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Front for a Country in Solidarity

The Front for a Country in Solidarity (Frente País Solidario or FREPASO) was a center-left political coalition in Argentina. It was formed in 1994 out of the Broad Front (Frente Grande), which had been founded mainly by progressive members of the Peronist Justicialist Party who denounced the policies and the alleged corruption of the Carlos Menem administration; the Frente joined with other dissenting Peronists, the Unidad Socialista (Popular and Democratic Socialist Party) and several other leftist parties and individuals. Its leading figures were José Octavio Bordón, Carlos "Chacho" Álvarez and Graciela Fernández Meijide.

History
Shortly after the founding of the party, Bordón stood for President at the 1995 elections with Álvarez as running mate. The campaign was very successful, and Bordón came second with 33 percent of the vote. Subsequently, Bordón proposed converting FrePaSo into a unified party, while Álvarez wanted a loose confederation of different parties. On May 17, 1995, Bordón and Álvarez announced the formation of a confederation, with a unified political platform and leadership, with the third largest block in the Argentine National Congress. The Intransigent Party and the Christian Democratic Party joined the coalition. Bordón later resigned after a leadership battle and returned to the Justicialist Party. The FrePaSo campaigned for the 1999 elections in an alliance with the larger Radical Civic Union (UCR) and a few provincial parties, which won the presidency for Fernando de la Rúa. Frepaso activist Aníbal Ibarra was elected Mayor of Buenos Aires in 2000 on the Alianza ticket - the Alliance for Work, Justice and Education. The alliance was effectively broken the next year, when vice-president Chacho Álvarez resigned amidst public intra-party accusations of bribery in the Senate, followed shortly after by other leading members.

After the 2001 elections FrePaSo became the joint third largest party in the federal Chamber of Deputies, with 17 of 257 deputies. Subsequently, the party disintegrated. Many members re-joined the Peronist movement within the centre-left Front for Victory faction of President Néstor Kirchner, with others supporting the ARI party of Elisa Carrió. Until 2007 the party nominally retained one senator, Vilma Ibarra, who sat as a lone 'Party for Victory' member but in practice supported the Front for Victory, for which she became a national deputy in 2007. Her brother Aníbal Ibarra was removed as Mayor of Buenos Aires in 2006 in the wake of the República Cromagnon nightclub fire.

Member parties

 * Notes

title: Front for a Country in Solidarity


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Jean-Pierre Aumont

Jean-Pierre Aumont (born Jean-Pierre Philippe Salomons; 5 January 1911 – 30 January 2001) was a French actor as well as holder of the Légion d'Honneur and the Croix de Guerre for his World War II military service.

Early life
Aumont was born Jean-Pierre Philippe Salomons in Paris, the son of Suzanne (née Cahen; 1885–1940), an actress, and Alexandre Salomons, owner of La Maison du Blanc (a linen department store). His mother's uncle was well-known stage actor Georges Berr (died 1942). His father was from a Dutch-Jewish family; his mother's family were French Jews. Aumont's younger brother was the noted French film director François Villiers.

Career
At age 16, Aumont began studying drama at the Paris Conservatory, where his mother also studied. His professional stage debut occurred at the age of 19. His film debut came one year later when Jean de la Lune (Jean of the Moon) was produced in 1931.

However, his most important, career-defining role came in 1934 when Jean Cocteau's play La Machine infernale (The Infernal Machine), was staged. While his film and stage career began rising quickly, World War II began. Aumont remained in France until 1942 when he realized that as a Jew he would have to flee the Nazis. He migrated from the unoccupied zone of Vichy France to New York City, then to Hollywood, California to pursue his film career.

He began working for MGM, but after finishing The Cross of Lorraine, he joined the Free French Forces. He was sent to North Africa, where he participated in Operation Torch in Tunisia. He then moved with the Allied armies through Italy and France. He was wounded twice. The first was on a mission with his brother; the second was more serious. Aumont's Jeep was blown up near a land-mined bridge. General Diego Brosset, commander of the 1st Free French Division, to whom Aumont was aide de camp, was killed. For his bravery during the fighting, Aumont received the Légion d'Honneur and the Croix de Guerre.

After the war, Aumont quickly resumed his movie career, starring with Ginger Rogers in Heartbeat (1946) and as the magician in Lili (1953) with Leslie Caron. He worked with a number of prominent theatre director and stars, including his (then) wife Maria Montez. In the mid-1950s, Aumont began working in television, appearing on several anthology programs, such as Robert Montgomery Presents and as a guest on the show What's My Line?. In the 1960s and 1970s, he appeared in various theater productions, including the musicals Tovarich with Vivien Leigh, Jacques Brel Is Alive and Well and Living in Paris, South Pacific, and Gigi.

One of his later performances was in A Tale of Two Cities (1989). Two years later, in 1991, aged 80, he received an honorary César Award as well as being decorated with the cross of Commandeur des Arts et des Lettres.

Personal life
Aumont was married four times to three women. His first wife was French actress Blanche Montel, to whom he was married from 1938 to 1940, ultimately divorcing. While in Hollywood, Aumont married Maria Montez, a Dominican actress. She was known as the Queen of Technicolor, and their marriage was very happy. However, Montez drowned in her bathtub on 7 September 1951 after suffering an apparent heart attack at the family's villa in Suresnes. Montez and Aumont had one child, a daughter, Tina (1946–2006).

In 1955, Aumont was dating Grace Kelly at the time she first met Prince Rainier III of Monaco.

In 1956, Aumont married Italian actress Marisa Pavan. The couple starred in John Paul Jones (1959), in which Pavan played the romantic interest of the lead, and Aumont appears as King Louis XVI. They divorced, but later remarried and remained together until his death. Aumont and Pavan had two sons, Jean-Claude and Patrick.

Death
Jean-Pierre Aumont died 30 January 2001 of a heart attack in Gassin, France, aged 90, and was cremated.

Filmography

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Jean-Pierre Aumont


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Tracer

Tracer may refer to:

Science

 * Flow tracer, any fluid property used to track fluid motion
 * Fluorescent tracer, a substance such as 2-NBDG containing a fluorophore that is used for tracking purposes
 * Histochemical tracer, a substance used for tracing purposes in histochemistry, the study of the composition of cells and tissues
 * Isotopic tracer, a substance with an isotope that has been enriched to a greater level than that found in nature
 * Radioactive tracer, a substance containing a radioisotope that is used for tracking purposes
 * TRACER (cosmic ray detector) (Transition Radiation Array for Cosmic Energetic Radiation), a balloon-borne cosmic ray detector
 * Tracers, a colloquialism for visual trailing, often experienced in connection with drug use
 * TRACERS (Tandem Reconnection and Cusp Electrodynamics Reconnaissance Satellites), a pair of orbiters to study the origins of the solar wind and how it affects Earth

Military

 * Tracers, tracer ammunition, special bullets that burn brightly to enable the shooter to follow the bullets' trajectories
 * Tactical reconnaissance and counter-concealment-enabled radar (TRACER), a radar system developed by the United States Army
 * Grumman E-1 Tracer, a carrier-borne early warning aircraft used by the United States Navy in the 1960s
 * Tactical Reconnaissance Armoured Combat Equipment Requirement, a joint British–American scout vehicle

Music

 * Tracer (band), an Australian rock band
 * Tracer (album), a 2012 album by Teengirl Fantasy
 * "Tracers", song by Ash (band) from A-Z, Vol.1 2010
 * "Tracers", song by Miracle Fortress from Was I the Wave? 2011
 * "Tracers", song by Trans-Siberian Orchestra from Night Castle 2009

Films

 * Tracer (film), a 2016 Vietnamese film
 * Tracers (film), a 2015 American film

Video games

 * Tracer (game), a 1995 action-puzzle video game
 * Tracer, a 1976 Sega arcade video game
 * Tracer, leader of the Eliminators in The Warriors
 * Tracer (Overwatch), a player character from the video games Overwatch and Heroes of the Storm
 * Tracer Tong, a character from the video game series Deus Ex

Comics and comic strips

 * Tracer (DC Comics), a DC Comics character
 * Tracer (Marvel Comics), a Marvel Comics supervillain
 * Tracer Bullet, one of Calvin's alter egos in Calvin and Hobbes

Television

 * Tracer (TV series), a 2022 South Korean television series

Transportation

 * Mercury Tracer, an automobile
 * Tracer (bus), the bus system for Tracy, California
 * Yamaha Tracer 900
 * Yamaha Tracer 700
 * MonoTracer
 * Zerotracer
 * E-Tracer and X-Tracer by Peraves

title: Tracer


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Armenian Revolutionary Federation

The Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Հայ Յեղափոխական Դաշնակցութիւն, abbr. ARF (ՀՅԴ) or ARF-D), also known as Dashnaktsutyun (Armenian: Դաշնակցություն, lit. "Federation"), is an Armenian nationalist and socialist political party  founded in 1890 in Tiflis, Russian Empire by Christapor Mikaelian, Stepan Zorian, and Simon Zavarian. , the party operates in Armenia, Lebanon, Iran and in countries where the Armenian diaspora is present. The party was also active in Artsakh until the Azerbaijani offensive in September 2023. Although it has long been the most influential political party in the Armenian diaspora, it has a comparatively smaller proportional presence in modern-day Armenia. , the party was represented in two national parliaments, with ten seats in the National Assembly of Armenia and three seats in the Parliament of Lebanon as part of the March 8 Alliance.

The ARF has traditionally advocated socialist democracy and has been a full member of the Socialist International since 2003; it joined the Second International in 1907. It has the largest membership of the political parties present in the Armenian diaspora, having established affiliates in more than 20 countries. Compared to other diasporan Armenian parties which tend to primarily focus on educational or humanitarian projects, the ARF is the most politically oriented of the organizations and traditionally has been one of the staunchest supporters of Armenian nationalism. The party campaigns for the recognition of the Armenian genocide and the right to reparations. It also advocates the establishment of United Armenia, partially based on the Treaty of Sèvres of 1920.

The ARF originated as a merger of various Armenian political groups, mainly from the Russian Empire, with the declared goal of achieving "the political and economic freedom of Turkish Armenia" by means of armed rebellion. In the 1890s, the party sought to unify the various small groups in the Ottoman Empire that were advocating reform and defending Armenian villages from the massacres and banditry that were widespread in some of the Armenian-populated areas of the empire. ARF members formed groups of partisans (fedayi) that defended Armenian civilians through armed resistance. The party refrained from revolutionary activity in the Russian Empire until the decision of the Russian authorities to confiscate Armenian Church property in 1903. Initially restricting its demands to the establishment of autonomy and democratic rights for Armenians in the two empires, the party adopted an independent and united Armenia as part of its program in 1919.

In 1918, the party was instrumental in the formation of the First Republic of Armenia, which fell to the Soviet communists in 1920. After the communists exiled its leadership, the ARF established itself within Armenian-diaspora communities, where it helped Armenians to preserve their cultural identity. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, the ARF reestablished its presence in Armenia. Prior to Serzh Sargsyan's election as President of Armenia in February 2008 and for a short time thereafter, the ARF was a member of the governing coalition, even though it nominated its own candidate in the 2008 presidential elections.

ARF reentered Sargsyan's cabinet in February 2016 in what was defined as a "long-term political cooperation" agreement with the Republican Party by means of which the ARF would share responsibility for all government policies. The ARF then approved of Sargsyan's nomination in April 2018 as Prime Minister, from which post he resigned six days later (23 April 2018) amid large-scale protests in what came to be known as the Velvet Revolution. By the evening of 25 April 2018, ARF-Dashnaktsutyun had withdrawn from the coalition.

Following the Velvet Revolution, the party lost support from the general public in Armenia and is now being polled at 1–2%. The party lost political representation in the 2018 Armenian parliamentary election after receiving only 3.89% of the votes, which is lower than the 5% minimum threshold required for representation in the National Assembly.

During the 2020–2021 Armenian protests, the party confirmed it would participate in the 2021 Armenian parliamentary election as part of a political alliance - the Armenia Alliance - with Reborn Armenia. In the 2021 election, the Armenia Alliance, led by the second President of Armenia, Robert Kocharyan, won 21% of the popular vote and gained 29 seats in the National Assembly.

Early history
In the late 19th century, the Russian Empire became the hub of small groups advocating reform in Armenian-populated areas in the Ottoman Empire. In 1890, recognizing the need to unify these groups in order to be more efficient, Christapor Mikaelian, Simon Zavarian and Stepan Zorian created a new political party called the "Federation of Armenian Revolutionaries" (Հայ Յեղափոխականների Դաշնակցութիւն, Hay Heghapokhakanneri Dashnaktsutyun), which would eventually be called the "Armenian Revolutionary Federation" or "Dashnaktsutiun" in 1890.

The Social Democrat Hunchakian Party, an existing Armenian socialist and revolutionary party, initially agreed to join the "Federation of Armenian Revolutionaries." However, the Hunchaks soon withdrew due to disputes over ideological and organizational questions, such as the role of socialism in the party's program. Another faction of non-socialists led by Konstantin Khatisian split from the federation early on. Despite this, the party began to organize itself in the Ottoman Empire and convened its First General Congress in 1892, where a program containing socialist principles was adopted. The original aim of the ARF was to gain autonomy for the Armenian-populated areas in the Ottoman Empire by means of armed rebellion. At the First Congress, the party adopted a decentralized modus operandi according to which the chapters in different countries were allowed to plan and implement policies in tune with their local political atmosphere. The party set its goal of a society based on the democratic principles of freedom of assembly, freedom of speech, freedom of religion and agrarian reform.

Russian Empire
The ARF gradually acquired significant strength and sympathy among Russian Armenians. Mainly because of the ARF's stance towards the Ottoman Empire, the party enjoyed the support of the central Russian administration, as tsarist and ARF foreign policy had the same alignment until 1903. On 12 June 1903, the tsarist authorities passed an edict to bring all Armenian Church property under imperial control. This was faced by strong ARF opposition, because the ARF perceived the tsarist edict as a threat to the Armenian national existence. As a result, the ARF leadership decided to defend Armenian churches by dispatching militiamen who acted as guards and by holding mass demonstrations. In 1904, the party broke with its old policy of non-struggle against the Tsarist authorities, engaging in acts of terrorism against the imperial bureaucracy and establishing separate schools, courts, and prisons in Russian Armenia.

In 1905–06, the Armenian-Tatar massacres broke out during which the ARF became involved in armed activities. Some sources claim that the Russian government incited the massacres in order to reinforce its authority during the revolutionary turmoil of 1905. The first outbreak of violence occurred in Baku, in February 1905. The ARF held the Russian authorities responsible for inaction and instigation of massacres that were part of a larger anti-Armenian policy. On 11 May 1905, Dashnak revolutionary Drastamat Kanayan assassinated Russian governor general Nakashidze, who was considered by the Armenian population as the main instigator of hate and confrontation between the Armenians and the Tatars. Unable to rely on the state for protection, the Armenian bourgeoisie turned to the ARF. Against the criticisms of their rivals to the left (the Hunchaks, Bolsheviks and Specifists), the Dashnak leaders argued that, given employment discrimination against Armenian workers in non-Armenian concerns, the defence provided to the Armenian bourgeoisie was essential to the safekeeping of employment opportunities for Armenian laborers. The Russian Tsar's envoy in the Caucasus, Vorontsov-Dashkov, reported that the ARF bore a major portion of responsibilities for perpetrating the massacres. The ARF, however, argued that it helped to organize the defence of the Armenian population against Muslim attacks. The blows suffered at the hands of the Dashnakist fighting squads proved a catalyst for the consolidation of the Muslim community of the Caucasus. During that period, the ARF regarded armed activity, including terror, as necessary for the achievement of political goals.

In January 1912, 159 ARF members, being lawyers, bankers, merchants and other intellectuals, were tried before the Russian senate for their participation in the party. They were defended by then-lawyer Alexander Kerensky, who challenged much of the evidence used against them as the "original investigators had been encouraged by the local administration to use any available means" to convict the men. Kerensky succeeded in having the evidence reexamined for one of the defendants. He and several other lawyers "made openly contemptuous declarations" about this discrepancy to the Russian press, which was forbidden to attend the trials, and this in turn greatly embarrassed the senators. The Senate eventually opened an inquiry against the chief magistrate who had brought the charges against the Dashnak members and concluded that he was insane. Ninety-four of the accused were acquitted, while the rest were either imprisoned or exiled for varying periods, the most severe being six years.

Persian Empire
The Dashnaktsutiun held a meeting on 26 April 1907, dubbed the Fourth General Congress, at which ARF leaders such as Aram Manukian, Hamo Ohanjanyan and Stepan Stepanian discussed their engagement in the Iranian Constitutional Revolution. They established that the movement was one that had political, ideological and economic components and was thus aimed at establishing law and order, human rights and the interests of all working people. They also felt that it would work for the benefit and interest of Armenian-Iranians. The final vote was 25 votes in favour and one absentia.

From 1907 to 1908, during the time when the Young Turks came to power in the Ottoman Empire, Armenians from the Caucasus, Western Armenia, and Iran started to collaborate with Iranian constitutionalists and revolutionaries. Political parties, notably the Dashnaktsutiun, wanted to influence the direction of the revolution towards greater democracy and to safeguard gains already achieved. The Dashnak contribution to the fight was mostly military, as it sent some of its well-known fedayees to Iran after the guerrilla campaign in the Ottoman Empire ended with the rise of the Young Turks. A notable ARF member already in Iran was Yeprem Khan, who had established a branch of the party in the country. Yeprem Khan was highly instrumental in the Constitutional revolution of Iran. After the Persian national parliament was shelled by the Russian Colonel Vladimir Liakhov, Yeprem Khan rallied with Sattar Khan and other revolutionary leaders in the Constitutional Revolution of Iran against Mohammad Ali Shah Qajar. Relations between Sattar Khan and the ARF oscillated between amity and resentment. Sometimes he was viewed as being ignorant, while at other times he was dubbed a great hero. Nonetheless, the ARF came to collaborate with him and alongside Yeprem Khan posted many victories including the capture of Rasht in February 1909. At the end of June 1909, the fighters arrived in Tehran and after several battles, took over the Majles building and the Sepahsalar Mosque. Yeprem Khan was then appointed chief of Tehran police. This caused tensions between the Dashnaks and Khan.

Abdul Hamid Period (1894–1908)
The ARF became a major political force in Armenian life. It was especially active in the Ottoman Empire, where it organized or participated in many revolutionary activities. The ARF was especially influential due to their ability to educate the population through a system of "educating, explaining,and encouraging". This was a tactic used to disseminate information to gain support in terms of political elections, campaigns, or alliances to strengthen the ARF's social relations. When they weren't educating their youth and preparing the new generation for revolution, they themselves were taking part in revolutionary activities. For example, in 1894, the ARF took part in the Sasun Resistance, supplying arms to the local population to help the people of Sasun defend themselves against the Hamidian purges. In June 1896, the Armenakan Party organized the Van Rebellion in the province of Van. The Armenakans, assisted by members of the Hunchakian and ARF parties, supplied all able-bodied men of Van with weapons. They rose to defend the civilians from the attack and subsequent massacre.

To raise awareness of the massacres of 1895–96, members of the Dashnaktsutiun led by Papken Siuni, occupied the Ottoman Bank on 26 August 1896. The purpose of the raid was to dictate the ARF's demands of reform in the Armenian populated areas of the Ottoman Empire and to attract European attention to their cause since the Europeans had many assets in the bank. The operation caught European attention but at the cost of more massacres by Sultan Abdul Hamid II.

During this period, many famous intellectuals joined the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, including Harutiun Shahrigian, Avetik Isahakyan, Hakob Zavriev, Levon Shant, Karekin Khajag, Vartkes Serengülian, Abraham Gyulkhandanyan, Vahan Papazian, Siamanto, Nikol Aghbalian and many others.

The Khanasor Expedition was performed by the Armenian militia against the Kurdish Mazrik tribe on 25 July 1897. During the Defense of Van, the Mazrik tribe had ambushed a squad of Armenian defenders and massacred them. The Khanasor Expedition was the ARF's retaliation. Some Armenians consider this their first victory over the Ottoman Empire and celebrate each year in its remembrance.

On 30 March 1904, the ARF played a major role in the Second Sasun Uprising. The ARF sent arms and fedayi to defend the region for the second time. Among the 500 fedayees participating in the resistance were famed figures such as Kevork Chavush, Sepasdatsi Murad and Hrayr Djoghk. Although they managed to hold off the Ottoman army for several months, despite their lack of fighters and firepower, Ottoman forces captured Sasun and massacred thousands of Armenians.

In 1904, during an annual congress bringing together Armenian and Bulgarian representatives, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation decided to assassinate Sultan Abdul Hamid II in response to the Hamidian massacres. Pierre Quillard, a French anarchist linked with the ARF attended and reported to his anarchist colleagues that the Armenians intended to use "extreme methods." One of Dashnaksutiun's founders Kristapor Mikaelian was killed by an accidental explosion during the planning of the operation. In 1905, members of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation organized the failed Yıldız Attempt, an assassination plot on Sultan Abdul Hamid II in the capital of the Ottoman Empire, Constantinople (modern day Istanbul); the explosion missed its target by a few minutes and was helped by Belgian anarchist Edward Joris. He was arrested and sentenced to death, prompting Pierre Quillard to use his journal, Pro Armenia, to advocate for his release  —a stance shared by his colleague Jean Grave in Les Temps nouveaux.

Young Turk Revolution (1908–14)

In the 1890s the party used terrorism against the Ottoman Empire and Russia with the goal of gaining an independent nation, more well known attacks occurred against Bedros Kapamajian, the mayor of Van who was assassinated in December 1912, and the assassination of archbishop Leon Tourian in New York City on December 24, 1933.

Together with the Committee of Union and Progress, a group of mostly European-educated Turks, the ARF had been one of the largest revolutionary groups trying to overthrow Sultan Abdul Hamid II. In a general assembly meeting in 1907, the ARF acknowledged that the Armenian and Turkish revolutionaries had the same goals. Although the Tanzimat reforms had given Armenians more rights and seats in the parliament, the ARF hoped to gain autonomy to govern Armenian populated areas of the Ottoman Empire as a "state within a state". The "Second congress of the Ottoman opposition" took place in Paris, France, in 1907. Opposition leaders including Ahmed Riza (liberal), Sabahheddin Bey, and ARF member Khachatur Maloumian attended. During the meeting, an alliance between the two parties was officially declared. The ARF decided to cooperate with the Committee of Union and Progress, hoping that if the Young Turks came to power, autonomy would be granted to the Armenians.

In 1908, Abdul Hamid II was overthrown during the Young Turk Revolution, which launched the Second Constitutional Era of the Ottoman Empire. Dashnaktsutiun became a legal political party and Armenians gained more seats in the 1908 parliament, but the reforms fell short of the greater autonomy that the ARF had hoped for. The Adana massacre in 1909 also created antipathy between Armenians and Turks, and the ARF cut relations with the Young Turks in 1912. Between December 1912 and 1914 ARF politicians held negotiations with the CUP about political reforms in the eastern provinces. The Armenians had the support of the Russians and the CUP accused the Armenians that their actions caused further division between Turks and Armenians. The CUP and ARF continued a close cooperation throughout the Second Constitutional Era up until 1914.

World War I and the Armenian genocide
In 1915, Dashnak leaders were deported and killed alongside other Armenian intellectuals during a purge by Ottoman officials against the leaders of the empire's Armenian communities. The ARF, maintaining its ideological commitment to a "Free, Independent, and United Armenia", led the defense of the Armenian people during the Armenian genocide, becoming leaders of the successful Van Resistance. Jevdet Bey, the Ottoman administrator of Van, tried to suppress the resistance by killing two Armenian leaders (Ishkhan and Vramian) and trying to imprison Aram Manukian, who had risen to fame and gained the nickname "Aram of Van". Moreover, on 19 April, he issued an order to exterminate all Armenians, and threatened to kill all Muslims who helped them.

About 185,000 Armenians lived in Vaspurakan. In the city of Van itself, there were around 30,000 Armenians, but more Armenians from surrounding villages joined them during the Ottoman offensive. The battle started on 20 April 1915, with Aram Manukian as the leader of the resistance, and lasted for two months. In May, the Armenian battalions and Russian regulars entered the city and successfully drove the Ottoman army out of Van. The Dashnaktsutiun was also involved in other less-successful resistance movements in Zeitun, Shabin-Karahisar, Urfa, and Musa Dagh. After the end of the Van resistance, ARF leader Aram Manukian became governor of the Administration for Western Armenia and worked to ease the sufferings of Armenians.

At the end of World War I, members of the Young Turks movement, considered executors of the Armenian genocide by the Armenian Revolutionary Federation, were assassinated during Operation Nemesis.

Republic of Armenia (1918–1920)
As a result of the collapse of the Russian Empire in 1917, the Armenian, Georgian, and Azerbaijani leaders of the Caucasus united to create the Transcaucasian Federation in the winter of 1918. The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk had drastic consequences for the Armenians: Turkish forces reoccupied Western Armenia. The federation lasted for only three months, eventually leading to the proclamation of the Republics of Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan. The negotiators for Armenia were from the ARF.

With the collapse of the Transcaucasian Federation, the Armenians were left to fend for themselves as the Turkish army approached the capital of Yerevan. At first, fearing a major military defeat and massacre of the population of Armenia, the Dashnaks wanted to evacuate the city of Yerevan. Instead, the Military Council headed by Colonel Pirumian decided that they would not surrender and would confront the Turkish army. The opposing armies met on 28 May 1918, near Sardarapat. The battle was a major military success for the Armenian army as it was able to halt the invading Turkish forces. The Armenians also stood their ground at the Battle of Kara Killisse and at the Battle of Bash Abaran. The creation of the First Republic of Armenia was proclaimed on the same day of the Battle of Sardarapat, and the ARF became the ruling party. However, the new state was devastated, with a dislocated economy, hundreds of thousands of refugees, and a mostly starving population.

The ARF, led by General Andranik, tried several times to seize Shusha (known as Shushi by Armenians), a city in Karabakh. Just before the Armistice of Mudros was signed, Andranik was on the way from Zangezur to Shusha, to control the main city of Karabakh. Andranik's forces got within 26 mi of the city when the First World War ended, and Turkey, along with Germany and Austria-Hungary, surrendered to the Allies. British forces ordered Andranik to stop all military advances, assuring him that the conflict would be solved with the Paris Peace Conference of 1919. Andranik, not wanting to antagonize the British, retreated to Goris, Zangezur.

The Armenian Revolutionary Federation had a strong presence in the DRA government. Most of the important government posts, such as prime minister, defence minister and interior minister were controlled by its members.

The DRA wanted to recover the country's economy, and create new rules and regulations, but the situation required it to focus on overcoming widespread hunger in the country. The situation was complicated externally, provoked by Turkish and Azerbaijani Muslim riots. In 1920 the situation in the country became worse, with apparent rapprochement between Soviet Russia and Kemal's Turkey. When the Turkish-Armenian war started in autumn 1920, Armenia was isolated and abandoned by Western allies. The newly formed League of Nations did not provide any help. Soviet Russia intensified its pressure on Armenia. Losing the war, Armenia signed the Treaty of Alexandropol on 2 December 1920, which resulted in the recognition of large territorial losses to Turkey. The Armenia military-revolutionary committee formed in Soviet Azerbaijan. Despite their tight grip on power, the ARF ceded power to the Communist Red Army troops invading from the north, which culminated with a Soviet takeover. The ARF was banned, its leaders exiled, and many of its members dispersed to other parts of the world.

Exile
After the communists took over the short-lived First Republic of Armenia and ARF leaders were exiled, the Dashnaks moved their base of operations to where the Armenian diaspora had settled. With the large influx of Armenian refugees in the Levant, the ARF established a strong political structure in Lebanon and to a lesser extent, Syria. From 1921 to 1990, the Dashnaktsutiun established political structures in more than 200 states, including the USA, where a large number of Armenians had settled.

With political and geographic division came religious division. One part of the Armenian Church claimed it wanted to be separate from the head, whose seat was in Echmiadzin, Armenian SSR. Some Armenians in the US thought Moscow tried to use the Armenian Church to promote Communists' ideas outside the country. The Armenian Church thus separated into two branches, Echmiadzin and Cilician, and started to operate separately. In the US, Echmiadzin branch churches of the Armenian Apostolic Church would not admit members of the ARF. This was one of the reasons why the ARF discouraged people from attending these churches and brought the representatives from a different wing of the church, the Armenian Catholicosate of Cilicia, from Lebanon to the US. In 1933, members of ARF were convicted in the assassination of Armenian archbishop Levon Tourian with large butcher knives in New York City. Prior to his murder, the archbishop had been accused of being exclusively pro-Soviet by the ARF. The ARF was legally exonerated of any direct involvement in the assassination, but the incident weakened the party in the United States and led to its members being ostracized by the other Armenian political parties.

During World War II, some Berlin-based ARF members saw an opportunity to remove Soviet control from Armenia by supporting the Nazis. The Armenian Legion, composed largely of former Soviet Red Army POWs, was led by Drastamat Kanayan. It participated in the occupation of the Crimean Peninsula but was later based in the Netherlands and France a result of Adolf Hitler's distrust of their loyalty.

During the 1950s, tensions arose between the ARF and the Armenian SSR. The death of Catholicos Garegin of the Holy See of Cilicia prompted a struggle for succession. The National Ecclesiastic Assembly, which was largely influenced by the ARF, elected Zareh of Aleppo. This decision was rejected by the Echmiadzin-based Catholicos of All Armenians, the anti-ARF coalition, and Soviet Armenian authorities. Zareh extended his administrative authority over a large part of the Armenian diaspora, furthering the rift that had already been created by his election. This event split the large Armenian community of Lebanon, creating sporadic clashes between the supporters of Zareh and those who opposed his election.

Religious conflict was part of a greater conflict that raged between the two "camps" of the Armenian diaspora. The ARF still resented the fact that they were ousted from Armenia after the Red Army took control, and the ARF leaders supported the creation of a "Free, Independent, and United Armenia", free from both Soviet and Turkish hegemony. The Social Democrat Hunchakian Party and Ramgavar Party, the main rivals of the ARF, supported the newly established Soviet rule in Armenia.

Lebanon
From 1923 to 1958, conflicts erupted among Armenian political parties struggling to dominate and organize the diaspora. The ARF and Hunchakian parties struggled in 1926 for control of the newly established shanty-town of Bourj Hammoud in Lebanon; ARF member Vahan Vartabedian was assassinated. The assassination of Hunchakian members Mihran Aghazarian and S. Dekhrouhi followed in 1929 and 1931 respectively. In 1956, when Bishop Zareh was consecrated Catholicos of Cilicia, the Catholicos of Echmiadzin refused to recognize his authority. This controversy polarized the Armenian community of Lebanon. As a result, in the context of the Lebanese civil strife of 1958, an armed conflict erupted between supporters (the ARF) and opponents (Hunchakians, Ramgavars) of Zareh.

Prior to the Lebanese Civil War of 1975–90, the party was closely allied to the Phalangist Party of Pierre Gemayel and generally ran joint tickets with the Phalangists, especially in Beirut constituencies with large Armenian populations. The refusal of the ARF, along with most Armenian groups, to play an active role in the civil war, however, soured relations between the two parties, and the Lebanese Forces (a militia dominated by Phalangists and commanded by Bachir Gemayel, Pierre Gemayel's son), responded by attacking the Armenian quarters of many Lebanese towns, including Bourj Hammoud. Many Armenians affiliated with the ARF took up arms voluntarily to defend their quarters. In the midst of the Lebanese civil war, the shadowy guerrilla organization Justice Commandos of the Armenian Genocide emerged and carried out assassinations from 1975 to 1983. The guerrilla organization has sometimes been linked to the Dashnaks.

Ethnic Armenians are allocated six seats in Lebanon's 128-member National Assembly. The Lebanese branch of the ARF has usually controlled a majority of the Armenian vote and won most of the ethnic Armenian seats in the National Assembly. A major change occurred in the parliamentary election of 2000. With a rift between ARF and the Mustaqbal (Future) party of Rafik Hariri and the ARF was left with only one parliamentary seat, its worst result in many decades. The ARF called for a boycott of the 2005 Beirut elections. Relations soured further when on 5 August 2007 by-election in the Metn district, which includes the predominantly Armenian area of Bourj Hammoud, ARF decided to support Camille Khoury, the candidate backed by opposition leader Michel Aoun's Free Patriotic Movement against Phalangist leader Amine Gemayel and subsequently won the seat. In the 2009 Lebanese general elections, the ARF won 2 seats in parliament which it holds presently. In June 2011, a new Lebanese government was formed where ARF party members were appointed to two ministerial positions, including Ministry of Industry, as part of the March 8 alliance.

The ARF Lebanon branch is headquartered in Bourj Hammoud in the Shaghzoian Centre, along with the ARF Lebanon Central Committee's Aztag Daily newspaper and "Voice Of Van" 24-hour radio station.

Syria
During the French Mandate and under the parliamentary régime in Syria, there were reserved seats for the various religious communities, like in Lebanon, including for Armenians. This system is unofficially still living. Even when they didn't take part as such in elections, Armenian parties such as Dashnak exerted an influence on them.

Independent Armenia

The ARF has always maintained its ideological commitment to "a Free, Independent, and United Armenia". The term United Armenia refers to the borders of Armenia recognized by U.S. President Woodrow Wilson and outlined in the Treaty of Sèvres. After Armenia fell under Soviet control in 1920, the ARF within the Armenian diaspora opposed Soviet rule over Armenia and rallied in support of Armenian independence. It contributed to organizing a social and cultural framework aimed at preserving the Armenian identity. However, because of tight communist control, the ARF could not operate in the Armenian SSR and the political party remained banned until 1991.

In the leadup to the reestablishment of independent Armenia, the ARF was opposed to Armenia's immediate independence from the Soviet Union, considering the threat of neighboring Turkey to be too great.

When independence was achieved in 1991, the ARF soon became one of the major and most active political parties, rivaled mainly by the Pan-Armenian National Movement. Subsequently, on 28 December 1994, President Levon Ter-Petrosyan in a famous television speech banned the ARF, which was the nation's leading opposition party, along with Yerkir, the country's largest daily newspaper. The party's leader, Hrayr Maroukhian, was expelled from Armenia. Ter-Petrosyan introduced evidence that supposedly detailed a plot hatched by the ARF to engage in terrorism against his administration, endanger Armenia's national security and overthrow the government. Throughout the evening, government security forces arrested leading ARF figures, and police seized computers, fax machines, files and printing equipment from ARF offices. In addition to Yerkir, government forces also closed several literary, women's, cultural, and youth publications. A group of eleven ARF members were arrested and accused of being members of a purported secret terrorist cell within the ARF known as the "Dro Group" (named after the Dro Committee, the group that was allegedly behind the plot), which was allegedly led by ARF member Hrant Markarian. Another group of thirty-one ARF members, including ARF Bureau member Vahan Hovhannisyan, were also arrested and charged with attempting to stage an armed coup, among other crimes.

Gerard Libaridian, an historian and close adviser of Ter-Petrosyan, collected and presented the evidence against the defendants. He later stated in an interview that he was unsure if the evidence was true, inviting the notion that the party was banned because of its increasing chances of winning seats in the July 1995 parliamentary elections. The trials were marked by accusations of misconduct, including forced confessions, and were regarded as politically motivated by the opposition and human rights groups. Several months after the elections, most of the men were found not guilty with the exception of several defendants charged for engaging in corrupt business practices. Three men from the "Dro Group" case (Arsen Artsruni, Armenak Mnjoyan, Armen Grigoryan) and one man from the group of 31 (Tigran Avetisyan) were sentenced to death for murder. Their sentences were commuted to life imprisonment in 2003. Mnjoyan died while in prison in early 2019, while Artsruni and Avetisyan continue to serve their sentences.

The ban on the party was lifted less than a week after Ter-Petrosyan fell from power in February 1998 and was replaced by Robert Kocharyan, who was backed by the Dashnaks. Most of the ARF members convicted in relation to the "Dro Group" and "Group of 31" cases were released after the relegalization of the party.

In 2007, the ARF was not part of but had a cooperation agreement in place with the governing coalition, which consisted of two parties in the government coalition, the Republican Party and Prosperous Armenia Party. The Country of Law party was also a member of the governing coalition until it pulled out in May 2006. With 16 of the 131 seats in the National Assembly of Armenia, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation became the third-largest party in parliament.

In addition to its parliamentary seats, the following governmental ministries were also headed by ARF members: Ministry of Agriculture, Davit Lokian; Ministry of Education and Science, Levon Mkrtchian; Ministry of Labor and Social Affairs, Aghvan Vardanian; Ministry of Healthcare, Norair Davidian. On 13 July 2007, the ARF History Museum was inaugurated in Yerevan, displaying the history of the party and of its notable members.

In 2007, the ARF announced that it would nominate its own candidate to run for president of Armenia in the February 2008 presidential election. In an innovation on 24–25 November 2007, the ARF conducted a non-binding Armenia-wide primary election. They invited the public to vote to advise the party which of two candidates, Vahan Hovhannisyan and Armen Rustamyan, they should formally nominate for president of Armenia in the subsequent official election. What characterized it as a primary instead of a standard opinion poll was that the public knew of the primary in advance, all eligible voters were invited, and the voting was by secret ballot. Nearly 300,000 people voted in makeshift tents and mobile ballot boxes. Vahan Hovhannisyan received the most votes and was subsequently nominated for the presidential election by the ARF Supreme Council in a secret ballot. In the presidential election, Hovhannisyan placed fourth with 6.2% of the vote. In 2008, ARF re-joined the ruling political coalition in Armenia and supported strong police actions during the 2008 Armenian presidential election protests that led to ten deaths.

Due to the signature of the so-called Zurich Protocols the ARF left the coalition and became an opposition party once again in 2009, but relations with other factions in the Armenian opposition remained frosty. In 2012 parliamentary election the ARF won 5 seats losing 11 parliamentary seats from 2007.

ARF then reentered Sargsyan's cabinet in February 2016, obtaining three ministerial posts: Ministry of Economy, Local Government and Education; also, as a result of what was defined as a "long-term political cooperation" agreement with the Republican Party, ARF also got to appoint the regional governors of Aragatsotn and Shirak Provinces.

After the 2016 Nagorno-Karabakh clashes, the ARF helped the Ministry of Defense of Armenia in setting up a volunteer reserve battalion, made up mostly of party members. This unit, made up of experienced commanders and soldiers, some of them veterans from the Nagorno-Karabakh war, is one of the newest units of the Armenian military. It traces back its heritage from the Shushi independent battalion of the previous war and is called the "ARF battalion".

Following the 2017 elections, the party won 7 seats in the National Assembly with 6,58% of the votes.

Following the start of the Armenian Velvet Revolution, the ARF broke its coalition with the Republican Party of Armenia and moved into opposition; later on, the party supported Nikol Pashinyan's new cabinet. The 2018 election saw the collapse of the party. The ARF only scored 3,89% of the votes and won no seats. It was the first time since the independence of Armenia that ARF had no political representation in the National Assembly.

Since its loss in the 2018 election, the ARF has become the main extra parliamentary opposition party to the Pashinyan government.

The ARF also gained popularity by intensifying its social aid programs to those in need in Armenia, especially in the rural areas. The party has provided aid to locals during the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic, mainly thanks to various donation made by members of the Armenian diaspora.

During the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War, the ARF again formed volunteer battalions to fight in the war. After the conclusion of the war, the party formed a coalition with 16 other political parties (most notably the former ruling Republican Party and the parliamentary opposition party Prosperous Armenia) calling itself the "Homeland Salvation Movement", calling on Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan to resign for the defeat of the Armenian side in the war. Along with the other parties in the coalition, the ARF supported former prime minister Vazgen Manukyan as their candidate for prime minister. The Homeland Salvation Movement attempted to force Pashinyan's resignation through the organization of mass protests.

The ARF formed the Armenia Alliance electoral alliance with ex-president Robert Kocharyan and the Reborn Armenia party to participate in the 2021 snap parliamentary election. The alliance won 29 seats out of 107, 10 of which were taken by candidates put forward by the ARF.

Electoral record

In the 2000s, the party usually garnered some 10 to 15 percent of the vote in national elections. In a 2007 confidential telegram Anthony Godfrey, U.S. Embassy in Armenia chargé d'affaires, wrote that the party "has had a historically loyal following of 10 to 12 percent of the population, but probably has little chance to expand from that base." Following the 2018 Armenian Velvet Revolution, the party polled at 1–2%. The ARF, for the first time since 1999, did not win seats in parliament and effectively became an extra-parliamentary opposition party. However, the party gained 10 seats in parliament following the 2021 elections, as part of the Armenia Alliance coalition.

Ottoman Empire
Chamber of Deputies

Russian Republic
Russian Constituent Assembly

Republic of Armenia
Parliamentary elections a.Run within Armenia Alliance.

Presidential elections by popular vote Presidential elections by parliament vote

Republic of Artsakh
Parliamentary elections b. Run within Movement 88.

Artsakh
After the Soviet Union expanded into the South Caucasus, it established the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO) within the Azerbaijan SSR in 1923. In the final years of the Soviet Union, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation established a branch in Nagorno-Karabakh. In January 1991, the Dashnaktsutiun won the parliamentary election and governed as the ruling party during the entirety of the Nagorno-Karabakh war. The Dashnaks actively supported the independence of Nagorno-Karabakh (or Artsakh as Armenians call it). It aided the Nagorno-Karabakh Defense Army by sending armed volunteers to the front lines and supplying the army with weapons, food, medicine and moral support. The party even had its own infantry battalion, subordinated to NKR army command, the "Shushi independent battalion", which became one of the most efficient Armenian units during the war. After deciding not to run in the second parliamentary elections, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation ran in the 1999 elections and won 9 of the 33 seats in the National Assembly of Nagorno Karabakh. At the June 2005 elections, the Dashnaktsutiun was part of an electoral alliance with Movement 88 that won 3 out of 33 seats. Following the March 2020 elections, the party won 3 seats in the National Assembly.

Ideology and goals

The principal founders of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation were nationalist, socialists, and Marxist elements were omnipresent in the introductory section of the party's first program written by Rosdom, entitled "General Theory". The ARF first set down its ideological and political goals during the Hamidian regime. It denounced the Ottoman regime and the unbearable conditions of life for its Armenians and advocated changing the regime in power and securing more rights through revolution and armed struggle. The ARF had and still has socialism within its political philosophy. Its program expresses the entire, multifaceted make-up of the Armenian revolutionary movement, including its national-liberation, political, and social-economic aspects. Politically the ARF is aligned with Marxist socialism, being influenced by Marxist analysis of history, capitalism, and politics.

Despite subsequent modifications, the above-mentioned principles and tendencies continue to characterize the ideological world of the Dashnaktsutiun, and its approach toward issues has remained unchanged. In recent decades, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation reasserted itself ideologically and reformulated the section of its program called "General Theory", adapting it to current concepts of socialism, democracy and rights of self-determination. The party has long supported a parliamentary republican political system and campaigned for a "yes" vote in the 2015 constitutional referendum.

Its primary goals are:
 * Creation of a free, independent, and united Armenia. The borders of United Armenia shall include all territories designated as Armenia by the Treaty of Sèvres as well as the regions of Artsakh, Javakhk, and Nakhichevan (See map).
 * International condemnation of the genocide committed by the Ottoman Empire against the Armenians, return of the lands which are occupied, and just reparations to the Armenian nation
 * The gathering of worldwide expatriate Armenians on the lands of United Armenia.
 * Strengthening Armenia's statehood, institutionalization of democracy and the rule of law, securing the people's economic well-being, and establishment of social justice, and a democratic and socialistic independent republic in Armenia

In 1907, the Dashnaktsutiun joined the Second International until its dissolution during World War I. It later joined the reformed Socialist International and remained a full member until 1960, when it decided to pull out of the organization. In 1996, it was re-accepted as an observer member, and in 1999 the Dashnaks earned full membership in the international organization. The party was also a member of the Labour and Socialist International between 1923 and 1940.

A member of the ARF is called Dashnaktsakan (in Eastern Armenian) or Tashnagtsagan (in Western Armenian), or Dashnak/Tashnag for short. Other than calling each other by name, members formally address one another as Comrade (Ընկեր or Unger for boys and men, Ընկերուհի or Ungerouhi for girls and women).

The party has supported some pro-European policies which favor the European integration of Armenia. The party was in favor of Armenia's continued political association and economic integration with the European Union. However, in 2013 the ARF backed the government's decision to join the Eurasian Economic Union instead of signing an Association Agreement and DCTFA with the EU, stating that there were "security concerns" facing Armenia. In 2016, the ARF signed a memorandum of co-operation with the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D). Former S&D President Gianni Pittella stated, "Armenia deserves to benefit from both its membership of the Eurasian Economic Union and the closest relations with the European Union. The Armenian Revolutionary Federation has its place within the European social-democratic family."

Affiliate organizations
The ARF is considered the foremost organization in the Armenian diaspora, having established numerous Armenian schools, community centers, Scouting and athletic groups, relief societies, youth groups, camps, and other organs throughout the world.

The ARF also works as an umbrella organ for the Armenian Relief Society, the Homenetmen Armenian General Athletic Union, the Hamazkayin Cultural Foundation, and many other community organizations. It operates the Armenian Youth Federation, which encourages the youth of the diaspora to join the political cause of the ARF and the Armenian people.

The ARF Shant Student Association and the ARF Armen Karo Student Association are organizations of college and university students on various campuses and are the only ARF organizations whose membership is exclusively from this group.

The Justice Commandos of the Armenian Genocide (JCAG) was the militant arm of the ARF. It was active in from 1975 to 1987. They were responsible for a number of assassinations of Turkish diplomats with the goal of bringing attention to the Armenian genocide.

US and Canada
Armenian National Committee of America, an ARF-affiliated organization, is the strongest Armenian lobby organization in the United States. Its sister organization, the Armenian National Committee of Canada, operates in Canada as the strongest and most influential Armenian Canadian organization.

Western US Committee controversy
In December 2020, the ARF's highest body, the Bureau, appointed a new Central Committee in the Western United States, citing the limitations created by the COVID-19 pandemic as reason for the appointment without the calling of a convention. After this, a group of ARF members refused to accept the decision, convened an assembly and elected a body which claimed to be the legitimate Central Committee of the ARF in the Western United States. This group took control of the bank account and various movable and immovable properties of the ARF Western Region of the US, including the official organ Asbarez. The members of this group were expelled from the party by decision of the Bureau in March 2021. The expelled group then initiated lawsuits, including Federal RICO litigation. On July 18, 2021, at the ARF Western United States 55th Regional Convention, sanctioned and attended by the ARF Bureau, a new Central Committee of the ARF Western United States Region was elected for a two-year term. On March 8, 2022, the Armenian Revolutionary Federation's World Congress, its highest authority, issued a public statement re-affirming that "the only ARF entity operating in the Western United States region is the ARF Central Committee elected for a term of two years on July 18, 2021 at the ARF Western United States 55th Regional Convention. This entity is the only one authorized to incorporate the use of the ARF's name and use its flag, insignia and anthem." The newspaper Oragark was established as the new official publication of the organization in the Western United States in April 2022.

Other countries
Branches of the Armenian National Committee in Argentina, Australia, Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, Cyprus, Egypt, England, France, Georgia, Greece, Iran, Israel, Lebanon, Russia, Switzerland, Syria, the Netherlands and Uruguay subsequently have played a significant role in the campaign for the recognition of the Armenian genocide in their respective countries.

Media
ARF and its affiliate organizations worldwide publish 12 newspapers: 4 daily and 8 weeklies. Also, there are two TV channels, including one online. Two radio stations are aired every day, including one online.

 * Periodicals
 * Television

 * Radio

title: Armenian Revolutionary Federation


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Roger Davis (cricketer)

Roger Clive Davis (born 15 January 1946) is a Welsh former county cricketer who played for Glamorgan for 13 years as an all-rounder. While having a quiet career from his debut in 1964 until 1970, he then enjoyed five years of greater success, including scoring over 1,000 runs in the 1975 season, before a rapid decline in 1976 which saw him dropped from the team. He nevertheless enjoyed a successful career, with over 7,000 runs and 241 wickets in first-class cricket. He became headline news in 1971, when a ball hit him on the side of the head while he was fielding in the dangerous "short leg" position, causing his heart and breathing to stop.

Early years
Born in Cardiff, Wales, Davis attended Blundell's School. His older brother, John Davis who was born in 1939, also went to school there, and both enjoyed successful sports careers there in the schools cricket 1st XI. John Davis debut for Glamorgan in 1959 having graduated from the University of Oxford and played in 13 matches before retiring to teaching in 1967. Roger Davis, in contrast, did not debut until five years after his older brother.

Debut for Glamorgan
Davis first played for Glamorgan in 1964 as an all-rounder in first-class matches. Batting in the middle of the order and bowling off-spin, he was to move up the order later in his career, he took 241 first-class wickets and hit five centuries. In his first year, he only played one match, scoring three runs, and taking one wicket. In 1967, he played his first List-A match for his county. He was not chosen for the 1965 season, but returned in 1966 for 12 matches, hit 273 runs at 13.00 with one half-century, and taking six wickets at 28.50. The following season was his most successful so far, taking 16 wickets at 22.37 and scoring 373 runs at 12.43 over 19 matches. He also played his first one-day match for the club, scoring five runs, and faced the International Cavaliers on 5 June 1966, scoring 43 before being caught and bowled by Jim Standen.

Gary Sobers and the championship
In 1968, he came close to preventing the record-breaking 36 runs in one over, scored by Gary Sobers in a match at Swansea, when he caught the ball but fell over the boundary rope, giving Sobers another six. During that season, he scored 877 runs off 22 matches at 21.92, with four fifties, but only took two wickets at 50.50. In one day cricket, he again played only one match, scoring six runs.

In 1969, he helped Glamorgan to their county championship victory, taking 33 catches, often in dangerous positions close to the batsman. He scored 835 first-class runs at 22.56 including his maiden century, 116. He also took 32 wickets at 23.43, including his first five-wicket haul. He again failed in one day matches, however, playing 15 but scoring only 45 runs at 3.21. He did, however, take 11 wickets at 16.18. Over the winter of 1969/1970 Davis toured the West Indies, however he found playing difficult there during the two first-class matches. He scored 47 runs at 11.75, and took only two wickets at 62.50.

Peak
The early 1970s, in contrast to his first six years at Glamorgan, were to be the peak of Davis' cricketing career. In 1970, Davis enjoyed a successful season. Out of 27 first-class matches he scored 82 runs at 20.07, hitting four half centuries of the third time in his career. In one day matches his batting was of a lower standard, however, hitting 101 runs at 9.18 over 14 games. Despite this mixed batting performance, his bowling was at its peak. In first-class cricket, Davis took a career best 54 wickets in the season at 25.42, including career best figures of 6/82 and one five-wicket haul. This was supported by one day efforts resulting in five wickets at 25.20.

The 1971 season saw both great success and great difficulty for Davis. There was little difference in his one-day bowling, with six wickets at 24.83, and his first-class bowling was greatly reduces, 12 wickets at 35.83. His one-day batting was also fairly average, hitting only 57 runs at 11.40. It was his first-class batting that excelled during the season. Davis hit 528 runs at 25.14, a career best average at that point, and scored his highest first-class total, 134.

In contrast to this success, the most difficult time of his career began in May 1971 during a match against Warwickshire at Cardiff. Davis was struck on the head by a cricket ball, while fielding close to the batsman at short leg. Cricket players wore little protective equipment at the time, and David began to suffer convulsions before being given CPR by a doctor from the crowd. He was then rushed to hospital, where it transpired that both his heart and his breathing had stopped when he was hit. After making a full recovery, Davis continued to play for Glamorgan. Later that year, he also played for the England Under-25s.

He followed his career best 134 in the 1971 season with 114 in 1972, ending the season with 617 first-class runs at 22.85, and two half centuries to go with his hundred. He also found some success in his one-day batting, reaching his highest score thus far, 46*, and hit a career best 219 at 16.84. He also enjoyed his second best first-class bowling performance after the 1970 season, this time taking 41 first-class wickets at 37.63, and his best one day bowling figures, 15 wickets at 24.86 with his lowest economy figure, 3.74 runs an over.

Success continued in 1973. Davis took 10 one day wickets at 33.80, and 24 first-class wickets at 29.87. His one-day batting reached its peak, when he hit a career best 101 against the touring West Indies. He finished the season with 291 runs at 29.10, including his one and only one day century. These figures were paired with his 721 runs at 20.60 in first-class cricket, with three half centuries.

In 1974, Davis hit 752 runs at 24.25 and took 22 wickets at 43.45 in first-class cricket. His one-day success continued, with another career best 301 at 17.70, including hit first half centuries. His nine wickets at 44.55 in one day cricket, however, were his worst in terms of average. Good form continued, nevertheless. In 1975, Davis enjoyed his greatest season, hitting 1,243 runs in first-class cricket. These runs came at an average of 31.07, the only time he would reach an average of over 30, and including two centuries, the most of any of his season, and a high score of 131. His one-day batting also reached new heights, with a career best 555 at 27.75 and four fifties. It was only the second season that Davis had scored over 50 in the one day form. With the ball, Davis took 29 first-class wickets at 37.75, with two five-wicket hauls, another careed best statistic. In one day matches, he took 11 wickets at 27.72.

Decline
From 1971 until 1975, Davis had hit 3,861 first-class runs at 24.89, hit four centuries and 17 half-centuries, and taken 182 wickets. His success came to an abrupt end, however, with his form deteriorating rapidly in 1976. While he enjoyed a good average in one day bowling, four wickets at 17.17, three of those came in one match, and he failed to take a first-class wicket for the first time in his career. With the bat, he scored 275 runs at 21.15, with two half centuries compared to the six of the two previous seasons. In one day matches, he scored 150 runs at 18.75, compared to the 555 of the previous season. Glamorgan quickly refused him a contract for the following year, prompting his resignation.

He did, however, return to play for an old Glamorgan team in 1989. On 17 May 1989 old Glamorgan players formed Glamorgan 1969 to face the current team, Glamorgan 1989 in a 30 over day/night match. Davis took three wickets for 44 runs off of four overs, those of Michael Cann, John Derrick and the century maker Matthew Maynard. Davis then opened the batting for Glamorgan 1969 with Alan Jones, scoring three before being bowled by Steve Watkin.

title: Roger Davis (cricketer)


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Justice (Armenia)

The Justice Party (Armenian: Արդարություն, Ardarutyun), also known as the Justice Alliance was an electoral coalition, consisting of nine different political parties in Armenia.

History
The electoral alliance was created by Stepan Demirchyan, leader of the People's Party of Armenia in 2003.

Prior to the 2003 Armenian parliamentary election, the Justice coalition listed 136 candidates to run in the election across Armenia. Some candidates from other minor parties were also included in the list, to which they were affiliated with the coalition, but not formally part of it. Following the 2003 election, the Justice coalition won 13.6% of the popular vote and 14 out of 131 seats. It became the second largest group within the National Assembly and had won the second largest percentage of the popular vote.

The People's Party of Armenia often regarded itself as the lead party within the coalition, however, other member parties disputed this.

The coalition dissolved prior to the 2007 Armenian parliamentary elections due to internal divisions among members. Some of the members chose to run independently in the 2007 elections.

Ideology
Since the coalition consisted of several political parties, each party supported various ideologies. During an interview, Stepan Demirchyan stated, "We should strive for good neighborly relations with our neighbors, we are in favor of European integration, we attach importance to relations with Russia and the United States. I do not see any contradiction here. Armenia must pursue a balanced foreign policy."

title: Justice (Armenia)


text:
IDD

IDD or Idd may refer to:

Academia

 * International Development Department, an academic department on poverty reduction at the University of Birmingham
 * Integrated Dual Degree program

Locations

 * Idd, a parish and former municipality in Halden, Norway

People with the surname

 * Dolal Idd, an American killed in an exchange of gunfire with Minneapolis police

Science and technology

 * Insulin-dependent diabetes, called diabetes mellitus type 1
 * Interictal dysphoric disorder
 * International direct dialing, in telephony
 * Iodine deficiency disorders, commonly used when discussing IDD eradication programs
 * IDD, the electric current in the drains of a CMOS circuit
 * Interface Design Description, in the military software standard MIL-STD-498
 * Intellectual Development Disorder
 * Integration Driven Development

title: IDD


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National Unity (Armenia)

National Unity (Ազգային միաբանություն) is a conservative political party in Armenia. It is currently led by Artashes Geghamyan.

History
In the parliamentary election held on 25 May 2003, the party won 8.8% of the popular vote and 9 out of 131 seats in the National Assembly of Armenia. In the 2003 presidential election, Geghamyan received 17.54% of the vote in the first round, but was eliminated prior to the second round of voting. In the 2007 parliamentary election, the party did not win any seats, receiving a popular vote of 3.69%. The party has not participated in any parliamentary elections since 2007.

In the February 2008 presidential election, Geghamyan, running again as the National Unity Party's candidate, placed seventh with 0.46% of the vote according to final official results.

Following the 2020–2021 Armenian protests, the party endorsed the "New Union" political alliance of the Voice of the Nation Party, the Towards Russia Party, and the Constitutional Rights Union. Geghamyan attended a meeting of the alliance. Geghamyan has also been very critical of Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, accusing the Prime Minister of being ruled by George Soros and Western interests.

Ideology
The party advocates for strengthening the Armenian economy, protecting minority rights, deepening European integration while maintaining close relations with other Commonwealth of Independent States members, especially with Russia. The party also believes in keeping Armenia within the Collective Security Treaty Organization and the Eurasian Union but also fostering deeper relations with the United States and NATO. However, the party is against any NATO peacekeepers being deployed in Armenia.

The party additionally believes in establishing peace with Armenia's neighbours and peacefully resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

In May 2021, the party supported the idea of Armenia joining the Belarus-Russia Union State.

title: National Unity (Armenia)


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Orinats Yerkir

Orinats Yerkir (Օրինաց երկիր, ՕԵԿ/OEK) is a political party operating in Armenia. Its foundation was in 1998, and founder Artur Baghdasaryan continues to lead the party. The party was formerly known as Armenian Renaissance (Հայկական վերածնունդ), during the run-up to the 2017 parliamentary elections.

The party's name is translated into English in a number of ways, including Country of Law and Rule of Law.

Party history
The party participated in elections for the first time during the 1999 Armenian parliamentary election, winning a total of 6 seats in the National Assembly.

Following the 2003 elections, the party won 19 seats. Also in 2003, Gagik Aslanyan, the Chairman of the People's Democratic Party, opted to merge his party with Orinats Yerkir.

Following the 2007 Armenian parliamentary elections, the party obtained 9 seats in the National Assembly.

In the February 2008 presidential election, Baghdasaryan was the party's candidate; he obtained third place, according to the final official results, with 17.7% of the vote.

The party participated in the 2009 Yerevan City Council election, winning 5.11% of votes, but failing to gain seats in the Yerevan City Council.

After the 2012 Armenian parliamentary election, the party won 6 seats in the National Assembly.

The party participated in the 2013 Yerevan City Council election, winning just 3.73% of votes, gaining no seats in the Yerevan City Council.

In 2014, during an interview, Petros Makeyan, the leader of the Democratic Homeland Party, proclaimed that Serzh Sargsyan, the leader of the Republican Party of Armenia, had been indirectly controlling the Orinats Yerkir party for years.

In 2017, the party was renamed "Armenian Renaissance" after the creation of a political alliance with the Unified Armenians Party, led by Ruben Avagyan. Following the 2017 Armenian parliamentary election, the alliance lost all political representation in the National Assembly, receiving just 3.72% of the popular vote. The alliance dissolved and Orinats Yerkir then decided to restore its original name during a meeting held on 13 February 2018.

The party participated in the 2018 Yerevan City Council election, winning just 1.09% of the popular vote, gaining no seats in the Yerevan City Council.

The party initially refused to participate in the 2018 Armenian parliamentary election because the National Assembly failed to pass amendments to electoral law, yet days later decided to register with the country's CEC in order to participate in the elections. It received just 0.99% of the popular vote. As this was lower than the 5% minimum threshold required, the party failed to gain any representation in the National Assembly.

During the 2020–2021 Armenian protests, Orinats Yerkir announced its support to the Homeland Salvation Movement political alliance, however, the alliance did not accept their request to join as a full member.

The party did not participate in the 2021 Armenian parliamentary election. The party currently acts as an extra-parliamentary force.

Ideology
During an interview in 2007, party leader, Artur Baghdasaryan stated that, "Armenia's membership in the European Union should be one of the key priorities of our country's present and future foreign policy, as EU membership will open new avenues for Armenia." Baghdasaryan further stated that in order to begin accession negotiations with the EU, Armenia would have to strengthen its democracy and complete legal, social, economic and political reforms in order to meet European standards, just as the Baltic states have done.

The party is mostly pro-Western but also supports maintaining positive relations with Russia. The party additionally supports the goals and initiatives of the EU's Eastern Partnership program.

title: Orinats Yerkir


text:
United Labour Party (Armenia)

The United Labour Party (ULP) (Միավորված աշխատանքային կուսակցություն) is a social-democratic political party in Armenia. It is led by Gurgen Arsenyan.

History
Following the Armenian parliamentary election on 25 May 2003, the party won 5.7% of the popular vote and 6 out of 131 seats in the National Assembly. In the 2007 Armenian parliamentary elections, the party failed to win any seats, with a popular vote of 4.39%.

The party officially endorsed Prosperous Armenia prior to the 2012 Armenian parliamentary election. Both parties held a joint conference prior to the election where Gurgen Arsenyan pledged his support. Arsenyan participated as a candidate under Prosperous Armenia's electoral list. Following the announcement, Prosperous Armenia leader Gagik Tsarukyan expressed his gratitude for trust and support of the United Labour Party.

In 2015, party leaders met with the then President of Armenia, Serzh Sargsyan to discuss constitutional reforms.

Party leader Gurgen Arsenyan endorsed the 2018 Armenian revolution and stated that, "the United Labor Party will unconditionally support the citizens of Armenia in exercising their right to form a new National Assembly."

In January 2021, Arsenyan met with Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan to discuss various political issues.

On 1 April 2021, the United Labour Party signed a joint declaration with four other political parties calling on the Government of Armenia to ensure free and fair upcoming elections, following the on-going political unrest in Armenia.

The party confirmed that it would participate in the 2021 Armenian parliamentary elections with Nikol Pashinyan's Civil Contract party. Gurgen Arsenyan was listed on Civil Contracts electoral list. Following the election, Civil Contract won 53.9% of the popular vote and 71 seats in the National Assembly. Arsenyan won a single seat.

Ideology
The party advocates for the growth of a free-market economy, social development, protection of human rights, and the self-determination of nations. The party believes Armenia should deepen its European integration and raise its political and economic relations with the European Union, while also maintaining strong ties with Russia.

title: United Labour Party (Armenia)


text:
User:Drew3D

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title: User:Drew3D


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Azerbaijani Popular Front Party

The Azerbaijani Popular Front Party (APFP; Azərbaycan Xalq Cəbhəsi Partiyası, ) is a political party in Azerbaijan, founded in 1989 by Abulfaz Elchibey. Since Elchibey was ousted from power in the 1993 military coup, the party has been one of the main opposition parties to the Heydar Aliyev and Ilham Aliyev authoritarian regimes.

The party formed in 1989 as an anti-Soviet political movement. The party pushed for Azerbaijani independence from the Soviet Union. The party staged mass protests against the Soviet regime. After Azerbaijan attained independence from the Soviet Union, Popular Front pressured the communist old guard that controlled newly independent Azerbaijan to establish a parliament and allow free elections. The party pressured Ayaz Mutallibov, Azerbaijan's first president to implement democratic reforms and forced him out of power in 1992 when he tried to cancel the 1992 presidential election in a self-coup. Popular Front leader Abulfaz Elchibey was elected in the 1992 election.

The party's policies emphasized democracy, rule of law, and secularism, as well as respect for human rights, religious rights and ethnic minorities.

In the aftermath of the 1993 coup where Elchibey was ousted from power, the party has been blocked from participating in several elections, and prominent individuals associated with the party have been repressed by Azerbaijan governments ruled by Heydar Aliyev and his son Ilham Aliyev. The party has also boycotted several elections, citing an unbalanced playing field and repression by the incumbent government.

Popular Front of Azerbaijan
The founding congress of the party was held in July 1989.

PFA came to unite several informal public organizations which were established in the 1980s to struggle for the independence of Azerbaijan from the Soviet Union. In 1987, Ali Karimli, a law school student, became the founder and leader of one of these informal organizations - "Yurd" ("Homeland") - that inspired and led thousands of students to the main square of Baku city to protest against the Soviet Union. As a result, a large-scale campaign of public demonstrations and meetings swept across Azerbaijan. Later, the movement was suppressed by the special forces of the Ministry of Defense and Ministry of Internal Affairs of the USSR. Despite this fact, the Popular Front of Azerbaijan was established and Yurd became an integral part of this movement.

Intellectuals associated with the party questioned the official Soviet narrative of the Soviet takeover of Azerbaijan in 1920.

In 1992, Abulfaz Elchibey, the leader of PFA, won the 1992 Azerbaijani presidential election. A period of political, social, and economic reforms followed. The laws on political parties, freedom of press, education, and others were adopted. The country chose a pro-western, liberal economic course and established the national currency, the Azerbaijani manat.

In April 1993, the Russian (formerly Soviet) army was withdrawn from Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan became the first republic in the former USSR, which achieved a full and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops.

General Heydar Aliyev captured power in 1993 following the 1993 Azerbaijani coup d'état and the Subsequent vote of confidence referendum on Abulfaz Elchibey's presidency. Elchibey was forced to leave the capital city.

Transformation to political party
After Elchibey's death in 2000, the party split into two wings, the reform wing led by Ali Kerimli and the classical wing led by Mirmahmud Miralioglu.

Considering the dramatic and challenging situation facing PFA following the coup, Ali Karimli took the initiative by leading and protecting the organization from the attacks of the new regime from 1993 until 1997 and restoring its political power. In 1995, with the proposal of Ali Karimli and as a result of internal party discussions, the Popular Front of Azerbaijan was reorganized from a social-political movement into a political party. In the same year, the Popular Front Party of Azerbaijan (PFPA) managed to take seats in Parliament, and Ali Kerimli became a leader of the parliamentary party fraction.

In 2000, after the death of PFPA Chairman Elchibey, Ali Karimli was elected Chairman of the Party. In the 2000 parliament elections, PFPA retook seats, and Ali Karimli was elected the leader of the opposition faction in parliament.

The 2003 Azerbaijani presidential election in Azerbaijan fell short of international norms and standards. They were followed by another wave of repressions against the opposition. Consequently, PFPA first suggested and then proclaimed the unification of opposition as the surest means to free and fair elections. On 18 March 2005 Popular Front Party of Azerbaijan (PFPA) signed an agreement with other opposition parties to establish a united opposition bloc – "Freedom" - for participation in the parliamentary elections in November 2005.

title: Azerbaijani Popular Front Party


text:
List of political parties in Azerbaijan

This article lists political parties in Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan is a one party dominant state. Opposition parties against the New Azerbaijan Party are functioning, but are widely considered to have no real chance of gaining power.

As of 2022, 59 political parties are officially registered in Azerbaijan. Ten of them are represented in the National Assembly of Azerbaijan.

Other parties

 * Alliance Party for the Sake of Azerbaijan (Azərbaycan Naminə Alyans Partiyası)
 * Azerbaijan Communist Party (Azərbaycan Kommunist Partiyası)
 * Azerbaijan Democrat Party (Azərbaycan Demokrat Partiyası
 * Azerbaijan Democratic Enlightenment Party (Azərbaycan Demokratik Maarifçilik Partiyası
 * Azerbaijan Liberal Party (Azərbaycan Liberal Partiyası)
 * Azerbaijan Liberal Democrat Party (Azərbaycan Liberal Demokrat Partiyası)
 * Azerbaijan National Democrat Party (Azərbaycan Milli Demokrat Partiyası)
 * Azerbaijan National Independence Party (Azərbaycan Milli İstiqlal Partiyası)
 * Azerbaijan National Statehood Party (Azərbaycan Milli Dövlətçilik Partiyası
 * Azerbaijan Republicans Party (Azərbaycan Respublikaçılar Partiyası
 * Azerbaijani Social Democratic Party (Azerbaycan Sosial Demokrat Partiyası)
 * Azerbaijan Social Prosperity Party (Azərbaycan Sosial Rifah Partiyası)
 * Azerbaijan United Communist Party (Azərbaycan Vahid Kommunist Partiyası)
 * Civic Unity Party (Azerbaijan) (Vətəndaş Birliyi Partiyası)
 * Citizen and Development Party (Vətəndaş və İnkişaf Partiyası)
 * Classical Popular Front Party (Klassik Xalq Cəbhəsi Partiyasi)
 * Future Azerbaijan Party (Gələcək Azərbaycan Partiyası)
 * Justice Party (Ədalət Partiyası)
 * Gorgud Party (Qorqud Partiyası
 * Great Azerbaijan Party (Böyük Azərbaycan Partiyası)
 * Great Order Party (Böyük Quruluş Partiyası)
 * Independent Azerbaijan Party (Müstəqil Azərbaycan Partiyası)
 * Independent Democrats Party (Azad Demokratlar Partiyası)
 * Independent People's Party (Müstəqil Xalq Partiyası)
 * Intelligents Party (Aydınlar Partiyası)
 * Modern Musavat Party (Müasir Müsavat Partiyası)
 * Musavat (Müsavat)
 * National Democratic Party of Cognition (Milli Demokrat İdrak Partiyası)
 * National Revival Movement Party (Milli Dirçəliş Hərəkatı Partiyası)
 * National Solidarity Party (Milli Həmrəylik Partiyası)
 * National Unity Party (Milli Vəhdət Partiyası)
 * New Time Party (Yeni Zaman Partiyası)
 * Republican People's Party (Cümhuriyyət Xalq Partiyası)
 * United Azerbaijan National Unity Party (Vahid Azərbaycan Milli Birlik Partiyası)
 * White Party (Ağ Partiyası)
 * Whole Azerbaijan Popular Front Party (Bütöv Azərbaycan Xalq Cəbhəsi Partiyası)

title: List of political parties in Azerbaijan


text:
Nanci Griffith

Nanci Caroline Griffith (July 6, 1953 – August 13, 2021) was an American singer, guitarist, and songwriter. She appeared many times on the PBS music program Austin City Limits starting in 1985 (season 10). In 1994 she won a Grammy Award for the album Other Voices, Other Rooms.

Griffith toured with various other artists, including Buddy Holly's band, the Crickets; John Prine; Iris DeMent; Suzy Bogguss; Judy Collins and The Everly Brothers. Griffith recorded duets with many artists, among them Emmylou Harris, Mary Black, John Prine, Don McLean, Jimmy Buffett, Dolores Keane, Willie Nelson, Adam Duritz (singer of Counting Crows), the Chieftains, John Stewart; and Darius Rucker. Griffith had a backing band which she referred to as the Blue Moon Orchestra.

Early life and career
Nanci Griffith, the youngest of three siblings, was born in Seguin, Texas, but raised in Austin, the place her family moved to shortly after her birth. Her mother Ruelene was a real estate agent and amateur actress; her father, Marlin Griffith, was a graphic artist and barbershop quartet singer. Griffith began her music career at age 12, singing in a local coffeehouse. Her father took her to see Townes Van Zandt as a teenager. At the age of 14, she did her first professional gig at the Red Lion Cabaret in downtown Austin. Her debut album, There’s a Light Beyond These Woods, was released in 1978, with a cover designed by her father.

Her career spanned a variety of musical genres, predominantly country, folk, and what she termed "folkabilly." Griffith won a Grammy Award for Best Contemporary Folk Album in 1994 for her 1993 recording, Other Voices, Other Rooms. This album features Griffith covering the songs of artists who were her major influences. One of her better-known songs is "From a Distance," which was written and composed by Julie Gold. Similarly, other artists have occasionally achieved greater success than Griffith herself with songs that she wrote or co-wrote. For example, Kathy Mattea had a country music top five hit with a 1986 cover of Griffith's "Love at the Five and Dime" and Suzy Bogguss had one of her largest hits with Griffith (and Tom Russell)'s "Outbound Plane".

In 1994, Griffith teamed up with Jimmy Webb to contribute the song "If These Old Walls Could Speak" to the AIDS benefit album Red Hot + Country produced by the Red Hot Organization. Griffith was a survivor of breast cancer which was diagnosed in 1996, and thyroid cancer in 1998.

Singer-songwriter Christine Lavin remembers the first time she saw Griffith perform:"I was struck by how perfect everything was about her singing, her playing, her talking. I realized from the get-go that this was someone who was a complete professional. Obviously she had worked a long time to get to be that good."

Griffith toured with various other artists, including Buddy Holly's band, the Crickets; John Prine; Iris DeMent; Suzy Bogguss; and Judy Collins. Griffith recorded duets with many artists, among them Emmylou Harris, Mary Black, John Prine, Don McLean, Jimmy Buffett, Dolores Keane, Willie Nelson, Adam Duritz (singer of Counting Crows), the Chieftains, musician John Stewart; and Darius Rucker (lead singer of Hootie & the Blowfish). She also contributed background vocals on many other recordings. Griffith suffered from severe writer's block after 2004, lasting until the 2009 release of her The Loving Kind album, which contained nine selections that she had written and composed either entirely by herself or as collaborations.

After several months of limited touring in 2011, Griffith's bandmates the Kennedys (Pete & Maura Kennedy) packed up their professional Manhattan recording studio and relocated it to Nashville, where they installed it in Griffith's home. At this location, with her backing group, including Pete & Maura Kennedy and Pat McInerney, she co-produced her album Intersection over the course of the summer. The album included several new original songs and was released in April 2012 on Proper Records.

Awards
Griffith won the 1994 Grammy Award for Best Contemporary Folk Album for Other Voices, Other Rooms. She was inducted into the Austin Music Hall of Fame in 1995. Griffith was awarded the Kate Wolf Memorial Award by the World Folk Music Association in 1995. In 2008, the Americana Music Association awarded her its Lifetime Americana Trailblazer Award. Lyle Lovett, who contributed backing vocals to her third album, Once in a Very Blue Moon, had won it before her. In 2010, Griffith received a Lifetime Achievement Award at BBC Radio 2 Folk Awards.

Griffith was inducted into the Texas Heritage Songwriters Association's Hall of Fame in February 2022 at the Paramount Theatre in Austin.

The Blue Moon Orchestra
Griffith referred to her backing band as the Blue Moon Orchestra. With regard to the chosen stage name, she wrote: "During the Christmas holidays of 1986 I organized a band of musicians to work this road of touring and to pass effortlessly through mine fields of studio sessions. They chose their name, the Blue Moon Orchestra, from my third album, Once In A Very Blue Moon. Some of them I had recorded and toured with prior to 1986: and some simply wandered into the Blue Moon Orchestra through this revolving open door of the road." The title selection of the Once in a Very Blue Moon album reached number 85 on the Billboard Hot Country Songs chart in 1986. In 1986, Nanci Griffith showcased tracks from her 'Lone Star State Of Mind' album on The Nashville Network TV show, 'New Country'.

 * Final members
 * Nanci Griffith – lead vocals, guitar
 * Pat McInerney – drums, percussion
 * Maura Kennedy – vocals, guitar
 * Pete Kennedy – guitar, vocals

 * Previous members
 * James Hooker – piano, B-3, keyboards, vocals
 * Byrd Burton – guitar
 * Frank Christian – guitar
 * Philip Donnelly – guitar
 * Danny Flowers – guitar
 * Clive Gregson – guitar, vocals
 * Thomm Jutz – guitar, vocals
 * Doug Lancio – electric guitar
 * Lee Satterfield – vocals, rhythm guitar, mandolin
 * Denny Bixby – bass, harmony vocals
 * Ron De La Vega – bass, cello
 * Le Ann Etheridge – vocals, bass guitar, rhythm guitar
 * Pete Gordon – bass
 * Pete Gorisch – bass, cello
 * Danny Milliner – bass
 * J. T. Thomas – bass, vocals
 * Fran Breen – drums
 * Liam Genockey – drums
 * Steve Smith – drums

 * Guest backing vocalists:
 * Emmylou Harris
 * Iris DeMent
 * Lyle Lovett
 * Denice Franke

Personal life
Griffith's high school boyfriend, John, died in a motorcycle accident after taking her to the senior prom, and subsequently inspired many of her songs. She was married to singer-songwriter Eric Taylor from 1976 to 1982. In the early 1990s, she was engaged to singer-songwriter Tom Kimmel.

Death
Griffith died in Nashville on August 13, 2021, at the age of 68. The exact cause of death was not reported but her management company attributed it to natural causes.

On September 22, 2023, a tribute album, More than a Whisper: Celebrating the Music of Nanci Griffith, was released by Rounder and Concord Records. The compilation featured covers of Griffith's songs by her friends and fans, including Sarah Jarosz, John Prine, Kelsey Waldon, Billy Strings, Molly Tuttle, Emmylou Harris, Lyle Lovett, Kathy Mattea, Brandy Clark, Shawn Colvin, Ida Mae, Steve Earle, Aaron Lee Tasjan, Todd Snider, Iris DeMent, Mary Gauthier and The War and Treaty.

Love at the Five and Dime: The Songwriting Legacy of Nanci Griffith by author Brian T. Atkinson is scheduled for release through Texas A&M University Press on September 6, 2024. According to the author's website, Love at the Five and Dime includes forewords by the Indigo Girls, Lyle Lovett and Kathy Mattea and more than one hundred thirty interviews with songwriter friends such as Steve Earle, Rodney Crowell and Don McLean and followers such as Elizabeth Cook, the Counting Crows' Adam Duritz and Todd Snider as well as players like Lloyd Green and the London Symphony Orchestra's Tom Norris and producers Tony Brown, Peter Collins and Jim Rooney.

Videography

 * Bob Dylan: The 30th Anniversary Concert Celebration Sony VHS (1993)
 * Other Voices, Other Rooms Elektra Video VHS (1993)
 * Winter Marquee Rounder/Universal DVD, Widescreen, (2002)
 * One Fair Summer Evening...Plus! Universal Music & VI DVD, Fullscreen, (2005)

title: Nanci Griffith