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Rizal Day bombings

The Rizal Day bombings, also referred to as the December 30 bombings, were a series of bombings that occurred around Metro Manila in the Philippines on December 30, 2000. The explosions occurred within a span of a few hours, killing 22 people and injuring over 100 others.

The blasts occurred during a national holiday in the Philippines, where December 30 is known as Rizal Day, commemorating the martyrdom of the country's national hero, José Rizal.

Blast locations
Five locations were bombed almost simultaneously within the span of an hour. All of the locations were situated within Metro Manila on the island of Luzon.

 * A bomb exploded at Plaza Ferguson in Malate, Manila, less than a hundred meters from the United States Embassy.
 * Another detonated at a gasoline station just outside the Makati central business district. The site was along EDSA, across the street from the Dusit Hotel in Makati. Two members of the local police bomb squad died as a result.
 * The cargo handling area of Ninoy Aquino International Airport (NAIA) was also targeted with at least one explosive device.
 * Another device was detonated inside a bus traveling along EDSA. The bomb exploded while the bus was in the Cubao area of Quezon City. One passenger was killed, while several others were injured.
 * The explosion that claimed the most casualties occurred in a train cab at the Blumentritt station of the LRT Line 1 in Santa Cruz, Manila.

Type of explosive employed
The Philippine National Police identified the bombs as comprising one-kilogram black-powder, detonated using timing devices. In addition, confessions by the convicted perpetrators describe the bombs as made of ammonium nitrate-based explosives. Most of the components, such as blasting caps and detonation cords, were discovered to have come from the city of Talisay in the southern province of Cebu. The town is known for the production of blasting caps used in illegal fishing.

Perpetrators
Initially, various Islamic groups were suspected of the bombings, including the Jemaah Islamiyah, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, and the Moro National Liberation Front.

In September 2003, almost three years after the incident, the case remained unsolved for which the authorities responsible were berated by then-senate president Franklin Drilon.

In May 2003, Saifullah Yunos (a.k.a. Mukhlis Yunos), a suspect in the bombings, was arrested in the southern city of Cagayan de Oro as he was about to board a plane to Manila. Police were alerted to the suspect when he failed to explain bandages on his face and arms. A month later, he confessed to a level of involvement in the bombings. A member of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front's special operations group, he was charged with multiple murders and attempted murders for his role in the bombings.

In the following years, several members of the Jemaah Islamiyah were arrested for their suspected involvement in the bombings. In 2004, two Muslim men, Mamasao Naga (a.k.a. Zainal Paks) and Abdul Pata (a.k.a. Mohamad Amir) were arrested by Philippine armed forces in Marawi City. They were supposedly identified by Fathur Rahman Al-Ghozi, a known member of the Jemaah Islamiyah, as the ones responsible for the LRT-1 train cab bombing.

The MILF and the MNLF were later cleared by the Philippine National Police of any involvement in the attacks.

Fathur Rahman Al-Ghozi, an Indonesian national and member of the known terrorist group Jemaah Islamiyah, was convicted and sentenced to 17 years in prison for illegal possession of explosives in relation to the Rizal Day bombing incidents. In July 2003, Al-Ghozi, along with several other accomplices, escaped from their holding cell at Camp Crame. Al-Ghozi was later killed in a firefight with Philippine authorities on October 13, 2003.

On January 23, 2009, the three Rizal Day bombers, Mukhlis Hadji Yunos, Abdul Fatak Paute, and Mamasao Naga, were sentenced by the Manila Regional Trial Court Branch 29, under Judge Cielito Mendaro-Grulla, for up to 20 years in imprisonment for multiple murders and multiple attempted murders.

Aftermath
In December 2006, almost six years after the bombings, Metro Manila police went on heightened alert due to bomb scares and the prospect of follow-up attacks on the anniversary of the bombings. The AFP followed suit days after, deploying numerous bomb squads and medical teams to both Fort Bonifacio and Luneta. In addition, the PNP's Explosives and Ordnance Division and SWAT deployed teams to LRT-1 stations along Taft Avenue, near one of the original bombing sites.

The bombings were briefly mentioned in one of the segments in the 2023 film, Ang Duyan ng Magiting, an official entry to the 19th Cinemalaya Independent Film Festival.

title: Rizal Day bombings


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Belarusian Agrarian Party

The Belarusian Agrarian Party (Белорусская аграрная партия; Беларуская аграрная партыя) was an agrarian socialist political party in Belarus. It supported the government of Alexander Lukashenko. The leader of the party was Mikhail Rusy, who succeeded Mikhail Shimansky on 15 March 2008.

In August 2023, the party dissolved itself.

Ideology
The party advocates the reform of society on the principles of democratic socialism, the restructuring of the economy on the basis of private and state ownership of the means of production, including land. In agriculture it recognizes the forms: production cooperative, joint-stock company, collective and state farm, peasant farm and small enterprise.

History
It was created in 1992 as the United Agrarian Democratic Party of Belarus (Объединенная аграрно-демократическая партия Беларуси; Аб'яднанная аграрно-демократическая партия Беларуси). On 28 January 1994, it changed its name into Agrarian Party.

At the legislative election in 1995, the party obtained 33 out of 198 seats.

The 1996 constitutional crisis split the party into those who supported Lukashenko and those who, together with Syamyon Sharetski (the first party chairman), remained in the Supreme Soviet.

Syamyon Sharetski did not recognize the results of the 1996 constitutional referendum and did not submit to the decision to dissolve the Supreme Soviet. In July 1999, as the head of the legitimate legislative body recognized by the West, Syamyon Sharetski was adopted in Lithuania, where he stayed for two years. In July 2001, Syamyon Sharetski left for the United States and ceased his political activities.

On September 22, 1999, the party was re-registered.

The IV Party Congress at the end of March 2000 announced its intention to cooperate with the authorities and elected Mikhail Shimansky as its chairman.

On June 12, 2009, the Ministry of Justice of Belarus issued a written warning in connection with the fact that the party did not submit information about its activities to the Ministry.

In 2000 and 2004 it only gained 5 and 3 seats in the House of Representatives, respectively. In 2008, the party was reduced to one seat. In the 2016 election, the party lost its remaining seat. It regained a seat in the assembly in the 2019 Belarusian parliamentary election.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Belarusian Agrarian Party


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Communist Party of Belarus

The Communist Party of Belarus (CPB; Коммунисти́ческая па́ртия Белару́си; Камуністы́чная па́ртыя Белару́сі) is a communist and Marxist–Leninist political party in Belarus. The party was created in 1996 and supports the government of president Alexander Lukashenko. The leader of the party is Aliaksiej Sokal. The party has had more seats in the National Assembly of Belarus than any other party since the 2000 Belarusian parliamentary election, the first national election it participated in. However, most seats in the Belarusian legislature are held by independent politicians.

Overview
The party suggested merging with the Belarusian Left Party "A Just World" (PKB) on July 15, 2006. While the Communist Party of Belarus is a pro-presidential party, the Party of Communists of Belarus was one of the major opposition parties in Belarus. According to Sergey Kalyakin, the chairman of the PKB, the so-called "re-unification" of the two parties was a plot designed to oust the opposition PKB.

The main foreign policy goal of strengthening the party proclaimed national security through the development of Belarus-Russia Union State and the phase reconstruction voluntarily renewed Union nations, strengthening its political and economic independence.

The KPB is part of the Union of Communist Parties - Communist Party of the Soviet Union (SKP - KPSS) and the International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties (IMCWP); it enjoys relations with other communist parties in post-Soviet states and throughout the world to a much greater extent than the PKB, which is affiliated with the Party of the European Left and is considered by many in the region to be "pro-Western."

At the 2004 parliamentary election, the KPB obtained 5.99% and 8 out of 110 seats in the House of Representatives, 6 seats in 2008 and even less in 2012 - where it won 3 seats.

Because of the party's support for President Lukashenko, 17 of its members were appointed by him in the country's upper house, the Council of the Republic of Belarus, in 2012.

In 2014, the party increased its representation by obtaining 5 seats.

The party improved its result in the 2016 parliamentary elections, where it won 8 seats and then further increased it in the 2019 elections - where it won 11 seats.

During the 2020–21 Belarusian protests, the Communist Party of Belarus participated in a meeting in support of Alexander Lukashenko.

title: Communist Party of Belarus


text:
People's United Party

The People's United Party (Partido Unido del Pueblo, PUP)    is one of two major political parties in Belize. It is currently the governing party of Belize after success in the 2020 Belizean general election, winning a majority of 26 seats out of 31 in the Belizean House of Representatives. It is a centre-left Christian democratic party. The party leader is Johnny Briceño, who currently serves as the Prime Minister of Belize.

Overview
The PUP was founded in 1950 out of the Nationalist Movement, as an anti-colonial party while the country was ruled by the United Kingdom as British Honduras. Under George Cadle Price the PUP played a major role in negotiating Belize's self-government in 1964 and eventual independence in 1981. The PUP dominated local British Honduran and later Belizean politics from the mid-1950s until 1984, when it lost to the centre-right opposition United Democratic Party (UDP). The UDP has been the party's main opposition since the early 1970s. Under Price's leadership, the PUP returned to power in 1989 but was defeated by the UDP again in 1993.

After Price's retirement in 1996, the PUP won a landslide victory in 1998 under the leadership of Said Musa. The PUP won 22 of the 29 seats in the House of Representatives in 2003. It subsequently held 21 seats after losing one to the UDP in a by-election in October 2003 after the death of one of its House members.

After nearly 10 years in power under Musa the PUP decisively lost the February 2008 election to the UDP, winning only six out of 31 seats. The party remained in opposition after the 2012 election, in which it gained 8 seats but was narrowly defeated by the UDP, and then lost 2 seats in the 2015 election. In the 2020 elections they won an overwhelming victory, gaining 14 seats and winning in almost all local councils.

Leaders

 * John Smith (1950–1952)
 * Leigh Richardson (acting) (1953–1956)
 * George Cadle Price (1956–1996)
 * Said Musa (1996–2008)
 * Francis Fonseca (29 October 2011 – 31 January 2016)
 * Johnny Briceño (2008–2011, 2016–present)

1940s politics: the trade unions
Belizean politics in the 1940s was dominated by activists from the trade unions, particularly the Workers and Tradesmen's Union (later the General Workers Union, GWU), which had just received its right to organise British Honduran workers. Among the Union's leaders (some of whom would later be prominent in the PUP) were Clifford Betson, Antonio Soberanis, Henry Middleton and Nicholas Pollard Sr.

Coalescing against the British
Among the favourite places for anti-British sentiment to manifest itself was the Belize Town Board (now City Council), which offered opportunities for anti-colonial elements to gather strength and support from British Hondurans. A group of college-educated students, led by John Smith, George Price, Herbert Fuller and Herman Jex were all elected to positions on the Board and later the Legislative Council, assuring that they would be well placed to act. On December 31, 1949, an incident occurred that would force them to act.

Devaluation and the People's Committee
On this date, a Saturday, the Governor devalued the British Honduras dollar after previously insisting he would not do so. An ad hoc committee, the People's Committee (PC), was formed in January 1950 and began to speak out against this unwelcome act in particular and colonialism in general. Such members as Price and Smith in street corner meetings and Goldson and Richardson behind the printing press of the sympathetic daily the Belize Billboard, pressed the issue and sought the support of the Belizean people. A wave of anti-British and anti-colonial sentiment struck British Honduras (or Belize as the PC called it for the first time) that had never before been seen, not even in the 1930s at the height of Belize's Labour Movement. The PC found that almost overnight it had become the salvation of the people.

Formation
Belizeans rapidly accepted the new party's statements against colonialism and exploitation of the masses. On February 12, 1950, a crowd of 10,000 marched to Government House in Belize City and proceeded to stone the houses of supposed pro-British elements. A meeting at the Battlefield Park in central Belize City was teargassed by police, and a state of emergency was imposed until July. It was the first time that Belizeans had spoken so forcefully against British colonial policy and on a national level, featuring men and women. By April, the PC/PUP had infiltrated the General Workers Union and sought to turn it toward a nationalist, socialist perspective. By September 1950, an overworked PC was forced to admit that it had overreached itself and that the work of enlightening British Hondurans was the vein of a political party. Its members agreed unanimously to the dissolving of the PC and the birth of the PUP on September 29, 1950.

Colonialist response
A draft constitutional report prepared to examine Belize's readiness for development appeared in April 1951. It argued that the British system allowed Belizeans to "(enjoy) the fruits of their labours" and argued that rapid political development in such a multi-ethnic society as Belize's was "premature". Among its complaints was that development was not uniform among all ethnic groups, the dominance of the Creoles, widespread illiteracy, and overall "backwardness' of Belizeans, especially outside of Belize City. Its views reflected those of the middle class of merchants and colonial supporters who saw no reason for change. The PUP attacked the report, mobilized its supporters against it and declared a break with all things colonial, including the name "British Honduras"; PUP leaders routinely referred to the country as Belize thereafter until the name was officially changed in 1973.

The colonialists also sought to mobilise support, and created a National Party in August 1951 to oppose the PUP; this party drew its support from middle-class Belizeans and British officials. One month earlier the colonial government dissolved the PUP-dominated Belize City Council for neglecting to place a portrait of King George VI in its chambers, and in October jailed PUP leaders Richardson and Phillip Goldson for an article in a local newspaper justifying revolution. Leader John Smith left immediately after that, having failed to persuade the party to fly a "Union Jack" at its meeting to counter statements that Guatemala had been aiding the PUP. In City Council elections of 1952, the party won just three of nine seats, with four going to the National Party and two to independents. The National Party had managed to recruit respectable anti-PUP elements from among women's leaders, trade unions and middle-class representatives and presented a better front. Nevertheless, George Price, the only leader to escape the colonial attack, topped the polls. since then the PUP took advantage

General strike
The PUP for the moment turned its attention to the labour front. George Price was named head of the GWU in April 1952, and returning leaders Richardson and Goldson called for a "Crusade against Colonialism". The national holiday, on September 10, was dominated by a PUP-sponsored parade that clearly showed how much it had grown beyond its early years. Another opportunity came in October 1952 after workers at a Stann Creek citrus factory called a strike and were joined by their fellows in the Colonial Development Cooperation, United Fruit Company, Public Works Department and Belize Estate Company sawmill operations. Originally called for two days, the strike lasted 49 days on the support of Belizeans across the country, forcing the colonial government to capitulate and call for negotiations with all of the managements except for the BEC, which shut down its sawmill and left 268 workers jobless. Calls for scab labour were met with violence from demonstrators and a number of people were arrested, but by December 8 some 48 workers were on the job and the GWU called off the strike. Membership in the GWU (and support for the PUP) rose dramatically.

First national elections
The new constitution envisioned by the 1951 draft report called for universal adult suffrage and a Legislative Council of nine members. General elections, the nation's first, were called for April 28, 1954 and were contested by the PUP, the NP and independent candidates. The PUP stressed anti-colonialism and stood against the proposed British West Indies Federation which they claimed would destroy Belize's economy; their opponents continued to argue that the PUP was a front for Guatemala. The GWU proved important in getting out the vote in the districts and provided candidates in certain areas. On election day, 70% of the electorate voted, awarding the PUP eight seats and the National Party 1. A chagrined colonial government pledged to work with the PUP; the cautious victors replied that such a partnership would be welcomed only if it "did not retard the campaign against the colonial system". The colonials sought every opportunity to wreak havoc within the party. Already, the PUP was divided between a faction led by Richardson and Goldson, who advocated accepting the offer, and Price, who refused to compromise himself.

Party dissension and colonial mind games
This party dispute came to a head in the summer of 1956, in which ten central committee members left the Party, including Richardson and Phillip Goldson. A majority in the elected government, they nonetheless felt threatened by the overwhelming support in the street for Price, who controlled the rank and file through his connection with the GWU. Price was thereafter undisputed leader of the party, and went unchallenged for nearly four decades as such. As a minor result of the resignations, the GWU lost its popularity and this signalled the end of Labour's attempt to control the country's movement. The prodigal members had an equally hard time of it: their new party, in elections of March 1957, managed just 17% of voter popularity and overall voter turnout dropped to 63%.

A pleased colonial government now turned up the heat full blast on George Price. They dismissed him from the Executive Council on the old charge of selling out to Guatemala, giving his opponents something to work with; although Belizeans still debate the relationship between Price and Guatemala, the charges were not immediately serious. In March 1958, a protracted charge of sedition was laid on him for supposedly uncomplimentary remarks about the possible reception of Queen Elizabeth II of the United Kingdom in Belize. A jury acquitted him and the charges backfired. Moreover, the PUP achieved its greatest electoral dominance in 1961 elections, sweeping all eighteen seats from the hapless National Independence Party.

Working toward self-government
In contrast with its early years of mass action against the colonial order, the PUP of the 1960s was more focused on change from within. In October 1961, Hurricane Hattie arrived on the shores of Belize City, causing destruction in the de facto capital. The PUP immediately began calling for the moving of the capital to higher ground, to escape flooding. This demand led to the construction of Belize's current capital, Belmopan, later in the decade, and of the village of Hattieville, 16 miles from the city, to host the hurricane's evacuees. It also showed that George Price's vision for the country was national, rather than insular.

As of 1959, a women's arm of the Party, the United Women's Group (UWG), was created under Gwendolyn Lizarraga, later Belize's first female Minister; its task was to mobilise Belize's women to eradicate poor conditions in housing and urban development. Its efforts were mixed at best and illustrate the PUP's unwillingness to allow women much room in the march to development, preferring them to depend on their male counterparts in government.

On January 1, 1963, Belize achieved internal self-government, the last step before full independence. All matters outside of foreign affairs and national defence would now be the province of the government. The British also retained the public service, including bureaucrats and police, and internal security, meaning that loyalty was a higher priority than development and forcing Price to actively recruit the middle class to the PUP's side.

The PUP in this era presided over the shift from forestry to agriculture, the rise of the sugar industry, reforms to labour laws, land distribution, infrastructural development and increased social services contributing to a general improvement in the standard of living.

1970s and early 1980s: new challenges
As the PUP moved into the 1970s, it controlled the nation of Belize like never before. It had not lost an election, general or municipal, ever, and enjoyed the confidence of the Belizean people. But new challenges arose that would ultimately lessen Belizeans' confidence in the PUP.

UBAD and PAC
In 1968, students began returning from abroad with a serious sense of the kind of development Belize needed to stay afloat in the modern world. Evan X Hyde, a young black middle-class Creole, graduated Dartmouth College, a predominantly white school, with an A.B. in English in 1968. He formed the United Black Association for Development (UBAD) in early 1969 and began seriously attacking the PUP's economic and social policies, equating them with neo-colonialism and denouncing them as "politricks". He joined trained lawyers Said Musa and Assad Shoman in the formation of their People's Action Committee (PAC), which was against "the North Atlantic economic domination (of Belize)" (Shoman) and in the analogue movement RAM (Revolutionary Action Movement) formed by a fusion of the two. Though none of these movements lasted for very long, they all left serious impressions on the psyche of the PUP, which prided itself on being the party of the people. The PUP first tried to silence them, stripping the latter of their jobs and laying charges of sedition, housebreaking and robbery on the former, all of which he dodged. When that did not work, they tried coopting them: Shoman and Musa later played prominent roles in the PUP and Hyde was thereafter relatively quiet in defence of or opposition to them. However, the party was shown to be indecisive in its handling of the two groups.

UDP and dwindling fortunes
At the formation of the United Democratic Party, a combination of the NIP, PDM and Liberal oppositions, it was thought that they could not present a worthy challenge to the ruling party. What happened next proved otherwise. The UDP proceeded, under Dean Lindo, to come within 18 votes of throwing the 18 seat Belize House of Representatives into deadlock, seized control of the Belize City Council from the PUP (for the first time in two decades) and winning municipal votes in 1975, 1977 and 1978. While Belizeans still wanted independence, it was felt that the UDP needed an opportunity to prove themselves in government. The results of the 1979 elections showed that the UDP had not quite passed that test, particularly because of their demands for a delayed independence due to Guatemala's claim to Belize remaining unsettled. While the PUP eventually fended off this initial UDP challenge, their policy on Guatemala and independence at any cost would prove the party's undoing.

Heads of Agreement and decline
On January 30, 1981, Premier Price presented to the house a paper with suggestions for the new constitution to come into effect on the eve of independence, which the United Nations maintained had to be no later than the end of 1981 when it supported Belize in a resolution at its 1980 meeting. On March 11, Price, Assad Shoman and other Belizean negotiators returned with a series of proposals they called the "Heads of Agreement", though nothing had actually been agreed on. The sixteen clauses called for Belize to make tough choices in order for the claim to be dropped, but Belizeans rebelled and set the country afire, forcing a state of emergency. It was under this state of emergency that Belize gained independence on September 21, 1981, a hollow victory that came at the price of losing Belizeans' trust. The PUP, hanging on for three more years despite economic losses and general discontent, finally called a general election for December 1984, and lost, 21–7, to the UDP. In many ways, it was the end of an era.

Reform and resurgence
The PUP for much of the 1980s was heavily divided and out of ideas, characterised by intra-party fights such as the 1983 national convention in which Said Musa challenged Louis Sylvester, or occasional disputes between the so-called "left wing" of Shoman and Musa and the "right wing" of Sylvester, Ralph Fonseca and persons considered to be the chief financiers of the PUP. In 1986, Musa won the chairmanship position and began recruiting new faces into the party. The immediate result of this was improvement in municipal elections in the late 1980s and a close general election victory in 1989. In its first post-independence term the PUP hardly shied away from the same economic policy the UDP had utilised, involving economic growth by improving services. An early election in 1993 cost the PUP a chance to stay in power; a victorious alliance of the UDP and National Alliance for Belizean Rights forced the PUP to become the opposition party for a second time. The party lost the 1993 elections despite polling more votes overall than the UDP. The PUP had only been outpolled in popular votes previously in 1984. The PUP did internal repairs to the party hierarchy at national conventions in May 1994 and November 1996; the latter saw the resignation of George Price as party leader. Said Musa defeated Florencio Marin Sr. in the ensuing convention to name a new leader. After winning municipal votes in 1996 and 1997 and the general elections in 1998, the PUP were riding high once again.

Today
The PUP led Belize to eight consecutive years of growth, despite serious external and internal shocks to the traditional and non-traditional bases of the economy.

In 2004, several ministers resigned from Cabinet citing inability to work within the current system. The party wooed them back almost immediately, but aftershocks from this incident continue to affect the party.

Belizeans today are more sceptical of the party than ever before due to constant accusations of corruption which it says are falsified. The 2005 protests in Belize highlighted some of these claims.

Following the PUP's defeat in the 2008 election, Musa and Fonseca announced that they were resigning from their leadership positions. Musa said that the PUP needed to "renew itself from the top".

On March 30, 2008, Johnny Briceño was elected as the leader of the PUP at a party convention in Belmopan, succeeding Musa. He defeated Francis Fonseca, who was considered to be the candidate preferred by the party establishment, receiving 330 votes against 310 for Fonseca.

A special convention was called for April 13, 2008 in Briceño's stronghold of Orange Walk.

On October 17, 2010, the PUP held their national convention in Dangriga in which Hon. Johnny Briceno was endorsed as the Party Leader. Carolyn Trench-Sandiford, a former party chair, was elected the PUP's (and Belize's) first ever female deputy leader.

On October 20, 2011, Francis Fonseca was endorsed at a meeting of the party's National Executive in Belize City as the new PUP leader following the resignation of Hon. Johnny Briceno on October 7. Fonseca was formally endorsed as party leader of the People's United Party at a special convention on October 29, 2011.

Following the general election in November 2015, Fonseca resigned as party leader. A national convention was held on January 31, 2016 to elect a new leader. Johnny Briceño returned as leader as the party with 1122 votes to Fonseca's 917.

Media
The Belize Times was established by George Price in 1956 and publishes once a week from party headquarters at Queen Street. Its current editor is Alberto Vellos. Vibes Radio was established in 2002 as the official party station. Its manager is Gerald Garbutt.

title: People's United Party


text:
Hussein bin Ali, King of Hejaz

Hussein bin Ali al-Hashimi (ٱلْحُسَيْن بِن عَلِي ٱلْهَاشِمِي; 1 May 1854 – 4 June 1931) was an Arab leader from the Banu Qatadah branch of the Banu Hashim clan who was the Sharif and Emir of Mecca from 1908 and, after proclaiming the Great Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Empire, King of the Hejaz, even if he refused this title, from 1916 to 1924. He proclaimed himself Caliph after the abolition of the Ottoman Caliphate in 1924 and stayed in power until 1925 when Hejaz was invaded by the Saudis. His Caliphate was opposed by the British and French Empires, the Zionists and the Wahhabis alike. However, he received support from a large part of the Muslim population of that time and from Mehmed VI. He is usually considered as the father of modern pan-Arabism.

In 1908, in the aftermath of the Young Turk Revolution, Hussein was appointed Sharif of Mecca by the Ottoman sultan Abdul Hamid II. His relationship with the Ottoman government deteriorated after the Committee of Union and Progress took power, particularly because of their policies of Turkification and persecution of ethnic minorities, including Arabs. In 1916, with the promise of British support for Arab independence, although it is debated as to what extent the British were influential in his choice, he proclaimed the Arab Revolt against the Ottoman Empire, accusing the Committee of Union and Progress of violating tenets of Islam and limiting the power of the sultan-caliph. While his armies, led by his sons, were engaged in fighting the Ottoman and German troops in the Middle East, Hussein supported the Armenians during the Armenian genocide and saved up to 4,000 of them. In the aftermath of World War I, Hussein refused to ratify the Treaty of Versailles, in protest of the Balfour Declaration, a document supporting the Jewish settlers in Palestine, and the establishment of British and French mandates in Syria, Iraq, and Palestine. His sons Faisal and Abdullah were made rulers of Iraq and Transjordan respectively in 1921.

He later refused to sign the Anglo-Hashemite Treaty and thus was left in a very precarious position, the British decided progressively to stop supporting him after the proclamation of his caliphate and the refusal to sign any treaty with them. Thus, they decided to support Ibn Saud, who promptly launched an invasion of the Kingdom of Hejaz. In October 1924, facing defeat by Ibn Saud, he abdicated and was succeeded as king by his eldest son Ali. After Hejaz was subsequently completely invaded by the Ibn Saud-Wahhabi armies of the Ikhwan, on 23 December 1925, Hussein surrendered to the Saudis, bringing the Kingdom of Hejaz, the Sharifate of Mecca and the Sharifian Caliphate to an end.

Hussein was then sent into exile to Cyprus, where the British kept him prisoner until his health deteriorated so much that they allowed him to go back to Amman, next to his son Abdullah I of Jordan. He died in Amman in 1931 and was buried as a Caliph in the Al-Aqsa mosque compound.

Ascendance
Hussein bin Ali bin Muhammad bin Abd al-Mu'in bin Awn was born in Constantinople in 1853 or 1854. He was the eldest son of Sharif Ali bin Muhammad, who is the second son of Muhammad bin Abd al-Mu'in, the former Sharif of Mecca. As a member of the Hashemite dynasty, he was a descendant of Muhammad in the 37th generation through his grandson Hasan bin Ali. His mother, Salah Bani-Shahar, the wife of Ali, would have been a Circassian.

He belonged to the Dhawu Awn clan of the Abadilah, a branch of the Banu Qatadah tribe. The Banu Qatadah had ruled the Sharifate of Mecca since the accession of their ancestor Qatadah ibn Idris in 1201 and were the last of the four branches of Hashemite sharifs who, together, had governed Mecca since the 11th century.

Power struggles and birth
In 1827, Muhammad bin Abd al-Mu'in was appointed as the Sharif, becoming the first Sharif of the Dhawu Awn branch and ending the centuries-long dominance of the Dhawu Zayd. He reigned until 1851, when he was replaced by Sharif Abd al-Muttalib ibn Ghalib of the Dhawu Zayd. After being deposed, he sent his family and sons to reside in the Ottoman capital of Constantinople.It was there that Hussein was born to Muhammad's son, Ali, in 1853–1854.

Muhammad was reinstated to power in 1856, and Hussein, then two or three years old, accompanied his father and grandfather to Mecca. Muhammad quickly died in 1858 and was succeeded by his eldest son, Sharif Abdullah Pasha, Hussein's uncle. He returned to Mecca after his father's death, at a young age, when his uncle Sharif Abdullah called them back, with his mother in 1861–1862.

Youth and education
Hussein was raised at home, unlike other Hashemite youth who were typically sent outside the city to grow up among Bedouin nomads. Apparently a diligent young man, he mastered the principles of the Arabic language and was also educated in Islamic law and doctrine. Among his teachers was Sheikh Muhammad Mahmud at-Turkizi ash-Shinqiti, with whom he studied the seven Mu'allaqat. With Sheikh Ahmad Zayni Dahlan, he studied the Quran, completing its memorization before the age of 20.

During Abdullah's reign, Hussein became familiar with the politics and intrigue surrounding the Sharifian court. He also participated in numerous expeditions to the Najd and the eastern regions of Hejaz to meet the Arab tribes, over whom the Sharifate of Mecca then exerted a loose form of control. He learned the customs of the Bedouins, including the skills necessary to withstand the harsh desert environment. During his travels, he also gained a thorough knowledge of the desert's flora and fauna and composed poems in humayni verse, a type of vernacular poetry (malhun) of the Bedouins. He also practiced horseback riding and hunting.

Exile to Constantinople
In 1875, he married Abdullah's daughter, Abdiyah, his cousin. In 1877, Abdullah died, and Hussein, along with his cousin Ali ibn Abdullah, received the rank of Pasha. After a series of political assassinations among his uncles vying for the position of Sharif, he gained attention for his independence of thought and was sent back to Constantinople by the reigning uncle at that time in 1892–1893. He remained there for 15 years, until 1908, mainly focusing on raising his children, learning the politics of the Sublime Porte—where he aligned with the conservative faction—and hoping to return home.

As Emir
Following the removal of his predecessor in October and the sudden death of his successor shortly thereafter, Hussein was appointed grand sharif by official decree of the sultan Abdul Hamid II in November 1908. However, the situation was peculiar for Hussein, who arrived in Mecca in the midst of the Young Turk Revolution, which brought the Young Turks (CUP) to power. Upon his arrival, he met CUP representatives who greeted him as the "Constitutional Sharif," intending to gauge his response to such a designation. He replied: "Verily these are the lands of Allah in which nothing will ever stand except the Shariah of Allah [...] The constitution of the lands of Allah is the Shariah of Allah and the Sunnah of His Prophet."

Religious stances
His main teacher was Ahmad Zayni Dahlan, with whom he became a hafiz. He had a Shafi'i and Hanafi education, but also allied with the Malikis and opposed the Wahhabis, at a time when adherence to a madhhab was more fluid.

Pan-Arabism and relationship with the Ottomans
Although there is no formal evidence suggesting that Hussein bin Ali was inclined towards Arab nationalism before 1916, the rise of Turkish nationalism towards the end of the Ottoman Empire, culminating in the Young Turks Revolution of 1908, strongly displeased the Hashemites and Bedouins. Additionally, the increasing centralization of the Ottoman Empire, the progressive prohibition of Arabic in teaching, Turkification policies, and the settlement of Turkish colonists in Arab areas worried and frightened Arabs throughout the empire.

In 1908, the Hejaz Railway was completed, allowing the Turks to strengthen their control over the Hejaz and provide a rapid response capability to reinforce their garrisons in Mecca and Medina. It was built under constant threat of Arab raids, such as those from the Harb tribe, which demonstrated their hostility towards the project. Furthermore, in April 1915, the Ottoman government began a policy of extermination of the minorities in the Ottoman Empire through various genocides. This frightened the Arabs,  who were the largest minority in the Empire, and was openly criticized by Hussein bin Ali.

These oppositions with the Turks became so violent that they overshadowed those that existed in Arab society and Bedouin society; and many rival tribes to the Hashemites rallied behind their leadership.

An independentist and anti-colonial Arab movement developed, mainly in Ottoman Syria, where Arab intellectuals and newspapers called for the restoration of the caliphate in the hands of a Quraysh, and especially for the acquisition of Arab independence from the Ottoman Empire. The relationship between Hussein and the Committee of Union and Progress worsened even more after the discovery and foiling of a plot by Enver Pasha to assassinate Hussein.

All of these points led to a violent rupture between Arab elites and the Ottoman political class, and are reflected in Hussein's later proclamation of independence, where he presented his struggle as a religious and anti-colonial one.

Twenty days after the start of the Armenian genocide in the Ottoman Empire, Hussein bin Ali's son, Faisal, met with the leaders of the revolutionary organization Al-Fatat in Damascus. They assured him of their support in case of revolt and recognized Hussein as the representative of the Arab nation.

When Hussein took up the pan-Arab claims in 1916, after his proclamation of independence, he became the leading figure behind whom the pan-Arabs rallied, and is therefore frequently regarded as the father of pan-Arabism.

During World War I, Hussein initially remained allied with the Ottomans but began secret negotiations with the British on the advice of his son, Abdullah, who had served in the Ottoman parliament up to 1914 and was convinced that it was necessary to separate from the increasingly nationalistic Ottoman administration.

Relationship with the British
Following deliberations at Ta'if between Hussein and his sons in June 1915, during which Faisal counselled caution, Ali argued against rebellion and Abdullah advocated action and encouraged his father to enter into correspondence with Sir Henry McMahon; over the period 14 July 1915 to 10 March 1916, a total of ten letters, five from each side, were exchanged between Sir Henry McMahon and Sherif Hussein. McMahon was in contact with British Foreign Secretary Edward Grey throughout, and Grey was to authorise and be ultimately responsible for the correspondence.

The British Secretary of State for War, Field Marshal Lord Kitchener, appealed to him for assistance in the conflict on the side of the Triple Entente. Starting in 1915, as indicated by an exchange of letters with Lieutenant Colonel Sir Henry McMahon, the British High Commissioner in the Sultanate of Egypt, Hussein seized the opportunity and demanded recognition of an Arab nation that included the Hejaz and other adjacent territories as well as approval for the proclamation of an Arab Caliphate of Islam. High Commissioner McMahon accepted and assured him that his assistance would be rewarded by an Arab empire encompassing the entire span between Egypt and Persia, with the exception of British possessions and interests in Kuwait, Aden, and the Syrian coast. However, at that time, the British scarcely thought about the promises made; their primary concern was winning the war and dismantling the Ottoman Empire. The fate of the Arab populations and the division of territory were left for a future date.

According to Ekrem Buğra Ekinci, the links between Hussein and the British should not be overestimated. The deep-rooted reason for the Arab revolt, according to him, remains the persecutions and abuse carried out by the Young Turks against the Arabs of the Ottoman Empire, and is not necessarily linked to British support. This support would therefore be contingent and the revolt would have still occurred without their help. This point was shared at the time by Abbas II of Egypt, the last Khedive of Egypt, even though he was a sympathizer of the Young Turks.

Arab Revolt
He decided to join the Allied camp immediately, because of information that he would soon be deposed as Sharif of Mecca by the Ottoman government in favor of Sharif Ali Haidar, leader of the rival Zaʻid family. The much-publicized executions of the Arab nationalist leaders in Damascus led Hussein to fear for his life if he were deposed in favour of Ali Haidar. The revolt proper began on 10 June 1916, when Hussein proclaimed the independence of the Kingdom of Hejaz and ordered his supporters to attack the Ottoman garrison in Mecca. In the Battle of Mecca, there ensued over a month of bloody street fighting between the out-numbered, but far better armed Ottoman troops and Hussein's tribesmen. Indiscriminate Ottoman artillery fire, set fire to the veil covering the Kaaba and turned out to be a potent propaganda weapon for the Hashemites, who portrayed the Ottomans as desecrating Islam's most holy site. Also on 10 June, another of Hussein's sons, the Emir Abdullah, attacked Ta'if, which after an initial repulse settled down into a siege. With the British-Egyptian artillery support, Abdullah took Ta'if on 22 September 1916. After this, and for most of the war, Hussein's sons directed the fighting ; most notably Faisal, future Faisal I of Iraq, and Abdullah, future Abdullah I of Jordan. Hussein mostly stayed in Mecca to direct the operations, while his sons were fighting. The Arab revolt laid siege to Medina but wasn't able to take it for a year, thus impeding the operations. During this battle, the Ottomans killed and deported the civilian Arabic population of Medina into the Syrian desert, an event hidden by the pretense of doing "Seferberlik", or mobilization. On 30 October 1916, Emir Abdullah called a meeting of majlis where he read a letter in which "Husayn ibn Ali was recognized as sovereign of the Arab nation. Then all those present arose and proclaimed him Malik al-Arab, King of the Arabs." During the whole duration of the war, Hussein's troops stayed underequipped and lacking artillery – which the Allies didn't want to give, seing that front as utopical and not as important as the fight was in the Western front, among others. This lack of artillery and high mobility ; since most of the troops were mounted Bedouins, pushed them to use guerilla tactics in the desert ; for example by severing Ottoman supplies with the bombings of specific sections of the Hejaz railway.

After the fall of Medina, the Arab troops were able to secure Aqaba quickly and this allowed them to project themselves farther; they still ambushed Ottoman troops, such as during the battle of Wadi Musa, helping themselves with their superior knowledge of the Arabian and Syrian deserts. This conflict was marked by widespread ethnic cleansing directed at non-Turkish populations in the areas affected. The troops of Hussein also committed war crimes, deciding to execute Turkish troops responsible of the Tafas massacre against Arabian civilians, instead of taking them prisoners. After the fall of Aqaba, the Arab forces, supplemented with British auxiliaries and with the design of joining forces with the British main armies, which were trying to break out of Egypt and Palestine, managed to join them. During the Battle of Megiddo, in September 1918, Hussein's troops led by his son Faisal, joined the British forces and managed to utterly destroy the 4th, 7th and 8th Ottoman armies, and push into retreat the Yildirim Army Group, comprising the German Asian Corps and led at the time by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, thus leaving the Palestinian and Arabian front without defence, and finally breaking inside the Ottoman Empire. The battle happened at the same time as the Vardar offensive in the Balkans, which managed to overrun Bulgarian defences, thus opening the Balkans and ultimately Austria-Hungary. Since the war was seemingly won, and the Ottoman defences were crumbling, Faisal projected himself towards Damascus, which he took the 1st of October 1918. After this, he engaged in the pursuit to Haritan, pursuing the remnants of the Yildirim Army Group and ultimately taking Aleppo on the 25 of October 1918, thus ending the war on that front.

King of Hejaz
The US State Department quotes an aide-mémoire dated 24 October 1917 given by the Arab Bureau to the American Diplomatic Agency in Cairo confirming that "...Britain, France and Russia agreed to recognize the Sherif as lawful independent ruler of the Hejaz and to use the title of "King of the Hejaz" when addressing him, and a note to this effect was handed to him on December 10, 1916". When Hussein declared himself King of the Hejaz, he also declared himself King of the Arab lands (malik bilad-al-Arab). This only aggravated his conflict with Abdulaziz ibn Saud, which was already present because of their differences in religious beliefs and with whom he had fought before the First World War, siding with fellow anti-Saudis, the Ottomans in 1910.

Rule
Hussein initiated a series of reforms, including measures to avoid offending Muslims from French or British colonies who undertook the Hajj. He also addressed the issue of stray dogs, attempted to ensure the security of the Hajj routes, and sought to combat the prevalent slave markets in the Hejaz region.

He undertook the last major restoration of the Masjid al-Haram in 1920 and a restoration of the mosques of Palestine and more specifically of al-Aqsa mosque, for which he funded 26,672 liras.

Armenian genocide
Starting from 1917, Hussein made decisions to protect the Armenian refugees and those residing in his lands from the Armenian genocide. First, he condemned the genocide publicly as early as 1916, stating "We specifically bring to the world's condemnation the atrocities committed against the Greeks and Armenians, atrocities that our holy law can only disapprove of." In this regard, he promulgated in 1917, in a decree: "In the name of Most Merciful Allah and our prophet Muhammad, we are addressing our Arab brothers (...) to take Armenian refugees in their families, to share with them their belongings – camels, food, shelter, blankets – and share everything that you have in excess, and everything that you can give to people." In April 1918, as part of his conquest of the Syrian territories in which the Armenian genocide took place, he issued a decree to protect Armenians from persecution and allow them to settle in peace, in which he ordered :

"What is requested of you is to protect and to take good care of everyone from the Jacobite Armenian community living in your territories and frontiers and among your tribes; to help them in all of their affairs and defend them as you would defend yourselves, your properties and children, and provide everything they might need whether they are settled or moving from place to place, because they are the Protected People of the Muslims (Ahl Dimmat al-Muslimin) – about whom the Prophet Muhammad (may Allah grant him His blessings and peace) said: "Whosoever takes from them even a rope, I will be his adversary on the day of Judgment." This is among the most important things we require of you to do and expect you to accomplish, in view of your noble character and determination." The Armenian National Institute considers it to be the oldest declaration by a head of state to recognize the Armenian genocide. Alongside this, he gave citizenship to his Armenian subjects. According to survivors of the Armenian genocide, such as Levon Yotnakhparian, Hussein personally received him and was shocked by the news of what was happening. He also supported Armenian survivors and provided men and protection for expeditions in the Syrian desert aimed at rescuing Armenian deportees. According to testimonies, this method is said to have saved up to 4,000 people from the genocide, in collaboration with Hussein al-Attrache, a Druze chieftain who then disguised the refugees as Druzes. His son, Faisal, provided free transportation to all Armenian refugees for their trip towards the British refugee camp in Damascus and free use of the Hejaz railway ; even if that meant impeding on the war effort.

Following World War I
In the aftermath of the war, the Arabs found themselves freed from centuries of Ottoman rule. Hussein's son Faisal was made King of Syria, but this kingdom proved short-lived, as the Middle East came under mandate rule of France and the United Kingdom. The British Government subsequently made Faisal and his brother Abdullah kings of Iraq and Transjordan, respectively.

The issue of Palestine and deterioration in British relationship
Starting at the end of the war, Hussein found himself in severe conflict with Britain's views on the subject of Palestine. In January and February 1918, Hussein received the Hogarth Message and Bassett Letter in response to his requests for an explanation of the Balfour Declaration and Sykes-Picot Agreement respectively. Despite their explanations, he stated that Palestine should be included within the borders of the newly founded Arab Kingdom and should refuse Zionist settlers, even if he was ready to accept Jewish people in Palestine, notably those who already lived there and were not coming from foreign countries. However, even after an assurance by McMahon, Hussein did not receive the lands promised by their British allies. McMahon claimed that the proposed lands to be taken in by the new Arab State were not purely Arab. In actuality, McMahon refused to hand over the new lands as the areas in question had already been claimed by the new British ally, France.

Having received a British subsidy totalling £6.5m between 1916 and April 1919, in May 1919, the subsidy was reduced to £100K monthly (from £200K), dropped to £75K from October, £50K in November, £25K in December until February 1920 after which no more payments were made.

The British were not disposed to fulfill their promises to Hussein, as Colonel Wilson stated in secret correspondence : "'At one time, our Arabic copies of Sir H. MacMahon's letters to the Grand Sherif could not be found; if they are still unavailable it may be somewhat awkward when King Hussein produces the originals. (...) Failing a satisfactory solution King Hussein will have some grounds for considering that Great Britain has broken her pledged word.'"In 1919, King Hussein refused to ratify the Treaty of Versailles. In August 1920, five days after the signing of the Treaty of Sèvres, Curzon asked Cairo to procure Hussein's signature to both treaties and agreed to make a payment of £30,000 conditional on signature. Hussein declined and in 1921, stated that he could not be expected to "affix his name to a document assigning Palestine to the Zionists and Syria to foreigners." He refused again to accept the Balfour Declaration in 1923, and stated : "I look at the people of Palestine as I look at my own family, without distinction between Muslim, Christian, Jewish, or nationalist."

In January 1924, Hussein received in Amman a Zionist delegation led by rabbi Yaakov Meir and a British colonel. Despite having welcomed them with respect, he would not change his position. As his stance was seen by the United Kingdom as extremist, the British and the Zionist media engaged in press campaigns against Hussein, where his positions were misrepresented. They also engaged heavily against his Caliphate, calling it illegitimate. After him becoming Caliph, he continued on this path, stating: "I consider Zionism unjust towards Muslims, Christians and Orthodox Jews, and as a protector of justice, I will resist this unjust Zionism." This contributed to aggravate his relationship with the Zionists towards a breaking point.

Caliphate
After the Caliphate was abolished by the Turkish Grand National Assembly, Hussein was proclaimed as Caliph. The accounts on the official date and proceedings vary, some place the beginning of the Caliphate on 3 March 1924, when Hussein would have declared himself Caliph at his son Abdullah's winter camp in Shunah, Transjordan. Other accounts, such as a Reuters dispatch, instead set the date as March 7, 1924, and describe Hussein bin Ali being elected as a caliph by Muslims from "Mesopotamia, Transjordan, and Hejaz." A third counting of the official date takes place when he received the homage of the majority of the Arab population in Amman as the caliph, on March 11, 1924. Finally, a fourth version places the date on Friday, March 14, 1924, when Hussein is evidently enthroned as caliph in Baghdad during the Friday prayer. In any case, all sources agree on a date in March 1924, shortly after the abolition of the Ottoman caliphate by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. Separately, he made statements in support of the Ottoman dynasty, which had been ruined and exiled from Turkey. In this regard, he declared: "The services rendered by the Ottoman family to Islam and Muslims are undeniable; their heroism cannot be belittled. The recent decision regarding the family [exile] has pierced the hearts and saddened the spirits of Muslims. Therefore, we see it as an obligation of Islamic brotherhood to meet the needs of the family and prevent them from experiencing financial difficulties. Those who wish to participate in this great endeavor should express their intentions to our representatives in Mecca." In the same perspective, he financially supported the members of the exiled Ottoman dynasty to prevent them from being ruined. Despite his complicated financial and economic situation, he provided them with 2400 liras. The claim to the title was recognized by a large part of the Hejazi, Levantine and more generally Arabic Muslim population. He also received the support of Mehmed VI, on March 18, 1924, one of the last Ottoman Caliphs and the last Ottoman Sultan, according to The Times and Vatan, that reported that he supported him as the new Caliph.

The French viewed this proclamation as "the worst possible solution," in the words of Hubert Lyautey, who also defended that the Ottoman Caliphate was better for French interests than the Sharifian Caliphate. They believed that having a new influential caliph could risk reviving pan-Islamism, causing instability in French Muslim colonies in the event of a conflict, and potentially giving the Red Sea to the British. As a result, the French did not support it at all, preferring to wait and see how events unfolded. Meanwhile, they had the Sultan of Morocco ready to assume the caliph title if necessary, offering the French a caliph who was more aligned with their interests, albeit less significant.

To reinforce his proclamation and establish legal foundations for his caliphate, Hussein convened an Islamic Congress at Mecca in 1924, it comprised both Sunni and Shia Muslims and was thus arguably one of the most inclusive Islamic Congresses in history. The Congress held twelve sessions before being indefinitely adjourned due to the advance of Saudi forces.

His Caliphate only lasted for a few months, though, because he was invaded and defeated quickly by Abdulaziz ibn Saud.

Defeat against Saudis and abdication
Although the British had supported Hussein from the start of the Arab Revolt and the McMahon–Hussein Correspondence, they not only chose not to help him to repel the Saudi conquest of Hejaz, but even provided weapons to Ibn Saud, which eventually took Mecca, Medina, and Jeddah. The British offered several times to assist him and to stop supporting the Saudis, in exchange for his recognition of the Balfour Declaration, which he refused each time. According to the Institute of Contemporary Islamic Thought, the British not only supported Ibn Saud against Hussein bin Ali but they also supported him subsequently against the Ikhwan. Hussein attempted to make appeals to the League of Nations, Muslim powers, and Western powers; however, they did not intervene and merely monitored the events. The British were highly negative towards him since he assumed the caliphal title and refused to support him.

He chose to abdicate. After his abdication, another of his sons, Ali, briefly assumed the throne of the Hejaz, but then he too had to flee from the encroachment of the Saudi forces. Another of Hussein's sons, Faisal, was briefly King of Syria and later King of Iraq, while Abdullah was Emir of Transjordan. While he was in exile, he still used the title of caliph until his death.

Exile
King Hussein was then forced to flee to Amman, Transjordan, where his son Abdullah was Emir. During this period, King Hussein is described as having taken over control that his son wielded, and therefore was sent to live in Aqaba (which was recently transferred from Hijazi to Transjordanian sovereignty by the British). Britain – responding to Ibn Saud's plea that the Sharif be expelled from Aqaba – exiled him from Aqaba to British-controlled Cyprus.

He lived in Nicosia from 1925, with his sons coming to visit him at some times, even if his relationships with them were strained, except for Zeid who came to visit him the most. According to the British governor of Cyprus, Ronald Storrs, when he went to see Hussein, he found his son Zeid reading him the commentary of al-Bukhari on the Quran. He rarely left his home, lived an austere lifestyle, and read the Quran, religious books, he also read Arabic newspapers in the mornings. However, he still went to see horse-races and had brought Arabic horses in his exile that he treated "like his own family". Hussein also did some interviews with the press during his exile. He received some visitors, such as Sheikh Fuad al-Khatib, Muhammad Jamil Bayham, who wanted to write his biography, or the Jordanian poet Mustafa Wahbi Tal, among others. Hussein was ruined, but the local Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot population considered him to be a very wealthy man and therefore tried to win his favors. Meanwhile, he was entangled in legal matters regarding property income in Egypt, among other things.

He tried to be friendly towards the various ethnic communities on the island but was particularly close to the Armenians of the island, seeing them as victims, like himself, of the Young Turks. Hussein did not have any documented connection with the Turkish Cypriot community; though it is possible that one exists, there is no mention of him having visited a Turkish mosque in Nicosia. He met with the Armenian Archbishop of Nicosia in 1926 and received a warm welcome, after that, he donated drums and instruments to the Armenian community of the island, including the Armenian Philharmonic Melkonian School.

He began to fall ill as early as 1928, but his favorite wife, Adila Khanum, passed away in 1929, which exacerbated his illness. She was buried at Hala Sultan Tekke, the largest Muslim shrine on the island. His two sons, Ali and Abdallah, attended the funeral and started making preparations and requesting the British for his repatriation, believing that he didn't have much time left to live and that they needed to be by his side.

Return and death
As his health continued to deteriorate and as he was paralyzed by a stroke at age 79 in 1930, the British became increasingly inclined to send him back to the Middle East. They feared that his death would not only stir resentment among Arabs towards the United Kingdom but also potentially strain their relationships with the Hashemite rulers, all of whom were allies in the Middle East. The Saudis expressed their displeasure with rumors of Hussein's repatriation, especially after Hussein expressed his wish to be buried in Mecca, an event the Saudis feared would lead to "pro-Hashemite gatherings." Eventually, the British decided to repatriate him to Amman, with Baghdad as another option they had considered. Upon his arrival, he was greeted by a large crowd that cheered him and followed him to the Raghadan Palace. There, while in Amman, he published a series of texts in al-Yarmouk, an Arabic newspaper, where he defended his actions and stated once again that he was against the British mandate of Palestine.

He died on June 4, 1931. Hussein bin Ali was buried in Jerusalem in 1931, as he wasn't able to be buried in Mecca, as he wanted and as was the norm for Sharifs of Mecca until then, for Ibn Saud didn't want to allow him being buried there. Local dignitaries and leaders wanted him to be buried in the al-Aqsa mosque compound. This idea was kept and after a procession where 30,000 people took part, he was buried in Jerusalem: inside the Arghūniyya, a building on the Haram esh-Sharif or "Temple Mount", in a walled enclosure decorated with white marble and carpets. His son Faisal, with whom the relationship was the worse at that point, didn't attend his funerals, claiming he had "government business" to attend to.

On the window above his tomb is written the following inscription: هَذَا قَبْرُ أَمِيرِ ٱلْمُؤْمِنِينَ ٱلْحُسَيْن بْنُ عَلِي which translates "This is the tomb of the Commander of the Faithful, Hussein bin Ali".

Marriage and children
Hussein, who had four wives, fathered five sons and three daughters with three of his wives:
 * Sharifa Abidiya bint Abdullah (died Constantinople, Ottoman Empire, 1888, buried there), eldest daughter of his paternal uncle, Amir Abdullah Kamil Pasha, Grand Sharif of Mecca;
 * Madiha, a Circassian;
 * Sharifa Khadija bint Abdullah (1866 – Amman, Transjordan, 4 July 1921), second daughter of Amir Abdullah Kamil Pasha, Grand Sharif of Mecca;
 * Adila Khanum (Constantinople, Ottoman Empire, 1879 – Larnaca, Cyprus, 12 July 1929, buried there at the Hala Sultan, Umm Haram, Tekke), daughter of Salah Bey and granddaughter of Mustafa Rashid Pasha, sometime Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire;

With his first wife Abidiya bint Abdullah, he had:
 * Prince Ali, last King of Hejaz married to Nafisa bint Abdullah. Parents of Aliya bint Ali. Grandparents of Sharif Ali bin al-Hussein.
 * Hasan bin Hussein, died young.
 * Prince Abdullah, Emir (later King) of Transjordan, married to Musbah bint Nasser, Suzdil Hanum, and Nahda bint Uman.
 * Princess Fatima, married a European Muslim businessman from France.
 * Prince Faisal, later King of Iraq and Syria, married to Huzaima bint Nasser. Parents of Ghazi, King of Iraq born 1912 died 4 April 1939, married his first cousin, Princess Aliya bint Ali, daughter of HM King Ali of Hejaz.

With his second wife Madiha, he had:
 * Princess Saleha, married Abdullah bin Muhammed.

With his third wife Adila, he had:
 * Princess Sara, married Muhammad Atta Amin in July 1933, divorced September 1933.
 * Prince Zeid, who succeeded in pretense King Faisal II of Iraq upon his assassination in 1958, but never actually ruled as Iraq became a republic. Married to Fahrelnissa Kabaağaç.

Literature
Hussein wrote extensively, his most important papers were published in a book by Prince Ghazi bin Muhammad. Otherwise, he is known to have written a large series of articles in al-Qibla.

Art
Several poets wrote about him, including Ahmed Shawqi, nicknamed the Prince of Poets, who wrote a poem about his funerals and Mustafa Wahbi Tal, one of the most prominents Jordanian poets,  who wrote a poem about him.

In the early 21st century, Hussein was a regular character in the 'burgeoning' Jordanian cinema.

Armenian genocide
His role in the support of Armenian refugees, especially during the Armenian genocide, led him to be cited in 2014 and 2020 by Armenian Presidents Serzh Sargsyan and Armen Sarkissian as an example of tolerance and friendship between people   also stressed by Jordanian Prince Hassan bin Talal. Hussein is quoted in the book Crows of the Desert from Armenian survivor Levon Yotnakhparian, when he discusses the help Hussein provided to the survivors and to save victims. This book subsequently gave birth to a movie of the same name.

For his actions during the Armenian genocide, Hussein was awarded the title of "Righteous of the Armenian genocide" by Armenian researchers. On Friday 24 April 2015, on the occasion of the centennial of the Armenian genocide, Lebanese Sheikh Maher Hammoud referenced Hussein bin Ali in his sermon condemning the genocide.

Others
Several mosques bear his name to the present day, such as the Hussein bin Ali mosque in Aqaba, the Hussein bin Ali mosque in Ma'an or the al-Husseini mosque in Amman. A school is named after him in Ma'an. His house in Aqaba began to be restored in 2023 at the initiative of the Jordanian government.

In 2020, a documentary was made about him and his life by Al-Araby, which was seen more than five million times on YouTube as of May 2023. The Order of Hussein bin Ali, created in 1949 by Abdullah I of Jordan, is the highest order of Jordan.

Decorations

 * Order of Muhammad Ali (Egipt) - ribbon bar.gif Grand-cordon of the Order of Muhammad Ali (Egypt)
 * Grand Crest Ordre de Leopold.png Grand Cordon of the Order of Leopold (Belgium)
 * Legion Honneur GC ribbon.svg Grand Cross of the Legion of Honour (France)
 * Order of the Osmanie lenta.png First Class of the Order of Osmanieh (Ottoman Empire)
 * Order of the Medjidie lenta.png First Class of the Order of the Medjidie (Ottoman Empire)
 * Ordre du Nichan Iftikhar GC ribbon (Tunisia).svg Grand Cross of the Order of the Nichan Iftikhar (Ottoman Empire)
 * Order of the Bath UK ribbon.svg Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (United Kingdom)

title: Hussein bin Ali, King of Hejaz


text:
Trig (disambiguation)

Trigonometry is a branch of mathematics that studies relationships between side lengths and angles of triangles.

Trig also may refer to:
 * Trig functions
 * TriG (syntax), a format for storing and transmitting Resource Description Framework (RDF) data
 * Trig points, also known as triangulation stations
 * Trig Paxson Van Palin, son of former Alaska Governor Sarah Palin
 * Trigedasleng, or Trig, a language used on the TV series The 100
 * Phyllopalpus pulchellus, species of cricket commonly known as the handsome trig

title: Trig (disambiguation)


text:
Social Democratic Front (Cameroon)

The Social Democratic Front (Front Social Démocrate) is the main opposition party of Cameroon. It was led by Ni John Fru Ndi from its foundation until his death in 2023, and receives significant support from the Anglophone Southwest and Northwest Regions.

History
The SDF was launched in Bamenda on May 26, 1990 in opposition to the ruling Cameroon People's Democratic Movement; following the launching rally, six people were killed by security forces. The party held its Constitutive Assembly on February 3, 1991 and elected its National Executive Committee. The party refused to sign the Tripartite Declaration of November 1991, and it chose to boycott the March 1992 parliamentary election, along with the Democratic Union of Cameroon, due to the government's failure to meet opposition demands, which included the establishment of an independent electoral commission to oversee the election. However, the party announced at its May 1992 national convention that it would take part in the presidential election later that year. Fru Ndi, the SDF candidate in the October 1992 presidential election, received about 36% of the vote against about 40% for incumbent President Paul Biya, according to official results. The SDF believes he was denied victory "at gunpoint". He has now been largely criticized in the national press for moving residence to Yaoundé.

The SDF won 43 seats in the National Assembly in the May 1997 parliamentary election, receiving its best results in Northwest Province, where it won 19 out of 20 seats; it also won a majority of seats in West Province, with 15 out of 25. It chose to boycott the October 1997 presidential election, along with the National Union for Democracy and Progress (UNDP) and the Cameroon Democratic Union (UDC). In the June 2002 parliamentary election, the SDF won 22 seats;  it won one of these seats in a revote held for some constituencies on 15 September. Although the party lost nearly half its seats in the 2002 election, it still dominated in Northwest Province, where it again won 19 out of 20 seats.

In the presidential election held on 11 October 2004, Fru Ndi stood again as the SDF candidate and won 17.4% of the vote according to official results, far behind Biya. In the July 2007 parliamentary election, the SDF won 14 out of the 163 initially declared seats, and it won a further two seats (out of 17 at stake) in constituencies where the election was held over again in September, thus winning a total of 16 out of 180 seats. These additional seats were crucial, because the SDF could not form a parliamentary group unless it had at least 15 seats. The party's electoral success remained largely confined to the Northwest Province, where it again won a majority of seats, with 11 out of 20.

The SDF strongly opposed a constitutional amendment allowing Biya to run for president again in 2011. Its deputies boycotted the April 2008 parliamentary vote in which the amendment was approved, and it subsequently called for a "day of mourning" in which people were to wear black and stay home.

One key alliance is between the SDF and the female Takembeng mobilizations. These women provide protection for SDF officials and a key presence at SDF demonstrations.

International affiliation
The party is a full member of the Socialist International and Progressive Alliance.

title: Social Democratic Front (Cameroon)


text:
Sir Robert Rich, 4th Baronet

Field Marshal Sir Robert Rich, 4th Baronet (3 July 1685 – 1 February 1768) was a British cavalry officer. As a junior officer he fought at the Battle of Schellenberg and at the Battle of Blenheim during the War of the Spanish Succession. He was then asked to raise a regiment to combat the threat from the Jacobite rising of 1715. He also served with the Pragmatic Army under the Earl of Stair at the Battle of Dettingen during the War of the Austrian Succession. As a Member of Parliament he represented three different constituencies but never attained political office.

Career

Born the son of Sir Robert Rich, 2nd Baronet and Mary Rich (née Rich, daughter of Sir Charles Rich, 1st Baronet), Rich was commissioned as an ensign in the 1st Regiment of Foot Guards and lieutenant in the Army on 10 June 1700.

He fought in the War of the Spanish Succession at the Battle of Schellenberg in July 1704, where he was wounded, and at the Battle of Blenheim in August 1704, where he was wounded again. Promoted to lieutenant in the Brigadier-General Tatton's Regiment and captain in the Army, he succeeded his brother Charles as 4th Baronet in October 1706, and was then promoted to captain in the 1st Regiment of Foot Guards and lieutenant-colonel in the Army in March 1708. In June 1708 he fought a duel with Sir Edmund Bacon, 4th Baronet who was wounded but survived.

When the threat of the Jacobite rising of 1715 became apparent Rich was asked to raise a regiment which subsequently became known as the 18th Dragoons. That year he was also elected Member of Parliament for Dunwich. In June 1717 he was stripped of his regiment for voting against the Government on a motion accusing Lord Cadogan of fraud and embezzlement during the transport of some Dutch troops. He was defeated in the general election in 1722 but having strongly supported Sir Robert Walpole, firstly when Walpole was in opposition and then when Walpole was in the Government, was rewarded with the colonelcy of the 13th Hussars in November 1722.

He was elected as Member of Parliament for Bere Alston in February 1724 and became colonel of Sir Robert Rich's Regiment of Dragoons in September 1725. In 1727 he changed constituency to become Member of Parliament for St Ives and was appointed a Groom of the Bedchamber to King George II, a position he held until 1759.

Having been promoted to brigadier-general on 15 March 1727, he went on to be colonel of The King's Regiment of Carabineers in January 1731, colonel of the 1st Troop Horse of Grenadier Guards in July 1733 and, finally, colonel of the 4th Regiment of Dragoons in May 1735.

Promoted to major-general on 18 December 1735 and lieutenant general on 17 July 1739, Rich became Governor of the Royal Hospital Chelsea in May 1740. He served with the Pragmatic Army under the Earl of Stair at the Battle of Dettingen in June 1743 during the War of the Austrian Succession. He also presided over a court martial of Lieutenant-General Thomas Fowke, Governor of Gibraltar, on a charge of disobeying orders in August 1756.

Rich was promoted to general of horse on 24 March 1746 and to field marshal on 3 December 1757. In retirement he continued to live in the family home, Roos Hall in Beccles. He died on 1 February 1768.

Family
In 1710 Rich married Elizabeth Griffith; they had three sons, including Sir Robert Rich, 5th Baronet and Sir George Rich, 6th Baronet, and one daughter, Elizabeth, who married George Lyttelton, 1st Baron Lyttelton.

title: Sir Robert Rich, 4th Baronet


text:
New Patriotic Party

The New Patriotic Party (NPP) is a centre-right and liberal-conservative political party in Ghana. Since the democratisation of Ghana in 1992, it has been one of the two dominant parties in Ghanaian politics, with its leading rival being the centre-left National Democratic Congress (NDC). John Kufuor of the NPP was President of Ghana from 2001 to 2009. At the elections held on 7 December 2004, the party won 129 out of 230 seats. The NPP candidate was Kufuor, who was re-elected as president with 52.75% of the vote. The New Patriotic Party symbol is the African elephant and the New Patriotic Party colours are red, white, and blue.

In the 2008 general election, the NPP candidate Nana Akufo-Addo conceded to losing in the closely contested presidential election runoff amidst accusations of vote rigging, with Akufo-Addo receiving 49.77% of the votes, versus 50.23% for John Atta Mills, the NDC candidate. In the 2012 general election, the NPP faced a similar situation from vote results provided by the Electoral Commission of Ghana (EC). Nana Akufo-Addo received 47.74% of the vote, while NDC candidate John Mahama received 50.7% amidst accusations of electoral fraud. Akufo-Addo was chosen as the NPP's candidate for a third time in the 2016 elections and defeated Mahama in the first round (winning 53.83% of the votes).

The New Patriotic Party has so far contested every national general election in Ghana since the commencement of the fourth republic in 1992, with the exception of the parliamentary elections of 1992. The New Patriotic boycotted the 1992 parliamentary elections, alleging that the 1992 presidential election held earlier was rigged. The New Patriotic Party wrote a book title 'Stolen Verdict' to register its protest against the 1992 presidential election.

The New Patriotic Party is considered as an offshoot of the United Gold Coast Convention, which effectively evolved into the United Party in the late 1950s, the Progress Party in the late 1960s, the Popular Front Party in the 1970s and the All People's Party in the early 1980s.

After more than a decade of military rule by Jerry John Rawlings, the government, along with some stakeholders, drafted a constitution for which a Referendum election was organized. After the people of Ghana approved the new constitution in an election (held on 28 April 1992), the ban on party politics in Ghana was lifted, allowing other parties including the NPP to be officially launched. The NPP's flagbearer was Professor Albert Adu Boahen, a scholar and a long-time critic of the Rawlings military government. However, the NPP lost the 1992 election overwhelmingly to the Progressive alliance of the National Democratic Congress, Eagle and the National Convention Party whose candidate was Jerry John Rawlings. The NPP boycotted the parliamentary elections and hence won no seats in the new Parliament.

The NPP also lost the 1996 elections again to Rawlings' party but this time, their flagbearer was John Kufuor. In the 2000 and 2004 elections, John Kufuor won both elections ushering in a new government for the first time in the fourth republic of Ghana.

1992 elections
The New Patriotic Party (NPP) Kukurudu lost the 1992 presidential elections to the National Democratic Congress led by Jerry John Rawlings. Despite the elections being declared as free and fair by international observers, Professor Adu Boahen, the NPP candidate, alleged that there was heavy rigging by the Interim National Electoral Commission headed by Nana Oduro Nimapau and hence the NPP as well as the National Independence Party, People's Heritage Party and the People's National Convention boycotted the parliamentary elections. The decision to not contest in the parliamentary elections which was held a couple of weeks after the presidential election at the time meant that the National Democratic Congress, National Convention Party and the Eagle Party which was already a coalition won almost all the parliamentary seats available. One seat was actually won by an independent candidate, Hawa Yakubu.

This protest however led to some reforms in the electoral system, notably the use of transparent ballot boxes at polling stations, issuing of voter ID cards and the use of indelible ink (which lasted for a month) to mark people who had been registered to avoid double voting.

After more than a decade of military rule by Jerry John Rawlings, the government, along with some stakeholders, drafted a constitution for which a Referendum election was organized. After the people of Ghana approved the new constitution in an election (held on 28 April 1992), the ban on party politics in Ghana was lifted, allowing other parties including the NPP to be officially launched. According to the NPP leadership, figures in certain constituencies had been massaged, hence the results published by the Electoral Commission and the Ghana press (mostly Peace FM online and Ghanaweb) were not accurate.

1996 elections

After the defeat in 1992, the NPP chairman at the time, Peter Ala Adjetey, stated that the party was resolved to do their homework and wrestle power from the NDC in the 1996 election. They made the decision that regardless of the results, they would contest for parliamentary seats to stop what was seen as an NDC monopoly in Parliament.

Prior to the party convention, it appeared that the overwhelming favourite to become the next presidential candidate was a well renowned economist known as Kwame Pianim. However, some members of the party led by Florence Ekwam challenged Pianim's eligibility due to a prior conviction during the PNDC era. The Supreme Court of Ghana declared Pianim as ineligible and hence he couldn't be considered for nomination. On 20 April 1996, John Kufuor was nominated as the NPP presidential candidate with 1034 out of 2000 delegates drawn from all the 200 Constituencies to run for the presidency in the general election held on 10 December 1996. This time, both presidential and parliamentary elections were held on the same day, unlike the previous election, as part of the reforms by the National Electoral Commission headed by Kwadwo Afari-Gyan.

The NPP gained an unlikely association from the vice-president of Ghana, Kow Nkensen Arkaah, whose party (National Convention Party) had severed their alliance with the National Democratic Congress. The NPP hence formed what was deemed as the "Great Alliance" with the NCP and Vice-president Arkaah was nominated to be the running mate of Kuffuor. After campaigning for less than nine months, Kufuor polled 39.62% of the popular votes to Jerry Rawlings' 57% in the 1996 election. Despite the elections being declared as free and fair by international observers, the New Patriotic Party alleged that the election had been rigged by the National Electoral Commission and President Rawlings. The NPP however won a substantial number of seats in the Ghana parliament and effectively ended the NDC monopoly.

2000 elections

On 23 October 1998, Kufuor was re-nominated by the New Patriotic Party to run again for the presidency. President Rawlings, facing term limits, was due to retire after the 2000 elections. Pianim, however, resigned from the NPP and Peter Ala Adjetey, the party chairman, handed over the chairmanship to Samuel Odoi-Sykes. Aliu Mahama stood as the running mate of John Kufuor. The NDC in turn nominated Vice-president John Atta Mills as its presidential candidate.

Kufuor won the first round of the presidential election, held on 7 December 2000, with 48.4% of the popular votes. His closest challenger was Atta Mills with 44.8% of the votes. The electoral rules in Ghana mandate that the winner of elections must cross a 50% threshold. A run off election was hence organised. All the parties came together to support the NPP including the Convention People's Party, Reform Party and the United Ghana Movement against the NDC.

In the second round, held on 28 December 2000, Kufour was victorious, taking 56.9% of the vote. When Kufuor was sworn in on 7 January 2001, it marked the first time in history that an incumbent government had peacefully surrendered power to the opposition.

2000 election

The NPP also lost the 1996 elections again to Rawlings' party but this time, their flagbearer was John Kufuor. In the 2000 elections, John Kufuor won both elections ushering in a new government for the first time in the fourth republic of Ghana.

2004 elections

The New Patriotic Party's president, John Agyekum Kufuor was once again re-elected in the Ghana general election, 2004, presidential and parliamentary elections held on 7 December 2004, earning 52.45% of the popular vote in the first round and thus avoiding a run-off, while at the same time, the New Patriotic Party, was able to secure more seats in the Parliament.

2008 elections
Several government officials within the Kufuor administration resigned their cabinet positions to contest for the NPP flagbearership in July 2007. This included the likes of Nkrabea Effah Dartey, Nana Akufo-Addo, Alan John Kyerematen and 13 other contenders. Akufo-Addo and Kyerematen were the two leading candidates according to the pundits. However, Akufo-Addo won 48% of the votes in the first round of the party delegates election. The NPP set aside a provision in the party's constitution which required that candidates obtain 50% + one vote of delegates to secure the party's nomination thus making Nana Akufo-Addo the New Patriotic party's candidate for the 2008 presidential elections.

In the 7 December 2008 presidential elections, Akufo-Addo placed first and received more votes than John Atta Mills, amassing 4,159,439 votes, representing 49.13% of the total votes cast; however, he fell short of the 50% needed for an outright victory. It was the best-ever performance for a first-time presidential candidate since the beginning of Ghana's Fourth Republic in 1992. In the run-off election, however, Mills received 4,521,032 votes, representing 50.23%, and thus defeated Akufo-Addo.

The run-off elections were marred with controversy and once again, although international observers had expressed satisfaction with the way and manner the elections were conducted, the NPP alleged voter fraud. According to the NPP leadership, figures in certain constituencies had been massaged, hence the results published by the Electoral Commission and the Ghana press (mostly Peace FM online and Ghanaweb) were not accurate. Also, NPP activists like Kwabena Agyapong and Elizabeth Ohene were allegedly intimidated in areas of the Volta Region of Ghana, a region where the NPP had never won any constituency. The complaint led to a delay in the declaration of the results, sparking angry NDC demonstrators onto the streets of the capital city Accra. Tony Aidoo, an NDC activist, fired up these NDC protesters by dismissing the NPP claims as "stupid". The chairman of the electoral commission, Kwadwo Afari Djan, eventually organised a press conference and claimed that the Tain Constituency had some issues and hence another run-off election had to be organised in that constituency alone. After revising the figures, he asserted that although John Atta Mills was leading in the popular votes, the number of registered voters in the Tain constituency were enough to swing the election the other way. Therefore, the final results would be declared after the Tain constituency results had been certified and declared. An election was held in that constituency on 2 January 2009 and Mills won by a very comfortable margin of 90.6% to 4%.

The NPP officially went back into opposition in January 2009 when John Kufuor handed over power to John Atta Mills.

2012 elections
On Saturday, 7 August 2010, the New Patriotic Party re-elected Akufo-Addo as its presidential candidate for the 2012 presidential election. Akufo-Addo received the votes of 79% of the delegates. The electoral convention was the largest that any political party had ever convened in any African state. The New Patriotic Party campaigned on an anti-corruption platform, and to provide free SHS (Secondary High School) education for the population of Ghana.

Following Akufo-Addo's defeat in the presidential election, the New Patriotic Party and Akufo-Addo contested the vote results provided by the Electoral Commission of Ghana, alleging that the 2012 general elections were rigged. They cited tampered vote counts and vote rigging from polling stations in South Ghana. The New Patriotic Party unsuccessfully asked the Electoral Commission of Ghana and its chairman Kwadwo Afari-Gyan to use the "72 hours withdrawal of election results law" that is written in the constitution of Ghana to "investigate" electoral fraud. The party decided not to concede defeat until an external investigation and a vote recount were completed.

The New Patriotic Party filed a writ with the Supreme Court of Ghana requesting that the results declared by the electoral commission be invalidated. Despite claiming publicly that the election was rigged by the ruling NDC government, their writ in court alleged that there were inconsistencies and irregularities at certain polling stations. Therefore, they wanted the results at those stations to be invalidated. These were in effect polling stations that the NDC won comfortably. Therefore, with figures from those stations (over 11000 of them) invalidated, it would mean that NPP would mathematically be the winners. The Supreme Court of Ghana, headed by Justice Atuguba, gave its final verdict, with the majority opinion stating that even if there were inconsistencies, they were unimportant and could not have altered the election's result. Akufo-Addo conceded defeat after the verdict, on 29 August 2013.

Party Constitution
The party have a constitution, registered under law which governs how they operate. The party's constitution was first registered with the Electoral Commission on June 24, 1992. It underwent amendments on August 29, 1998, August 22, 2009, and December 17, 2017.

National executives
The New Patriotic Party (NPP) elects national executives for a four-year duration. According to the New Patriotic Party's constitution, Article 10(2) & (3) mandates that the National Annual Delegates shall meet at least four weeks after the last Regional Annual Delegates Conference.

2000

 * The National Chairman elect was Mr Harona Esseku
 * First National Vice-chairman Mr Stephen Ntim
 * The Second National Vice-chairperson Mrs Agnes Adzo Okudzeto
 * The Third National Vice-chairman Mr Edmund Annan
 * The General Secretary elect was Mr Dan Botwe
 * The National Treasurer elect was Mr Michael Dugau
 * The National Organiser elect was Mr Lord Commey

=== 2014 === The National Delegates Congress was slated for 12 April 2014 in Tamale Sports Stadium. About 5,265 delegates were expected to partake in the internal elections of the party.

 * The National Chairman position was contested by four persons; Paul Afoko, Stephen Ntim, Fred Oware and jake Obetsebi-Lamptey. The results are as follows; Paul Afoko 2,034, Stephen Ntim 1,503, Fred Oware 1,135 and Jake Obetsebi-Lamptey 66.
 * The Vice-chairman had three competitors; Freddie Blay, Sammy Crabbe and Fredua F. Antoh. The results are as follows; Freddie Blay 2,933, Sammy Crabbe 2,358, and Fredua F. Antoh 1,813.
 * The General Secretary had four contestants; Kwabena Agyei Agyepong, Kwadwo Owusu Afriyie, Yaw Buaben Asamoa, and Nkrabea Effah Darteh, The results are as follows;Kwabena Agyei Agyepong 2,529, Kwadwo Owusu Afriyie 1,990, Yaw Buaben Asamoa 181 and Nkrabea Effah Darteh 46.
 * Three persons competed in the National Organiser role, John Boadu, Hopeson Yaovi Adorye, and Alhaji Moctar Bamba. The results are as follows; John Boadu 3,279, Hopeson Yaovi Adorye 986 and Alhaji Moctar Bamba 476.
 * One person contested in the National Youth Organiser thus Sammy Awuku 471.
 * Also, one person contested in the National Nasara Coordinator, thus Kamal-deen Abdulai 84.
 * The National Treasurer position was contested by three persons; Emmanuel Abankwa Yeboah, Hajia Ruka, and Suzzy Mensah. The results are as follows; Emmanuel Abankwa Yeboah 2,488, Hajia Ruka 1,162 and Suzzy Mensah 595.
 * Three people contested in the National Women's Organiser; Otiko Afisah Djaba, Gifty Tina Mensah, and Mawusi Awity. The results are as follows; Otiko Afisah Djaba 276, Gifty Tina Mensah 250 and Mawusi Awity 113.

=== 2018 === The NPP organised the national delegates congress in Eastern region from 15 June 2018 to 17 June 2018.
 * In the National Chairman category, there were three contestants; Freddie Blay, Stephen Ayesu Ntim and Dr Richard Amoako Baah. The results are as follows; Freddie Blay – 3,021, Stephen Ayesu Ntim – 2,515 and Dr Richard Amoako Baah – 18.
 * The National Vice-chairman category consisted of seven competitors; Rita Asobayire, Frederick Fredua Antoh, Michael Omari Wadie, Emmanuel Ken-Wuud, George Isaac Amoo, Vida Agyekum and Mrs Agnes Asangalisa Chigabatia. The results are as follows; Rita Asobayire – 3671, Frederick Fredua Antoh – 3,125, Michael Omari Wadie – 3,028, Emmanuel Ken-Wuud – 1,325, George Isaac Amoo – 1,222, Vida Agyekum – 1,107, and Mrs Agnes Asangalisa Chigabatia – 836.
 * Two contestants battled in the General Secretary role; John Boadu and Richard Ahiagbah. The results are as follows; John Boadu – 4,277 and Richard Ahiagbah – 1,274.
 * The National Treasurer had six individuals competing; Kwabena Abankwa-Yeboah, Nuhu Bayorbo Mahama, Mary Posch-Oduro, Hajia Ruka Ahmeed, Abraham Obeng Amoakohene, and Kwabena Oppong Frimpong. The results are as follows; Kwabena Abankwa-Yeboah – 2,492, Nuhu Bayorbo Mahama – 1,050, Mary Posch-Oduro – 1,012, Hajia Ruka Ahmeed – 467, Abraham Obeng Amoakohene – 447, and Kwabena Oppong Frimpong – 50.
 * Three people contested in the National Organiser position; Sammi Awuku, Suleiman Sadik, and Emmanuel Kodua. The results are as follows; Sammi Awuku – 4,913, Suleiman Sadik – 942, and Emmanuel Kodua – 266.
 * The National Youth Organiser had four persons; Henry Nana Boakye, Dominic Eduah, Kamal-Deen Abdulai, and Emmanuel Nana Appiah. The results are as follows; Henry Nana Boakye – 423, Dominic Eduah – 245, Kamal-Deen Abdulai – 102, and Emmanuel Nana Appiah – 1.
 * The National Women's Organiser role had two persons contesting; Kate Gyamfua and Joyce Konokie Zemapare. The results are as follows; Kate Gyamfua – 686 and Joyce Konokie Zempare – 109.
 * The Nasara Coordinator position had 14 participants. The results are as follows; Abdul Aziz Haruna Futa – 201, Ahmed Zaruk Nuhu – 123, Alhaji Baba Gado Mohammed – 82, Alhaji Salihu Yahaya Bo – 39, Rashid Adam – 23, Alhaji Musah Sheriff – 19, Aminu Abu – 12, Abubakari Suleimana – 8, Alhaji Iddrisu Abdulai Dipantiche – 4, Kazeem Ibrahim – 1, Abdul-Rahman Diallo – 1, Alhaji Dauda Abdul Rahman Duodu – 0, Ali Suraj - 0, Sulemana Alhassan Atakpo - 0

=== 2022 === The national executives elections for 2022 was held on the 17th of July at the Accra Sports Stadium.

 * In the National Chairman category, these were the contestants; Gifty Asantewa Ayeh— 44, Sammy Crabbe— 32, Professor Christopher Ameyaw-Ekumfi— 101, Akwasi Osei Adjei— 20, Stephen Ayensu Ntim— 4014, Stephen Asamoah-Boateng—1010, Kwabena Abankwa-Yeboah—294. With Stephen Ayensu Ntim emerging as the winner.
 * The National Vice-chairman category consisted of Ismail Yahuza—613, McJewels J. Annan—155, Dankwah Smith Buttey—2,982, Rita Talata Asobayire—2,927, Edmond Oppong-Peprah—479, Kiston Akomeng Kissi—2,069, Derek Kwaku Nkansah—491, Michael Owari Wadie—1,635, Ken-Wuud Nuworsu—520, Alhaji Masawudu Osman—2,128 The Vice Chair positions were taken by; 1st Vice Chair: Dankwah Smith Buttey, 2nd Vice Chair: Rita Talata Asobayire and 3rd Vice Chair: Alhaji Masawudu Osman.
 * Five contestants battled for the position of the General Secretary. The results are as follows; John Boadu—2524, Iddrisu Musah—104,Ramseyer Ahmed Agyeman-Prempeh—8, Frederick Opare Ansah—50,Justin Frimpong Kodua—2,837 With Justin Frimpong Kodua taking the position
 * The National Treasurer had four individuals competing; Dr Charles Dwamena—2,917, Mary Posche-Oduro—1,303,Dr Yusif Tedam—125, Collins N. Nuamah—1,197. With Dr Charles Dwamena emerging as the winner
 * Six people contested in the National Organiser position; Bright Essilfie Kumi—137, Seth Adu-Adjei—25, Daniel Nii Kwartey Titus-Glover—2274, Eric Amoako Twum—185, Henry Nana Boakye—2870, Nana Owusu Fordjour—44 With Henry Nana Boakye emerging as the winner.
 * The National Youth Organiser had four persons; Abanga Fusani Yakubu—153, Salam Mohammed Mustapha—255, Prince Kamal Gumah—101, Michael Osei Boateng—120. With Salam Mohammed Mustapha emerging as the winner.
 * The National Women's Organiser role had three people contesting; Kate Gyamfua—620, Ellen Ama Daaku—9, Hajia Sawadatu Saeed—32. With Kate Gyamfua taking it for the second time.
 * The Nasara Coordinator position had Haruna Maiga—5, Abdul-Rahman Diallo—2, Issaku Muaza Kunata—199, Awal Mohammed—24, Sulemana Alhassan Atakpo—9, Abdul Aziz Haruna Futa—328. Also havig Abdul Aziz Haruna Futa emerging as the winner for the second time.

Name and symbol

Founded on July 28, 1992, the party's mission is to unite citizens in the pursuit of freedom, justice, and the protection of human rights through true democracy. The New Patriotic Party (NPP) is a political party in Ghana that aligns with center-right and liberal conservative ideologies. Their symbol is an African elephant, and their official colors are red, white, and blue.

title: New Patriotic Party