text:
Communist Party of Argentina

The Communist Party of Argentina (Partido Comunista de la Argentina, abbr. PCA) is a communist party in Argentina. It is a member of the Unión por la Patria, the former ruling coalition which supported former President Alberto Fernández.

It was founded on 6 January 1918 as the International Socialist Party, after a split within the Socialist Party between those who supported and those who opposed the Russian October Revolution and the Third International. From its inception, the party maintained an alignment with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which generated friction with the rest of Argentina's left, which accused the party of struggling more for the geopolitical interests of the Soviet Union than the effective emergence of a communist revolution in Argentina.

Foundation and early history

Following the October Revolution and the rise of Bolsheviks to power in Russia, tensions between the reformist and the revolutionary factions of Argentina's Socialist Party (Partido Socialista, PS) reached its breaking point. On 6 January 1918, following the PS' refusal to endorse the Bolshevik coup, the revolutionary faction split from the Socialist Party and formed the International Socialist Party (Partido Socialista Internacional, PSI). The party changed its name to the Communist Party of Argentina (Partido Comunista de la Argentina, PCA) two months later.

From its inception, the PCA followed the political line of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, supporting its initiatives and joining the Communist International (Comintern) in 1919. Its alignment with the CPSU during the Stalinist period earned it numerous criticisms by other parties within Argentina's political left. The PCA suffered several splits throughout the 1920s, with a number of factions emerging including the frentistas in 1923, the chispistas (pre-Trotskyists) in 1925, and the penelonistas (supporters of Nikolai Bukharin) in 1928.

The PCA organized the sending of volunteers to the International Brigades and other resources to the Second Spanish Republic during the Spanish Civil War. Victorio Codovilla, who led the PCA's eighth congress in 1928, advised the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) on behalf of the Comintern during this period. He was also responsible for organizing local NKVD agents in Spain and directing the persecution, torture, and murder of militant anarchists, members of the Workers Party of Marxist Unification, and other opponents of the PCE in the International Brigades.

The party actively supported the Soviet Union during World War II by organizing aid collections and having its leaders contribute to various international tasks under the orders of Moscow. For example, Codovilla was responsible for organizing the murder of Leon Trotsky in Mexico in 1940; by this time he had earned the full confidence of the Soviet leadership.

From Peronism to the 1976 dictatorship
As a result of the workers' mobilizations of 17 October 1945 against the dismissal and detention of Juan Domingo Perón, within the party there were questions to the political line of the same and to the leadership headed by Codovilla and in the National Conference of December of that year, Rodolfo Puiggrós openly expressed criticism and demanded to find practical agreements with Perón around the defense of the interests of the workers and the fight against imperialism.

In the elections of 1946 the Communist Party was part of the Democratic Union, opposed to Peronism. Puiggrós was expelled in 1947 and founded the Communist Workers Movement together with some communist syndicalists supporters of the alliance with Peronism.

The student of chemistry and communist militant Ernesto Mario Bravo was kidnapped at his home on 17 June 1951 and tortured by the police. His case was reported by the doctor who treated him, first in the Special Section and then in a fifth where he was transferred. The government, however, emphatically denied the facts:

"«Negó la desaparición de Bravo, negó las torturas, denunció todo como una maniobra opositora y hasta el Consejo Superior del Partido Peronista insistió que el episodio entero había sido 'una confabulación con el propósito de subvertir el orden'. Y cuando la decisión judicial hizo innegable todo lo que se había negado, apretó los tornillos de los medios periodísticos para echar sobre el tema una espesa vaharada de desinformación y movió los magistrados necesarios para exculpar a los torturadores. Al defenderlos hizo suyas sus culpas, las endosó, lo que revela la tremenda insensibilidad que se había instalado en las estructuras oficiales. Maltratar a un ciudadano era perdonable, si por añadidura era un comunista, entonces era un servicio a premiar. Pues -no hace falta decirlo- Lombilla y sus colaboradores regresaron a sus puestos y fueron ascendidos, como corresponde»."

On 17 June 1955, the police of Rosario arrested, tortured and disappeared Juan Ingallinella, a doctor and party leader, who had participated in the publication of pamphlets in defense of the government days before, denouncing the masterminds of the bombing and strafing of the Plaza de Mayo, in which more than 350 people were killed and more than 700 wounded and mutilated.

After the overthrow of Perón, the party criticized the loss of democratic liberties and the prohibition of the partisans who carried out the coup of 1955. Although Peronism was the main objective of the persecutions, the increase of the repression in the government Arambruru also led him to repress the members of the Communist Party. In 1956 the Ministry of the Interior, Eduardo Busso, denounced that the Union of Argentine Women and the Argentine League for Human Rights had links with the party. In April of the following year, the cancellation of legal status was announced and 360 militants were arrested and 56 local supporters closed.

Adhered to the thesis of the XX Congress of the CPSU, which postulated the peaceful transition to socialism through the electoral route, among other points. In 1967 it underwent the biggest organized split in its history, which would lead to 4,000 members to separate, later forming the Revolutionary Communist Party, on 6 January 1968.

During the 1970s, the policy of the guerrilla movements in Latin America did not follow. Before the crisis of the government of Isabel Perón and the imminence of a military coup, the PCA began to "promote a joint, unitary, of the political parties, of the Church and of the Armed Forces towards the establishment of a civic-military cabinet ", says that later it would turn into the claim of a" civic-military convergence ".

The Central Committee of the PCA 27 28 did not condemn the coup d'état of 1976 and the consequent military dictatorship established at the beginning.26 29 30 31 32 A few days after the coup, an official publication of the PCA affirmed with respect to the new president: "Regarding his more precise formulations... we affirm emphatically that they constitute the basis of a liberating program that we share.... he affirms that no easy, miraculous or spectacular solutions will be given, be assured that nobody expects them... General Videla does not ask for adhesion, but understanding, he has it ".33 This position was based on a political characterization that "presented the Videla-Viola duo as the wing of renewed democracy, in front of a Pinochet wing, a non-predominant sector within the Armed Forces, channeled through Emilio Massera and Luciano Menéndez" and coincided with the support that the government of the Soviet Union offered the military dictatorship.31 26 This characterization was not easily accepted by all its militancy, which, between internal discussions, was distributed among those who trusted the word of the leaders and those who preferred to act for your account or refusing to accept directions from the addresses.34

The PCA was not affected by laws 21,322, 21,323 and 21,325 that dissolved some parties and left groups; its activity was suspended and, according to the report of the IACHR, like nine other political parties, it was subjected to "flexible government behavior" and was received in interviews by the military government.35 Despite this, a large number of PCA militants were persecuted, tortured, murdered and disappeared during the dictatorship.

Alberto Nadra affirms that the accusations made by the PCA before the IACHR allowed for the first time this organism to assume the existence of "state terrorism" in Argentina, taking as "pilot case" that of the student Inés Ollero, as well as the detention of almost 1,600 militants, the kidnapping of more than 500 and the murder of 150, show the objective resistance to the dictatorship, regardless of the public position of the PC.

In taking stock of this period on the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the coup d'état, the PCA issued a statement in which it stated: "each force in its own way, it cost us all to understand the novelty of the dictatorship imposed by the Yankees and supported by a vast political and social space... We made mistakes in assessing the internal contradictions of the Armed Forces, overestimating them and considering taking advantage of them in the fight against fascism. the actions in progress and the level of hegemony that the most pro-imperialist sectors had reached from the start.... We are not, as we know and we do not hide, an infallible force neither in the sayings nor in the behaviors, but we are proud of belonging to a party that resisted the attacks of the dictatorship with dignity and that gave its contribution to the solidarity struggle from the first day, in the interior of the country and also in n the outside ".

The PCA appeared as a plaintiff in two criminal cases against State terrorism exercised by the dictatorship.

One of those causes is that of the Floreal case Edgardo Avellaneda, known as "el Negrito", born in Rosario on 14 May 1961. He was a militant of the Communist Youth Federation and was in charge of the propaganda tasks in his neighborhood. He lived with his mother Iris Etelvina Pereyra de Avellaneda and his father Floreal Avellaneda, delegate of the Tensa textile factory, both militants of the Communist Party.

He was 15 years old when he was abducted from his home with his mother, he was illegally detained and tortured. His body was found on 14 May 1976 in the waters of the Río de la Plata. His body was found with serious signs of having suffered physical torture and having been the victim of impalement.

National Congresses

 * I Congress – held in 1918
 * II Congress – held in May 1919, the party breaks with the Second International
 * III Congress – held in December 1920
 * IV Congress – held in January 1922
 * V Congress – held in July 1923
 * VI Congress – held in July 1924
 * VII Congress – held in December 1925
 * VIII Congress – held in November 1928
 * IX Congress – held in January 1938
 * X Congress – held in November 1941
 * XI Congress – held in 1946
 * XII Congress – held in 1963
 * XIII Congress – held between 25 and 29 March 1969
 * XIV Congress – held on 22 August 1973, the party resolves to support the candidacy of Perón in the September 1973 presidential election.
 * XV Congress – held on 6 July 1982
 * XVI Congress – held in 1986
 * XVII Congress – held in 1990
 * Extraordinary Congress – held 1996, a group of militants breaks with the party and forms the PCCE

title: Communist Party of Argentina


text:
Robopsychology

Robopsychology is the study of the personalities and behavior of intelligent machines. The term was coined by Isaac Asimov in the short stories collected in I, Robot, which featured robopsychologist Dr. Susan Calvin, and whose plots largely revolved around the protagonist solving problems connected with intelligent robot behaviour. The term has been also used in some academic studies from the field of psychology and human–computer interactions, and it refers to the study of the psychological consequences of living in societies where the application of robotics is becoming increasingly common.

In real life
Andrea Kuszewski, a self-described robopsychologist gives the following examples of potential responsibilities for a robopsychologist in Discover.

There is a robopsychology research division at Ars Electronica Futurelab.
 * "Assisting in the design of cognitive architectures
 * Developing appropriate lesson plans for teaching AI targeted skills
 * Create guides to help the AI through the learning process
 * Address any maladaptive machine behaviors
 * Research the nature of ethics and how it can be taught and/or reinforced
 * Create new and innovative therapy approaches for the domain of computer-based intelligences"

The term "robopsychology" has been proposed to indicate a "sub-discipline in psychology to systematically study the psychological corollaries of living in societies where the application of robotic and artificial intelligence (AI) technologies is becoming increasingly common." According to proponents of robopsychology, such a discipline does not currently exist: a systematic review of scientific literature shows that in 2022 there was no psychological sub-discipline dedicated to the study of the effects robots have on people's lives.

A.V. Libin and E.V. Libin define the term as follows: "[it is] a systematic study of compatibility between people and artificial creatures on many different levels [...]. Robotic psychology studies individual differences in people’s interactions with various robots, as well as the diversity of the robots themselves, applying principles of differential psychology to the traditional fields of human factors and human–computer interactions. Moreover, robopsychologists study psychological mechanisms of the animation of the technological entity which result in a unique phenomenon defined as a robot’s “personality.”"

In fiction
As described by Asimov, robopsychology appears to be a mixture of detailed mathematical analysis and traditional psychology, applied to robots. Human psychology is also a part, covering human interaction with robots. This includes the "Frankenstein complex" – the irrational fear that robots (or other creations) will turn on their creator.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Robopsychology


text:
User talk:Fenkys

Bonjour Fenkys et bienvenu une nouvelle fois :-)

Anthère

Il fallait faire quelque chose. Je ne pouvais pas les laisser avec cette ratatouille hérétique.

Fenkys 13:52, 8 Nov 2003 (UTC)

eventuellement aussi, tu peux mettre un mot sur la page de discussion prévenant de modifs majeures et demandant a l'assemblée de ne pas trop y toucher. Mais le vérouillage... :-) Anthère

title: User talk:Fenkys


text:
Mani (musician)

Gary "Mani" Mounfield (born 16 November 1962 ) is an English rock bassist, best known for being a member of The Stone Roses and Primal Scream.

Career
Mounfield attended Xaverian College in Rusholme, Manchester. He developed an interest in darts, a sport he went on to champion throughout his career. He left school aged sixteen in 1979 and joined the band The Stone Roses (part of the "Madchester" music scene) in 1987. Playing on both of the band's albums, Mounfield was in the Stone Roses until they disbanded in 1996. Mounfield used a Rickenbacker 4005 Jackson Pollock-influenced paint-splattered bass guitar in the period after the Stone Roses debut album. He joined Primal Scream after Stone Roses disbanded. He claimed that Primal Scream were one of three other bands that he would be willing to join; the Jesus and Mary Chain and Oasis being the others. In 2003, with Damon Minchella having left Ocean Colour Scene, he toured with the band supporting the Stereophonics, and he also did a DJ set for Ocean Colour Scene at their December 2008 Manchester gig. He was a full-time Primal Scream member until 2011 when he left to rejoin the Stone Roses.

Mounfield has often been viewed as the most amiable member of the Roses, both while the band were still together and following their break-up. Whilst in the past he had claimed that the band would reform only after "Manchester City won the European Cup", he was also viewed as the most likely member to be up for a Roses reunion. During the band's split, he occasionally joined Ian Brown on stage for renditions of songs by the Stone Roses ("Waterfall", "Made of Stone", "I Am the Resurrection"), as happened in 2008 at Summercase Festival (in Madrid and Barcelona), when both Primal Scream and Brown were playing on the same day. Mounfield and ex-Stone Roses drummer Reni were interviewed for the Manchester Music show on BBC GMR whilst attending a gig by the Coral. Mounfield toured with the Enemy on their UK tour, which involved a rare partaking in backing vocals.

Mounfield has a guest role in the movie 24 Hour Party People (2002), and was in a supergroup band called Freebass with bass players Andy Rourke (ex-the Smiths) and Peter Hook (Joy Division/New Order). Freebass disbanded before releasing its debut album, It's a Beautiful Life, in 2010.

In 2006, Mani fulfilled a long held ambition by playing live the album he described as the "most influential of his life" in full at the 100 Club, with two of the original artists when he played with Rat Scabies & Brian James of The Damned, at the 30th anniversary of their debut album, Damned Damned Damned.

Mounfield appeared at the "Manchester Versus Cancer" event on 30 March 2007, performing a DJ set and appearing with Ian Brown for the finale, the Stone Roses' "I Am the Resurrection". He also appeared as a celebrity guest at the 2009 World Darts Championship. He made a guest appearance at Paul Weller's performance at the Manchester MEN arena on 4 December 2010, playing tambourine.

On 18 October 2011, after touring the album Screamadelica with Primal Scream for most of that year, Mani revealed he had left Primal Scream to reform the Stone Roses.

Personal life
Mounfield is a supporter of Manchester United and appeared on Sky One's programme Football Years. He also revealed on Play UK programme Nu Music that although he supports Manchester United in England, he is Mancunian Irish and was brought up to support Ireland. He has twin sons with his wife Imelda. His wife Imelda died of cancer in November 2023.

In 2019, Mani accepted the Made of Athy Award from his mother's hometown in Athy, Co. Kildare.

title: Mani (musician)


text:
The Stone Roses (album)

The Stone Roses is the debut studio album by English rock band the Stone Roses. It was recorded mostly at Battery Studios in London with producer John Leckie from June 1988 to February 1989 and released later that year on 2 May by Silvertone Records.

Despite not being an immediate success, the album grew popular alongside the band's high-profile concert performances, which also helped establish them as fixtures of the Madchester and baggy cultural scenes. The record's critical standing also improved significantly in later years, with The Stone Roses now considered to be one of the greatest albums of all time. It was voted number 11 in the third edition of Colin Larkin's All Time Top 1000 Albums (2000). It has sold over four million copies worldwide.

Background
Based in Manchester, where the so-called Madchester musical movement was centred, the Stone Roses formed in 1983. Between their formation and the release of their debut album, the band had gone through different names and line-ups, trying out different sounds, and released several singles on several different labels. They recorded their self-titled debut album with John Leckie, a producer who had worked with Pink Floyd on Meddle. The recording took place primarily at Battery Studios in London, with additional sessions at Konk, Coconut Grove Studios in Stockport, and Rockfield Studios in Wales. Leckie said that the band were "very well rehearsed" and that they "didn't seem to feel any pressure other than that they were a band making their first album and didn't want to lose the opportunity to make it good. So there wasn't any pressure to prove themselves – they knew they were good."

Music and lyrics
According to writers Sean Sennett and Simon Groth, the Stone Roses "virtually invented 'Madchester' and built a template for Brit-pop" with their debut album. The record has been associated with rave culture and dance music, although Angus Batey from The Quietus argued that it was a 1960s-inspired jangle pop album featuring little or no influence of dance beats or grooves, with the exception of "Fools Gold". According to AllMusic's Stephen Thomas Erlewine, the rhythm section of bassist Mani and drummer Reni played in a manner that was merely suggestive of dance rhythms, while Ian Brown dispassionately sang lyrics expressing arrogant sentiments such as "I Wanna Be Adored" and "I Am the Resurrection". In the opinion of Spin critic Andrew Unterberger, it sounded more like "an exercise in rock classicism", featuring accessible melodies like those of the Beatles and resonant guitars similar to the Byrds, along with "the cheeky (and quintessentially British) humor of the Smiths" and "the self-fulfilling arrogance of the Sex Pistols". The melody for the song "Elizabeth My Dear" was appropriated from the English traditional ballad "Scarborough Fair".

Artwork
As with most Stone Roses releases, the cover displays a work by the band's guitarist John Squire, in this case a Jackson Pollock-influenced piece titled "Bye Bye Badman", which makes reference to the May 1968 riots in Paris. The cover was named by Q magazine as one of "The 100 Best Record Covers of All Time." In the accompanying article, Squire said: "Ian [Brown] had met this French man when he was hitching around Europe, this bloke had been in the riots, and he told Ian how lemons had been used as an antidote to tear gas. Then there was the documentary—a great shot at the start of a guy throwing stones at the police. I really liked his attitude." The story was also the inspiration for the lyrics to the song of the same name. The background of the piece is based on the Giant's Causeway in Northern Ireland; the band had visited the causeway while playing a gig at the University of Ulster in Coleraine.

Release and promotion
The Stone Roses was released on 2 May 1989 by Silvertone, a division of Zomba Records created to work with "new rock" acts. While by this time the Madchester scene had already attracted some coverage from music publications, The Stone Roses originally received little attention from both consumers and critics in the United Kingdom. Bob Stanley from Melody Maker called it "godlike" and said the foundation of the music was John Squire's guitar playing, which he deemed "beautifully flowing, certainly psychedelic, there are elements of Hendrix (especially on 'Shoot You Down') and Marr (check the fade to 'Bye Bye Badman'), but the rest is the lad's own work". In Q, Peter Kane was less favourable and felt that The Stone Roses was a promising album weighed down by "strangely monotone production", while NME journalist Jack Barron wrote that it was merely "quite good" while giving it a score of seven on a scale of 10; the latter magazine later ranked it as the second best record of 1989 in their year-end list. In The Village Voice, US critic Robert Christgau wrote that the group was "overhyped" and no different from the numerous American indie bands, asking "what do they do that the Byrds and the Buffalo Springfield weren't doing better in 1967?" He concluded that "they're surprisingly 'eclectic.' Not all that good at it, but eclectic," despite some moments of good songwriting ("Bye Bye Badman", "I Wanna Be Adored").

To support the album, the band played several high-profile gigs, including one on 27 February 1989, at what was regarded as the centre of the associated Madchester and baggy scenes, Manchester's The Haçienda nightclub. Andrew Collins wrote in NME: "Bollocks to Morrissey at Wolverhampton, to The Sundays at The Falcon, to PWEI at Brixton – I'm already drafting a letter to my grandchildren telling them that I saw The Stone Roses at the Haçienda." The band's debut appearance on Top of the Pops in November 1989 helped the album receive more mainstream exposure. The album eventually brought them nationwide success and soon the band, along with fellow Madchester group Happy Mondays, were perceived as one of the key acts of the baggy scene. Their May 1990 Spike Island gig, organised by the band and attended by over 27,000 fans, also holds a formidable reputation. Critics have frequently labelled it the "Woodstock of the baggy generation".

The Stone Roses has sold over four million copies worldwide, according to the 2006 book covering the album for the 33⅓ music series.

Legacy and reappraisal
The Stone Roses was acclaimed by critics and musicians in subsequent years, being viewed as an even more important album than when it was first released, as reflected by its high ranking in polls of the greatest albums of all time. Reassessing it for NME upon its 1991 re-release, Mary Anne Hobbs deemed The Stone Roses "the most fluent crossover album of the last decade", and on its cultural impact, wrote: "Indie-dance was activated, its underground sister the rave scene outed, and Britain went Baggy." Rolling Stone's David Fricke later called it "a blast of magnificent arrogance, a fusion of Sixties-pop sparkle and the blown-mind drive of U.K. rave culture", while BBC Music's Chris Jones said it served as a peerless testament to the fusion of rock and dance music inspired by "working class hedonism" at the end of the 1980s. Mojo reviewer Pat Gilbert strongly recommended its 1999 reissue to listeners and stated that the album "set the tone for rock music in the '90s", while in Q, Ian Gittins wrote that with the album's "mercurial, timeless anthems", the band became "spokesmen for their generation". Bernadette McNulty of The Daily Telegraph believed the 2009 reissue polished the band's bold mix of discordant psychedelic sounds and clever dance beats, but that its legacy as a fabled debut album was enhanced more by the darker, masculine music that followed in Manchester during the 1990s. Zeth Lundy of The Boston Phoenix said it "has been deified by such dubious tastemakers as the NME and Oasis's Noel Gallagher — and the rest of us really like it too". PopMatters critic Jennifer Makowsky argued that "the psychedelic, drug-powered pop songs on the album earned the band a well-earned place in alternative music history."

However, American music journalist Jim DeRogatis felt The Stone Roses had been highly overrated by critics, pointing to a "lame retread disco beat" and "oh-so-dated chiming guitars", while Neil Kulkarni from The Quietus said its first three songs were enjoyable but preceded a "right barrel-load of shite afterwards". In an article on overhyped records for The Guardian, Peter Robinson said that The Stone Roses was "an average rock album – lyrically pedestrian and with a sonic policy swerving from the play-safe to the over-indulgent". Guardian journalist Penny Anderson criticised the length of certain tracks and noted that the record "doesn't half drag on", while Fiona Sturges of The Independent found Brown's singing and the band's lyrics to be remarkably poor, and objected to the editors of NME voting The Stone Roses the best British album of all time. After the record was voted the second-best ever in a UK public poll, Channel 4 broadcast a presentation of the results in which three of the presenters—musician Bob Geldof, critic Paul Gambaccini, and artist Justine Frischmann—were critical of the album's inclusion in the top 100 and attributed it to the generation of listeners who voted rather than the record's quality. Geldof claimed that the no. 2 placing was "ridiculous", and asserted that the band are "just an OK group."

Accolades
In 1997, The Stone Roses was named the second greatest album of all time in a "Music of the Millennium" poll conducted by HMV, Channel 4, The Guardian and Classic FM. In 1998, Q magazine readers placed it at number 4, while in 2000 the same magazine placed it at number 29 in its list of the "100 Greatest British Albums Ever." In 2004, the album was voted the best British album of all time in The Observer's poll of 100 musicians and critics. In 2006, Q placed the album at number 5 in its list of "40 Best Albums of the '80s". In 2008, it was named the fifth "greatest British album ever" by a Q magazine/HMV poll.

In 2000, it received the "greatest album ever" award at the NME Premier Awards show, and in 2006, the album topped the magazine's "100 Greatest British Albums Ever" list. In 2005, Spin magazine ranked it 78 on its list of the "100 greatest albums of the past twenty years." In the same year, when revising their list of the "500 Greatest Albums of All Time" for book format, Rolling Stone included it as one of eight new entries, placing it at number 497; in the 2012 revised list, they placed the album at number 498, saying that the album "single-handedly launched Nineties Brit pop", and in the 2020 update of the list the album's rank climbed to number 319. In 2006, Time named it one of "The All-TIME 100 Albums". In 2003, Pitchfork named it the 39th best album of the 1980s. In 2012, Slant Magazine listed the album at number 28 on its list of "Best Albums of the 1980s". The album was also included in the book 1001 Albums You Must Hear Before You Die. It was voted number 11 in the third edition of Colin Larkin's All Time Top 1000 Albums (2000).

In 2006, British Hit Singles & Albums and NME organised a poll of which, 40,000 people worldwide voted for the 100 best albums ever and The Stone Roses was placed at number seven on the list. In 2010, The Stone Roses won the Mojo Classic Album award. Upon announcing the award, Mojo noted how the band "managed to sum up an era and to create a piece of work that also transcends the time in which it was made." In 2013 The Flaming Lips and friends honoured the record with The Time Has Come to Shoot You Down… What a Sound, a reworking of the entire album. In 2014, the staff of PopMatters included the album on their list of "12 Essential Alternative Rock Albums from the 1980s".

In 2020, it came third in the BBC Radio 2 "Ultimate 80's Album" poll, beating albums such as "Thriller" by Michael Jackson, "Appetite for Destruction" by Guns N' Roses and "Purple Rain" by Prince. The listeners poll, which had "tens of thousands of votes", had a list of 50 albums to choose from that were selected by a panel of music experts. The shortlist was based on sales from each year of the decade, alongside a selection of albums that have endured the test of time.

Re-releases
In 1999, on the 10th anniversary of its release, a two-disc special edition re-release of The Stone Roses reached number nine on the UK Albums Chart. In 2007, a remastered version was released by Silvertone as a Carbon Neutral Entertainment CD (with tips about Energy Saving). In 2009, the remastered 20th anniversary edition was released in several formats: the standard 11-track album (with the bonus track "Fools Gold") on CD and 12" vinyl LP (the LP version includes a bonus one-sided 7" single featuring the unreleased demo track "Pearl Bastard"); a deluxe edition 2CD/1DVD set, featuring the album on disc one, a 15-track collection of unreleased demos titled The Lost Demos on disc two, and a DVD featuring a 1989 live performance titled Live in Blackpool; and a 3CD/3LP/1DVD collector's edition box set, which features:
 * The remastered 11-track album on one CD and one LP
 * The Lost Demos on one CD
 * The B-sides on one CD
 * Two LPs
 * Live in Blackpool DVD
 * A 48-page booklet, containing unpublished photos and new interviews
 * Six 12"-sized art prints featuring John Squire's original single artwork
 * A lemon-shaped USB stick, featuring digital files of:
 * The album, the demos, and the B-sides
 * Five previously unreleased "backwards tracks"
 * Six music videos
 * Up at Sawmills: The Making of Fools Gold documentary video
 * Exclusive desktop wallpapers, ringtones, and a 48-page digital booklet

Track listing
Note: The song "Elephant Stone" had been previously released as a single in October 1988 in the UK only, but was added to the US pressings of the album.

Personnel
Credits are adapted from the album's liner notes.

 * The Stone Roses
 * Ian Brown – vocals
 * Mani – bass guitar
 * Reni – drums, backing vocals, piano on "She Bangs the Drums"
 * John Squire – guitars, backing vocals on "She Bangs the Drums"
 * Production
 * Peter Hook – production on "Elephant Stone"
 * John Leckie – production, mixing engineering on "Elephant Stone"
 * Paul Schroeder – engineering
 * John Squire — artwork

title: The Stone Roses (album)


text:
Václav Talich

Václav Talich (28 May 1883, Kroměříž – 16 March 1961, Beroun) was a Czech violinist and later a musical pedagogue. He is remembered today as one of the greatest conductors of the 20th century, the object of countless reissues of his many recordings.

Life
Born in Kroměříž, Moravia, he started his musical career in a student orchestra in Klatovy. From 1897 to 1903 he studied violin with Otakar Ševčík at the Prague Conservatory, and later became the concertmaster of the Berlin Philharmonic for the 1903–04 season; he was so fascinated by the chief conductor Arthur Nikisch that he decided to become a conductor, studying conducting with Nikisch in Leipzig. He first conducted in Tbilisi in 1906, and his first conducting post was in Ljubljana with the Slovenian Philharmonic. He then went to Plzeň, where he conducted opera from 1912 to 1915. From 1915 to 1918 he was the violist of the Bohemian Quartet (later called Czech Quartet).

Talich's career with the Czech Philharmonic began on 30 October 1918 when he conducted the premiere of the symphonic poem Zrání (Ripening) by Josef Suk. From 1919 to 1941 he was the orchestra's chief conductor, raising its prestige to world levels, touring widely with it, and recording Czech music for EMI. Concurrently he was chief conductor of the Scottish National Orchestra in the 1926–27 season, and of the Konsertföreningen Orchestra in Stockholm from 1926 to 1936. In 1935 he was appointed chief opera administrator at the National Theatre in Prague, where he promoted works by Leoš Janáček, some of whose works he premiered. In 1944, he was dismissed from that post and the National Theatre was closed by the Nazi regime.

After the war, Talich was arrested by communists and accused of collaboration with the Germans. The accusations were refuted and he resumed his career in 1946, establishing the Czech Chamber Orchestra, with students of the Prague Conservatory. When in 1948 the orchestra was ordered by the regime to choose a different conductor or disband, it chose to disband. Talich then founded the Slovak Philharmonic in Bratislava, conducting it until 1952. He was also allowed to resume his association with the Czech Philharmonic, giving his last public performance with it in November 1954, though he made recordings and broadcasts with it until 1956. In 1957 he became a national artist, the highest distinction in Czechoslovakia.

Particularly noted for his interpretations of Czech composers such as Antonín Dvořák, Bedřich Smetana and Josef Suk, Talich also did much to bring the operas of Leoš Janáček into the standard repertoire. Talich also taught a good deal, with Karel Ančerl, Jaroslav Krombholc, Charles Mackerras, Ladislav Slovák, Ivan Romanoff, and Milan Munclinger among his pupils.

From 1936 Talich lived intermittently in Beroun, where he also died in 1961 at the age of 77. An elementary art school in the town was named in his honor, and the Talich's Beroun music festival, which has been held annually since 1983, is also named after him.

title: Václav Talich


text:
Pale of Settlement

The Pale of Settlement was a western region of the Russian Empire with varying borders that existed from 1791 to 1917 (de facto until 1915) in which permanent residency by Jews was allowed and beyond which Jewish residency, permanent or temporary, was mostly forbidden. Most Jews were still excluded from residency in a number of cities within the Pale as well. A few Jews were allowed to live outside the area, including those with university education, the ennobled, members of the most affluent of the merchant guilds and particular artisans, some military personnel and some services associated with them, including their families, and sometimes their servants. The archaic English term pale is derived from the Latin word palus, a stake, extended to mean the area enclosed by a fence or boundary.

The Pale of Settlement included all of modern-day Belarus and Moldova, much of Lithuania, Ukraine and east-central Poland, and relatively small parts of Latvia and what is now the western Russian Federation. It extended from the eastern pale, or demarcation line inside the country, westwards to the Imperial Russian border with the Kingdom of Prussia (later the German Empire) and Austria-Hungary. Furthermore, it comprised about 20% of the territory of European Russia and largely corresponded to historical lands of the former Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, Cossack Hetmanate, the Ottoman Empire (with Yedisan), Crimean Khanate, and eastern Principality of Moldavia (Bessarabia).

Life in the Pale for many was economically bleak. Most people relied on small service or artisan work that could not support the number of inhabitants, which resulted in emigration, especially in the late 19th century. Even so, Jewish culture, especially in Yiddish, developed in the shtetls (small towns), and intellectual culture developed in the yeshivot (religious schools) and was also carried abroad.

The Russian Empire during the existence of the Pale was predominantly Orthodox Christian, in contrast to the area included in the Pale with its large minorities of Jewish, Roman Catholic and until mid-19th century Eastern Catholic population (although much of modern Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova are predominantly Eastern Orthodox). While the religious nature of the edicts creating the Pale is clear (conversion to Russian Orthodoxy, the state religion, released individuals from the strictures), historians argue that the motivations for its creation and maintenance were primarily economic and nationalist in nature.

The end of the enforcement and formal demarcation of the Pale coincided with the beginning of World War I in 1914, when large numbers of Jews fled into the Russian interior to escape the invading German army, and then ultimately in 1917 with the end of the Russian Empire as a result of the February Revolution.

Etymology
See 'pale', English: Etymology 2.6. on Wiktionary.

History
The territory that would become the Pale first began to enter Imperial Russian hands in 1772, with the First Partition of Poland. At the time, most Jews (and in fact most imperial subjects) were restricted in their movements. The Pale came into being under the rule of Catherine the Great in 1791, initially as a measure to speed colonization of territory on the Black Sea recently acquired from the Ottoman Empire. Jews were allowed to expand the territory available to them, but in exchange Jewish merchants could no longer do business in non-Pale Russia.

The institution of the Pale became more significant following the Second Partition of Poland in 1793, since, until then, the empire's (former Muscovy's) Jewish population had been rather limited. The dramatic westward expansion of the Russian Empire through the annexation of Polish–Lithuanian territory substantially increased the Jewish population. At its height, the Pale had a Jewish population of over five million, and represented the largest component (40 percent) of the world's Jewish population at that time. The freedom of movement of non-Jewish imperial subjects was greatly increased, but the freedom of movement of Jews was greatly restricted and officially kept within the boundaries of the pale.

The name "Pale of Settlement" first arose under the rule of Tsar Nicholas I. Under his rule (1825 to 1855), the Pale gradually shrank and became more restrictive. In 1827, Jews living in Kyiv were severely restricted by imperial decree. In 1835 the provinces of Astrakhan and the North Caucasus were removed from the Pale. Nicholas tried to remove all Jews from within 50 miles of the Austrian Empire's border in 1843. In practice, this was very difficult to enforce, and the restrictions were lessened in 1858.

Tsar Alexander II, who ruled 1855 to 1881, expanded the rights of rich and educated Jews to leave and live beyond the Pale, which led many Jews to believe that the Pale might soon be abolished. These hopes vanished when Alexander II was assassinated in 1881. Rumors spread that he had been assassinated by Jews, and in the aftermath anti-Jewish sentiment skyrocketed. Anti-Jewish pogroms rocked the country from 1881 through 1884. The reactionary Temporary regulations regarding the Jews of 1881 prohibited any new Jewish settlement outside of the Pale. The laws also granted peasants the right to demand the expulsion of Jews in their towns. The laws were anything but temporary, and would be in full effect until at least 1903. In 1910, Jewish members of the State Duma proposed the abolition of the Pale, but the power dynamic of Duma meant that the bill never had a realistic chance to pass. Far-right political elements in the Duma responded by proposing that all Jews be expelled from the Russian Empire.

At times, by imperial decree Jews were forbidden to live in agricultural communities, or certain cities, (as in Kyiv, Sevastopol and Yalta), and were forced to move to small provincial towns, thus fostering the rise of the shtetls. Jewish merchants of the First Guild (купцы первой гильдии, the wealthiest sosloviye of merchants in the Russian Empire), people with higher or special education, university students, artisans, army tailors, ennobled Jews, soldiers (drafted in accordance with the Recruit Charter of 1810), and their families had the right to live outside the Pale of Settlement. In some periods, special dispensations were given for Jews to live in the major imperial cities, but these were tenuous, and several thousand Jews were expelled to the Pale from Moscow as late as 1891. The extremely restrictive decrees and recurrent pogroms led to much emigration from the Pale, mainly to the United States and Western Europe. However, emigration could not keep up with birth rates and expulsion of Jews from other parts of the Russian Empire, and thus the Jewish population of the Pale continued to grow.

During World War I, the Pale lost its rigid hold on the Jewish population when large numbers of Jews fled into the Russian interior to escape the invading German army. The Pale of Settlement de facto ceased to exist on August 19, 1915, when the administrator of the Ministry of Internal Affairs allowed, in view of the emergency circumstances of wartime, the residence of Jews in urban settlements outside the Pale of Settlement, with the exception of capitals and localities under the jurisdiction of the ministers of the imperial court and the military (that is, palace suburbs of Petrograd and the frontline). The Pale formally came to an end soon after the abdication of Nicholas II, and as revolution gripped Russia. On March 20 (April 2 N.S.), 1917, the Pale was abolished by the Russian Provisional Government decree, On the abolition of religious and national restrictions. The Second Polish Republic was reconstituted from much of the former territory of the Pale in the aftermath of World War I. Subsequently, most of the Jewish population of the area would perish in the Holocaust one generation later.

Jewish life in the Pale

Jewish life in the shtetls (שטעטלעך  "little towns") of the Pale of Settlement was hard and poverty-stricken. Following the Jewish religious tradition of tzedakah (charity), a sophisticated system of volunteer Jewish social welfare organizations developed to meet the needs of the population. Various organizations supplied clothes to poor students, provided kosher food to Jewish soldiers conscripted into the Imperial Russian Army, dispensed free medical treatment for the poor, offered dowries and household gifts to destitute brides, and arranged for technical education for orphans. According to historian Martin Gilbert's Atlas of Jewish History, no province in the Pale had less than 14% of Jews on relief; Lithuanian and Ukrainian Jews supported as much as 22% of their poor populations.

The concentration of Jews in the Pale, coupled with Tsar Alexander III's "fierce hatred of the Jews", and the rumors that Jews had been involved in the assassination of his father Tsar Alexander II, made them easy targets for pogroms and anti-Jewish riots by the majority population. These, along with the repressive May Laws, often devastated whole communities. Though attacks occurred throughout the existence of the Pale, particularly devastating Russian pogroms occurred from 1881 to 1883 and from 1903 to 1906, targeting hundreds of communities, assaulting thousands of Jews, and causing considerable property damage.

Most Jews could not engage in agriculture due to the nature of the Pale, and were thus predominantly merchants, artisans, and shopkeepers. This made poverty a serious issue among the Jews. However, a robust Jewish community welfare system arose; by the end of the 19th century nearly 1 in 3 Jews in the Pale were being supported by Jewish welfare organizations. This Jewish support system included, but was not limited to, providing free medicine to the poor, giving dowries to poor brides, kosher food to Jewish soldiers, and education to orphans.

One outgrowth of the concentration of Jews in a circumscribed area was the development of the modern yeshiva system. Prior to the Pale, schools to study the Talmud were a luxury. This began to change when the rabbi Chaim of Volozhin began a sort of national-level yeshiva. In 1803, he founded the Volozhin Yeshiva and began to attract large number of students from around the Pale. The Tsarist authorities were not pleased with the school and sought to make it more secular, eventually closing it in 1879. The authorities re-opened it in 1881, but required all teachers to have diplomas from Russian institutions and to teach Russian language and culture. This requirement was not only untenable to the Jews, but essentially impossible, and the school closed for the last time in 1892. Regardless, the school had great impact: its students went on to form many new yeshivas in the Pale, and reignited the study of the Talmud in Russia.

After 1886, the Jewish quota was applied to education, with the percentage of Jewish students limited to no more than 10% within the Pale, 5% outside the Pale and 3% in the capitals of Moscow, St. Petersburg, and Kyiv. The quotas in the capitals, however, were increased slightly in 1908 and 1915.

Amid the difficult conditions in which the Jewish population lived and worked, the courts of Hasidic dynasties flourished in the Pale. Thousands of followers of rebbes such as the Gerrer Rebbe Yehudah Aryeh Leib Alter (known as the Sfas Emes), the Chernobyler Rebbe, and the Vizhnitzer Rebbe flocked to their towns for the Jewish holidays and followed their rebbes' minhagim (מנהגים, Jewish practices) in their own homes.

The tribulations of Jewish life in the Pale of Settlement were immortalized in the writings of Yiddish authors such as humorist Sholem Aleichem, whose novel Tevye der Milkhiger (טבֿיה דער מילכיקער, Tevye the Milkman, in the form of the narration of Tevye from a fictional shtetl of Anatevka to the author) forms the basis of the theatrical (and subsequent film) production Fiddler on the Roof. Because of the harsh conditions of day-to-day life in the Pale, some two million Jews emigrated from there between 1881 and 1914, mainly to the United States.

Territories of the Pale
The Pale of Settlement included the following areas.

1791
The ukase of Catherine the Great of December 23, 1791 limited the Pale to:

 * Western Krai:
 * Mogilev Governorate
 * Polotsk Governorate (later reorganized into Vitebsk Governorate)
 * Little Russia (Ukraine):
 * Kiev Governorate
 * Chernigov Governorate
 * Novgorod-Seversky Viceroyalty (later became Poltava Governorate)
 * Novorossiya Governorate
 * Yekaterinoslav Viceroyalty
 * Taurida Oblast (Crimea)

1794
After the Second Partition of Poland, the ukase of June 23, 1794, the following areas were added:
 * Minsk Governorate
 * Mogilev Governorate
 * Polotsk Governorate
 * Kiev Governorate
 * Volhynian Governorate
 * Podolia Governorate

1795
After the Third Partition of Poland, the following areas were added:
 * Vilna Governorate
 * Grodno Governorate

1805–1835
After 1805 the Pale gradually shrank, and became limited to the following areas:
 * Lithuanian governorates
 * Southwestern Krai
 * Belarus without rural areas
 * Malorossiya (Little Russia or Ukraine) without rural areas
 * Chernigov Governorate
 * Novorossiya without Nikolaev and Sevastopol
 * Kiev Governorate without Kiev
 * Baltic governorates closed for arriving Jews

Rural areas for 50 verst from the western border were closed for new settlement of the Jews.

After 1836

 * Chernigov Governorate, Poltava Governorate, Taurida Governorate (Crimea), Kherson Governorate, Bessarabia Governorate, Velizh Governorate.
 * Northwest Territories (Lithuania and Belarus): Vilnius, Kaunas, Grodno, Minsk, Mogilev, Vitebsk governorates.
 * Southwestern Krai (Ukraine): Kiev, Volhynian Governorates.
 * Kingdom of Poland: Warsaw, Lublin, Płock, Kalisz, Piotrków, Kielce, Radom, Siedlce, Augustów gubernias (divided into Suwałki and Łomża in 1867).

In 1917 Congress Poland did not belong to the Pale of Settlement but Jews were allowed to settle there.

Final demographics
According to the 1897 census, the governates or guberniyas had the following percentages of Jews:

In 1882 it was forbidden for Jews to settle in rural areas.

The following cities within the Pale were excluded from it:
 * Kiev
 * Nikolaev
 * Sevastopol
 * Yalta

In popular culture

 * Fiddler on the Roof, which was later adapted into a film, was located in the Pale of 1905 in the fictional town of Anatevka, Ukraine.
 * Yentl, also adapted into a film, was located in the Pale of 1873 Poland.
 * Some novels of Isaac Bashevis Singer take place in the Pale.

title: Pale of Settlement


text:
Fast food

Fast food is a type of mass-produced food designed for commercial resale, with a strong priority placed on speed of service. Fast food is a commercial term, limited to food sold in a restaurant or store with frozen, preheated or precooked ingredients and served in packaging for take-out or takeaway. Fast food was created as a commercial strategy to accommodate large numbers of busy commuters, travelers and wage workers. In 2018, the fast-food industry was worth an estimated $570 billion globally.

The fastest form of "fast food" consists of pre-cooked meals which reduce waiting periods to mere seconds. Other fast-food outlets, primarily hamburger outlets such as McDonald's and Burger King, use mass-produced, pre-prepared ingredients (bagged buns and condiments, frozen beef patties, vegetables which are pre-washed, pre-sliced, or both; etc.) and cook the meat and french fries fresh, before assembling "to order".

Fast-food restaurants are traditionally distinguished by the drive-through. Outlets may be stands or kiosks, which may provide no shelter or seating, or fast-food restaurants (also known as quick-service restaurants). Franchise operations that are part of restaurant chains have standardized foodstuffs shipped to each restaurant from central locations.

Many fast foods tend to be high in saturated fat, sugar, salt and calories. Fast-food consumption has been linked to increased risk of cardiovascular disease, colorectal cancer, obesity, high cholesterol, insulin resistance conditions and depression. These correlations remain strong even when controlling for confounding lifestyle variables, suggesting a strong association between fast-food consumption and increased risk of disease and early mortality.

History

The concept of ready-cooked food for sale is closely connected with urban developments. Homes in emerging cities often lacked adequate space or proper food preparation accoutrements. Additionally, procuring cooking fuel could cost as much as purchased produce. Frying foods in vats of searing oil proved as dangerous as it was expensive. Homeowners feared that a rogue cooking fire "might easily conflagrate an entire neighborhood". Thus, urbanites were encouraged to purchase pre-prepared meats or starches, such as bread or noodles, whenever possible. This also ensured that customers with strictly limited time (a commuter stopping to procure dinner to bring home to their family, for example, or an hourly laborer on a short lunch break) were not inconvenienced by waiting for their food to be cooked on-the-spot (as is expected from a traditional "sit down" restaurant). In Ancient Rome, cities had street stands – a large counter with a receptacle in the middle from which food or drink would have been served. It was during post-WWII American economic boom that Americans began to spend more and buy more as the economy boomed and a culture of consumerism bloomed. As a result of this new desire to have it all, coupled with the strides made by women while the men were away, both members of the household began to work outside the home. Eating out, which had previously been considered a luxury, became a common occurrence, and then a necessity. Workers, and working families, needed quick service and inexpensive food for both lunch and dinner. The traditional family dinner is increasingly being replaced by the consumption of takeaway fast food. As a result, the time invested on food preparation is getting lower, with an average woman in the United States spending 47 minutes per day preparing food and the average man spending 19 minutes per day in 2013.

Pre-industrial Old World
In the cities of Roman antiquity, much of the urban population living in insulae, multi-story apartment blocks, depended on food vendors for many of their meals; the Forum itself served as a marketplace where Romans could purchase baked goods and cured meats. In the mornings, bread soaked in wine was eaten as a quick snack and cooked vegetables and stews later in popina, a simple type of eating establishment. In Asia, 12th-century Chinese ate fried dough, soups and stuffed buns, all of which still exist as contemporary snack food. Their Baghdadi contemporaries supplemented home-cooked meals with processed legumes, purchased starches, and even ready-to-eat meats. During the Middle Ages, large towns and major urban areas such as London and Paris supported numerous vendors that sold dishes such as pies, pasties, flans, waffles, wafers, pancakes and cooked meats. As in Roman cities during antiquity, many of these establishments catered to those who did not have means to cook their own food, particularly single households. Unlike richer town dwellers, many often could not afford housing with kitchen facilities and thus relied on fast food. Travelers such as pilgrims en route to a holy site, were among the customers.

United Kingdom
In areas with access to coastal or tidal waters, 'fast food' frequently included local shellfish or seafood, such as oysters or, as in London, eels. Often this seafood was cooked directly on the quay or close by. The development of trawler fishing in the mid-nineteenth century led to the development of a British favourite, fish and chips, and the first shop in 1860.

A blue plaque at Oldham's Tommyfield Market marks the origin of the fish and chip shop and fast food industries. As a cheap fast food served in a wrapper, fish and chips became a stock meal among the Victorian working classes. Via the Industrial Revolution the fish and chip business expanded rapidly in Britain during the 19th century to satisfy the needs of the growing industrial population. By 1910, there were more than 25,000 fish and chip shops across the UK, and in the 1920s there were more than 35,000 shops. Harry Ramsden's fast food restaurant chain opened its first fish and chip shop in Guiseley, West Yorkshire in 1928. On a single day in 1952, the shop served 10,000 portions of fish and chips, earning a place in the Guinness Book of Records.

British fast food had considerable regional variation. Sometimes the regionality of a dish became part of the culture of its respective area, such as the Cornish pasty and deep-fried Mars bar. The content of fast food pies has varied, with poultry (such as chickens) or wildfowl commonly being used. Since the Second World War, turkey has been used more frequently in fast food. The UK has adopted fast food from other cultures as well, such as pizza, doner kebab, and curry. More recently, healthier alternatives to conventional fast food have also emerged.

United States

As automobiles became popular and more affordable following World War I, drive-in restaurants were introduced. The American company White Castle, founded by Billy Ingram and Walter Anderson in Wichita, Kansas in 1921, is generally credited with opening the first fast food outlet and first hamburger chain, selling hamburgers for five cents each. Walter Anderson had built the first White Castle restaurant in Wichita in 1916, introducing the limited menu, high-volume, low-cost, high-speed hamburger restaurant. Among its innovations, the company allowed customers to see the food being prepared. White Castle was successful from its inception and spawned numerous competitors.

Franchising was introduced in 1921 by A&W Root Beer, which franchised its distinctive syrup. Howard Johnson's first franchised the restaurant concept in the mid-1930s, formally standardizing menus, signage and advertising.

Curb service was introduced in the late 1920s and was mobilized in the 1940s when carhops strapped on roller skates.

The United States has the largest fast food industry in the world, and American fast food restaurants are located in over 100 countries. Approximately 5.4 million U.S. workers are employed in the areas of food preparation and food servicing, including fast food in the US as of 2018. Worries of an obesity epidemic and its related illnesses have inspired many local government officials in the United States to propose to limit or regulate fast-food restaurants. Yet, US adults are unwilling to change their fast food consumption even in the face of rising costs and unemployment characterized by the great recession, suggesting an inelastic demand. However, some areas are more affected than others. In Los Angeles County, for example, about 45% of the restaurants in South Central Los Angeles are fast-food chains or restaurants with minimal seating. By comparison, only 16% of those on the Westside are such restaurants.

In 2023, the median age of a fast-food worker was 22, and workers' wages make up about one third of the cost of operating a fast food restaurant.

On the go
Fast food outlets are take-away or take-out providers that promise quick service. Such fast food outlets often come with a "drive-through" service that lets customers order and pick up food from their vehicles. Others have indoor or outdoor seating areas where customers can eat on-site. The boom in IT services has allowed customers to order food from their homes through their smartphone apps in recent times.

Nearly from its inception, fast food has been designed to be eaten "on the go," often does not require traditional cutlery, and is eaten as a finger food. Common menu items at fast food outlets include fish and chips, sandwiches, pitas, hamburgers, fried chicken, french fries, onion rings, chicken nuggets, tacos, pizza, hot dogs, and ice cream, though many fast food restaurants offer "slower" foods like chili, mashed potatoes, and salads.

Filling stations
Convenience stores located within many petrol/gas stations sell pre-packaged sandwiches, doughnuts, and hot food. Many gas stations in the United States and Europe also sell frozen foods, and have microwave ovens on the premises in which to prepare them. Petrol Stations in Australia sell foods such as hot pies, sandwiches, and chocolate bars, which are easy for a customer to access while on their journey. Petrol stations are a place that are often open long hours and are open before and after shop trading hours, therefore, it makes it easy to access for consumers.

Street vendors and concessions
Traditional street food is available around the world, usually through small and independent vendors operating from a cart, table, portable grill or motor vehicle. Common examples include Vietnamese rice soup vendors, Middle Eastern falafel stands, New York City hot dog carts, and taco trucks. Turo-Turo vendors (Tagalog for point point) are a feature of Philippine life. Commonly, street vendors provide a colorful and varying range of options designed to captivate passers-by and attract as much attention as possible quickly.

Multiple street vendors may specialize in specific types of food; typically, they are characteristic of a given cultural or ethnic tradition depending on the locale. In some cultures, it is typical for street vendors to call out prices, sing or chant sales-pitches, play music, or engage in other forms of "street theatrics" to engage prospective customers. In some cases, this can garner more attention than the food.

Cuisine
Modern commercial fast food is often ultra-processed food and prepared in an industrial fashion, i.e., on a large scale with standard ingredients and standardized cooking and production methods. It is usually rapidly served in cartons or bags or in plastic wrapping, in a fashion that minimizes cost. In most fast food operations, menu items are generally made from processed ingredients prepared at a central supply facility and then shipped to individual outlets where they are reheated, cooked (usually by microwave or deep frying) or assembled in a short amount of time. This process ensures a consistent level of product quality. It is key to being able to deliver the order quickly to the customer and eliminate labor and equipment costs in the individual stores.

Because of commercial emphasis on quickness, uniformity and low cost, fast food products are often made with ingredients formulated to achieve a certain flavor or consistency and to preserve freshness.

Variants
Chinese takeaways/takeout restaurants are particularly popular in Western countries such as the US and UK. They normally offer a wide variety of Asian food (not always Chinese), which has normally been fried. Most options are some form of noodles, rice, or meat. In some cases, the food is presented as a smörgåsbord, sometimes self service. The customer chooses the size of the container they wish to buy, and then is free to fill it with their choice of food. It is common to combine several options in one container, and some outlets charge by weight rather than by item. In large cities, these restaurants may offer free delivery for purchases over a minimum amount.

Sushi has seen rapidly rising popularity recently in the Western world. A form of fast food created in Japan (where bentō is the Japanese variety of fast food), sushi is normally cold sticky rice flavored with a sweet rice vinegar and served with some topping (often fish), or, as in the most popular kind in the West, rolled in nori (dried green laver) with filling. The filling often includes fish, seafood, chicken or cucumber.

Pizza is a common fast food category in the United States, with nationwide chains including Papa John's, Domino's Pizza, Sbarro and Pizza Hut. It trails only the burger industry in supplying children's fast food calories. Menus are more limited and standardized than in traditional pizzerias, and pizza delivery is offered.

Kebab houses are a form of fast food restaurant from the Middle East, especially Turkey and Lebanon. Meat is shaven from a rotisserie, and is served on a warmed flatbread with salad and a choice of sauce and dressing. These doner kebabs or shawarmas are distinct from shish kebabs served on sticks. Kebab shops are also found throughout the world, especially Europe, New Zealand and Australia but they generally are less common in the US.

Fish and chip shops are a form of fast food popular in the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand. Fish is battered and then deep fried, and served with deep-fried potato strips.

The Dutch have their own types of fast food. A Dutch fast food meal often consists of a portion of french fries (called friet or patat) with a sauce and a meat product. The most common sauce to accompany french fries is fritessaus. It is a sweet, vinegary and low fat mayonnaise substitute, that the Dutch nevertheless still call "mayonnaise". When ordering it is very often abbreviated to met (literally "with"). Other popular sauces are ketchup or spiced ketchup ("curry"), Indonesian style peanut sauce ("satésaus" or "pindasaus") or piccalilli. Sometimes the fries are served with combinations of sauces, most famously speciaal (special): mayonnaise, with (spiced) ketchup and chopped onions; and oorlog (literally "war"): mayonnaise and peanut sauce (sometimes also with ketchup and chopped onions). The meat product is usually a deep fried snack; this includes the frikandel (a deep fried skinless minced meat sausage), and the kroket (deep fried meat ragout covered in breadcrumbs).

In Portugal, there are some varieties of local fast-food and restaurants specialized in this type of local cuisine. Some of the most popular foods include frango assado (Piri-piri grilled chicken previously marinated), francesinha, francesinha poveira, espetada (turkey or pork meat on two sticks) and bifanas (pork cutlets in a specific sauce served as a sandwich). This type of food is also often served with french fries (called batatas fritas), some international chains started appearing specialized in some of the typical Portuguese fast food such as Nando's.

An example of a local form of fast food in Poland is pasztecik szczeciński, a deep-fried yeast dough stuffed with meat or vegetarian filling, typical fast food dish of the city of Szczecin well known in many other cities in the country. A dish is on Polish List of traditional products. The first bar serving pasztecik szczeciński, Bar "Pasztecik" founded in 1969, is located on Wojska Polskiego Avenue 46 in Szczecin.

A fixture of East Asian cities is the noodle shop. Flatbread and falafel are today ubiquitous in the Middle East. Popular Indian fast food dishes include vada pav, panipuri and dahi vada. In the French-speaking nations of West Africa, roadside stands in and around the larger cities continue to sell—as they have done for generations—a range of ready-to-eat, char-grilled meat sticks known locally as brochettes (not to be confused with the bread snack of the same name found in Europe)

Business
In the United States, consumers spent $160 billion on fast food in 2012 (up from $6 billion in 1970). In 2013, the US restaurant industry had total projected sales of $660.5 billion. Fast food has been losing market share to fast casual dining restaurants, which offer more robust and expensive cuisines. Due to this competition, fast food giants have seen dramatic drops in their sales. While overall fast food sales have fallen, the number of Americans who eat in these restaurants "once a month or 'a few times a year'" has risen.

In contrast to the rest of the world, American citizens spend a much smaller amount of their income on food — largely due to various government subsidies that make fast food cheap and easily accessible. Calorie for calorie, foods sold in fast food restaurants, costs less and is more energy-dense, and is made mostly of products that the government subsidizes heavily: corn, soy, and beef.

The Australian fast food market is valued at more than 2.7 billion GPB and is composed of 1.4 billion fast food meals. This includes meals serviced at 17,000 fast food outlets. The fast food market has experienced an average annual growth rate of 6.5 percent, which is the most rapidly growing sector of the retail food market.

Advertising
In 2012, fast food restaurants spent roughly US$4.6 billion on advertising campaigns, which represented an 8% increase from 2009. In the same period of time, McDonald's spent nearly three times as much on advertising as all water, milk, and produce advertisers spent combined.

A study done by researchers from the Geisel School of Medicine at Dartmouth College saw results that suggest that when children watch more commercial television (and see more advertisements on fast food), they are more inclined to ask to visit these subsequent fast food restaurants. Specifically, fast food restaurants have been increasing their advertising efforts that target Black and Hispanic youth. A 2021 report from the Rudd Center for Food Policy & Obesity indicated that fast-food restaurants spent about $318 million on Spanish-language TV channels. The same report found that fast-food restaurants spent about $99 million on majority Black viewer TV channels. Black youth groups viewed fast-food advertisements about more than white youth groups.

The Council of Better Business Bureaus started the Children's Food and Beverage Advertising Initiative in 2006 which asked fast food companies to pledge to "advertise only more healthful products to children" with McDonald's and Burger King signing on. However, despite a slight increase in healthful food advertising, the effectiveness of this initiative has been disputed by studies that reveal that "children couldn't remember or identify healthful foods in the ads, and that 81 percent of the 99 3 to 7 year olds in that study recalled French fries" even though there were no french fries in the advertisement.

Employment
According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, about 4.1 million U.S. workers are employed in food preparation and serving (including fast food) as of 2010. The BLS's projected job outlook expects average growth and excellent opportunity as a result of high turnover. However, in April 2011, McDonald's hired approximately 62,000 new workers and received a million applications for those positions—an acceptance rate of 6.2%. The median age of workers in the industry in 2013 was 28. Obtaining Human Resource Management diploma or diploma in Fast Food Management can help to get a job in major fast food restaurants since it is one of the most desired.

Globalization

In 2006, the global fast-food market grew by 4.8% and reached a value of £102.4 billion and a volume of 80.3 billion transactions. McDonald's alone, has outlets in 126 countries on 6 continents and operates over 31,000 restaurants worldwide.

One example of McDonald's expansion on a global scale was its introduction to the Russian market. In order for the American business to succeed it would have to be accepted and integrated into the daily lives of natives in Moscow. Thus, the restaurant was strategically implemented so that its offerings would align with the distinct and established eating habits, also known as the customs around food, eating and cooking, of Muscovites. One significant characteristic of Russian food culture is the emphasis on knowing about the locality of goods that are consumed. Essentially, in order to successfully launch this American brand in a foreign country, McDonald's interpreted the local interests of consumers in Moscow by promoting the origins of the produce used in the restaurant. On January 31, 1990, McDonald's opened a restaurant in Moscow and broke opening-day records for customers served. The Moscow restaurant is the busiest in the world.

The largest McDonald's in the world, with 25,000 feet of play tubes, an arcade and play center, is located in Orlando, Florida, United States

There are numerous other fast food restaurants located all over the world. Burger King has more than 11,100 restaurants in more than 65 countries. KFC is located in 25 countries. Subway is one of the fastest growing franchises in the world with approximately 39,129 restaurants in 90 countries as of May 2009, the first non-US location opening in December 1984 in Bahrain. Wienerwald has spread from Germany into Asia and Africa. Pizza Hut is located in 97 countries, with 100 locations in China. Taco Bell has 278 restaurants located in 14 countries besides the United States.

Criticism
Fast-food chains have come under criticism over concerns ranging from claimed negative health effects, alleged animal cruelty, cases of worker exploitation, and claims of cultural degradation via shifts in people's eating patterns away from traditional foods.

The intake of fast food is increasing worldwide. A study done in the city of Jeddah has shown that current fast-food habits are related to the increase of overweight and obesity among adolescents in Saudi Arabia. In 2014, the World Health Organization published a study which claims that deregulated food markets are largely to blame for the obesity crisis, and suggested tighter regulations to reverse the trend. In the United States, local governments are restricting fast-food chains by limiting the number of restaurants found in certain geographical areas.

To combat criticism, fast-food restaurants are starting to offer more health-friendly menu items. In addition to health criticisms, there are suggestions for the fast-food industry to become more eco-friendly. The chains have responded by "reducing packaging waste".

Although trying to overcome criticism through healthy options on fast-food menus, Marion Nestle, who serves as the chair of New York University's Department of Nutrition and Food Studies, suggests that fast-food industries intentionally market unhealthy foods to children through advertising options and therefore create customers for life.

Despite so much popularity, fast foods and fast-food chains have adverse impacts not only on the job and social skills, but on the health and academic performance of students. Fifty-six percent of students consume fast food on a weekly basis. The researcher who wrote Fast Food Nation, Eric Schlosser, highlights this fact, arguing that this is not only a financial but also a psychological bait, in that the students are lured towards this early employment opportunity knowing little that the time spent on this no-skill-learning job is wasted. The dangerous impacts and consequences regarding the hiring and firing of teenage school-goers in the fast-food industry have also been a point of criticism of the fast-food industry. Kelly Brownwell of The Atlantic has further supported this argument that Burger King and McDonald's adopted another dangerous practice for marketing to innocent children.

Also, the percentage of the students having consumed fast food and showed poor grades was around 11 percent more than those who used organic foods. They are of the view that other social factors such as television-watching, video games and playing were controlled to assess the real impacts of fast foods.

There have been books and films, such as the 2004 film Super Size Me, designed to highlight the potential negative health effects from the overconsumption of fast food, such as its contribution to obesity.

title: Fast food


text:
Yuri Temirkanov

Yuri Khatuevich Temirkanov (Ю́рий Хату́евич Темирка́нов; Темыркъан Хьэту и къуэ Юрий; 10 December 1938 – 2 November 2023) was a Soviet and Russian conductor, People's Artist of the USSR.

Early life
Born in 1938 in the North Caucasus city of Nalchik, Temirkanov attended the Leningrad School for Talented Children where he continued his studies in violin and viola.

Career
In 1968, he was appointed Principal Conductor of the then-renamed Leningrad Symphony where he remained until his appointment as Music Director of the Kirov Opera and Ballet in 1976.

Temirkanov was the first Soviet artist permitted to perform in the United States after cultural relations were resumed with the Soviet Union at the end of the Soviet–Afghan War in 1988.

Temirkanov became artistic director and chief conductor of the St. Petersburg Philharmonic in 1988. He was music director of the Baltimore Symphony Orchestra from 2000 until 2006. He served as principal guest conductor of the Danish National Symphony Orchestra and conductor laureate of the Royal Philharmonic Orchestra in London. In 2015, the Teatro La Fenice awarded Temirkanov its prize 'A Life for Music' (unofficially known as the Nobel Prize for Musicians).

Death
Yuri Temirkanov died on 2 November 2023, at the age of 84.

Controversy
Temirkanov drew attention for saying that women are essentially weak and thus not well suited to be classical conductors. In a 2016 interview, he stated:

 * "Yes, women can be conductors. I am not against them conducting. But I simply don't like it."

Honors and awards

 * State Prize of the Russian Federation in Literature and Art in 1998 (4 June 1999) – for concert programs 1995–1998 Academic Symphony Orchestra, St. Petersburg Philharmonic Society named after Shostakovich
 * Russian Federation President Prize in Literature and Art in 2002 (13 February 2003)
 * The 6432 Temirkanov asteroid was named after the conductor (1975)
 * JPN Kyokujitsu-sho 3Class BAR.svg Order of the Rising Sun, 3rd Class, Gold Rays with Neck Ribbon (2015)

title: Yuri Temirkanov


text:
Constructive proof

In mathematics, a constructive proof is a method of proof that demonstrates the existence of a mathematical object by creating or providing a method for creating the object. This is in contrast to a non-constructive proof (also known as an existence proof or pure existence theorem), which proves the existence of a particular kind of object without providing an example. For avoiding confusion with the stronger concept that follows, such a constructive proof is sometimes called an effective proof.

A constructive proof may also refer to the stronger concept of a proof that is valid in constructive mathematics. Constructivism is a mathematical philosophy that rejects all proof methods that involve the existence of objects that are not explicitly built. This excludes, in particular, the use of the law of the excluded middle, the axiom of infinity, and the axiom of choice, and induces a different meaning for some terminology (for example, the term "or" has a stronger meaning in constructive mathematics than in classical).

Some non-constructive proofs show that if a certain proposition is false, a contradiction ensues; consequently the proposition must be true (proof by contradiction). However, the principle of explosion (ex falso quodlibet) has been accepted in some varieties of constructive mathematics, including intuitionism.

Constructive proofs can be seen as defining certified mathematical algorithms: this idea is explored in the Brouwer–Heyting–Kolmogorov interpretation of constructive logic, the Curry–Howard correspondence between proofs and programs, and such logical systems as Per Martin-Löf's intuitionistic type theory, and Thierry Coquand and Gérard Huet's calculus of constructions.

A historical example
Until the end of 19th century, all mathematical proofs were essentially constructive. The first non-constructive constructions appeared with Georg Cantor’s theory of infinite sets, and the formal definition of real numbers.

The first use of non-constructive proofs for solving previously considered problems seems to be Hilbert's Nullstellensatz and Hilbert's basis theorem. From a philosophical point of view, the former is especially interesting, as implying the existence of a well specified object.

The Nullstellensatz may be stated as follows: If $$f_1,\ldots,f_k$$ are polynomials in $n$ indeterminates with complex coefficients, which have no common complex zeros, then there are polynomials $$g_1,\ldots, g_k$$ such that
 * $$f_1g_1+\ldots +f_kg_k=1.$$

Such a non-constructive existence theorem was such a surprise for mathematicians of that time that one of them, Paul Gordan, wrote: "this is not mathematics, it is theology".

Twenty five years later, Grete Hermann provided an algorithm for computing $$g_1,\ldots, g_k,$$ which is not a constructive proof in the strong sense, as she used Hilbert's result. She proved that, if $$g_1,\ldots, g_k$$ exist, they can be found with degrees less than $$2^{2^n}$$.

This provides an algorithm, as the problem is reduced to solving a system of linear equations, by considering as unknowns the finite number of coefficients of the $$g_i.$$

Non-constructive proofs
First consider the theorem that there are an infinitude of prime numbers. Euclid's proof is constructive. But a common way of simplifying Euclid's proof postulates that, contrary to the assertion in the theorem, there are only a finite number of them, in which case there is a largest one, denoted n. Then consider the number n! + 1 (1 + the product of the first n numbers). Either this number is prime, or all of its prime factors are greater than n. Without establishing a specific prime number, this proves that one exists that is greater than n, contrary to the original postulate.

Now consider the theorem "there exist irrational numbers $$a$$ and $$b$$ such that $$a^b$$ is rational." This theorem can be proven by using both a constructive proof, and a non-constructive proof.

The following 1953 proof by Dov Jarden has been widely used as an example of a non-constructive proof since at least 1970: CURIOSA 339. A Simple Proof That a Power of an Irrational Number to an Irrational Exponent May Be Rational. $$\sqrt{2}^{\sqrt{2}}$$ is either rational or irrational. If it is rational, our statement is proved. If it is irrational, $$(\sqrt{2}^{\sqrt{2}})^{\sqrt{2}} = 2$$ proves our statement. Dov Jarden    Jerusalem

In a bit more detail:

 * Recall that $$\sqrt{2}$$ is irrational, and 2 is rational. Consider the number $$q = \sqrt{2}^{\sqrt2}$$. Either it is rational or it is irrational.
 * If $$q$$ is rational, then the theorem is true, with $$a$$ and $$b$$ both being $$\sqrt{2}$$.
 * If $$q$$ is irrational, then the theorem is true, with $$a$$ being $$\sqrt{2}^{\sqrt2}$$ and $$b$$ being $$\sqrt{2}$$, since
 * $$\left (\sqrt{2}^{\sqrt2}\right )^{\sqrt2} = \sqrt{2}^{(\sqrt{2} \cdot \sqrt{2})} = \sqrt{2}^2 = 2.$$

At its core, this proof is non-constructive because it relies on the statement "Either q is rational or it is irrational"—an instance of the law of excluded middle, which is not valid within a constructive proof. The non-constructive proof does not construct an example a and b; it merely gives a number of possibilities (in this case, two mutually exclusive possibilities) and shows that one of them—but does not show which one—must yield the desired example.

As it turns out, $$\sqrt{2}^{\sqrt2}$$ is irrational because of the Gelfond–Schneider theorem, but this fact is irrelevant to the correctness of the non-constructive proof.

Constructive proofs
A constructive proof of the theorem that a power of an irrational number to an irrational exponent may be rational gives an actual example, such as:
 * $$a = \sqrt{2}\,, \quad b = \log_2 9\, , \quad a^b = 3\, .$$

The square root of 2 is irrational, and 3 is rational. $$\log_2 9$$ is also irrational: if it were equal to $$m \over n$$, then, by the properties of logarithms, 9n would be equal to 2m, but the former is odd, and the latter is even.

A more substantial example is the graph minor theorem. A consequence of this theorem is that a graph can be drawn on the torus if, and only if, none of its minors belong to a certain finite set of "forbidden minors". However, the proof of the existence of this finite set is not constructive, and the forbidden minors are not actually specified. They are still unknown.

Brouwerian counterexamples
In constructive mathematics, a statement may be disproved by giving a counterexample, as in classical mathematics. However, it is also possible to give a Brouwerian counterexample to show that the statement is non-constructive. This sort of counterexample shows that the statement implies some principle that is known to be non-constructive. If it can be proved constructively that the statement implies some principle that is not constructively provable, then the statement itself cannot be constructively provable.

For example, a particular statement may be shown to imply the law of the excluded middle. An example of a Brouwerian counterexample of this type is Diaconescu's theorem, which shows that the full axiom of choice is non-constructive in systems of constructive set theory, since the axiom of choice implies the law of excluded middle in such systems. The field of constructive reverse mathematics develops this idea further by classifying various principles in terms of "how nonconstructive" they are, by showing they are equivalent to various fragments of the law of the excluded middle.

Brouwer also provided "weak" counterexamples. Such counterexamples do not disprove a statement, however; they only show that, at present, no constructive proof of the statement is known. One weak counterexample begins by taking some unsolved problem of mathematics, such as Goldbach's conjecture, which asks whether every even natural number larger than 4 is the sum of two primes. Define a sequence a(n) of rational numbers as follows:
 * $$a(n) =

\begin{cases} (1/2)^n & \mbox{if every even natural number in the interval } [4,n] \mbox{ is the sum of two primes}, \\ (1/2)^k & \mbox{if } k \mbox{ is the least even natural number in the interval } [4,n] \mbox{ which is not the sum of two primes} \end{cases}$$

For each n, the value of a(n) can be determined by exhaustive search, and so a is a well defined sequence, constructively. Moreover, because a is a Cauchy sequence with a fixed rate of convergence, a converges to some real number α, according to the usual treatment of real numbers in constructive mathematics.

Several facts about the real number α can be proved constructively. However, based on the different meaning of the words in constructive mathematics, if there is a constructive proof that "α = 0 or α ≠ 0" then this would mean that there is a constructive proof of Goldbach's conjecture (in the former case) or a constructive proof that Goldbach's conjecture is false (in the latter case). Because no such proof is known, the quoted statement must also not have a known constructive proof. However, it is entirely possible that Goldbach's conjecture may have a constructive proof (as we do not know at present whether it does), in which case the quoted statement would have a constructive proof as well, albeit one that is unknown at present. The main practical use of weak counterexamples is to identify the "hardness" of a problem. For example, the counterexample just shown shows that the quoted statement is "at least as hard to prove" as Goldbach's conjecture. Weak counterexamples of this sort are often related to the limited principle of omniscience.

title: Constructive proof


text:
Talk:IRC client

This is linked to off one of the main pages, as an explanation of IRC client. Can we explain what one is, as well as listing some of them?2toise 14:20, 8 Nov 2003 (UTC)

title: Talk:IRC client