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Mary Stuart

Mary Stuart or Mary Stewart may refer to:

People

 * Mary Stewart, Countess of Buchan (before 1428–1465), fifth daughter of James I of Scotland, 1st Countess of Buchan
 * Mary of Guelders (c. 1434–1463), queen to James II of Scotland
 * Mary Stewart, Countess of Arran (1453–1488), daughter of James II of Scotland
 * Mary of Guise (1515–1560), wife of James V of Scotland, mother of Mary, Queen of Scots
 * Mary, Queen of Scots (1542–1587), queen regnant of Scotland, wife of Francis II of France and mother of James I of England
 * Mary Stuart (1605–1607), daughter of James I of England
 * Mary Stewart, Duchess of Richmond (1622–1685), British aristocrat
 * Mary, Princess Royal and Princess of Orange (1631–1660), Princess Royal and Princess of Orange-Nassau, daughter of Charles I of England and mother of William III of England
 * Mary of Modena (1658–1718), wife of James II of Great Britain (VII of Scotland)
 * Mary II of England (1662–1694), co-ruler of England and Scotland with her husband William III from 1689 until her death
 * Mary Stuart, Countess of Bute (1718–1794), British peeress, wife of the British Prime Minister
 * Mary Stewart (social worker) (1862/3–1925), English social worker
 * Mary Stewart, Baroness Stewart of Alvechurch (1903–1984), English Labour politician and educator
 * Mary Stuart O'Donnell (1607–in or after 1639), Irish noblewoman
 * Mary Stewart (novelist) (1916–2014), British novelist
 * Mary Stuart (actress) (1926–2002), American actress, best known for her 35-year role in the soap opera Search for Tomorrow
 * Mary Stewart (swimmer) (born 1945), Canadian swimmer
 * Mary Downie Stewart (1876–1957), New Zealand political hostess and welfare worker
 * Mary Stewart (athlete) (born 1956), British middle-distance runner
 * Mary Stewart, Viscountess Mountjoy (1654–1720)
 * Mary Stuart (academic), vice chancellor of the University of Lincoln
 * Marie Stewart, Countess of Mar (died 1644), Scottish courtier
 * Mary Ann Sorden Stuart (1828–1893), American suffragist

Works

 * Mary Stuart (Schiller play) (1800), a tragic play by Friedrich Schiller based on the life of Mary, Queen of Scots
 * Maria Stuarda (1835), a tragic opera by Gaetano Donizetti based on the play by Schiller
 * Mary Stuart (Haynes play) (1840), tragedy by James Haynes
 * Marie Stuart (opera) (1844), opera by Louis Niedermeyer
 * Mary Stewart (play) (1951), anti-romantic five-act play in Scots by Robert McLellan depicting the Queen's downfall in the months between March 1566 and June 1577
 * Mary Stuart (film), a 1927 German silent historical film

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Malcolm Bilson

Malcolm Bilson (born October 24, 1935) is an American pianist and musicologist specializing in 18th- and 19th-century music. He is the Frederick J. Whiton Professor of Music in Cornell University, Ithaca, New York Bilson is one of the foremost players and teachers of the fortepiano; this is the ancestor of the modern piano and was the instrument used in Haydn, Mozart, and Beethoven's time.

Early life and career
Bilson was born in Los Angeles, California. His family was and is successful in the entertainment world: his father, George Bilson (1902–1981), was a British producer/writer/director of Ashkenazi Jewish extraction originally from Leeds, England, United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and his older brother Bruce Bilson had a long and productive career as a film and television director; other relations (descendants of Bruce) are his nephew Danny Bilson and grandniece Rachel Bilson.

Malcolm Bilson graduated from Bard College in 1957. He continued his studies with Grete Hinterhofer at the Akademie für Musik und Darstellende Kunst in Berlin, later with Reine Gianoli at the École Normale de Musique de Paris. He studied for a doctoral degree at the University of Illinois with Stanley Fletcher and Webster Aitken, obtaining his DMA in 1968. At that time he was appointed as an assistant professor at Cornell.

His encounter with the fortepiano
Arguably the key event in Bilson's career was his first encounter with the fortepiano in 1969, which he narrated to Andrew Willis in a 2006 interview. Interested in historical pianos, he had bought a 19th-century instrument, described to him as a "Mozart piano," and was referred to Philip Belt, an expert on early pianos, about the possibility of restoring it:

"I wrote Belt and sent some pictures, and Belt wrote back that yes, he could do that, but [my piano] wasn't at all a piano from Mozart's time. And as a matter of fact, he had just built such a piano, after Louis Dulcken, c. 1785, and he wanted to take it around to show at colleges and music schools. So I said fine, bring it, and I'll play a concert on it. He brought it and left it for a week, and I played an all-Mozart concert ... with K. 330 and the B minor Adagio and the Kleine Gigue, [as well as] the G minor piano quartet with some modern string players at 440."

In preparing for this concert, Bilson was startled by the challenges—and opportunities—that playing a fortepiano poses to a traditionally-trained pianist (fortepianos have a far more delicate touch, shallower key dip, lighter framing, and shorter sustain time than modern grands.)

"I have to admit now that I really couldn't handle the thing at all. I must be the least gifted person for the job; my hands are too big, and I don't have the necessary technique such an instrument required. In trying to operate this light, precise mechanism, I really felt like an elephant in a china closet. But I kept at it all week and practiced hard and after several days began to notice that I was actually playing what was on the page. What I had been doing before was simply playing legato and pedaling through. I saw the slurs, but, of course, I didn't want to create hiccups, which can happen so easily on the modern piano. Suddenly I found that I really didn't need much pedal and that the articulative pauses actually made the music more expressive.

At the concert at the end of that first week, which was absolutely filled to overflowing, there was great enthusiasm. Nobody had ever seen such a thing. I thought to myself that this was an opportunity to do something useful with my talents. This was in 1969, and I decided to buy one of these pianos and to seriously pursue playing it. For several years I took the instrument [also by Belt] around and played it in colleges and small venues. It was, of course, viewed as a curiosity back then, and some people thought I was a bit crazy. I knew I was doing something fringe-y, but I also thought it was important and worth doing because there were aspects of this music that nobody could hear any more."

Career as fortepiano specialist
The career shift ultimately proved successful; Bilson developed a reputation as a fortepiano performer, gave concerts widely and was also invited to make recordings (see below). In 1974, he co-founded the Amadé Trio with violinist Sonya Monosoff and cellist John Hsu; the trio performed works on historical instruments.

Bilson was promoted to full professor in 1976 and was appointed to the Frederick J. Whiton chair in 1990.

Bilson retired in 2006 as a professor, remaining active as a teacher and performer.

In 2011, Bilson brought the first fortepiano competition to the United States. Coordinated under the Westfield Center, with a grant from the Mellon Foundation, the competition and academy were held at Cornell University; 31 young musicians from all over the world competed for prize money totaling $13,500.

Pedagogy and scholarship
Bilson created a DVD, "Knowing the Score," which questions many of the basic concepts of musical performance taught in conservatories and music schools around the world, specifically, the lack of adherence to notated articulations and assumptions about the length of rhythmic values. He followed up this DVD with two more: "Performing the Score," with violinist Elizabeth Field, and "Knowing the Score, Vol. 2."

Bilson has published several articles on the subject of interpreting late 18th- and early 19th-century compositions by Schubert, Mozart and Beethoven in Early Music and Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae.

Recordings

 * Malcolm Bilson, Tom Beghin, David Breitman, Ursula Dütschler, Zvi Meniker, Bart van Oort, Andrew Willis. Ludwig van Beethoven. The complete Piano Sonatas on Period Instruments. Played on original fortepianos: Salvatore Lagrassa 1815, Gottlieb Hafner 1835, Johann Fritz 1825, Walter fortepiano copy by Paul McNulty, Walter copies by Chris Maene, Johann Schantz copy by Thomas and Barbara Wolf, a Walter and Conrad Graf 1825 copies by Rodney Regier, Label: Claves. These recordings use a set of nine restored or replica pianos, each of a type contemporaneous with the sonata being performed.
 * Malcolm Bilson, John Eliot Gardiner, The English Baroque Soloists. Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, Piano Concertos Nos. 20&21/ Concertos Pour Piano K. 466 & K.467. Played on a replica of Walter fortepiano by Philip Belt. Label: Archiv Production.
 * Malcolm Bilson. Franz Josef Haydn. Keyboard Sonatas. Played on a replica of Walter fortepiano by Philip Belt. Label: Titanic Records.
 * Malcolm Bilson. Franz Schubert — Piano Sonatas D.850, D.568. Played on Conrad Graf ca.1835 fortepiano. Label: Hungaraton Classics.
 * Malcolm Bilson, Anner Bylsma. Ludwig van Beethoven. Fortepiano and Cello Sonatas. Played on Alois Graff 1825 fortepiano. Label: Elektra Nonesuch.

Assessment
Fortepiano builder Carey Beebe assesses Bilson's influence as follows:

"Malcolm Bilson, who began after 'the Father of the Fortepiano', Phil[ip] Belt, dropped around one of his first reproduction instruments to try, still provides great impetus to modern makers. His Fortepiano Summer Schools in the 1980s were an inspiration, and many of the musicians who attended those schools, along with his Doctoral graduates, have spread the word around the globe. Bilson's DG Archiv recordings of the complete Mozart Concerti were a milestone."

Bilson's instruments

 * (acquired 1969) a fortepiano by Philip Belt, based on a Louis Dulcken original in the Smithsonian Institution
 * (acquired 1977) a copy by Philip Belt of Mozart's concert instrument. The original was built by Anton Walter ca. 1782 and is now kept in the Mozarteum in Salzburg
 * 1825 fortepiano by Alois Graf
 * Leschen 1825
 * (acquired 2017) a copy of Johann Fritz's piano made by Paul McNulty
 * (acquired 2020) a copy of Gottfried Silbermann’s 1749 made by Paul McNulty

Honors
The main-belt asteroid 7387 Malbil, discovered 1982, is named in his honor.

In 1994 Bilson was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.

In 2015 he was awarded the Hungarian Gold Cross of Merit for his contribution to Hungarian intellectual and cultural life.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Malcolm Bilson


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Civil rights movements

Civil rights movements  are a worldwide series of political movements for equality before the law, that peaked in the 1960s. In many situations they have been characterized by nonviolent protests, or have taken the form of campaigns of civil resistance aimed at achieving change through nonviolent forms of resistance. In some situations, they have been accompanied, or followed, by civil unrest and armed rebellion. The process has been long and tenuous in many countries, and many of these movements did not, or have yet to, fully achieve their goals, although the efforts of these movements have led to improvements in the legal rights of some previously oppressed groups of people, in some places.

The main aim of the successful civil rights movement and other social movements for civil rights included ensuring that the rights of all people were and are equally protected by the law. These include but are not limited to the rights of minorities, women's rights, disability rights and LGBT rights.

Northern Ireland civil rights movement
Northern Ireland is a part of the United Kingdom which has witnessed violence over many decades, known as the Troubles, arising from tensions between the British (Unionist, Protestant) majority and the Irish (Nationalist, Catholic) minority following the Partition of Ireland in 1920.

The civil rights struggle in Northern Ireland can be traced to activists in Dungannon, led by Austin Currie, who were fighting for equal access to public housing for the members of the Catholic community. This domestic issue would not have led to a fight for civil rights were it not for the fact that being a registered householder was a qualification for local government franchise in Northern Ireland.

In January 1964, the Campaign for Social Justice (CSJ) was launched in Belfast. This organisation joined the struggle for better housing and committed itself to ending discrimination in employment. The CSJ promised the Catholic community that their cries would be heard. They challenged the government and promised that they would take their case to the Commission for Human Rights in Strasbourg and to the United Nations.

Having started with basic domestic issues, the civil rights struggle in Northern Ireland escalated to a full-scale movement that found its embodiment in the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association. NICRA campaigned in the late sixties and early seventies, consciously modelling itself on the American civil rights movement and using similar methods of civil resistance. NICRA organised marches and protests to demand equal rights and an end to discrimination.

NICRA originally had five main demands:
 * one man, one vote
 * an end to discrimination in housing
 * an end to discrimination in local government
 * an end to the gerrymandering of district boundaries, which limited the effect of Catholic voting
 * the disbandment of the B-Specials, an entirely Protestant police reserve, perceived as sectarian.

All of these specific demands were aimed at an ultimate goal that had been the one of women at the very beginning: the end of discrimination.

Civil rights activists all over Northern Ireland soon launched a campaign of civil resistance. There was opposition from Loyalists, who were aided by the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), Northern Ireland's police force. At this point, the RUC was over 90% Protestant. Violence escalated, resulting in the rise of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) from the Catholic community, a group reminiscent of those from the War of Independence and the Civil War that occurred in the 1920s that had launched a campaign of violence to end British rule in Northern Ireland. Loyalist paramilitaries countered this with a defensive campaign of violence and the British government responded with a policy of internment without trial of suspected IRA members. For more than 300 people, the internment lasted several years. The huge majority of those interned by the British forces were Catholic. In 1978, in a case brought by the government of the Republic of Ireland against the government of the United Kingdom, the European Court of Human Rights ruled that the interrogation techniques approved for use by British interrogators on internees in Northern Ireland amounted to "inhuman and degrading" treatment.

The IRA encouraged Republicans to join in the movement for civil rights but never controlled NICRA. The Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association fought for the end of discrimination toward Catholics and did not take a position on the legitimacy of the state. Republican leader Gerry Adams explained subsequently that Catholics saw that it was possible for them to have their demands heard. He wrote that "we were able to see an example of the fact that you didn't just have to take it, you could fight back". For an account and critique of the movements for civil rights in Northern Ireland, reflecting on the ambiguous link between the causes of civil rights and opposition to the union with the United Kingdom, see the work of Richard English.

One of the most important events in the era of civil rights in Northern Ireland took place in Derry, which escalated the conflict from peaceful civil disobedience to armed conflict. The Battle of the Bogside started on 12 August when an Apprentice Boys, a Protestant order, parade passed through Waterloo Place, where a large crowd was gathered at the mouth of William Street, on the edge of the Bogside. Different accounts describe the first outbreak of violence, with reports stating that it was either an attack by youth from the Bogside on the RUC, or fighting broke out between Protestants and Catholics. The violence escalated and barricades were erected. Proclaiming this district to be the Free Derry, Bogsiders carried on fights with the RUC for days using stones and petrol bombs. The government finally withdrew the RUC and replaced it with the British Army, which disbanded the crowds of Catholics who were barricaded in the Bogside.

Bloody Sunday, 30 January 1972, in Derry is seen by some as a turning point in the movement for civil rights. Fourteen unarmed Catholic civil rights marchers protesting against internment were shot and killed by soldiers from the Parachute Regiment.

The peace process has made significant gains in recent years. Through open dialogue from all parties, a state of ceasefire by all major paramilitary groups has lasted. A stronger economy improved Northern Ireland's standard of living. Civil rights issues have become less of a concern for many in Northern Ireland over the past 20 years as laws and policies protecting their rights, and forms of affirmative action, have been implemented for all government offices and many private businesses. Tensions still exist, but the vast majority of citizens are no longer affected by violence.

Canada's Quiet Revolution
The 1960s brought intense political and social change to the Canadian province of Quebec, with the election of Liberal Premier Jean Lesage after the death of Maurice Duplessis, whose government was widely viewed as corrupt. These changes included secularization of the education and health care systems, which were both heavily controlled by the Roman Catholic Church, whose support for Duplessis and his perceived corruption had angered many Québécois. Policies of the Liberal government also sought to give Quebec more economic autonomy, such as the nationalization of Hydro-Québec and the creation of public companies for the mining, forestry, iron/steel and petroleum industries of the province. Other changes included the creation of the Régie des Rentes du Québec (Quebec Pension Plan) and new labour codes that made unionizing easier and gave workers the right to strike.

The social and economic changes of the Quiet Revolution gave life to the Quebec sovereignty movement, as more and more Québécois saw themselves as a distinctly culturally different from the rest of Canada. The segregationist Parti Québécois was created in 1968 and won the 1976 Quebec general election. They enacted legislation meant to enshrine French as the language of business in the province, while also controversially restricting the usage of English on signs and restricting the eligibility of students to be taught in English.

A radical strand of French Canadian nationalism produced the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ), which since 1963 has been using terrorism to make Quebec a sovereign nation. In October 1970, in response to the arrest of some of its members earlier in the year, the FLQ kidnapped British diplomat James Cross and Quebec's Minister of Labour Pierre Laporte, whom they later killed. The then Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau, himself a French Canadian, invoked the War Measures Act, declared martial law in Quebec, and arrested the kidnappers by the end of the year.

Movements for civil rights in the United States
Movements for civil rights in the United States include noted legislation and organized efforts to abolish public and private acts of racial discrimination against African Americans and other disadvantaged groups between 1954 and 1968, particularly in the southern United States. It is sometimes referred to as the Second Reconstruction era, alluding to the unresolved issues of the Reconstruction Era (1863–77).

Integrationism
After 1890, the system of Jim Crow, disenfranchisement, and second class citizenship degraded the citizenship rights of African Americans, especially in the South. It was the nadir of American race relations. There were three main aspects: racial segregation – upheld by the United States Supreme Court decision in Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896 –, legally mandated by southern governments—voter suppression or disfranchisement in the southern states, and private acts of violence and mass racial violence aimed at African Americans, unhindered or encouraged by government authorities. Although racial discrimination was present nationwide, the combination of law, public and private acts of discrimination, marginal economic opportunity, and violence directed toward African Americans in the southern states became known as Jim Crow. Noted strategies employed prior to 1955 included litigation and lobbying attempts by the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). These efforts were a hallmark of the early American Civil Rights Movement from 1896 to 1954. However, by 1955, blacks became frustrated by gradual approaches to implement desegregation by federal and state governments and the "massive resistance" by whites. The black leadership adopted a combined strategy of direct action with nonviolence, sometimes resulting in nonviolent resistance and civil disobedience. Some of the acts of nonviolence and civil disobedience produced crisis situations between practitioners and government authorities. The authorities of federal, state, and local governments often acted with an immediate response to end the crisis situations – sometimes in the practitioners' favor. Some of the different forms of protests and/or civil disobedience employed included boycotts, as successfully practiced by the Montgomery bus boycott (1955–1956) in Alabama which gave the movement one of its more famous icons in Rosa Parks; "sit-ins", as demonstrated by two influential events, the Greensboro sit-in (1960) in North Carolina and the Nashville sit-ins in Nashville, Tennessee; the influential 1963 Birmingham Children's Crusade, in which children were set upon by the local authorities with fire hoses and attack dogs, and longer marches, as exhibited by the Selma to Montgomery marches (1965) in Alabama which at first was resisted and attacked by the state and local authorities, and resulted in the 1965 Voting Rights Act. The evidence of changing attitudes could also be seen around the country, where small businesses sprang up supporting the Civil Rights Movement, such as New Jersey's Everybody's Luncheonette.

Besides the Children's Crusade and the Selma to Montgomery marches, another illustrious event of the 1960s Civil Rights Movement was the March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom in August, 1963. It is best remembered for the "I Have a Dream" speech by Martin Luther King Jr. in which the speech turned into a national text and eclipsed the troubles the organizers had to bring to march forward. It had been a fairly complicated affair to bring together various leaders of civil rights, religious and labor groups. As the name of the march implies, many compromises had to be made in order to unite the followers of so many different causes. The "March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom" emphasized the combined purposes of the march and the goals that each of the leaders aimed at. The 1963 March on Washington organizers and organizational leaders, informally named the "Big Six", were A. Philip Randolph, Roy Wilkins, Martin Luther King Jr., Whitney Young, James Farmer and John Lewis. Although they came from different backgrounds and political interests, these organizers and leaders were intent on the peacefulness of the march, which had its own marshal to ensure that the event would be peaceful and respectful of the law. The success of the march is still being debated, but one aspect which has been raised was the misrepresentation of women. A lot of feminine civil rights groups had participated in the organization of the march, but when it came to actual activity women were denied the right to speak and were relegated to figurative roles in the back of the stage. As some female participants noticed, the March can be remembered for the "I Have a Dream" speech but for some female activists it was a new awakening, forcing black women not only to fight for civil rights but also to engage in the Feminist movement.

Noted achievements of the Civil Rights Movement include the judicial victory in the Brown v. Board of Education case that nullified the legal article of "separate but equal" and made segregation legally impermissible, and the passages of the 1964 Civil Rights Act,. that banned discrimination in employment practices and public accommodations, passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 that restored voting rights, and passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1968 that banned discrimination in the sale or rental of housing.

Black Power movement
By 1967 the emergence of the Black Power movement (1966–75) began to gradually eclipse the original "integrated power" aims of the successful Civil Rights Movement that had been espoused by Martin Luther King Jr. and others. Advocates of Black Power argued for black self-determination, and asserted that the assimilation inherent in integration robs Africans of their common heritage and dignity. For example, the theorist and activist Omali Yeshitela argues that Africans have historically fought to protect their lands, cultures, and freedoms from European colonialists, and that any integration into the society which has stolen another people and their wealth is an act of treason.

Today, most Black Power advocates have not changed their self-sufficiency argument. Racism still exists worldwide, and some believe that blacks in the United States, on the whole, did not assimilate into U.S. "mainstream" culture. Blacks arguably became even more oppressed, this time partially by "their own" people in a new black stratum of the middle class and the ruling class. Black Power's advocates generally argue that the reason for this stalemate and further oppression of the vast majority of U.S. blacks is because Black Power's objectives have not had the opportunity to be fully carried through.

One of the most public manifestations of the Black Power movement took place in the 1968 Olympics, when two African-Americans, Tommie Smith and John Carlos, stood on the podium doing a Black Power salute. This act is still remembered today as the 1968 Olympics Black Power salute.

Chicano Movement
The Chicano Movement occurred during the civil rights era that sought political empowerment and social inclusion for Mexican-Americans around a generally nationalist argument. The Chicano movement blossomed in the 1960s and was active through the late 1970s in various regions of the U.S. The movement had roots in the civil rights struggles that had preceded it, adding to it the cultural and generational politics of the era.

The early heroes of the movement—Rodolfo Gonzales in Denver and Reies Tijerina in New Mexico—adopted a historical account of the preceding hundred and twenty-five years that had obscured much of Mexican-American history. Gonzales and Tijerina embraced a nationalism that identified the failure of the United States government to live up to its promises in the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. In that account, Mexican Americans were a conquered people who simply needed to reclaim their birthright and cultural heritage as part of a new nation, which later became known as Aztlán.

That version of the past did not, but take into account the history of those Mexicans who had immigrated to the United States. It also gave little attention to the rights of undocumented immigrants in the United States in the 1960s— which is not surprising, since immigration did not have the political significance it later acquired. It was a decade later when activists, such as Bert Corona in California, embraced the rights of undocumented workers and helped broaden the movement to include their issues.

When the movement dealt with practical problems in the 1960s, most activists focused on the most immediate issues confronting Mexican Americans; unequal educational and employment opportunities, political disfranchisement, and police brutality. In the heady days of the late 1960s, when the student movement was active around the globe, the Chicano movement brought about more or less spontaneous actions, such as the mass walkouts by high school students in Denver and East Los Angeles in 1968 and the Chicano Moratorium in Los Angeles in 1970.

The movement was particularly strong at the college level, where activists formed MEChA, Movimiento Estudiantil Chicano de Aztlán, which promoted Chicano Studies programs and a generalized ethno-nationalist agenda.

American Indian Movement
At a time when peaceful sit-ins were a common protest tactic, the American Indian Movement (AIM) takeovers in their early days were noticeably violent. Some appeared to be spontaneous outcomes of protest gatherings, but others included armed seizure of public facilities.

The Alcatraz Island occupation of 1969, although commonly associated with NAM, pre-dated the organization, but was a catalyst for its formation.

In 1970, AIM occupied abandoned property at the Naval Air Station near Minneapolis. In July 1971, it assisted in a takeover of the Winter Dam, Lac Courte Oreilles, and Wisconsin. When activists took over the Bureau of Indian Affairs Headquarters in Washington, D.C. in November 1972, they sacked the building and 24 people were arrested. Activists occupied the Custer County Courthouse in 1973, though police routed the occupation after a riot took place.

In 1973 activists and military forces confronted each other in the Wounded Knee incident. The standoff lasted 71 days, and two men died in the violence.

Gender equity issues
If the period associated with first-wave feminism focused upon absolute rights such as suffrage (which led to women attaining the right to vote in the early part of the 20th century), the period of the second-wave feminism was concerned with the issues such as changing social attitudes and economic, reproductive, and educational equality (including the ability to have careers in addition to motherhood, or the right to choose not to have children) between the genders and addressed the rights of female minorities. The new feminist movement, which spanned from 1963 to 1982, explored economic equality, political power at all levels, professional equality, reproductive freedoms, issues with the family, educational equality, sexuality, and many other issues.

LGBT rights and gay liberation
Since the mid-19th century in Germany, social reformers have used the language of civil rights to argue against the oppression of same-sex sexuality, same-sex emotional intimacy, and gender variance. Largely, but not exclusively, these LGBT movements have characterized gender variant and homosexually oriented people as a minority group(s); this was the approach taken by the homophile movement of the 1940s, 1950s and early 1960s. With the rise of secularism in the West, an increasing sexual openness, women's liberation, the 1960s counterculture, the AIDS epidemic, and a range of new social movements, the homophile movement underwent a rapid growth and transformation, with a focus on building community and unapologetic activism which came to be known as the Gay Liberation.

The words "Gay Liberation" echoed "Women's Liberation"; the Gay Liberation Front consciously took its name from the "National Liberation Fronts" of Vietnam and Algeria, and the slogan "Gay Power", as a defiant answer to the rights-oriented homophile movement, was inspired by Black Power and Chicano Power. The GLF's statement of purpose explained:

"We are a revolutionary group of men and women formed with the realization that complete sexual liberation for all people cannot come about unless existing social institutions are abolished. We reject society's attempt to impose sexual roles and definitions of our nature."

- GLF statement of purpose

GLF activist Martha Shelley wrote,

"We are women and men who, from the time of our earliest memories, have been in revolt against the sex-role structure and nuclear family structure."

- "Gay is Good", Martha Shelley, 1970

Gay Liberationists aimed at transforming fundamental concepts and institutions of society, such as gender and the family. In order to achieve such liberation, consciousness raising and direct action were employed. Specifically, the word 'gay' was preferred to previous designations such as homosexual or homophile; some saw 'gay' as a rejection of the false dichotomy heterosexual/homosexual. Lesbians and gays were urged to "come out" and publicly reveal their sexuality to family, friends and colleagues as a form of activism, and to counter shame with gay pride. "Gay Lib" groups were formed in Australia, New Zealand, Germany, France, the UK, the US, Italy and elsewhere. The lesbian group Lavender Menace was also formed in the U.S. in response to both the male domination of other Gay Lib groups and the anti-lesbian sentiment in the Women's Movement. Lesbianism was advocated as a feminist choice for women, and the first currents of lesbian separatism began to emerge.

By the late 1970s, the radicalism of Gay Liberation was eclipsed by a return to a more formal movement that became known as the Gay and Lesbian Rights Movement.

Soviet Union
In the 1960s, the early years of the Brezhnev stagnation, dissidents in the Soviet Union increasingly turned their attention civil and eventually human rights concerns. The fight for civil and human rights focused on issues of freedom of expression, freedom of conscience, freedom to emigrate, punitive psychiatry, and the plight of political prisoners. It was characterized by a new openness of dissent, a concern for legality, the rejection of any 'underground' and violent struggle. It played a significant role in providing a common language and goal for many Soviet dissidents, and became a cause for diverse social groups in the dissident millieu, ranging from activists in the youth subculture to academics such as Andrei Sakhrarov.

Significantly, Soviet dissidents of the 1960s introduced the "legalist" approach of avoiding moral and political commentary in favor of close attention to legal and procedural issues. Following several landmark trials of writers (Sinyavsky-Daniel trial, the trials of Alexander Ginzburg and Yuri Galanskov) and an associated crackdown on dissidents by the KGB, coverage of arrests and trials in samizdat (unsanctioned press) became more common. This activity eventually led to the founding of the Chronicle of Current Events in April 1968. The unofficial newsletter reported violations of civil rights and judicial procedure by the Soviet government and responses to those violations by citizens across the USSR.

Throughout the 1960s–1980s, dissidents in the civil and human rights movement engaged in a variety of activities: The documentation of political repression and rights violations in samizdat (unsanctioned press); individual and collective protest letters and petitions; unsanctioned demonstrations; an informal network of mutual aid for prisoners of conscience; and, most prominently, civic watch groups appealing to the international community. All of these activities came at great personal risk and with repercussions ranging from dismissal from work and studies to many years of imprisonment in labor camps and being subjected to punitive psychiatry.

The rights-based strategy of dissent merged with the idea of human rights. The human rights movement included figures such as Valery Chalidze, Yuri Orlov, and Lyudmila Alexeyeva. Special groups were founded such as the Initiative Group for the Defense of Human Rights in the USSR (1969) and the Committee on Human Rights in the USSR (1970). Though faced with the loss of many members to prisons, labor camps, psychiatric institutions and exile, they documented abuses, wrote appeals to international human rights bodies, collected signatures for petitions, and attended trials.

The signing of the Helsinki Accords (1975) containing human rights clauses provided civil rights campaigners with a new hope to use international instruments. This led to the creation of dedicated Helsinki Watch Groups in Moscow (Moscow Helsinki Group), Kiev (Ukrainian Helsinki Group), Vilnius (Lithuanian Helsinki Group), Tbilisi, and Erevan (1976–77).

Prague Spring
The Prague Spring (Czech: Pražské jaro, Slovak: Pražská jar, Russian: пражская весна) was a period of political liberalization in Czechoslovakia starting on January 5, 1968, and running until August 20 of that year, when the Soviet Union and its Warsaw Pact allies (except for Romania) invaded the country.

During World War II, Czechoslovakia fell into the Soviet sphere of influence, the Eastern Bloc. Since 1948 there were no parties other than the Communist Party in the country and it was indirectly managed by the Soviet Union. Unlike other countries of Central and Eastern Europe, the communist take-over in Czechoslovakia in 1948 was, although as brutal as elsewhere, a genuine popular movement. Reform in the country did not lead to the convulsions seen in Hungary.

Towards the end of World War II Joseph Stalin wanted Czechoslovakia, and signed an agreement with Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt that Prague would be liberated by the Red Army, despite the fact that the United States Army under General George S. Patton could have liberated the city earlier. This was important for the spread of pro-Russian (and pro-communist) propaganda that came right after the war. People still remembered what they felt as Czechoslovakia's betrayal by the West at the Munich Agreement. For these reasons, the people voted for communists in the 1948 elections, the last democratic poll to take place there for a long time.

From the middle of the 1960s, Czechs and Slovaks showed increasing signs of rejection of the existing regime. This change was reflected by reformist elements within the communist party by installing Alexander Dubček as party leader. Dubček's reforms of the political process inside Czechoslovakia, which he referred to as Socialism with a human face, did not represent a complete overthrow of the old regime, as was the case in Hungary in 1956. Dubček's changes had broad support from the society, including the working class, but was seen by the Soviet leadership as a threat to their hegemony over other states of the Eastern Bloc and to the very safety of the Soviet Union. Czechoslovakia was in the middle of the defensive line of the Warsaw Pact and its possible defection to the enemy was unacceptable during the Cold War.

However, a sizeable minority in the ruling party, especially at higher leadership levels, was opposed to any lessening of the party's grip on society and actively plotted with the leadership of the Soviet Union to overthrow the reformers. This group watched in horror as calls for multi-party elections and other reforms began echoing throughout the country.

Between the nights of August 20 and August 21, 1968, Eastern Bloc armies from five Warsaw Pact countries invaded Czechoslovakia. During the invasion, Soviet tanks ranging in numbers from 5,000 to 7,000 occupied the streets. They were followed by a large number of Warsaw Pact troops ranging from 200,000 to 600,000.

The Soviets insisted that they had been invited to invade the country, stating that loyal Czechoslovak Communists had told them that they were in need of "fraternal assistance against the counter-revolution". A letter which was found in 1989 proved an invitation to invade did indeed exist. During the attack of the Warsaw Pact armies, 72 Czechs and Slovaks were killed (19 of those in Slovakia) and hundreds were wounded (up to September 3, 1968). Alexander Dubček called upon his people not to resist. He was arrested and taken to Moscow, along with several of his colleagues.

Movement for civil rights for Indigenous Australians
Australia was settled by the British without a treaty or recognition of the Indigenous population, consisting of Aboriginal Australian and Torres Strait Islander peoples. There were constraints on voting rights in some states until as late as 1965 (Queensland), and land rights were hard fought for, with the granting of native title in Australia only coming into force federally in 1993. Cultural assimilation by forcible removal of Aboriginal children from their families took place until late in the 20th century. Like other international civil rights movements, the push for progress has involved protests (See Freedom Ride (Australia) and Aboriginal Tent Embassy) and seen riots in response to social injustice, such as the 2004 Redfern riots and Palm Island riot.

While there has been significant progress in redressing discriminatory laws, Indigenous Australians continue to be at a disadvantage compared to their non-Indigenous counterparts, on key measures such as: life expectancy; infant mortality; health; imprisonment; and levels of education and employment. An ongoing government strategy called Closing the Gap is in place in an attempt to remedy this.

title: Civil rights movements


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AINA (organization)

AINA is a French-based NGO founded in 2001 by world renowned photojournalist and National Geographic Fellow REZA (Reza Deghati). Aina's aim is to assist the growth of civil society in post-conflict regions through the development of cultural institutions, an independent media and the empowerment of women. As a third-generation huminatarian association, Aina contributes to the emergence of civil society through actions in the area of education (particularly focusing on women and children), information and communication.

Aina promotes independent media development and cultural expression as a foundation of democracy. The association trains local participants, supports the local initiatives of independent media groups, and provides access to technology. As an organization, Aina is particularly focused on the education of women because they believe that empowering women is a fundamental milestone along the path to a democratic state and media. Reza believed these skills could contribute to the building of a free and open society by supporting sustainable development, promoting human rights, and strengthening social unity. Now at the forefront of the women's movement, Aina empowers, trains and supports female journalists who will become the educated civic leaders and media teachers of Afghanistan's future.

Since its inception, Aina has had a significant impact on civil society in Afghanistan. Over 1,000 women and men have been trained in media and communication skills, with more than 90% now employed using these skills. Eight publications have been produced and are in circulation, including two women's magazines and one children's magazine, Parvaz. In addition, "Afghanistan Unveiled", the first documentary by an all-female production team and produced by Aina, was nominated for an Emmy Award in 2005.

Mission statement
Aina's mission is to foster civil society, independent media, cultural identity, the empowerment of women in media and children's education through education, information and communication.

Education
Aina supports the development of media and cultural structures and the production of educational material in a country undergoing reconstruction. Through the training and cultural leaning it provides, Aina contributes to Afghan education and promotes a spirit of peace and freedom, the very foundation of democracy. Aina's cross-disciplinary training program is based on new technologies, introducing participants to the electronic age. It is first and foremost intended for women and children whose development has long been neglected in Afghan society.

Video Production Unit for Women
AINA also produces Afghani-made films. One of the films is a documentary entitled "Afghanistan Unveiled," which was made by thirteen Afghan women, including Jamila Emami and Gul Makai Rangbar under the direction of Brigitte Brault, a French journalist. It premiered July 16, 2003 at a luncheon at the National Geographic Society in Washington, DC. The National Geographic Society then provided AINA a grant of $50,000 to fund the children's magazine, Parvaz.

Mobile Cinema
Another project in Afghanistan run by AINA and funded by the United Nations, the International Organization for Migration, Britain's Department for International Development and the European Commission, involves mobile cinemas. In five-month periods in both 2002 and 2003, eight mobile cinemas travelled Afghanistan, bringing educational films to nearly a million people across the country. It is estimated that in 2002, the program reached 450,000 people in six weeks. Under the direction of coordinator Nicolas Delloye, the 2003 goal was to reach twice that. To reach the goal, eight mobile cinema teams were to spend five months roaming Afghanistan, reaching 1,000 villages. The three 30-minute education films involved ("Our School" by Ahad Zhwand, "The Afghan Cultural Heritage" by Waheed Ramaqh, and "The Voice of the Heart" by Mirwais Rekab) were made under Afghan Films.

AINA estimates that less than 20% of Afghanis have ever seen a film before. Films and most other forms of entertainment were banned under the Taliban rule between 1996 and 2001. Furthermore, less than 10% of Afghanistan's population has access to electricity.

title: AINA (organization)


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Gemini 4

Gemini 4 (officially Gemini IV) was the second crewed spaceflight in NASA's Project Gemini, occurring in June 1965. It was the tenth crewed American spaceflight (including two X-15 flights at altitudes exceeding 100 km). Astronauts James McDivitt and Ed White circled the Earth 66 times in four days, making it the first US flight to approach the five-day flight of the Soviet Vostok 5. The highlight of the mission was the first space walk by an American, during which White floated free outside the spacecraft, tethered to it, for approximately 23 minutes.

The flight also included the first attempt to make a space rendezvous as McDivitt attempted to maneuver his craft close to the Titan II upper stage which launched it into orbit, but this was not successful.

The flight was the first American flight to perform many scientific experiments in space, including use of a sextant to investigate the use of celestial navigation for lunar flight in the Apollo program.

Support crew

 * Virgil I. "Gus" Grissom (Houston CAPCOM)
 * Roger B. Chaffee (CAPCOM)
 * Eugene Cernan (CAPCOM)

Mission parameters

 * Mass: 7880 lb
 * Perigee (insertion): 89.5 nmi
 * Apogee (insertion): 158.6 nmi
 * Period: 88.94 min
 * Inclination: 32.53°
 * Perigee (last orbit): 81 nmi
 * Apogee (last orbit): 125.7 nmi

Spacewalk

 * Ed White - EVA - June 3, 1965
 * Hatch opened: 19:34 UTC
 * Start EVA: 19:39 UTC
 * End EVA: 20:02 UTC
 * Duration: 23 minutes
 * Hatch closed: 20:22 UTC

Objectives
Gemini 4 would be the first multi-day space flight by the United States, designed to show that it was possible for humans to remain in space for extended lengths of time. The four-day, 66-orbit flight would approach but not break the five-day record set by the Soviet Vostok 5 in June 1963. Subsequent Gemini flights would be longer, to prove endurance exceeding the time required to fly to the Moon and back.

A second objective was the first American extra-vehicular activity (EVA), known popularly as a "space walk". The first space walk had already been performed by Soviet Alexei Leonov on Voskhod 2 in March 1965. NASA moved up the spacewalk from the original schedule, to demonstrate that the US was gaining on the early lead taken by the Soviets in what was known as the Space Race. As late as 11 days before the scheduled June 3 launch, newspapers were reporting NASA saying that it "had not yet determined whether White would be the first American astronaut to expose himself to the elements of space" and that "A decision might not be made until a day or two before launching."

A third objective was for Gemini 4 to attempt the first space rendezvous, flying in formation with the spent second stage of its Titan II launch vehicle.

Launch
Launched from LC-19 at Cape Kennedy Air Force Station, Florida, Gemini 4 was the first flight to be controlled by the new Mission Control Center at the Manned Spacecraft Center in Houston, Texas, which had to conduct three-shift operations due to the flight's long duration.

The broadcast of the launch was itself historic. For the first time an international audience, from 12 European nations, could watch the lift-off on live television via the Early Bird satellite. Press interest, due to the satellite broadcast and the new center in Houston, proved to be so high that NASA had to lease buildings to accommodate the 1,100 print and broadcast journalists who requested accreditation. Flight control shifted from Cape Kennedy to Houston as soon as the vehicle cleared the launch tower.

At liftoff, two roll transients caused by misalignment of the Titan first-stage engines occurred; these were quickly corrected by the autopilot. The fuel top-off umbilical failed to detach and was pulled loose when the booster had climbed about 27 ft. A small oscillation in the pitch and yaw planes resulted from this. Performance of all launch vehicle systems was nearly nominal. Some modifications had been made to the guidance program on Gemini 4's booster to produce a less lofted flight trajectory and a lower altitude at booster engine cut-off (BECO) than on Gemini 3; these were generally successful despite a still somewhat lofted flight path. BECO occurred at T+152 seconds, and second-stage engine cut-off (SECO) at T+333 seconds. The spacecraft entered into an 87 by orbit.

Rendezvous attempt
On the first orbit, McDivitt attempted to rendezvous with the spent Titan second stage. This was unsuccessful for a number of reasons:
 * NASA engineers had not yet worked out the idiosyncrasies of orbital mechanics involved in rendezvous, which are counter-intuitive. Simply thrusting the spacecraft toward the target changed its orbital altitude and velocity relative to the target. When McDivitt tried this, he found himself moving away and downward, as the retrograde thrust lowered his orbit, increasing his speed.
 * The stage was dumping its residual propellant, causing it to move around in various directions relative to the Gemini.
 * There were only two running lights on the stage, which made it hard at times for McDivitt to determine its orientation. McDivitt concluded that a rendezvous target should have at least three lights.
 * There was no radar on board Gemini 4 to give a precise range to the target, so the astronauts had to rely on their visual depth perception to estimate the range, and this differed for the two men. Initially McDivitt estimated the distance at 400 - 500 ft, while White believed that it was closer ("a little over 200 ft"). At the worst point, McDivitt estimated it was about a half mile (800 meters) away, while White's estimate was three-quarters of a mile (1200 meters). McDivitt estimated that he was able to get as close as 200 ft, but now White's estimate was between 850 and 1000 ft.

After expending almost half his thruster fuel, McDivitt finally gave up, in order to concentrate on the more important EVA objective. (Rendezvous was finally achieved successfully by Wally Schirra commanding Gemini 6A in December.) After the rendezvous attempt, Gemini 4's orbit was 89.2 by. Twenty-two hours into the mission, Mission Control estimated the orbit would decay to 81 by at the end of 63 revolutions.

Extra-vehicular activity (EVA)
Originally planned for the second revolution, the astronauts postponed the EVA until the third after McDivitt decided that White, following the stress of the launch and the failed rendezvous, looked tired and hot. After a rest, the pair finished performing the checklist for the EVA. Flying over Carnarvon, Australia, they began to depressurize the cabin. Over Hawaii, White pulled the handle to open his hatch, but the latches failed to move.

Fortunately, McDivitt knew what the problem was, because the hatch had failed to close in a vacuum chamber test on the ground, after which McDivitt worked with a technician to see what the cause was. A spring, which forced gears to engage in the mechanism, had failed to compress, and McDivitt got to see how the mechanism worked. In flight, he was able to help White get it open and thought that he could get it to latch again.

There were communication problems during the spacewalk. Gemini spacecraft were the first to use a voice-operated switch (known as VOX) on the astronaut's microphones, but McDivitt soon realized that his VOX circuit was not working properly; he could only hear the Capsule Communicator (CAPCOM) in the push-to-talk setting, but not on VOX (though both astronauts could be heard by each other and the ground). Plus, while outside the spacecraft, White was unable to receive transmissions from the ground and had to have all messages relayed through McDivitt. McDivitt must have switched to the VOX setting somewhere around the time White was exiting the spacecraft, because at that point, for most of the EVA, neither he nor White responded either to the Hawaii CAPCOM, or to the Houston CAPCOM, Gus Grissom. Grissom tried to talk to Gemini 4 a total of 40 times in 13 minutes before he got a response.

Tied to a tether, White floated out of the spacecraft, using a Hand-Held Maneuvering Unit (informally called a "zip gun") which expelled pressurized oxygen to provide thrust for controlling his travel. He went 15 ft out and began to experiment with maneuvering. He found it easy, especially the pitch and yaw, although he thought the roll would use too much gas. He maneuvered around the spacecraft while McDivitt took photographs. White enjoyed the experience, but exhausted the HHMU gas sooner than he would have liked.

White was running up against two factors which constrained the time for his EVA: loss of signal from the Bermuda tracking station and crossing the solar terminator. The flight controllers were becoming increasingly frustrated with their inability to remind White of the time constraint, because they didn't want the first EVA to be performed in darkness or out of communication with Earth. Finally McDivitt decided to take his microphone off of VOX: "McDivitt, to White: I'm going out to PUSH-TO-TALK and see what the Flight Director has got to say.

Flight Director Chris Kraft, to Grissom: The flight director says, get back in! (Kraft was not on the air-to-ground loop with the astronauts.)

McDivitt: Gus, this is Jim. Got any message for us?

Grissom: Gemini 4, get back in!

McDivitt: Okay. ... (to White): ... They want you to come back in now."

White tried to use taking more pictures as an excuse to stay out longer, and McDivitt had to coax him in. He finally came back in after a total of approximately 23 minutes, almost 10 minutes later than was planned. He said: "It's the saddest moment of my life." By the time he got in, the spacecraft had entered darkness.

The hatch proved to be as stubborn to relatch as it was to open. This would have been disastrous, resulting in both men's deaths on reentry. McDivitt was able to fix the mechanism once again, so White could close it, about 20 minutes after he got in. The mission plan called for opening the hatch again to throw out White's now-unnecessary EVA equipment, but McDivitt elected not to do this, instead keeping the unnecessary equipment on board for the rest of the flight.

They powered down the spacecraft's maneuvering system, intending to drift for the next two-and-a-half days to conserve the remaining fuel. They also intended to sleep alternate four-hour periods, but this turned out to be extremely difficult with the constant radio communications and the small cabin, about the size of the front seats of a compact car.

White's 20-minute space walk was the mission's highlight, with McDivitt's photographs being published worldwide. These also showed White wearing an Omega Speedmaster chronograph watch on his spacesuit sleeve, one of two makes which had been approved by NASA for space use following extensive tests. Omega were unaware of these tests or the fact that its product was going to be used in space, until the photos. The model worn during the spacewalk is now known as the "Ed White" by watch collectors.

Experiments
Eleven experiments were carried on the spacecraft:
 * Experiment D-8 used five dosimeters to measure the radiation in the spacecraft environment. Of particular interest was the South Atlantic Anomaly.
 * Experiment D-9 was an experiment in simple spacecraft navigation where the crew used a sextant to measure their position using the stars. The objective was to investigate the feasibility of using this technique for lunar flights on the Apollo program.
 * Experiments S-5 and S-6 were both photography experiments where they used a 70-millimeter Hasselblad camera to photograph the weather and terrain below them.
 * There were two medical experiments: M-3 and M-4. The first was a bungee cord that the crew used for exercise. They said, after the mission, that this got harder as the mission went on, though this may have been due to a lack of sleep. The second was the phonocardiogram experiment, which had sensors attached to their bodies that measured heartbeat rates, especially during liftoff, EVA, and reentry.

There were four engineering experiments:
 * MSC-1 measured the electrostatic charge in the spacecraft,
 * MSC-2 was a proton-electron spectrometer,
 * MSC-3 was a tri-axis magnetometer and
 * MSC-10 involved the crew photographing the red-blue Earth limb.

Photographs were taken over the Middle East and the southwestern United States; several air fields indicated on charts were identified.

The crew had 16 freeze-dried meals and ate all but one of them. As they lacked any means of measuring water intake, they attempted to minimize consumption of it and also reported high amounts of gas bubbles in the water from the water dispenser. They experienced a degree of eye, nose, and throat irritation early in the flight and post-landing. This was attributed to ammonia fumes from the flame retardant used in the cabin, which was changed to a different material on subsequent flights.

Reentry
The computer failed on the 48th revolution. This was unfortunate for IBM, which had just put an advertisement suggesting that its computers were so reliable that even NASA used them. The computer failure meant that the capsule would not be able to perform a closed-loop lifting reentry as planned.

Reentry came on the 62nd revolution. An open-loop rolling reentry (as used in Mercury) had to be used because of the computer failure. The astronauts began rolling the spacecraft at 65 nmi altitude to increase its stability. They started slowing the roll rate at 89,000 ft and stopped it by 39,000 ft. The drogue parachute deployed shortly after this, and the main deployed at 10,600 ft. A malfunctioning thruster caused the roll to be much faster than planned, and the landing was rough. Neither of the crew encountered any problems, however, contrary to NASA doctors' concerns about their landing upright – as opposed to on their backs, as in Mercury –  after four days in space. Even though they landed 43 nmi short of the intended landing target, some ships had already started steaming to the touchdown point, and a helicopter was able to see them land. The prime recovery ship was USS Wasp (CV-18). The recovery was supported by 10,249 U.S. Department of Defense personnel, 134 aircraft, and 26 ships.

Postflight medical examination found the astronauts to be in good health, and no significant physiological changes were found.

Insignia
Gemini 4's crew originally intended to call their spacecraft American Eagle, but this was rejected after NASA management issued a memo saying that they did not want a repeat performance of the previous mission, on which Gus Grissom had named his spacecraft Molly Brown.

The callsign for the mission became simply Gemini 4. There was no patch flown on the crew's suits, although the one shown here, created after the fact, is on display in McDivitt's museum. Since McDivitt and White were prohibited from naming their spacecraft, they decided to put the American flag on their suits, the first astronauts to do so, although Soviet crews wore the Cyrillic "СССР" on their spacesuit helmets. Previous astronauts had only had the NASA insignia and a strip with their name on their suits.

The flight was commemorated on a pair of US postage stamps in 1967.

Spacecraft location
The spacecraft is on display at the Steven F. Udvar-Hazy Center, Chantilly, Virginia

title: Gemini 4


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Lepidus (disambiguation)

Lepidus was a member of the Second Triumvirate in ancient Rome.

Lepidus may also refer to:

 * Marcus Aemilius Lepidus (disambiguation), several other Roman politicians
 * Lepidus (dinosaur), a theropod dinosaur genus

title: Lepidus (disambiguation)