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Adolfo López Mateos

Adolfo López Mateos (26 May 1909 – 22 September 1969 ) was a Mexican politician who served as President of Mexico from 1958 to 1964. Previously, he served as Secretary of Labor and Social Welfare from 1952 to 1957 and a Senator from the State of Mexico from 1946 to 1952.

Beginning his political career as a campaign aide of José Vasconcelos during his run for president, López Mateos encountered repression from Plutarco Elías Calles, who attempted to maintain hegemony within the National Revolutionary Party (PNR). He briefly abandoned politics and worked as a professor at the Autonomous University of Mexico State, becoming a member of the PNR (renamed Party of the Mexican Revolution) in 1941. López Mateos served as senator for the State of Mexico from 1946 to 1952 and Secretary of Labor during the administration of Adolfo Ruiz Cortines from 1952 to 1957. He secured the party's presidential nomination and won in the 1958 general election.

Declaring his political philosophy to be "left within the Constitution", López Mateos was the first self-declared left-wing politician to hold the presidency since Lázaro Cárdenas. His administration created the Institute for Social Security and Services for State Workers, the National Commission for Free Textbooks and the National Museum of Anthropology. An advocate of non-intervention, he settled the Chamizal dispute with the United States and led the nationalization of the Mexican electrical industry during a period of economic boom and low inflation known as Desarrollo Estabilizador.

There were also acts of repression during his administration, such as the arrest of union leaders Demetrio Vallejo and Valentín Campa, and the murder of peasant leader Rubén Jaramillo by the Mexican Army. López Mateos engaged with revolutionary Marcos Ignacio Infante, leader of the Zapatista Movement (Political ally of John F. Kennedy). Shortly before the killing of Jaramillo, Infante would visit the UN Demanding President López Mateos to step down or face a revolution. Infante attacked an Army Post outside of Mexico City, with over 300 men in 1962.

López Mateos has been praised for his policies including land redistribution, energy nationalization, and health and education programs, but has also been criticized for his repressive actions against labor unions and political opponents. Along with Cárdenas and Ruiz Cortines, he is usually ranked as one of the most popular Mexican presidents of the 20th century.

Early life and education

López Mateos was born, according to official records, in Atizapán de Zaragoza – a small town in the State of Mexico, now called Ciudad López Mateos – to Mariano Gerardo López y Sánchez Roman, a dentist, and Elena Mateos y Vega, a teacher. His family moved to Mexico City upon his father's death when López Mateos was still young. However, there exists a birth certificate and several testimonies archived at El Colegio de México that place his birth on 10 September 1909, in Patzicía, Guatemala.

In 1929, he graduated from the Scientific and Literary Institute of Toluca, where he was a delegate and student leader of the anti-re-electionist campaign of former Minister of Education José Vasconcelos, who ran in opposition to Pascual Ortiz Rubio, handpicked by former President Plutarco Elías Calles. Calles had founded the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR) in the wake of the assassination of President-elect Alvaro Obregón. After Vasconcelos's defeat, López Mateos attended law school at National Autonomous University of Mexico and shifted his political allegiance to the PNR.

Political career
Early in his career, he served as the private secretary to Col. Filiberto Gómez, the governor of the state of Mexico. In 1934, he became the private secretary of the president of the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR), Carlos Riva Palacio.

He filled a number of bureaucratic positions until 1941, when he met Isidro Fabela. Fabela helped him into a position as the director of the Literary Institute of Toluca after Fabela resigned the post to join the International Court of Justice. López Mateos became a senator of the state of Mexico in 1946, while at the same time serving as Secretary General of the PRI. He organized the presidential campaign of PRI candidate Adolfo Ruiz Cortines and was subsequently appointed Secretary of Labor in his new cabinet. He did an exemplary job, and for the first and only time, a Secretary of Labor was tapped to be the PRI's candidate for the presidency. As the candidate for the dominant party with only weak opposition, López Mateos easily won election, serving as president until 1964.

Presidency (1958–1964)

López Mateos assumed the presidency on December 1, 1958. As president of Mexico, along with his predecessor, Ruiz Cortines (1952–1958), López Mateos continued the outline of policies by President Miguel Alemán (1946–1952), who set Mexico's postwar strategy. Alemán favored industrialization and the interests of capital over labor. All three were heirs to the legacy of the Mexican Revolution (1910–1920), but Alemán Valdés and López Mateos were too young to have participated directly. In the sphere of foreign policy, López Mateos charted a course of independence from the U.S. but cooperated on some issues despite his opposition to the hostile U.S. policy toward the 1959 Cuban Revolution.

Labor
López Mateos sought the continuation of industrial growth in Mexico, often characterized as the Mexican Miracle, but it required the cooperation of organized labor. Organized labor was increasingly restive. It was a sector of the Institutional Revolutionary Party and controlled through the Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM), led by Fidel Velázquez. Increasingly, however, unions pushed back against government control and sought gains in wages, working conditions, and more independence from so-called charro union leaders, who followed government and party dictates. López Mateos had mainly success when he served as his predecessor's Secretary of Labor, but as president, he was faced with major labor unrest. The previous strategy of playing off one labor organization against another, such as the CTM, the Revolutionary Confederation of Workers and Peasants (CROC), and the General Union of Workers and Peasants of Mexico (UGOCM), ceased to work.

In July 1958, the militant railway workers' union, under the leadership of Demetrio Vallejo and Valentín Campa, began a series of strikes for better wages, which culminated in a major strike during Holy Week 1959. The Easter holiday was when many Mexicans traveled by train and so the choice of the date was designed for maximum impact on the general public. López Mateos depended on the forceful cabinet minister Gustavo Díaz Ordaz to deal with the striking railway workers. The government arrested all of the leaders of the union and filled Lecumberri Penitentiary. Valentín Campa and Demetrio Vallejo were given lengthy prison sentences for violating Article 145 of the Mexican Constitution for the crime of "social dissolution." The article empowered the government to imprison "whomever it decided to consider an enemy of Mexico." Also imprisoned for that crime was the Mexican muralist David Alfaro Siqueiros, who remained in Lecumberri Penitentiary until the end of López Mateos's presidential term. López Mateos depended on Díaz Ordaz as the enforcer of political and labor peace to allow president to attend to other matters. "Throughout the years of López Mateos, in every situation of conflict, Díaz Ordaz was directly involved."

The government attempted to reduce labor unrest by setting up a National Commission for the Implementation of Profit Sharing which apportioned between 5% and 10% of each company's profits to organized labor. In 1960, Article 123 of the Constitution of 1917 was amended. There were guarantees written into the constitution concerning salaries, paid holidays, vacations, overtime, and bonuses to government civil servants. However, government workers were required to join the Federation of Union Workers in Service to the State (FSTSE) and forbidden to join any other union. Tight price controls and sharp increases in the minimum wage also ensured that the workers' real minimum wage index reached its highest level since the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas.

Conflict with Lázaro Cárdenas
Although Cárdenas had set a precedent for the ex-president to turn over complete government control to his successor, he re-emerged from political retirement to push the López Mateos government more toward leftist stances. The January 1959 taking of power by Fidel Castro gave Latin America another example of revolution. Cárdenas went to Cuba in July 1959 and was with Castro at a huge rally at which Castro declared himself to be prime minister of Cuba. Cárdenas returned to Mexico with the hope that the ideals of the Mexican Revolution could be revived, with land reform, support for agriculture, and an expansion of education and health services to Mexicans. He also directly appealed to López Mateos to free jailed union leaders. López Mateos became increasingly hostile to Cárdenas, who was explicitly and implicitly rebuking him. To Cárdenas he said, "They say the Communists are weaving a dangerous web around you." Cárdenas oversaw the creation of a new pressure group, the National Liberation Movement (MLN), composed of a wide variety of leftists, which participants considered a way to defend the Mexican Revolution was to defend the Cuban Revolution.

López Mateos found a way to counter Cárdenas's criticisms, by emulating his policies. The president nationalized the electric industry in 1960. It was not as dramatic an event as Cárdenas's expropriation of the oil industry in 1938, but it was nonetheless economic nationalism and the government could claim it as a victory for Mexico. Other reformist policies of his presidency can be seen as ways to counter the left's criticism, such as land reform, education reform, and social programs to alleviate poverty in Mexico. Cárdenas came back into the political fold of the PRI, when he supported López Mateos's choice for his successor in 1964, his enforcer, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz.

Land reform
A wide range of social reforms were carried out during his presidency. Land reform was implemented vigorously, with 16 million hectares of land redistributed. It was the most significant amount of land distributed since the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas. The government also sought to improve the lives of ejidatarios. The government expropriated land that had been owned by U.S. interests in the extreme south, which helped to reduce land tension in that part of the country.

Public health and social welfare programs
Public health campaigns were also launched to combat diseases such as polio, malaria, and tuberculosis. Typhus, smallpox, and yellow fever were eradicated, and malaria was significantly reduced.

Tackling poverty became one of the priorities of his government, and social welfare spending reached a historical peak of 19.2% of total spending. A number of social welfare programs for the poor were set up, and the existing social-welfare programs were improved. Health care and pensions were increased, new hospitals and clinics were built, and the IMSS programme for rural Mexico was expanded. A social security institute was established, the Instituto de Seguridad y Servicios Sociales de los Trabajadores al Servicio del Estado (ISSSTE), to provide childcare, medical services, and other social services to workers, especially state employees. A 1959 amendment to the Social Security Law also brought part-time workers within the auspices of social security. He established the National Institute for the Protection of Children to provide medical services and other aid to children. A food distribution system was established to provide affordable staples for poor Mexicans and a market for farm produce. The government entered the housing business on a large scale for the first time in Mexican history, with a major program being initiated to build low-cost housing in major industrial cities, with over 50,000 units of low-income housing constructed between 1958 and 1964. One of the largest housing developments in Mexico City housed 100,000 people and contained several nurseries, four clinics, and several schools.

Museums and historical memory
López Mateos opened a number of major museums during his presidency, the most spectacular of which was the National Museum of Anthropology in Chapultepec Park. Also opened in Chapultepec Park was the Museum of Modern Art. His Minister of Education Jaime Torres Bodet had played a major role in realizing the projects. Works from the colonial era were moved from the Historic Center of Mexico City to north of the capital in the former Jesuit colegio in Tepozotlan, creating the Museo del Virreinato. The Historical Museum of Mexico City was situated in Mexico City.

Educational reform
In an effort to reduce illiteracy, the idea of adult education classes was revived, and a system of free and compulsory school textbooks was launched. In 1959, the National Commission of Free Textbooks (Comisión Nacional de Libros de Textos Gratuitos) was created. The textbook program was controversial since the content would be created by the government, and the textbooks' use would be obligatory in schools. It was opposed by the Unión Nacional de Padres de Familia, a conservative organization, and the Roman Catholic Church, which also saw education as a private family matter. Education had become the largest single item in the federal budget by 1963, and there was a renewed emphasis on school construction. Almost every village was assisted in the construction of schools and provided with teachers and textbooks. Free student breakfasts for primary-school pupils were also restored.

Student activism
Increasingly, students were becoming politically engaged beyond the limited demands that affected them personally. The triumph of the Cuban Revolution in 1959 captured leftist students' imagination. However, the government's repression of union and peasant activists was soon replicated against students. Students at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) and the National Polytechnic Institute (IPN) became more politicized, and their participation in demonstrations was met with government repression. The scale of the phenomenon would become much larger later in the 1960s, when Díaz Ordaz became president, but the early 1960s marked the beginnings of the antagonism.

Electoral reform
An attempt was made at political liberalization, with an amendment to the constitution that altered the electoral procedures in the Chamber of Deputies by encouraging greater representation for opposition candidates in Congress. The electoral reform of 1963 introduced so-called "party deputies" (diputados del partido) in which opposition parties were granted five seats in the Chamber of Deputies if they received at least 2.5 percent of the national vote and one more seat for each additional 0.5 percent (up to 20 party deputies). In the 1964 elections, for instance, the Popular Socialist Party (PPS) won 10 seats, and the National Action Party (PAN) won 20. By giving opposition political parties a greater voice in government, the country, controlled by the Institutional Revolutionary Party, had the appearance and greater legitimacy as a democracy.

Armed forces
The army was the enforcer of government policy and intervened to break strikes. López Mateos created more social security benefits for the military in 1961. The army had been incorporated as a sector into the Party of the Mexican Revolution (PRM) under Lázaro Cárdenas, and when the Institutional Revolutionary Party was formed in 1946, the army was no longer sector, but remained loyal to the government and enforced order. During the presidency of López Mateos, the peasant leader Rubén Jaramillo, an ideological heir to peasant revolutionary Emiliano Zapata was murdered along with his family in 1962, "apparently at the instigation or with the foreknowledge of General Gómez Huerta, chief of the Presidential General Staff" under the president's personal command. Young writer and intellectual, Carlos Fuentes wrote a report of the murder for the magazine Siempre!, recording for an urban readership the grief of the peasant residents of Jojutla. The use of the army against a government opponent and the concern of a young urban intellectual about such an act being committed in his name were indicators marking a change in the political climate in Mexico.

Foreign policy
An important position for López Mateos's foreign policy was its stance on the Cuban Revolution. As Cuba moved leftward, the U.S. pressured all Latin America to join it to isolate Cuba, but Mexican foreign policy was to respect Cuba's independence. The U.S. had imposed an economic blockade on Cuba and organized Cuba's expulsion from the Organization of American States (OAS). Mexico took on principle the "nonintervention in the internal affairs of countries" and the "respect for the self-determination of nations." However, Mexico supported some U.S. foreign policy positions, such as barring China, as opposed to Taiwan, from holding a seat in the United Nations. During the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962, when the Soviet Union placed missiles on Cuban territory, Mexico voted in favor of an OAS resolution for the removal of the weapons, but it also called for a ban on invading Cuba. Mexico supported Cuba's sovereignty but had its government begun a crackdown on demonstrations at home in solidarity with Cuba, which begun fomenting revolutionary movements abroad in Latin America and Africa, and Mexico could potentially have been fertile ground. Recently released documentation shows that Mexico's stance toward Cuba allowed it to claim solidarity with another Latin American revolution and raise its profile in the Western Hemisphere with other Latin American countries, but its overall support for revolution was weak for fear of destabilization at home.

López Mateos welcomed U.S. President John F. Kennedy to Mexico for a highly-successful visit in July 1962 although Mexico's relationship with Cuba differed from what U.S. policy sought. Mexico's firm stance on Cuba's independence despite U.S. pressure meant that Mexico had bargaining power with the U.S., which did not want to alienate Mexico, both of which had a long land border. At that juncture, the Chamizal conflict with the U.S. was resolved and a majority of the Chamizal area was granted to Mexico. Negotiations led to the successful conclusion of the Chamizal dispute, which had festered since the aftermath of the mid-19th-century Mexican–American War, a success for the López Mateos government.

Later life
In the last year of his presidency, López Mateos was visibly unwell. He looked worn-out and increasingly thin. On his very last months as president, a friend, Víctor Manuel Villegas, went to see him and later remembers asking him how he was; he replied that he was "screwed up." It turned out that López Mateos had seven aneurysms.

After finishing his presidential term, he briefly served as head of the Olympic Committee, responsible for the organization of the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico and called the meeting that led to the creation of the World Boxing Council. He had to resign because of failing health. Manuel Velasco Suárez quoted him as saying, "In every way, life has smiled at me. Now I must accept whatever may come."

He eventually became unable to walk, and after an emergency tracheotomy, he lost his voice. Enrique Krauze exclaimed in one of his books, "Gone was the voice of a once great orator."

Plagued with migraines during his adult life, he was diagnosed with several cerebral aneurysms, and after several years in a coma, he died in Mexico City 1969 of an aneurysm. His wife, Eva Sámano, was buried next to him, in the Panteón Jardín in Mexico City, after her death in 1984.

Postmortem exile
When Carlos Salinas de Gortari became president of Mexico (1988-1994), he had the remains of López Mateos and his wife exhumed and moved to López Mateos's birthplace in Mexico State. A monument to the late president was erected there. This unusual step was likely due to Salinas' family animus toward López Mateos. Salinas's father Raúl Salinas Lozano had been a cabinet minister in López Mateos's government and was passed over for the party nomination to be the next president of Mexico. The town is now formally named Ciudad López Mateos.

title: Adolfo López Mateos


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Shimbashi Station

Shimbashi Station (新橋駅) is a major interchange railway station in Tokyo's Minato Ward, located centrally and a 10-minute walk from the Ginza shopping district, directly south of Tokyo station.

Many train services such as limited express trains (except the Shōnan (train) service) and the JR East Keihin-Tōhoku Line rapid trains do not stop at this station.

JR East
The JR East station consists of three surface platforms serving the Tōkaidō, Yamanote, and Keihin-Tōhoku lines, and an underground platform serving the Yokosuka Line.

Tokyo Metro
Tokyo Metro operates in an underground station with two side platforms serving the Tokyo Metro Ginza Line.

Tokyo Metropolitan Bureau of Transportation (Toei)
Toei operates in an underground station with two side platforms serving the Toei Asakusa Line.

Yurikamome
The terminus for the Yurikamome is an elevated station next to the JR station.

History
Shimbashi is the original terminus of Japan's first stretch of railway, the Tōkaidō Main Line, and is one of Japan's oldest stations (the oldest station being Shinagawa, a few kilometres down the line). The original Shimbashi Station, opened on October 10, 1872, was built some way to the east of the modern-day structure and was known as Shimbashi Teishajō (新橋停車場).

The present-day structure opened on 16 December 1909 as Karasumori Station (烏森駅) on the Yamanote Line. With the extension of the Tōkaidō Main Line along its modern-day route to the new terminus at Tokyo Station in 1914, the original station was demolished to make way for a freight yard, Shiodome Station (汐留駅), and Karasumori Station was renamed Shimbashi Station.

Japan's first subway line, operated by the Tokyo Underground Railroad Company, was extended to Shimbashi in 1934. In January 1939, the Tokyo Rapid Railway Company built a second subway station at Shimbashi for its line from Shibuya. After several months, the lines were merged to allow through service, and the TRR station was closed. In 1941 the two companies merged forming today's Tokyo Metro Ginza Line. The Ginza Line operated from a single platform until 1980, when a second parallel platform was opened to relieve congestion.

The Toei Asakusa Line began service to Shimbashi in 1968, and the elevated Yurikamome station opened in 1995.

Shiodome Station closed in 1986. The site was declared a national monument in 1996 and the area was archeologically investigated while being redeveloped as a commercial district ("Shiosite") with a number of large office blocks. In 2003 a reconstruction of the original Shimbashi Station building and part of the platforms was completed. It currently houses a railway history exhibit and a restaurant.

The station facilities of the Ginza Line were inherited by Tokyo Metro after the privatization of the Teito Rapid Transit Authority (TRTA) in 2004.

PASMO smart card coverage at this station began on 18 March 2007.

Passenger statistics
In fiscal 2013, the JR East station was used by an average of 254,945 passengers daily (boarding passengers only), making it the seventh busiest station operated by JR East.

The JR East passenger figures for previous years are as shown below.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Shimbashi Station


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Air and Space Museum

Air and Space Museum may refer to:

France

 * Musée de l’air et de l’espace, in Le Bourget, Paris

Ukraine

 * Air and Space Museum in Chernivtsi

Canada

 * Canadian Air and Space Museum, in Downsview, Toronto, Canada

United States

 * Pima Air & Space Museum, in Tucson, Arizona
 * Jimmy Doolittle Air & Space Museum, within Travis Air Force Base in Fairfield, California
 * San Diego Air & Space Museum, in California
 * Peterson Air and Space Museum, within Peterson Air Force Base, near Colorado Springs, Colorado
 * Wings Over the Rockies Air and Space Museum, on the former grounds of Lowry Air Force Base in Denver, Colorado
 * Greater Saint Louis Air & Space Museum, at St. Louis Downtown Airport, Cahokia, Illinois
 * Intrepid Sea, Air & Space Museum, in New York City, N.Y., U.S.
 * International Women's Air & Space Museum, in Cleveland, Ohio
 * Armstrong Air and Space Museum, in Wapakoneta, Ohio
 * Stafford Air & Space Museum, in Weatherford, Oklahoma
 * Tulsa Air and Space Museum & Planetarium, in Oklahoma
 * Oregon Air and Space Museum, in Eugene, Oregon
 * Strategic Air and Space Museum, near Ashland, Nebraska
 * South Dakota Air and Space Museum, in Box Elder, South Dakota
 * Virginia Air and Space Center, a museum and educational facility in Hampton, Virginia, U.S.
 * National Air and Space Museum, of the Smithsonian Institution in Washington, D.C., plus its annex at Washington Dulles International Airport

title: Air and Space Museum


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The Cold Six Thousand

The Cold Six Thousand is a 2001 crime fiction novel by James Ellroy. It is the first sequel to American Tabloid in the Underworld USA Trilogy and continues many of the earlier novel's characters and plotlines. Specifically, it follows three rogue American law-enforcement officials and their involvement in the turmoil of the 1960s. James Ellroy dedicated The Cold Six Thousand "To BILL STONER."

Plot
Ward Littell, former FBI agent turned high-powered Mafia lawyer, arrives in Dallas with J. Edgar Hoover's blessing to "manage" the investigation into John F. Kennedy's assassination and ensure a consensus: Lee Harvey Oswald acted alone. Pete Bondurant, whom Littell once arrested, but now is an uneasy friend and partner, is a veteran of the CIA's war against Fidel Castro and now the point-man for the Mafia's Las Vegas operations. Wayne Tedrow Jr., a US Army veteran and Las Vegas Police Department officer, is paid six thousand dollars to fly to Dallas and murder Wendell Durfee, a black pimp who has offended the casinos, and is thus thrust into the assassination's aftermath. As the tension over race relations and the Vietnam War builds and explodes throughout the 1960s, all three become involved in plots to kill Martin Luther King Jr. and Robert F. Kennedy.

Structure and style
The Cold Six Thousand has a structure substantially similar to that of American Tabloid. As in American Tabloid, the chapters are divided into named Parts, and each chapter is numbered and identified by location and date. The action of the book is completely sequential, as the dates indicate. Each chapter has a limited third person narrative voice from the point of view of one of the three main characters. Interspersed between many chapters are "document inserts" reproducing newspaper clippings, letters, and transcripts of telephone calls. Flashbacks occur, but only in the present tense memory of the protagonists.

The highly stylized prose used in the main chapters builds upon the style used in American Tabloid (and, to a certain extent, White Jazz). Of the novel's style, Ellroy noted:

"The style I developed for The Cold Six Thousand is a direct, shorter-rather-than-longer sentence style that's declarative and ugly and right there, punching you in the nards. It was appropriate for that book, and that book only, because it's the 1960s. It's largely the story of reactionaries in America during that time, largely a novel of racism and thus the racial invective, and the overall bluntness and ugliness of the language."

Film adaptation
In 2002, Bruce Willis optioned the rights to produce and star in a TV miniseries based on American Tabloid and The Cold Six-Thousand. Willis's option expired before production began.

In 2008, HBO and Tom Hanks's production company, Playtone, were developing Tabloid and Six Thousand for either a mini-series or ongoing series. Screenwriter Kirk Ellis was said to be drafting a screenplay for the potential series.

title: The Cold Six Thousand


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User:Doidimais Brasil

Frederico de Faria e Silva, better known as Cedê Silva (born January 21, 1986), is a journalist and Wikipedia contributor. Born in Belo Horizonte, he currently lives in São Paulo, Brazil.

Self-nicknamed Doidimais Brasil (which literally means "Overcrazy Brazil") in his early teenage years, he is currently best known - and styles himself as - Cedê Silva.

A bachelor in both International Relations and Journalism, Cedê Silva works since November 2013 as a TV producer for the Brazilian version of Caiga Quien Caiga.

He joined Wikipedia on December 5, 2003.

This page has been vandalised three times.

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title: User:Doidimais Brasil


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Saitama-Shintoshin Station

Saitama-Shintoshin Station (さいたま新都心駅) is a passenger railway station located in Ōmiya-ku, Saitama, Saitama Prefecture, Japan, operated by East Japan Railway Company (JR East).

Lines
Saitama-Shintoshin Station is served by the Keihin-Tōhoku Line, Takasaki Line, and Tohoku Main Line (Utsunomiya Line), and lies 28.7 km from Tokyo Station.

Station layout
This station has and elevated station building with two ground-level island platforms serving four tracks. The station has a Midori no Madoguchi ticket office.

Platforms
Platform edge doors are scheduled to be installed on the Keihin-Tohoku Line platforms (1 and 2) in 2017, being brought into service on 23 September 2017.

History
The station opened on 1 April 2000.

Passenger statistics
In fiscal 2019, the JR station was used by an average of 55,782 passengers daily (boarding passengers only). The passenger figures for previous years are as shown below.

Surrounding area

 * Saitama New Urban Center
 * Saitama Super Arena
 * Cocoon City shopping centre

Bus services
There is a direct express bus service to and from Narita Airport.

title: Saitama-Shintoshin Station


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Adolfo Ruiz Cortines

Adolfo Tomás Ruiz Cortines ( 30 December 1889 – 3 December 1973) was a Mexican politician who served as President of Mexico from 1952 to 1958. A member of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), he previously served as Governor of Veracruz and Secretary of the Interior. During his presidency, which constituted the Mexican Miracle, women gained the right to vote, and he instigated numerous public health, education, infrastructure, and works projects.

A member of the Constitutional Army, Ruiz Cortines was the last Mexican president to have fought in the Mexican Revolution. He worked at the Ministry of Industry and Commerce during the administration of Adolfo de la Huerta and served as an official in the Department of Statistics from 1921 to 1935. Ruiz Cortines joined the Institutional Revolutionary Party and became Senior Official of the Government of the Federal District in 1935 and member of the Chamber of Deputies for Veracruz in 1937. In 1939 he was appointed treasurer of the presidential campaign of Manuel Ávila Camacho and worked as Governor of Veracruz from 1944 to 1948, a position he left to become Secretariat of the Interior during the administration of Miguel Alemán Valdés.

Ruiz Cortines protested as presidential candidate for the Institutional Revolutionary Party in 1951 and was elected a year later, after winning the disputed 1952 elections. During his administration, he put forward a reform to Article 34 of the Mexican Constitution, giving women the right to vote, and proposed several infrastructure bills, leading to the creation of the National Housing Institute and the National Nuclear Energy Commission. His social policies included the implementation of aguinaldos. Unlike previous administrations from the PRI, he was an advocate of fiscal austerity. His administration was noted for increased transparency in contrast to his predecessor.

One of the oldest presidents of Mexico, Ruiz Cortines has been credited with leading a strong economy during the period known as the "Mexican miracle", and has been praised for personal integrity and increasing confidence in the government through his anti-corruption policies. He was criticized for slower implementation of reforms than some of his predecessors. He has been ranked among the most popular Mexican presidents of the 20th century.

Early life and education

Adolfo Tomás Ruiz Cortines was born on 30 December 1889 at 3:00 pm, in the state of Veracruz, into a family of Andalusian descent. His father, Adolfo Ruiz Tejada (1851–1889), regidor of Veracruz during the Porfiriato, died two and a half months prior to his birth. His mother was María Cortines de la Cotera (1859–1932). Ruiz's grandfather was José Ruiz y Gómez de la Parra, better known as José Ruiz Parra, a member of the State of Veracruz's first Congress in 1824, who co-wrote the state's constitution. José Ruiz Parra was president of the junta that ruled over the Port of Alvarado during the American Invasion of Veracruz, having to personally sign the surrender of the port in 1847. He was also reputed for organizing fundraisers in favor of the Mexican Army during the Second French Invasion of Mexico, as well as for his deep involvement in the education of the local children. José Ruiz Parra was the maternal grandson of Isidro Gómez de la Parra, subdelegado of the Spanish Crown to the province of Tuxtlas (appointed by Bernardo de Gálvez, viceroy of the New Spain), and of his wife Dominga Casado de Toro y Tamariz, herself a descendant of the Luna y Arellano family, holders of the hereditary title of Mariscal de Castilla.

Because of his father's premature death, Ruiz Cortines was raised and educated by his mother. María Cortines de la Cotera was the daughter of Diego Francisco Cortines y Gutiérrez de Celis (1829, Bielva, Cantabria, Spain), and María Dolores de la Cotera y Calzada (1824, Veracruz, Mexico), whose father was from Peñarrubia, also in Cantabria. His mother taught him to read and write at the age of 3. Later, he entered a school directed by Joaquín Jerónimo Díaz and Florencio Veyro, called Escuela Amiga, but did his secondary educational studies at the Colegio de los Jesuitas, and at the age twelve, he attended the reputed Instituto Veracruzano, famously directed by the poet Salvador Díaz Mirón. Adolfo learned from his mentors about liberalism, a political principle he would apply during his entire political career. In addition, it was at school where he acquired his fanatical interest in baseball. He always wanted to attend a university, but the American Invasion of 1914 forced him to abandon his studies. His first job was as an accounting assistant at a commercial textile company.

During the Mexican Revolution
In 1909, Ruiz read the book La sucesión presidencial de 1910 (The Presidential Succession of 1910) published that year by Francisco I. Madero, the leader of the opposition against President Porfirio Díaz. This book motivated Ruiz's interest in politics. In 1910, the Mexican Revolution started and he became inspired by several of its main players such as Pascual Orozco and Pancho Villa. Because of this influence, in 1912 at the age of 23, he moved to Mexico City. During his stay in Mexico City, President Madero was assassinated and General Victoriano Huerta took power. Since Ruiz Cortines was opposed to the Huerta government, considered by a broad group of Mexicans as a usurper, he volunteered alongside other former students of the Instituto Veracruzano, under the command of Alfredo Robles, a right hand of the leader of the Constitutionalist faction, General Venustiano Carranza. Robles was in charge of the anti-Huerta forces in the south and center of Mexico. Ruiz Cortines did see military action in the Battle of El Ébano, but his main task was as a bookkeeper and paymaster. In 1920, Carranza was attempting to flee the country after his defeat by Sonoran generals Adolfo de la Huerta, Álvaro Obregón, and Plutarco Elías Calles, who rejected Carranza's attempt to impose his successor, and took with him a large amount of the national treasure (150 million pesos in gold). When the generals captured his train and the national treasure's gold, it was the young and trusted officer, Major Adolfo Ruiz Cortines, who received it and delivered it safely and in presence of a notary to General de la Huerta in Mexico City.

Post-Revolution and resignation
He continued to serve in the army after the revolution ended. In 1926, he requested and was granted retirement.

Early political career

With his reputation for precise accounting and bookkeeping, a reputation for honesty, and credentials as a veteran of the Mexican Revolution, there were several options open to him in the 1920s. He served in the government's Department of National Statistics. He took classes in statistics from Daniel Cosío Villegas, who was then a young teacher and later an important historian of Mexico. Ruiz Cortines argued in publications that the Department of National Statistics should be an autonomous agency.

In 1935 during the presidency of Lázaro Cárdenas, Ruiz Cortines's political career began at age 45, as the director in charge of Mexico City. It was during that time that he met Miguel Alemán Valdés, son of a revolutionary soldier, now a young lawyer who would later become president of Mexico (1946–1952). In 1940, Ruiz Cortines managed the presidential campaign of Cárdenas's choice as successor, Manuel Avila Camacho. Miguel Alemán asked Ruiz to join him as his sub-secretary because of their personal friendship. This position gave Ruiz the opportunity to gain influence within the Institutional Revolutionary Party. After several years, the PRI designated him as candidate for governor of Veracruz.

Governor of Veracruz
In December 1944, Adolfo Ruiz Cortines became governor of Veracruz. During his administration, he expanded public education in the state. Some of the institutions he founded were the Technical Studies Institute (Departamento para Estudios Técnicos) which provided people with a practical education that allowed them to improve their quality of life. Furthermore, he founded the Institute of Anthropology and the State Planning Committee, among others. He also modified the local constitution to allow women to participate in the local and municipal elections. He built roads and bridges to develop Veracruz's infrastructure since it was one of the main ports of Mexico at that time.

Secretary of the Interior
On February 12, 1948, Alemán Valdés' Secretary of the Interior, Héctor Pérez Martínez, died in office, and Alemán Valdés needed to fill the position. Manuel Ávila Camacho recommended Ruiz Cortines, to which Alemán Valdés agreed. It was in this position that Ruiz Cortines distinguished himself and became a contender for the next presidential election.

Presidential nomination and campaign

In 1951, Miguel Alemán Valdés expressed his desire to be allowed to serve a second term, but Lázaro Cárdenas and Manuel Ávila Camacho had former president Abelardo L. Rodríguez tell Alemán Valdés that they didn't think, "extension of the presidential term or re-election is convenient for the country." On 14 October 1951, Ruiz Cortines was named candidate for the presidency by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) by the incumbent president, as had become practice. The PRI was the dominant party and Ruiz Cortines's electoral victory was entirely expected.

Ruiz Cortines is believed to have been chosen due to his more bland image in contrast to Alemán's more colorful personality, and was not seen as divisive to differin sectors of the PRI. Reportedly, Ruiz Cortines accepted the nomination, but he "apparently did not seek it and certainly did not intrigue to secure it." However, by September, Ruiz Cortines' base of support within the party had grown considerably, and included many young senators such as Adolfo López Mateos and Gustavo Díaz Ordaz. His campaign began on October 14, 1951, with his slogan being "austerity and work." In one of his first speaking events during his campaign, he stated to around 20,000 women in attendance, "If the vote favors us in the next elections, we intend to initiate before the Chambers the necessary legal reforms so that women enjoy the same political rights as men," a campaign promise he would later fulfill with an amendment to Article 34 of the Constitution.

General Miguel Henríquez Guzmán, formerly of the PRI, who had twice before attempted to secure the party's presidential nomination, was the candidate of the Federation of the Mexican People's Parties. His support was in largely urban areas, and included Cárdenas supporters alienated during Alemán Valdés' presidency, established military men, and members of the middle class who desired a multi-party democracy.

The National Action Party, eventually the PRI's largest political opposition party, first participated in this election, nominating Efraín González Luna. Vicente Lombardo Toledano was the Popular Socialist Party's candidate.

The election took place on July 7, 1952. When the results were announced, it was revealed that Ruiz Cortines won, with 74.31% of the popular vote (2,713,419 votes). Henríquez Guzmán won 15.87% (579,745 votes), González Luna won 7.82% (285,555 votes), and Lombardo Toledano won 1.98% (72,482 votes).

The day after the election, Henríquez Guzmán's supporters gathered in the Alameda Central park in Mexico City to protest reported electoral fraud, including the theft of ballot boxes. The government suppressed the peaceful protests, with an estimated 200 being killed, and more forced disappearances and arrests of people related to the protestors occurring in the following days.

Inauguration
On 1 December 1952, he assumed the presidency of the republic, at age 62. In his inaugural address, Ruiz Cortines pledged that fighting corruption in the government and in business would be key aspects of his administration, and that he would continue to maintain close relations with the United States.

Administration
Ruiz Cortines modified the law to promote responsibility and honesty among public servants to combat increasing amounts of corruption. He created a law that forced public servants to declare their assets before beginning to work in the government, including himself. Ruiz Cortines's purpose was to compare the public servants' fortune before and after their participation in public charges to combat illicit enrichment and corruption.

Ruiz Cortines's Secretary of the Navy, Rodolfo Sánchez Taboada, died on May 1 1955 of a myocardial infarction. On May 9, Sub-secretary of the Navy Alfonso Poire Ruelas was nominated to succeed Sánchez Taboada, a position which he held until the 22nd of December of that year. On January 1 1956, Ruiz Cortines nominated Viceadmiral Roberto Gómez Maqueo to fill the position, and he held it until April 1 1958. From April 1 to September 15 of 1958, Ruiz Cortines's Secretary of the Navy was Héctor Meixuerio Alexandres.

After becoming president, Ruiz Cortines proposed an alliance to Henríquez Guzmán between their parties. Henríquez Guzmán stated he would only accept if political and economic monopolies were ended. Ruiz Cortines rejected this, and repression against the party continued. The government de-registered them in 1954, and in 1955 the party closed their offices.

Domestic politics
After the corruption scandals of the Alemán years, he wanted to give a new image to the government and re-establish its credibility. His credo was "austerity and moralization". He prosecuted several of Alemán's political and business associates who had enriched themselves during the previous administration. He suspended all government contracts in 1953 to cut waste and to root out corruption.

He exercised tight control of public expenditure, supported the construction of roads, railways, dams, schools and hospitals. He also implemented a plan called "March to the Sea", which had the aim of shifting population from the highlands to the coast, and making better use and development of marine and coastal resources. Under this program, malaria was eradicated. He created the Rural Social Welfare Program to improve the living conditions of the rural population and encouraged land distribution. Large foreign estates were expropriated. Furthermore, he implemented the Farm Security program to protect farmers from natural disasters.

At the beginning of his term, President Ruiz Cortines sent a bill to amend Article 34 of the Constitution to grant women equal political rights with men, which granted the vote to Mexican women. To promote measures to meet the need for homes, he created the National Housing Institute. He gave a stimulus to industry, particularly small- and medium-sized, and laid the foundation for the development of the petrochemical industry and promoted the creation of jobs. In response to the technical advances in the field of nuclear energy, and considering that Mexico could not remain unaffected by this development, he created the National Nuclear Energy Commission. Primary and secondary education were boosted greatly. He specially supported the polytechnic university. Ruiz Cortines equipped the facilities of the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) and began subsidies to support universities through the republic.

Another primary goal of his government was to improve the health of men and women in Mexico. Therefore, he fought malnutrition among children and promoted an immunization campaign. Ruiz Cortines turned his attention to social problems and imposed an era of austerity on the Mexican government.

Ruiz Cortines's government decided to reduce public spending, to consolidate public finances and fight inflation. These policies led to macroeconomic stability, and contributed to the Mexican economy high growth rates during the 1950s. For first time in many years the Mexican government generated a budget surplus. However, following Ruiz Cortines's 1953 suspension of all government contracts, construction companies were weakened, the national output fell, the foreign trade deficit rose by a third, and almost all employers announced layoffs. He chose to shift away from austerity and reoriented his policy towards boosting production, and announced a record $400 million spending plan to pump into public works projects. In April 1954, in the so-called "crisis de la Semana Santa", he had to devaluate the peso from $8.65 per dollar to $12.50 per dollar. Despite the devaluation, in 1955, Mexico's dollar reserves were roughly equivalent to $305 million, the highest since he took office. In December 1955, in a push for a balanced budget, Ruiz Cortines announced the next year's budget, 6,696,374,000 pesos ($535,709,920 in 1955), which was an increase from the previous year, but was still considered somewhat conservative given Mexico's rapidly growing economy.

By the end of his term in 1958, he had faced three social-political conflicts with peasants, teachers and the labor union of the railroad workers.

Mexico's real national income had increased 7% halfway through 1954, and 10% halfway through 1955. In 1954, Mexico's electric power output increased 10%, manufacturing increased 9.8%, and crude-oil production increased 15%. By 1955, Mexico's crop, coffee, and cotton production and yield had increased 20% since the start of Ruiz Cortines's term, at that point an all-time high for Mexico.

Earthquake of 1957
On July 28, 1957, an earthquake with an epicenter in the state of Guerrero shook Mexico City for about 90 seconds. It measured 7.7 on the Richter scale. Ruiz Cortines was in his office in the national palace at the time.

Foreign relations
During Ruiz' Cortines's term, Mexico had cold diplomatic relationships with the United States because Ruiz Cortines refused to make any agreements that committed Mexico to participate in international wars. During his term, Ruiz Cortines completed the construction of projects like Falcon Dam, built with 58.6% American funds and 41.4% Mexican funds. The dam on the Rio Grande (Río Bravo in Mexico) was inaugurated on October 19, 1953, by Ruiz Cortines and United States President Dwight D. Eisenhower.

In 1956, Ruiz Cortines attended a meeting with US President Eisenhower and Canadian Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent of Canada. During the meeting, the leaders discussed immigration issues, economic cooperation, civil aviation and illegal fishing in coastal areas. In general, President Ruiz Cortines's foreign policy was conservative and respectful of the sovereignty of other nations. His administration was looking for a closer relationship with Latin America and sought the integration into the institutional system of Latin America, the Organization of American States (OAS). In the Conference of Caracas, held in 1954, Mexico failed in its attempt to defend the self-determination of the people.

In total, Ruiz Cortines only made three foreign visits during his term, which was deliberately a small amount, as he did not want to waste money on planes or waste time on boats.

In 1935, under Lázaro Cárdenas, Mexico was one of only five countries to condemn Fascist Italy's invasion of Ethiopia (then the Ethiopian Empire or Abyssinia) during the Second Italo-Ethiopian War. In 1953, Ruiz Cortines invited Haile Selassie, the Emperor of Ethiopia, to visit Mexico, who used the opportunity to thank Mexico for condemning the invasion against him. In 1955, Selassie accepted the invitation, and inaugurated at plaque in Mexico City with his country's name on it. He inaugurated a plaque with Mexico's name on it in his country's capital in 1958.

1958 presidential succession
In 1957, Ruiz Cortines, as was tradition, was to announce the PRI's next presidential candidate. Taking input from ex-presidents Lázaro Cárdenas and Miguel Alemán Valdés, each symbolizing the left and right sectors of the PRI respectively, he announced his hard-working but little-known Labor Minister Adolfo López Mateos as the next candidate, with international observers seeing López Mateos as the sure winner despite his relative obscurity. López Mateos eventually won the election with 90% of the popular vote.

Post-presidency

On 1 December 1958, Ruiz handed over power to his successor López Mateos, and then he retired from public life almost altogether. In 1964, he attended the inauguration of López Mateos' successor, President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz.

According to Miguel Alemán Velasco, President Luis Echeverría once consulted Ruiz Cortines via telephone on an unspecified policy. Ruiz Cortines disagreed with Echeverría's idea, but Echeverría didn't take his advice.

In his last days, his friend Manuel Caldelas García, a politician whom he had known in his youth, began living with him at his home in Veracruz. Caldelas helped with household chores and took care of the former president. On the afternoon of 3 December 1973, the health status of Ruiz Cortines became critical. Dr. Mario Díaz Tejeda went to the home to treat the condition of the former president. When the drugs took effect on him, Ruiz Cortines fell asleep. At 9:05 am on Monday, 3 December 1973, Adolfo Tomás Ruiz Cortines died at 82 years of age, a victim of heart failure caused by arteriosclerosis.

Personal life
In 1915 he married his first wife, Lucía Carrillo Guitiérrez, the daughter of Veracruz's then-governor, Lauro Carrillo. Ruiz Cortines and Lucía later divorced. Their first child, María Cristina Ruiz Carrillo, was born on December 6, 1917. Their second child, Lucía Ruiz Carrillo, was born on May 1, 1919. Their third child, Adolfo Ruiz Carrillo, was born on November 28, 1922.

He married his second wife, an old girlfriend named María de Dolores Izaguirre, in 1941, who would serve as his First Lady. She would become the first woman in Mexico to cast a vote after her husband passed the constitutional amendment promised during his campaign.

Ruiz Cortines was known to frequntly play domino games.

title: Adolfo Ruiz Cortines


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James Tully (Irish politician)

James Tully (18 September 1915 – 20 May 1992) was an Irish Labour Party politician and trade unionist. He served as Minister for Defence from 1981 to 1982, Deputy leader of the Labour Party from 1981 to 1982 and Minister for Local Government from 1973 to 1977. He served as a Teachta Dála (TD) for the Meath constituency from 1954 to 1957 and 1961 to 1982.

A native of Carlanstown, near Kells in County Meath, Tully was educated in Carlanstown schools and in St Patrick's Classical School in Navan. He was elected to Dáil Éireann as a Labour Party TD for the Meath constituency at the 1954 general election. He lost his seat at the 1957 general election, but was re-elected at the 1961 general election and served until 1982. When Labour entered into a coalition government with Fine Gael in 1973, he was appointed Minister for Local Government. While serving in that post he gained prominence for a massive increase in the building of public housing, and notoriety for an attempt to gerrymander Irish constituencies to ensure the re-election of the National Coalition at the 1977 general election. His electoral reorganisation effort via the Electoral (Amendment) Act 1974, which came to be called a "Tullymander", backfired spectacularly and helped engineer a landslide for the opposition, Fianna Fáil. He was regarded as a conservative within the Labour Party, though tended to support party decisions, even if he disagreed with them. For many years he was opposed to coalition, though finding the years in opposition fruitless, he changed his mind and became increasingly in favour of coalition with Fine Gael.

Also as Minister for Local government, Tully decided on alterations to the plans for the controversial Dublin Corporation Civic Offices.

Tully was appointed deputy leader of the Labour Party under Michael O'Leary in 1981, and Minister for Defence in the short-lived 1981–82 Fine Gael-Labour Party government. In that capacity he traveled to Cairo, in 1981, as Ireland's representative in Egypt's annual 6 October military victory parade. While in the reviewing stand, next to President Anwar Sadat, he suffered a shrapnel injury to his face when Sadat was assassinated by members of Egyptian Islamic Jihad who had infiltrated the Egyptian Army.

In 1982, a few months after the event, James Tully retired from politics. He died ten years later at the age of 76.

title: James Tully (Irish politician)


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Yoyogi Station

Yoyogi Station (代々木駅) is a railway station in Shibuya, Tokyo, Japan, operated by the East Japan Railway Company (JR East) and the Tokyo Metropolitan Bureau of Transportation (Toei). It is station E-26 under Toei's numbering system.

JR East
The JR East station consists of two ground-level side platforms on either side of an island platform, serving four tracks in total.

Chest-high platform edge doors were installed on the Yamanote Line platforms in September 2015, and brought into use from October.

There are three exits: East exit, West exit, and North exit. The latter two provide easy access to the Oedo line.

Toei
The Toei Oedo Line station has one underground island platform serving two tracks.

History
The station first opened on 23 October 1906 by a private company as a station on the Chūō Main Line, but was nationalized only a week later when the Japanese National Railways (JNR) took over the company and all of its assessments. The underground Toei Ōedo Line station opened on 20 April 2000.

Station numbering was introduced to the JR East platforms in 2016 with Yoyogi being assigned station numbers JB11 for the Chūō-Sobu line, and JY18 for the Yamanote line.

Passenger statistics
In fiscal 2013, the JR East station was used by an average of 70,016 passengers daily (boarding passengers only), making it the 63rd-busiest station operated by JR East. In fiscal 2013, the Toei station was used by an average of 17,382 passengers daily (boarding passengers only). The daily average passenger figures (boarding passengers only) for JR East in previous years are as shown below.

title: Yoyogi Station


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I. F. Stone

Isidor Feinstein Stone (December 24, 1907 – June 18, 1989) was an American investigative journalist, writer, and author.

Known for his politically progressive views, Stone is best remembered for I. F. Stone's Weekly (1953–1971), a newsletter which the New York University journalism department in 1999 ranked 16th among the top hundred works of journalism in the U.S. in the twentieth century and second place among print journalism publications. Stone's reputation has been dogged by allegations of contact with or espionage for the Soviet Union.

Early life
I. F. Stone was born in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, to Jewish Russian immigrants who owned a shop in Haddonfield, New Jersey; the journalist and film critic Judy Stone was his sister.

Stone attended Haddonfield High School. He was ranked 49th in his graduating class of 52 students. His career as a journalist began in his second year of high school, when he founded The Progress newspaper. He later worked for the Haddonfield Press and for the Camden Courier-Post. After dropping out of the University of Pennsylvania, where he had studied philosophy, Stone joined The Philadelphia Inquirer, then known as the "Republican Bible of Pennsylvania".

After advice from a newspaper editor in 1937, Stone changed his professional journalistic byline from Isidore Feinstein Stone to I. F. Stone; the editor had told him that his political reportage would be better received if he minimized his Jewish identity. Years later, Stone acknowledged being remorseful about having changed his professional name, thereby yielding to the systemic anti-Semitism then prevalent in American society. Personally, Stone spoke of himself as "Izzy" throughout his life and career.

Politics in the 1930s
Influenced by the social work of Jack London, Stone became a politically radical journalist and joined the Philadelphia Record (the morning edition rival of The Philadelphia Inquirer) owned by J. David Stern, a Democrat. Stone later worked for the New York Post newspaper after Stern bought it during 1929. In late adolescence, Stone joined the Socialist Party of America, a political decision influenced by his reading of the works of Karl Marx, Jack London, Peter Kropotkin and Herbert Spencer. Later, he quit the Socialist Party due to the intractable sectarian divisions, ideological and political, that existed among the organizations that constituted the American Left.

During the 1930s, Stone was an active member of the communist-dominated Popular Front, which opposed Adolf Hitler and National Socialism. On May 1, 1935, Stone joined the League of American Writers (1935–1943), whose members included Lillian Hellman, Dashiell Hammett, Frank Folsom, Alexander Trachtenberg, Louis Untermeyer, Myra Page, Millen Brand and Arthur Miller. (Members were largely either Communist Party members or fellow travelers.)

During the 1930s, as a left-wing journalist, Stone criticized Joseph Stalin's consolidation of power in the Soviet Union in an editorial for the New York Post (December 7, 1934) that denounced and likened Stalin's purge and execution of Soviet citizens to the political purges and executions occurring in Nazi Germany (1933–1945) and stated that Stalin's régime in Russia had adopted the tactics of "Fascist thugs and racketeers." As the Moscow Trials (1936–1938) proceeded, Stone attacked Stalin's actions as heralding a new Thermidor, which was the time of counterrevolution and reaction against the French Revolution (1789–1799). Additionally, Stone criticized Lenin and Trotsky for their "cruel and bloody ruthlessness" in executing the Romanov family. He scolded the US Socialist Workers Party, then followers of Trotsky, for believing he would have been less repressive than Stalin.

However, in 1939, following the signing of the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact, he wrote to a friend that he would do "no more fellow traveling" for the U.S.S.R., and used his opinion column in The Nation magazine to denounce Joseph Stalin as "the Moscow Machiavelli who suddenly found peace as divisible as the Polish plains and marshes". Stone bitterly denounced the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact in public and in private as a betrayal of leftist political principles.

Affiliations
A former editor of The Nation, Victor Navasky, said that plain, solid work characterized Stone's investigative journalism. He was an old-school reporter who did his homework and perused public-domain records (official government and private-industry documents) for the facts and figures, the data, and quotations that would substantiate his reportage about the matters of the day.

As a liberal, politically outspoken reporter from the American left wing, Stone often had to work in ideologically hostile environments (military, diplomatic, business) where information was controlled, making verifiability the essence of his journalism, corroborated by facts in the public domain, which the reader could verify. About his style of work as an investigative journalist, Stone said: "I made no claims to 'inside stuff'. I tried to give information which could be documented, so [that] the reader could check it for himself ... Reporters tend to be absorbed by the bureaucracies they cover; they take on the habits, attitudes, and even accents of the military or the diplomatic corps. Should a reporter resist the pressure, there are many ways to get rid of him. ... But a reporter covering the whole capital on his own – particularly if he is his own employer – is immune from these [political] pressures."

The journalistic professionalism and integrity of I. F. Stone derived from his intellectual willingness to scour and devour public documents, to bury himself in The Congressional Record, to study the transcripts of obscure congressional committee hearings, debates and reports. He prospected for news nuggets – published as boxed paragraphs in his weekly newsletter – such as contradictions in the line of official policy, examples of bureaucratic mendacity and political obscurantism. Stone especially sought evidence of the U.S. government's legalistic incursions against the civil liberties and the civil and political rights of American citizens.

The New York Post
In 1933, Stone worked as a reporter for the New York Post newspaper. He supported the politics of U.S. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt (1933–1945), especially the progressive reforms of the New Deal (1935–1938) programs FDR was instituting to rescue the U.S. economy from the poverty imposed by the Great Depression which started in 1929. In his first book, The Court Disposes (1937), Stone criticized what he described as the politically reactionary role of the U.S. Supreme Court in blocking the realization of the socio-economic reform programs of the New Deal.

In the course of working as publisher and reporter, Stern and Stone quarreled about journalism, its practice and its practices, especially about the content and tone of Stone's New York Post editorials critical of a business plan to refinance the public transit system of New York City. After an acrimonious quarrelling, Stern's concern about Stone's juvenile attitude prompted an inter-office note to Izzy and the managing editor, informing them that, henceforth, the reporter I. F. Stone was part of the news-department staff.

In response to his publisher's management decision – subordinating a reporter to the newsroom managing editor – Stone complained to the Newspaper Guild, presenting his case against the managers of the newspaper for unfair labor practices. The Post contested the case, which proceeded to an arbitration hearing that ruled against the reporter Stone, who consequently quit his job at the New York Post.

The Nation
In 1939, after leaving the New York Post, Stone worked for The Nation, first as associate editor and then as its Washington, D.C., editor. Two years later, in the book Business as Usual: The First Year of Defense (1941), Stone reported on perceived flaws of the early stages of America's WW2 preparation. He alleged inefficient planning and execution, and the business-as-usual attitude, of the industrial and business monopolies — and its tolerance by the U.S. military — that resulted in the tardy production of matériel for the Arsenal of Democracy with which President F. D. Roosevelt said the U.S. would help Europeans and Asians combat the totalitarianism of National Socialist German Workers Party, fascist Italy and Imperial Japan.

On August 4, 1939, Stone along with 400 other writers and intellectuals signed a letter condemning anti-Soviet attitudes in the United States, called for better relations between the two countries, described the USSR as a supporter of world peace, and said "The Soviet Union considers political dictatorship a transitional form and has shown a steadily expanding democracy". The letter was published in September 1939 shortly after the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact was known in the United States and during the same month that the Soviet invasion of Poland began. Upon hearing of the Pact, Stone repudiated the letter and denounced the actions of the Soviet Union and would criticize it and the CPUSA, which repeated the views of the USSR about the war. In return the CPUSA denounced him as one of the leading "Imperialist war-mongers" until Operation Barbarossa which caused a change in communist views of the war."

In the matter of war-production employment, Stone's exposé of alleged institutional racism and anti–Semitism of the FBI's process for vetting job applicants is evident in the semantics of questions meant to discover, identify and exclude political subversives from civil service in the U.S. government. He characterized questions the FBI asked about job applicants as ideological and bigoted, such as, "Does he mix with Negroes?", "Does he ... have too many Jewish friends?", "Does he think the colored races are as good as the white?", "Why do you suppose he has hired so many Jews?" and "Is he always criticizing Vichy France?" All which Stone believed were poor questions to ask during a war in which collaborationist Vichy France (1940–44) actively participated in the military occupation as the puppet régime of France. To the mainstream American reader concerned with the affairs of daily life, Stone reported that, "Questions like these are being used as a sieve to strain anti-fascists and liberals out of the government. They serve no other purpose." . Readers thanked The Nation for Stone's informing the public of the FBI's racist, fascistic and anti-Semitic un–American activities. Concomitantly, some on the American political right wing criticized Stone for maintaining the anonymity of his FBI sources.

In 1946 Freda Kirchwey, the editor (1933–55) of The Nation, fired Stone from the magazine for accepting employment with the newspaper PM (picture magazine) as a foreign correspondent covering the anti–British Jewish Resistance Movement in Mandatory Palestine (1920–48), where the Jews awaited the foundation of the State of Israel.

PM (newspaper)
Stone was the Washington, D.C., correspondent for PM, and published a series of feature articles about the Jewish European refugees who ran the British blockade to reach Palestine. He later further developed that reportage and wrote the book Underground to Palestine. In 1948 Picture Magazine closed, and was replaced in Stone's career first by the New York Star (1948-1949) and then by The Daily Compass, published until 1952.

I. F. Stone's Weekly
Although Stone had been a mainstream journalist in the 1930s, appearing on shows like Meet the Press (then a radio show), in 1950 he found himself blacklisted and unable to get work, possibly because Stone publicly admitted to his "fellow traveler" tendencies. In 1953, inspired by the example of the muckraking journalist George Seldes and his political weekly, In Fact, Stone started his own independent newsletter, I. F. Stone's Weekly. Over the next few years, Stone's newsletter campaigned against McCarthyism and racial discrimination in the United States.

In 1964, using evidence drawn from a close reading and analysis of published accounts, Stone was the only American journalist to challenge President Lyndon B. Johnson's account of the Gulf of Tonkin incident. During the 1960s, Stone continued to criticize the Vietnam War. At its peak in the 1960s, the Weekly only had a circulation of 70,000, but it was regarded as very influential. Articles originally published in I. F. Stone's Weekly later were compiled and published in The I. F. Stone's Weekly Reader (1973), in three of six volumes of A Noncomformist History of Our Times (1989), a compendium of Stone's writing, and The Best of I.F. Stone (2006).

Zionism and the State of Israel
In 1945, at war's end, Stone went to Mandatory Palestine (1920–1948) to report on the mass emigration of Eastern European Jews to Mandatory Palestine—peoples whom the Nazis had displaced from the countries of Eastern Europe. In Underground to Palestine (1948), Stone reported that the political, financial and personal interests of those displaced Jews would have been, in his opinion, better served by emigrating to the U.S. rather than to the Zionist Homeland for the Jewish people promised in the Balfour Declaration. Nonetheless, they preferred the promise of Israel in Stone's estimation because: "They have been kicked around as Jews, and now they want to live as Jews. Over and over I heard it said: 'We want to build a Jewish country ... We are tired of putting our sweat and blood into places where we are not welcome. ... ' These Jews want the right to live as a people, to build as a people, to make their contribution to the world as a people. Are their national aspirations any less worthy of respect than those of any other oppressed people?"

As a secular Jew, Stone agreed with the nationalist aspirations of Zionism and publicly supported the State of Israel (1948), before the U.S. government granted official recognition. As a politically moderate Zionist, and like the politician Abba Eban, Stone supported the one-state solution of Israel as a bi-national state that Jews and Arabs would inhabit as equal citizens. Yet, in observing the military conflict that established the Jewish state in Mandatory Palestine, Stone became sympathetic to the Arab resistance to their physical dispossession (jobs, homes, land) and the political disenfranchisement (voided civil and political rights).

Stone's reportage of the conflict in the Middle East irritated Minister Eban, both for embarrassing him (a politically moderate Zionist) and his government and for dimming the international public image of the State of Israel as a refuge for oppressed peoples.

The Arab–Israeli conflict

The practical and professional consequences of being an openly left-wing journalist in the U. S. continued for I. F. Stone, when the U.S. State Department refused to issue a passport for him to travel overseas as a journalist. Stone filed a lawsuit against the State Department. In court, his brother-in-law, the attorney Leonard Boudin, established the right of a journalist to freely travel in the course of practicing his profession, and so thwarted the federal government's political interference with a journalist; afterwards, Stone travelled to Israel in 1956—before the Suez War (Oct 29 – November 7, 1956)—and reported that:

"Israel is a transformed country. What was once a struggling country is now a thriving country. Economically, it's booming. It will win – it's prepared for war and will win, you know, the next war, or the next war after that, militarily ... But there will be wars and wars and wars until Israel comes to terms with the Palestinians ... [because] the road to peace lies through the Palestinian refugee camp."

Consequent to the establishment of British, French, and Russian imperial spheres of influence in Asia Minor, by way of the Sykes–Picot Agreement (1916), the internal politics of the State of Israel became the Arab–Israeli conflict (1948 to date), which the West conflated to the geopolitics of the Cold War (1945–90) with each belligerent party, the U.S. and the U.S.S.R., claiming hegemony over the Middle East.

In the book review article "Holy War" (Les Temps Modernes, June 1967), Stone said that superpower geopolitics are of secondary importance to the discontent of the Arabs and the Jews in the Levant.

The Korean War
Stone was critical of the Cold War, and its consequent reductions of the civil liberties and the civil and political rights of American citizens – what he saw as totalitarianism effected with the moral panic of loyalty oaths and the Second Red Scare (1947–57) of the McCarthy Era — Stone wrote a book on the origin of the Korean War (1950–52). According to Stone, in an effort to convince the American people to support and fight in a war between two undemocratic Asian countries, U.S. government propaganda misrepresented the Korean War as necessary to the rollback fight against the international communist conspiracy for world domination, with Joseph Stalin controlling the conspiracy from Moscow.

In The Hidden History of the Korean War, 1950–51, Stone said that South Korea had provoked North Korea to war, by way of continual guerrilla attacks across the border (38th parallel) into the north of Korea, and that, thus goaded, the North Koreans eventually counterattacked, and invaded the South, providing the official casus belli (June 25, 1950) required for Korean reunification. Stone asserted that such cross-border attacks, authorized by the South Korean government, were shaped by U.S. foreign policy for the worldwide containment of communism, which was advocated by John Foster Dulles, realized in the field by General Douglas MacArthur, U.S. commander in the Pacific Ocean military theater, and countenanced by Syngman Rhee, the strongman President of South Korea.

Oleg Kalugin's comments
In The Independent newspaper in 1992, British journalist Andrew Brown reported that the Soviet Embassy attaché, KGB Major General Oleg Kalugin, said that, "We had an agent—a well-known American journalist—with a good reputation, who severed his ties with us after 1956. I, myself, convinced him to resume them. But, in 1968, after the invasion of Czechoslovakia ... he said he would never again take any money from us."

In "How Many I. F. Stones Were There?", Herbert Romerstein, formerly of USIA and of the HUAC, and Ray Kerrison reported that Kalugin had identified I. F. Stone as the secret agent of whom he [Kalugin] had spoken with the journalist Andrew Brown. Eight years later, in The Venona Secrets (2000), Romerstein and Eric Breindel (editorial page editor of the New York Post) developed Kalugin's allegations about I. F. Stone being a secret agent for the Soviet Union.

In "The Attack on I.F. Stone", Andrew Brown said that when he "used the phrase an agent, to describe someone who turned out to be I. F. Stone", he understood the term metaphorically, meaning someone who was a "useful contact", and that the expression "take any money" referred to the fact that the journalist I.F. Stone would not permit a Soviet embassy employee to pay for a luncheon meal, neither then nor in the future, despite earlier lunches in the 1930s and 1940s. That, in September 1992, at the Moscow Journalists' Club, Kalugin had explained to the lawyer Martin Garbus that, "I have no proof that Stone was an agent. I have no proof that Stone ever received any money from the KGB, or the Russian government, I never gave Stone any money and was never involved with him as an agent."

In "Who's Out to Lunch Here?: I. F. Stone and the KGB", Cassandra Tate said that the alleged evidence of Stone's secret agent involvement with the KGB is based upon a few lines of text at the end of a speech by a KGB officer. She concluded that Stone was neither a Soviet agent, nor a collaborator of the KGB in the U.S.

In American Radical:The Life and Times of I. F. Stone, 2009), D. D. Guttenplan cited Kalugin's denials in The Nation and in the New York Post, although an earlier article had pointed to the possible ambiguity of the KGB's definition of the term "agent of influence." In multiple interviews, Kalugin contradicted Romerstein's allegation that Stone was a Soviet secret agent; two Stone biographers reported Kalugin's third-party denials that Stone was a Soviet secret agent. Myra MacPherson (''All Governments Lie! The Life and Times of Rebel Journalist I. F. Stone'', 2006) reported that Kalugin said: "We had no clandestine relationship. We had no secret arrangement. I was the press officer [of the Soviet embassy in Washington, D.C.] ... I never paid him anything. I sometimes bought lunch."

In his KGB memoirs, The First Directorate: My 32 Years in Intelligence and Espionage Against the West (1994), about working as a press attaché in the Soviet Embassy in Washington, D.C., Kalugin said that, besides I. F. Stone, he often met with journalists such as Walter Lippmann, Joseph Kraft, Drew Pearson, Chalmers Johnson, and Murray Marder. That Stone occasionally had a working-lunch with the Soviet press-attaché on shift, but ended that luncheon relationship after his first visit to the Soviet Union in 1956, and after hearing On the Personality Cult and its Consequences (February 26, 1956), the secret speech with which Nikita Khrushchev denounced the tyranny of Josef Stalin. When he returned from the Soviet Union, in his weekly newsletter, Stone wrote: "Whatever the consequences, I have to say what I really feel, after seeing the Soviet Union, and carefully studying the statements of its leading officials. This is not a good society and it is not led by honest men ... Nothing has happened in Russia to justify cooperation abroad, between the independent Left and the Communists."

Stone's published statements, about the Soviet Union, its regimented society, and its totalitarian government, by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU), provoked hundreds of subscribers to cancel their subscriptions to I.F. Stone's Weekly newsletter. Kalugin said that he persuaded Stone to continue having working-luncheons with him, but that, after the Warsaw Pact invasion of Czechoslovakia in August 1968, Stone refused to let Kalugin pay for the lunch, and consequently ceased meeting with him.

Venona Project
In 1995, the National Security Agency (NSA) published documents from the Venona Project (1943–80), a counter-intelligence program for the collection and decryption of KGB and GRU telegraph messages, collected from 1943 to 1980. On September 13, 1944, the KGB station in New York City transmitted a message to Moscow that Vladimir Pravdin, an NKVD officer working undercover as a reporter for TASS (the Telegraph Agency of the Soviet Union), had sought to communicate with a Soviet agent code-named BLIN, in Washington, DC, but that BLIN had been avoiding a meeting with Pravdin, claiming that his work schedule did not permit the requested meeting. He reported that Samuel Krafsur, an American NKVD agent codenamed IDE, who worked for TASS in the building that housed Stone's office, had tried to "sound him out, but BLIN did not react."

The Venona project transcript No. 1506 (October 23, 1944), indicated that Pravdin had succeeded in meeting with secret agent BLIN, and that he was "not refusing his aid" but explained that had "three children, and did not want to attract the attention of the FBI" and that BLIN's reluctance to meet Pravdin derived from "his unwillingness to spoil his career" because he "earned $1,500.00 per month but ... would not be averse to having a supplemental income."

In the article "Cables Coming in From the Cold" on the Venona Project transcripts, Walter Schneir and Miriam Schneir said that interpreting the transcriptions is difficult, because of the hearsay nature of the messages; the many steps between a conversation and the sending of a cable; language-translation difficulties; the possibility of an imperfect decryption; and concluded that "the Venona messages are not like the old TV show You Are There [1953–57], in which history was re‑enacted before our eyes. They are history seen through a glass, darkly."

In their Cold War history, Venona: Decoding Soviet Espionage in America (2000), John Earl Haynes and Harvey Klehr said that Stone was the Soviet secret agent BLIN. They cited four Venona cables that mentioned the American journalist I. F. Stone and that two of the cables contained evidence of Stone's pro–Soviet espionage. As well, the files of the KGB, from 1936 to 1939, indicate that Stone was a Soviet secret agent, who worked as a talent spotter, as a courier to other secret agents, and that he provided private and journalistic information to KGB, and Stone collaborated with the Communist Victor Perlo group, who gave him materials for use in journalistic exposés.

Moreover, in The Venona Secrets: The Definitive Exposé of Soviet Espionage in America (2000), Herbert Romerstein and Eric Breindel re-published the allegation that the American journalist I. F. Stone was the Soviet secret agent BLIN. As evidence, they cited Stone's statement, in a column (November 11, 1951) that responded to New York Herald Tribune reportage about his left wing sympathies, and that he would be unsurprised to read in that newspaper, "that I was smuggled in from Pinsk, in a carton of blintzes". That Stone's use of the word blintzes (pancakes) betrayed his knowledge of the word BLIN, his code name as a Soviet secret agent.

In the event, Stone's biographer Myra MacPherson said that the FBI never identified BLIN as being I. F. Stone, and, instead, suspected Ernest K. Lindley, who also was father to three children. The FBI claimed that secret agent BLIN must have been someone "whose true, pro–Soviet sympathies were not known to the public", hence, could not have been the journalist Stone, who, on the contrary, far from being "fearful", did not hide his left wing beliefs. Indeed, rather than wishing to avoid FBI attention, as BLIN reportedly did, I. F. Stone made a point of suggesting to the Soviet press attaché Oleg Kalugin that they have lunch at Harvey's, a favorite haunt of FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, to "tweak his nose".

Alexander Vassiliev's allegations of espionage
In Spies: The Rise and Fall of the KGB in America (2009), Klehr, Haynes, and Alexander Vassiliev, formerly of KGB, cite a KGB file [which Vassiliev saw in the Soviet Union] that named "Isidor Feinstein, a commentator for the New York Post" in the 1930s, as being secret agent BLIN, who "entered the channel of normal operational work" in 1936. That a note listed BLIN as an agent of the KGB station in New York City, in 1938. Klehr, Haynes, and Vassiliev said that Stone "assisted Soviet intelligence on a number of tasks, ranging from doing some talent spotting, acting as a courier, by relaying information to other agents, and providing private journalist tidbits and data [that] the KGB found interesting".

That BLIN was to help recruit and support the German resistance to Nazism in Berlin, from 1936 to 1938. Yet the authors admitted that Stone broke with the KGB after the Nazi–Soviet Pact of 1939, and speculate that later Soviet communications with Stone were meant to reactivate their previous relationship. As such, Klehr, Haynes, and Vassiliev conclude that: "The documentary record shows that I. F. Stone consciously cooperated with Soviet intelligence, from 1936 through 1938, [Stone's Popular Front period]. An effort was made, by Soviet intelligence, to reestablish that relationship in 1944–45; we do not know whether that effort succeeded. To put it plainly, from 1936 to 1939 I. F. Stone was a Soviet spy".

In the article "Commentary's Trumped-up Case Against I. F. Stone", Jim Naureckas counters that the allegations of Klehr, Haynes, and Vassiliev, if true, merely indicate that I. F. Stone was "just gossiping", and criticizes them their "nefarious" and "tendentious" magnification of "relatively innocuous behavior" on the basis of one anti–Nazi activity. As for Stone being listed as an "agent" of the KGB, Naureckas said that Walter Lippmann also is listed as a Soviet secret agent.

In the article "I.F. Stone: Encounters with Soviet Intelligence", Max Holland said there is no question that I. F. Stone was a "fully recruited and witting agent" for the Soviet Union from 1936 to 1938; yet, admits that Stone "was not a 'spy' in that he did not engage in espionage, and had no access to classified material".

In the book review of Spies: The Rise and Fall of the KGB in America (May 25, 2009), D. D. Guttenplan said that "Spies never explains why we should believe KGB officers, pushed to justify their existence (and expense accounts), when they claim information comes from an elaborately recruited 'agent' rather than merely a source or contact". That the authors of Spies distort the report in Venona transcript No. 1506 (October 1944) and never prove that, in 1936, Soviet secret agent BLIN was I. F. Stone. That their allegations merely demonstrate that Stone "was a good reporter", and notes that Walter Lippmann is quoted in Spies as having professional contacts with "a Soviet journalist with whom he traded insights and information." This is the same man [Pravdin] whom Stone is said to have avoided. Nonetheless, the Vassilev notebook shows that Lippman was meeting Pravdin, not to pass the intelligence to him, but rather to find out what the true intentions of the Soviet government were. One of the KGB reports said, "He [Lippmann] is attempting to use his acquaintance with him [Pravdin] to determine our viewpoint on various issues of international politics. He is doing this, of course, very subtly, with the utmost tact. It should be recognized that by attempting to draw 'Sergei' into making candid comments, Imperialist [Lippmann] is sharing his own information with him".

In the book review of Spies: The Rise and Fall of the KGB in America (2010), Myra MacPherson said that the American co-author of the book, the journalist Max Holland, had persistently repeated discredited allegations that the American journalist I. F. Stone had accepted money from the Soviet Union, despite Holland's having acknowledged the unreliability of his source, KGB Gen. Oleg Kalugin:

"As for the conflicting tales, woven by former KGB agent Kalugin, about his relationship with Stone, from 1966 to 1968, Holland correctly notes that 'Kalugin seemed incapable of telling the same story more than once'. Still, this did not keep Holland from repeating the damaging and long-refuted lie that Herbert Romerstein, former HUAC sleuth, developed after talking with Kalugin, that Moscow Gold [sic] subsidized Stone's weekly. Nowhere is there any evidence that Stone took money for anything, except a possible lunch or two. Nor is there any evidence, as Holland points out, that Kalugin was able to plant [news] stories with Stone."

Retirement and classical scholarship
In 1971, angina pectoris forced Stone to cease publication of the Weekly. After his retirement, he returned to the University of Pennsylvania, where he had dropped out years before. He earned a bachelor's degree in classical languages. Stone successfully learned Ancient Greek and wrote a book about the prosecution and death of Socrates, The Trial of Socrates, in which he argued that Socrates wanted to be sentenced to death to shame Athenian democracy, which he despised. The Trial of Socrates was a New York Times bestseller  and was translated into 11 languages.

In 1970, Stone received the George Polk Award, and in 1976 he received the Conscience-in-Media Award from the American Society of Journalists and Authors.

Personal life and death
In 1929, Stone married Esther Roisman, who later worked as his assistant at I. F. Stone's Weekly. Their marriage produced three children, Celia, Jeremy, and Christopher. Esther's sister Jean, a poet, was the wife of radical lawyer Leonard Boudin. (Stone was thus the uncle of Weather Underground co-founder Kathy Boudin and conservative U.S. judge Michael Boudin.) The Stones' marriage lasted for sixty years. In 1989, Stone died of a heart attack in Boston at the age of 81.

Memorial awards
On March 5, 2008, Harvard's Nieman Foundation for Journalism announced plans to award an annual I. F. Stone Medal for Journalistic Independence and an associated I. F. Stone Workshop on Strengthening Journalistic Independence.

In 2008, the Park Center for Independent Media at the Roy H. Park School of Communications created the Izzy Award. The award goes to "an independent outlet, journalist, or producer for contributions to our culture, politics, or journalism created outside traditional corporate structures" for "special achievement in independent media".

Documentaries
On May 6, 2015, the non-profit peace organization, Catalytic Diplomacy, released The Legacy of I.F. Stone, Part One and Part Two, a pair of documentary videos exploring the legacy and influence of I. F. Stone and I.F. Stone's Weekly.

In 2016, the film ALL GOVERNMENTS LIE: Truth, Deception, and the Spirit of I.F. Stone was released; a documentary on independent journalism in which the work and principles of I.F. Stone as an outcast journalist articulate the narrative.

Archive
The entire run of I.F. Stone's Weekly from January 17, 1953, through December 1, 1971, can be accessed through the ifstone.org website, along with many of Stone's speeches and other writings, and the documentary videos The Legacy of I.F. Stone, Part One and The Legacy of I.F. Stone, Part Two.

Music
Composer Scott Johnson makes extensive use of Stone's voice taken from a recorded 1981 lecture in his large-scale musical work, How It Happens, completed in 1991 on commission for the Kronos Quartet.

Influences
The 2008 Democratic presidential candidate John Edwards listed Stone's The Trial of Socrates as one of his three favorite books.

Books

 * The Court Disposes (1937)
 * Business as Usual (1941)
 * Underground to Palestine (1946) ISBN 0-394-50274-4
 * This is Israel (1948)
 * The Killings at Kent State (1971) LCCN 73148389
 * The I. F. Stone's Weekly Reader (1973) ISBN 0-394-48815-6
 * The Trial of Socrates (Anchor Books, 1988) ISBN 0-385-26032-6
 * A Noncomformist History of Our Times (Little, Brown and Company, 1989)
 * The War Years, 1939–1945. ISBN 0-316-81777-5
 * The Hidden History of the Korean War, 1950–1951. ISBN 0-316-81770-8
 * The Truman Era, 1945–1952. ISBN 0-394-71908-5
 * The Haunted Fifties, 1953–1963. ISBN 0-394-70547-5
 * In a Time of Torment, 1961–1967. ISBN 0-224-61464-9
 * Polemics and Prophecies, 1967–1970. ISBN 0-316-81747-3
 * ISBN 978-1-58648-463-7

Periodicals

 * I.F. Stone's Weekly, January 17, 1953, through December 1, 1971
 * I. F. Stone (1971–1989) New York Review of Books
 * I. F. Stone (1971–1989) New York Review of Books

Honorary Degree from Amherst College

 * Newspaper Guild of New York Honors Page One Must for "Underground to Palestine" awarded in 1947
 * The Eleanor Roosevelt Award
 * The George Polk Award of Long Island University
 * American Library Association Intellectual Freedom Award
 * Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies Award
 * Lifetime Achievement Award from Haddenfield High School (I. F. Stone's high school)
 * A. J. Liebling Award for Journalistic Distinction
 * Columbia University Journalism Award
 * National Press Club Journalists' Journalist Award
 * The American Civil Liberties Union Award
 * The First Amendment Defender Award of the Catholic University's Columbus School of Law
 * The Florina Lasker Civil Liberties Award from the New York Civil Liberties Union
 * The Grand Prix Charles-Leopold Mayer of the French Academy of Sciences, November 1977
 * The Sidney Hillman Foundation Award
 * The Professional Freedom and Responsibility Award of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communications

Biographies

 * Robert C. Cottrell. (1992). Izzy: A Biography of I. F. Stone, New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press. ISBN 0813520088. 388 pages. 18 chapters. Notes. Selected Bibliography. Index.
 * D. D. Guttenplan. 2009. American Radical: The Life and Times of I. F. Stone. Farrar, Straus and Giroux ISBN 978-0-374-18393-6
 * The Secret History of Izzy by D. D. Guttenplan, The Nation, May 13, 2009
 * "Armed With Words: D. D. Guttenplan's The Life and Times of I. F. Stone." Review by Tom Robbins in The Village Voice, June 2, 2009.

 * Myra MacPherson. (2006). All Governments Lie!: The Life and Times of Rebel Journalist I. F. Stone, Scribner. ISBN 1-4165-5679-6 ISBN 0-684-80713-0
 * (response to Paul Berman's review)
 * (response to Paul Berman's review)
 * Andrew Patner. (1988). I. F. Stone: A Portrait, Pantheon. ISBN 0-385-41382-3
 * (response to Paul Berman's review)
 * Andrew Patner. (1988). I. F. Stone: A Portrait, Pantheon. ISBN 0-385-41382-3

Related

 * Frank J. Donner. (1980). The Age of Surveillance: The Aims and Methods of America's Political Intelligence System. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, ISBN 978-0-394-40298-7
 * Victor S. Navasky. (1980). Naming Names:  New York: The Viking Press. ISBN 0-8090-0183-7.
 * Ellen Schrecker. 1994. The Age Of McCarthyism: A Brief History With Documents. Boston: St. Martin's Press, ISBN 0-312-39319-9
 * Oleg Kalugin and Fen Montaigne. (1994). The First Directorate: My 32 Years in Intelligence and Espionage Against the West New York, NY: St. Martin's Press. ISBN 0-312-11426-5
 * Ellen Schrecker. 1998. Many are the Crimes: McCarthyism in America. Boston: Little Brown, ISBN 0-316-77470-7
 * Stanley Sandler. 1999. The Korean War: No Victors, No Vanquished, University Press of Kentucky, 0813109671
 * Alexander Vassiliev, John Earl Haynes, and Harvey Klehr Spies: The Rise and Fall of the KGB in America. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009) (ISBN 9780300123906) "I. F. Stone: The Icon" pp. 146–52.
 * Stanley Sandler. 1999. The Korean War: No Victors, No Vanquished, University Press of Kentucky, 0813109671
 * Alexander Vassiliev, John Earl Haynes, and Harvey Klehr Spies: The Rise and Fall of the KGB in America. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009) (ISBN 9780300123906) "I. F. Stone: The Icon" pp. 146–52.
 * Alexander Vassiliev, John Earl Haynes, and Harvey Klehr Spies: The Rise and Fall of the KGB in America. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009) (ISBN 9780300123906) "I. F. Stone: The Icon" pp. 146–52.

title: I. F. Stone


text:
Talk:Olavo Bilac

older entries
I wonder if you liked the prose enough? Bilac is my favourite poet.

Is there any chance I will see a link for this page in the main Wikipedia page in a few days, in Bilac´s anniversary? - Doidimais Brasil

Doidimais: What exactly do you mean by "Bilac was chased during the government of Floriano Peixoto"? Was he forced into exile? Did he flee the country? Was he persecuted (badgered, hounded, harassed) by the govt? What exactly did Floriano do to him? Oh, and the translations on /sources/ -- are they yours? Curious, –Hajor 19:45, 7 Dec 2003 (UTC)

I was also wondering what "chased" means here. And while I appreciate that Bilac is your favorite poet, NPOV means that we need to say who--other than Wikipedians--thinks so highly of him.

I can't really read Portuguese (I sort of fake it based on Spanish) but it looks as though at least some of his poetry was considered part of Modernism. Am I reading this right? If so, that would be worth adding to the article. Vicki Rosenzweig 01:51, 10 Dec 2003 (UTC)

'''Vick

About chasing: Bilac was considered a political troublemaker for a time, and an arrest order was made by Peixoto. Bilac spent a few months in jail, but for about a year he hid in a house of a friend on another state.

About Modernism: sorry, not at all. Bilac died on 1918, exactly the time in which Modernism was starting in Brazil. in 1922, when there was a major event called "Semana de Arte Moderna", Bilac was one of the most heavily criticized authors by the Modernists. Modernists wanted freedom and free poetry, wihtout worrying about rhymes and metre. Bilac was a MASTER at doing poems with SEVERE caution for rhymes and metre, and wrote almost ways in sonnets- a Modernist´s nightmare. Doidimais Brasil 16:57, Dec 13, 2003 (UTC)

Bilac was a Parnassian. He did have a school: but this school wasn´t even on Wikipedia, it was I that added it. The study of Parnasianism is mandatory on Brazilian highschools; I had no idea it wasn´t very well-known in the international community. Doidimais Brasil 17:00, Dec 13, 2003 (UTC)

Hajor, yes, the translations are mine. Doidimais Brasil 17:05, Dec 13, 2003 (UTC)

''About chasing: Bilac was considered a political troublemaker for a time, and an arrest order was made by Peixoto. Bilac spent a few months in jail, but for about a year he hid in a house of a friend on another state.''

I think it would be preferable to say he was "pursued." Cats chase mice. Police pursue their prey. I have edited accordingly, adding your new material. David Hoag 22:21, 22 July 2005 (UTC)

It is indeed adequate; thanks =) Doidimais Brasil 02:36, August 11, 2005 (UTC).

title: Talk:Olavo Bilac