling McGook (talk) 16:33, 8 April 2014 (UTC)

TeX?
Does anyone know how TeX82 handles kerning? (I know the newer XeTeX and so forth use OpenType and such.) JMP EAX (talk) 22:20, 7 August 2014 (UTC)

Quick note on positive vs. negative kerning semi-historically.
My background for a large part of my software engineering experience has been in prepress (from the 80's on). Back then, the groups I was part of referred to the kerning values in the opposite way that they're referred to here.

Kerning the "o" under the "T" (a closing in) was known as "positive kerning", and used positive values. The values referred to how much to close glyphs together. Similarly, "negative kerning" is what was applied to glyphs such as two sans-serif LC letter els next to each other or "el eye" parings to spread them apart a little.

I'm not saying that what I was used to back then was the way, but I thought I'd mention it in case others had that same experience.Tgm1024 (talk) 21:24, 3 August 2015 (UTC)

Malformed comments at top of talk page moved here
Talk:Kerning to me — Preceding unsigned comment added by 86.0.55.147 (talk) 19:33, 5 February 2015 (UTC)

Hmm, am I correct in saying that "correct" kerning roughly corresponds to the axiom "same area inside a letter as outside it" or similar? If so, we should say so. -- Finlay McWalter 19:38, 18 Dec 2003 (UTC)

The etymology given on this page broadly agrees with the OED's etymology, but in many typography books "kern" is supposed to be derived from the way that letters are packed together like kernels of corn. Should the Wikipidea page mention this (common but apparently incorrect?) etymology? --Wiml 04:26, 19 June 2006 (UTC)

spacing
Is this just about horizontal spacing? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 31.54.207.205 (talk) 12:56, 31 January 2018 (UTC)

proportional fount
Could you kern in a non-proportional fount? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 31.54.207.205 (talk) 12:59, 31 January 2018 (UTC)
 * Well, Anon. user, you shouldn't kern a Monospaced font because a Monospaced font has a fixed letter width, meaning that all letters have the same width... -24.180.87.149 (talk) 22:45, 25 January 2019 (UTC)

title: Talk:Kerning