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Talk:Lists of hospitals in the United States

List
To anyone who reads this ... soon! I'm wondering if its even necessary to make links to every single one of the hospitals? It takes a lot of time to do it, and I could be done with the list much faster if I didn't have to. Maybe I should just put the names down and then go back and make links to the ones that already have pages? What do you all think? MattSal 23:12, Nov 14, 2003 (UTC)

 * First, I think each state should have a sub-list page, and this one links to them, to save on page weight. Second, I think you should just plop it down, then ask if someone can write a bot to add the ' and the '.  -- Emperorbma 04:56, 15 Nov 2003 (UTC)

 * Firstly, to whom would thou ask such a task? Any particular users that excell at this that you ask of, I must know?  Second, I have considered your request of reformatting the page into multiple sublists and (have) decided to act within thyne favor within a short span of time from the writing of this.  Cheers. (I'm not really British, but Thanksgiving's coming, so I'm honouring my heritage and roots). MattSal 23:02, Nov 25, 2003 (UTC)

 * Well, you could look at PyWikipediaBot. But alas, it also requires knowledge of Python and a little coding expertise. -- Emperorbma 06:50, 16 Dec 2003 (UTC)

 * You might also try search and replacing (in a text editor) the stars that you use for bullets with the star and the wikilink opener and replacing the endlines with close wikilinks and the return.  e.g.  replace "*" with "*Emperorbma 06:53, 16 Dec 2003 (UTC)

 * All I know is, I assume there are hospitals and every state. How can there be any dead links?--Attitude2000 03:12, 18 July 2006 (UTC)

Territories?
Any objection to adding hosptials in the Territories (e.g. Puerto Rico, Guam, American Virgin Islands, et al)? 71.93.238.93 (talk) 16:55, 28 January 2008 (UTC)
 * Sounds good to me. Don't forget about the Northern Marianas thought!  Maybe Insular Areas would be a better group name? What do we think about medical hospitals on US bases which diplomatically on US soil?RevelationDirect (talk) 08:27, 15 October 2008 (UTC)
 * I added links to create the list of hospitals for insular areas and outlying islands.    14:21, 19 April 2020 (UTC)


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User:T-Money

Tim "T-Money" Chapman is a resident of Memphis, Tennessee. He is studying for his structural engineering license while working for an engineering firm. He is a protestant christian in the denomination of the Assemblies of God.

Time: UTC   | Date: Monday, July 29, 2024

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User:T-Money


text:
Talk:Kravica

Dead links removed, english ist still bad
I have removed some dead links. It seems to me that some of these links are bosnian propaganda since it can only be found on bosnian blogs. This is strange.

Now there is no evidence that the low number of civilian casualties is true.

More independent sources like "Intelligence and the war in Bosnia: 1992-1995, Cees Wiebes, (Studies in Intelligence History)" suggest, that the army of Naser Oric comitted a lot of war crimes in the villages around sarajevo. With a lot more civilian casualties than one is made to belive when reading this article.

I am not biased, I am german.

--Docktor No (talk) 22:38, 7 March 2013 (UTC)

It would be good if we had some information about the people who were killed, what makes them noteworthy. Tualha 23:16, Nov 14, 2003 (UTC)

It is their age.--Tamas 14:15, 14 Oct 2004 (UTC)

External links modified
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External links modified
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title: Talk:Kravica


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Chess Federation of Russia

The Chess Federation of Russia (Федерация шахмат России), known until 2018 as the Russian Chess Federation, (Российская Шахматная Федерация) is the governing body for chess in Russia, and the officially recognized arm of the FIDE in Russia. It was founded on 15 February 1992, following the dissolution of the USSR Chess Federation. Its headquarters are in Moscow. The president is Andrey Filatov, who was elected in 2014. The structure of the Russian Chess Federation consists of three governing bodies: the Congress, the supervisory board, and the board of management.

On 25 September 2014, a chess museum opened in the Russian Chess Federation's mansion.

In the 2021 World Chess Championship match between Magnus Carlsen and Ian Nepomniachtchi, Nepomniachtchi competed under the Chess Federation of Russia flag. Nepomniachtchi is Russian, but the Court of Arbitration for Sport upheld a ban on Russia competing at World Championships, and it is implemented by WADA in response to the state-sponsored doping program of Russian athletes.

In 23 February 2023, with the approval from FIDE, Chess Federation of Russia has switched its regional affiliation from European Chess Union to Asian Chess Federation.

title: Chess Federation of Russia


text:
Chapultepec Peace Accords

The Chapultepec Peace Accords were a set of peace agreements signed on January 16, 1992, the day in which the Salvadoran Civil War ended. The treaty established peace between the Salvadoran government and the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN). It was signed in Chapultepec Castle, Mexico.

The treaty was negotiated by representatives of the Salvadoran government, the rebel movement FMLN, and political parties, with observers from the Roman Catholic Church and United Nations. The peace talks were mediated by Álvaro de Soto, the special representative of the UN Secretary-General.

The final agreement was divided into 9 chapters that covered 5 fundamental areas: Compliance with the agreements took place under the supervision of a special mission of the United Nations, which gave a settlement after 3 years of management. On December 31, 1991, the government and the FMLN initialed a preliminary peace agreement under the auspices of UN Secretary-General Javier Pérez de Cuéllar. The final agreement was signed in Mexico City on January 16, 1992, at Chapultepec Castle.
 * Modification of the Armed Forces and demobilization of all armed FMLN units;
 * Replacement of the National Guard with the National Civil Police;
 * Modifications to the judicial system and the defense of human rights;
 * Modification to the electoral system;
 * The adoption of measures affecting the economic and social fields.

A nine-month ceasefire took effect on February 1, 1992, and it has never been broken.

Civil War
The Salvadoran Civil War began on October 15, 1979, with the 1979 Salvadoran coup d'état which overthrew President Carlos Humberto Romero. The coup had covert support from the United States, who wished to prevent Humberto Romero's government from falling to left-wing militant groups in the country, the same fate as did the regime of Anastasio Somoza Debayle in Nicaragua.

The coup of 1979 allowed for the rise of militant left-wing groups in the country. The five largest groups, Farabundo Martí People's Forces of Liberation (FPL), Communist Party of El Salvador (PCES), National Resistance (RN), People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), and the Revolutionary Party of the Central American Workers – El Salvador (PRTC) joined forces on October 10, 1980, nearly one year after the coup, to form the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), the most prominent opposition force to the Salvadoran government throughout the Salvadoran Civil War. The group was named after Farabundo Martí, the leader of the Communist Party during an uprising in 1932 which resulted in the massacre of 10,000 to 40,000 peasants under the rule of Maximiliano Hernández Martínez.

The resulting civil war killed anywhere from 70,000 to 80,000 people and lasted twelve years from 1979 to 1992. After 10 years of war, more than one million people had been displaced out of a population of 5,389,000. 40% of the homes of newly displaced people were completely destroyed and another 25% were in need of major repairs. Death squad activities further escalated in 1990, despite a U.N. Agreement on Human Rights signed July 26 by the Cristiani government and the FMLN.

Previous peace process
The Peace Accords were the result of a long negotiation process between the Government and the FMLN that had begun in the mid-1980s. The first meetings took place in Chalatenango on October 15, 1984, exactly 5 years after the start of the civil war. Further negotiations occurred in La Libertad on November 30, 1984. A third round of negotiations occurred in San Miguel on September 19, 1986. The last negotiations occurred in San Salvador on October 4, 1987 between President José Napoleón Duarte and government officials with delegates of the FMLN's leadership. Despite the attempts to establish peace and end the war, none of them succeeded and the war dragged on.

Chalatenango
On October 16, 1984, the first round of negotiations occurred in La Palma, Chalatenango. The meeting resulted in the "La Palma Joint Communiqué." The Government delegation was made up of the President, José Napoleón Duarte, while the guerrilla delegation was headed by Dr. Guillermo Ungo, a former member of the Revolutionary Government Junta, with Monsignor Arturo Rivera y Damas, Archbishop of San Salvador, acting as a mediator. The statement was brief and vague; without firm agreements and with the sole achievement of constituting a political rapprochement.

La Libertad
On November 30, 1984, the second round of negotiations occurred in Ayagualo, La Libertad. The negotiations were headed by government representative Abraham Rodríguez with Rubén Zamora representing the guerrillas. Rivera y Damas, Giacomo Otonello, and Gregorio Rosa Chávez acted as mediators. At the meeting, the "Ayagualo Joint Communiqué" was drafted.

San Miguel
On September 19, 1986, the third round of negotiations took place in Sesori, San Miguel. Rodolfo Antonio Castillo Claramount represented the government and Jorge Villacorta represented the guerillas with Monsignor Rivera y Damas acting as mediator. The terms of the negotiations were not carried out however due to a breakdown in the negotiations. It was not until several months later that the process was resumed in a private meeting in Panama.

San Salvador
From October 4 to 5, 1987, the final round of negotiations occurred in San Salvador. Fidel Chávez Mena represented the government with Salvador Samayoa representing the guerillas and Monsignor Rivera y Damas as mediator. At that meeting, the "Joint Communiqué of the Third Dialogue Meeting" was issued which stated the government and guerrillas will to seek a ceasefire and to support the decisions made by the Contadora Group which was seeking peace in Central America.

International intervention
In 1989, the government of President Alfredo Cristiani called for a dialogue meeting which was held on September 15 of that year in Mexico City. There, a joint request for mediation was addressed to the Secretary General of the United Nations, Javier Pérez de Cuéllar. It was agreed to and Álvaro de Soto was appointed as special representative. On November 11, 1989, the FMLN launched a general offensive to demonstrate its military strength. The offensive was contained by the Armed Forces. After the offensive concluded in a stalemate with 2,500 dead, many analysts considered the impossibility of military victory for either side in the conflict.

On April 4, 1990, a dialogue meeting was held in Geneva, Switzerland, where an agreement was signed that established the set of rules to be followed in the negotiation process and established the will of both parties to reach a negotiated and political solution to end the war. The objectives of the negotiation were set:

 * End the armed conflict through political means;
 * Promote the democratization of the country;
 * Guarantee the unrestricted respect for human rights;
 * Reunify Salvadoran society

On May 21, 1990, at a new meeting in Caracas, Venezuela, the general agenda for negotiations was established and the issues that would be submitted for discussion. Two negotiating delegations were created: the government under David Escobar Galindo, Abelardo Rodríguez, Oscar Santamaría, and Mauricio Ernesto Vargas, and the FMLN under Schafik Hándal, Joaquín Villalobos, Salvador Sánchez Cerén, José Eduardo Sancho Castañeda, Francisco Jovel, Salvador Samayoa, Nidia Díaz, Juan Ramón Medrano, Ana Guadalupe Martínez, and Roberto Reeds.

Accords

On January 16, 1992, the full text of the agreements was signed in the Castle of Chapultepec in a solemn act, with the assistance of Heads of State from friendly countries, as well as official negotiating delegations.

Chapter I
Chapter I handled with the Armed Forces of El Salvador which accepted the following terms:

 * Modify the doctrinal principles of the Armed Forces so that it could comply with the agreements made, establishing that the sole objective of the institution is "the defense of the sovereignty of the State and the integrity of the territory, it is a permanent institution at the service of the nation" and clarifying that the institution "is obedient, professional, apolitical and non-deliberative."
 * Reform the educational system of the Armed Forces.
 * Create the Ad Hoc Commission to purge officers implicated in Human Rights violations.
 * Reduce the number of troops of the Armed Forces.
 * Overcome impunity with the creation of the Truth Commission that would investigate the most serious acts of violence in the civil war.
 * Dissolve the 3 public security bodies that depended on the Armed Forces: the National Guard, National Police, and Treasury Police.
 * Dissolve the military intelligence services (National Security Agency of El Salvador, ANSESAL) and create a civil intelligence service: the State Intelligence Agency (AEI).
 * Dissolve the Immediate Reaction Infantry Battalions (BIRI).
 * Reform the Constitution to clearly define the subordination of the Armed Forces to the civil authority.
 * Suppress paramilitary entities (Civil Defense Patrols).
 * Suspend forced recruitment activities.

Chapter II
Chapter II handled with the police force of the nation to which the government complied with the following terms:

 * Create the National Civil Police as a new police force that will replace the old security forces with a civil and democratic doctrine.
 * Establish quotas for the personnel of the new police force, in which demobilized elements of the FMLN, former agents of the National Police, and people without militancy on both sides would participate. It was agreed that it should be 20% for each side and 60% for neutral participants.
 * Create the National Academy of Public Security to train the agents of the National Civil Police, emphasizing training to respect Human Rights.

Chapter III
Chapter III handled with human rights and the judiciary to which the government complied with the following terms:

 * Create the Judicial Training School to train judges and magistrates adjusted to the new reality of the country.
 * Reform the structure of the National Council of the Judiciary (the body that appoints and evaluates judges) to give it greater independence.
 * Reform the election process and terms of the magistrates of the Supreme Court of Justice.
 * Create the Procurator for the Defense of Human Rights (PDDH), an autonomous institution, which must supervise respect for human rights by the other state institutions.

Chapter IV
Chapter IV handled the civil and political rights of citizens which both sides agreed to:

 * Create institutional reforms.
 * Create the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, the highest administrative and jurisdictional authority on the matter of elections.
 * The right of political parties to monitor the preparation, organization, publication, and updating of the electoral register.
 * At the political level, the measures adopted sought to guarantee the FMLN leaders and their members the full exercise of their civil and political rights within a framework of absolute legality, through their incorporation into the civil, political and institutional life of the country. The FMLN pledged to demobilize its guerrilla forces, under the supervision of ONUSAL. The government promised to pass the legislation necessary for the FMLN to become a legal political party and to participate in the general elections of 1994.

Chapter V
Chapter V handled economic and social fields to which the government agreed to:

 * Create the Economic and Social Agreement Forum, a body where trade unions, business associations, and the State would have representation to discuss the country's economic policy.
 * Distribute land in conflict zones among demobilized ex-combatants.
 * The lands that exceeded 245 hectares, as well as those properties of the State that were not a natural reserve, had to be distributed among peasants and small farmers who lacked arable land.

Compliance
The definitive cessation of the fighting occurred on February 1, 1992, under the supervision of COPAZ and the notable presence of former FMLN commanders and their former enemies. In order for such a meeting to take place, the Legislative Assembly approved a National Reconciliation Law on January 23, by means of which El Salvador refused to open legal cases against the war fighters, opening a national amnesty. The Massive and gradual loss of troops from the Armed Forces took place while ex-guerrilla combatants were deployed from the occupied zones to fifteen areas that had previously been established for that purpose. Guerrilla weapons were deposited in containers controlled by ONUSAL, except those small arms intended for personal defense.

Police agents from various countries accompanied the National Police on patrol tasks, which had ceased to depend on the Ministry of National Defense; said support was given until the creation of the National Civil Police.

The distribution of land to ex-combatants took longer than expected, as did the establishment of the National Academy of Public Security and the legalization of the FMLN as a political party. The delays began to create tension among the political forces which led COPAZ to call for a rescheduling which was carried out on June 12, 1992. Said schedule was repeatedly modified to adjust to the actual deadlines that set the pace of progress in the process. Several months later than planned, on December 15, 1992, the definitive end of the armed conflict was officially celebrated.

Conclusion of accords

In 1997, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Secretary General of the United Nations, ended the peace process in El Salvador, noting that although it was true that not all the agreements had been fully complied with, the degree of compliance was acceptable.

Monuments

The Monument to Peace is a sculpture designed by the sculptor Rubén Martínez that was unveiled in the municipality of San Marcos, El Salvador.

The figure of the "Christ of Peace", which was made with bullet casings, brass and cast bronze, and stands with outstretched arms as a symbol of reconciliation between the political ideologies of the right and the left. The figure of a dove in his left hand in flight position.

In 2017, on the 25th anniversary of the signing of the peace accords in the, President Salvador Sánchez Cerén, an ex-FMLN commander, celebrated with the inauguration of the Monument to the Reconciliation. In January 2024, the monument was demolished to make way for a new peace walk.

title: Chapultepec Peace Accords


text:
Sukhoi Su-25

The Sukhoi Su-25 Grach (Грач (rook); NATO reporting name: Frogfoot) is a subsonic, single-seat, twin-engine jet aircraft developed in the Soviet Union by Sukhoi. It was designed to provide close air support for Soviet Ground Forces. The first prototype made its maiden flight on 22 February 1975. After testing, the aircraft went into series production in 1978 in Tbilisi in the Georgian Soviet Socialist Republic.

Early variants included the Su-25UB two-seat trainer, the Su-25BM for target-towing, and the Su-25K for export customers. Some aircraft were upgraded to the Su-25SM standard in 2012. The Su-25T and the Su-25TM (also known as the Su-39) were further developments, not produced in significant numbers. The Su-25, and the Su-34, were the only armoured, fixed-wing aircraft in production in 2007. Su-25s are in service with Russia, other CIS members, and export customers. Production of the Su-25 ended in 2010 in Georgia. Attempts continue to be made to restart production in Georgia using partially completed airframes, but as of June 2022 no new deliveries have been reported.

Since entering service more than 43.05990976119356 years ago, the Su-25 has seen combat in several conflicts. The type was heavily involved in the Soviet–Afghan War, flying counter-insurgency missions against the Afghan Mujahideen. The Iraqi Air Force employed it against Iran during the 1980–88 Iran–Iraq War. Most Iraqi examples were later destroyed or flown to Iran in the 1991 Persian Gulf War. The Georgian Air Force used Su-25s during the Abkhazian war from 1992 to 1993. The Macedonian Air Force used Su-25s against Albanian insurgents in the 2001 Macedonian conflict and, in 2008, Georgia and Russia both used Su-25s in the Russo-Georgian War. African states, including the Ivory Coast, Chad, and Sudan have used the Su-25 in local insurgencies and civil wars. Recently, the Su-25 has seen service in the Russian intervention in the Syrian civil war, the clashes of the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War, and on both sides in the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Development
In early 1968, the Soviet Ministry of Defence decided to develop a specialised shturmovik armoured assault aircraft in order to provide close air support for the Soviet Ground Forces. The idea of creating a ground-support aircraft came about after analysing the experience of ground-attack (shturmovaya) aviation during the 1940s, 1950s, and 1960s. The Soviet fighter-bombers in service or under development at the time (Su-7, Su-17, MiG-21 and MiG-23) did not meet the requirements for close air support of the army. They lacked essential armour plating to protect the pilot and vital equipment from ground fire and missile hits, and their high flight speeds made it difficult for the pilot to maintain visual contact with a target. Having taken into account these problems, Pavel Sukhoi and a group of leading specialists in the Sukhoi Design Bureau started preliminary design work in a comparatively short period of time, with the assistance of leading institutes of the Ministry of the Aviation Industry and the Ministry of Defence.

In March 1969, a competition was announced by the Soviet Air Force that called for designs for a new battlefield close-support aircraft. Participants in the competition were the Sukhoi design bureau and the design bureaus of Yakovlev, Ilyushin and Mikoyan. Sukhoi finalised its "T-8" design in late 1968, and began work on the first two prototypes (T8-1 and T8-2) in January 1972. The T8-1, the first airframe to be assembled, was completed on 9 May 1974. Another source says November 1974. However, it did not make its first flight until 22 February 1975, after a long series of test flights by Vladimir Ilyushin. The Su-25 surpassed its main competitor in the Soviet Air Force competition, the Ilyushin Il-102, and series production was announced by the Ministry of Defence.

During flight-testing phases of the T8-1 and T8-2 prototypes' development, the Sukhoi Design Bureau's management proposed that the series production of the Su-25 should start at Factory No. 31 in Tbilisi, Soviet Republic of Georgia, which at that time was the major manufacturing base for the MiG-21UM "Mongol-B" trainer. After negotiations and completion of all stages of the state trials, the Soviet Ministry of Aircraft Production authorised manufacture of the Su-25 at Tbilisi, allowing series production to start in 1978.

In the late 1980s and early 1990s, several Su-25 variants appeared, including modernised versions, and variants for specialised roles. The most significant designs were the Su-25UB dual-seat trainer, the Su-25BM target-towing variant, and the Su-25T for antitank missions. In addition, an Su-25KM prototype was developed by Georgia in co-operation with Israeli company Elbit Systems in 2001, but so far this variant has not achieved much commercial success. , the Su-25 was the only armoured aircraft still in production.

The Russian Aerospace Forces, which operates the largest number of Su-25s, planned to upgrade older aircraft to the Su-25SM variant, but funding shortfalls had slowed the progress; by early 2007 only seven aircraft had been modified.

Design
The Su-25 has a conventional aerodynamic layout with a shoulder-mounted trapezoidal wing and a traditional tailplane and rudder. Several metals are used in the construction of the airframe: 60% aluminium, 19% steel, 13.5% titanium, 2% magnesium alloy and 5.5% other materials.

All versions of the Su-25 have a metal cantilever wing, of moderate sweep, high aspect ratio and equipped with high-lift devices. The wing consists of two cantilever sections attached to a central torsion box, forming a single unit with the fuselage. The air brakes are housed in fairings at the tip of each wing. Each wing has five hardpoints for weapons carriage, with the attachment points mounted on load-bearing ribs and spars. Each wing also features a five-section leading edge slat, a two-section flap and an aileron.

The flaps are mounted by steel sliders and rollers, attached to brackets on the rear spar. The trapezoidal ailerons are near the wingtips. The fuselage of the Su-25 has an ellipsoidal section and is of semi-monocoque, stressed-skin construction, arranged as a longitudinal load-bearing framework of longerons, beams and stringers, with a transverse load-bearing assembly of frames. The one-piece horizontal tailplane is attached to the load-bearing frame at two mounting points.

Early versions of the Su-25 were equipped with two R-95Sh non-afterburning turbojets, in compartments on either side of the rear fuselage. The engines, sub-assemblies and surrounding fuselage are cooled by air provided by the cold air intakes on top of the engine nacelles. A drainage system collects oil, hydraulic fluid residues and fuel from the engines after flight or after an unsuccessful start. The engine control systems allows independent operation of each engine. The latest versions (Su-25T and TM) are equipped with improved R-195 engines.

The autocannon is in a compartment beneath the cockpit, mounted on a load-bearing beam attached to the cockpit floor and the forward fuselage support structure. The nose is fitted with distinctive twin pitot probes and hinges up for service access.

Cockpit
The pilot flies the aircraft by means of a centre stick and left hand throttles. The pilot sits on a Zvezda K-36 ejection seat (similar to the Sukhoi Su-27) and has standard flight instruments. At the rear of the cockpit is a 6 mm steel headrest, mounted on the rear bulkhead. The cockpit has a bathtub-shaped armoured enclosure of welded titanium sheets, with transit ports in the walls. Guide rails for the ejection seat are mounted on the rear wall of the cockpit.

The canopy hinges open to the right and the pilot enters using the flip-down ladder. Once inside, the pilot sits low in the cockpit, protected by the bathtub assembly, which makes for a cramped cockpit. Visibility from the cockpit is limited, being a trade-off for improved pilot protection. Rearwards visibility is poor and a periscope is fitted on top of the canopy to compensate.

A folding ladder built into the left fuselage provides access to the cockpit as well as to the top of the aircraft.

Avionics
The base model Su-25 incorporates a number of key avionics systems. It has no TV guidance but includes a distinctive nose-mounted laser rangefinder that is thought to provide for laser-based target finding. A DISS-7 doppler radar is used for navigation; the Su-25 can fly at night, in visual and instrument meteorological conditions.

The Su-25 often has radios installed for air-to-ground and air-to-air communications, including an SO-69 identification-friend-or-foe (IFF) transponder. The aircraft's self-defence suite includes various measures, such as flare and chaff dispensers capable of launching up to 250 flares and dipole chaff. Hostile radar uses are guarded against via an SPO-15 radar warning receiver.

An airtight avionics compartment is behind the cockpit and in front of the forward fuel tank.

The newer Su-25TM and Su-25SM models have an upgraded avionics and weapons suite, resulting in improved survivability and combat capability.

Soviet–Afghan War
The first Soviet Air Force Su-25 unit was the 80th Assault Aviation Regiment, formed in February 1981 based at Sitalcay air base in the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic. The first eleven aircraft arrived at Sitalchay in May 1981. The 200th Independent Assault Aviation Squadron was then formed within the regiment to go to Afghanistan.

On 19 July 1981, the 200th Independent Attack Squadron was reassigned to Shindand Airbase in western Afghanistan, becoming the first Su-25 unit deployed to that country. Its main task was to conduct air strikes against mountain military positions and structures controlled by the Afghan rebels. Another Soviet Su-25 unit was the 368th Assault Aviation Regiment, which was formed on 12 July 1984, at Zhovtneve in Ukraine. It was soon also moved east to conduct operations over Afghanistan.

Over the course of the Soviet–Afghan War, Su-25s launched 139 guided missiles of all types against Mujahideen positions. On average, each aircraft performed 360 sorties a year, a total considerably higher than that of any other combat aircraft in Afghanistan. By the end of the war, nearly 50 Su-25s were deployed at Afghan airbases, carrying out a total of 60,000 sorties. Between the first deployment in 1981 and the end of the war in 1989, 21–23 aircraft were lost in combat operations, with up to nine destroyed on the ground while parked.

Iran–Iraq War
The Su-25 also saw combat during the Iran–Iraq War of 1980–88. The first Su-25s were commissioned by the Iraqi Air Force in 1987 and performed approximately 900 combat sorties towards the end of the war, carrying out the bulk of Iraqi air attack missions. During the most intense combat of the war, Iraqi Su-25s performed up to 15 sorties per day, each. In one recorded incident, an Iraqi Su-25 was shot down by an Iranian, Hawk surface-to-air missile, but the pilot managed to eject. This was the only confirmed, successful Iranian shootdown of an Iraqi Su-25. After the war, Saddam Hussein decorated all of the Iraqi Air Force's Su-25 pilots with the country's highest military decoration.

Gulf War

During the Gulf War of 1991, the air superiority of the coalition forces was so great that the majority of Iraqi Su-25s did not even manage to get airborne. On 25 January 1991, seven Iraqi Air Force Su-25s fled from Iraq and landed in Iran.

On the evening of 6 February 1991, two US Air Force F-15C Eagle fighters of the 53rd Tactical Fighter Squadron, operating from Al Kharj Air Base in Saudi Arabia, intercepted a pair of Iraqi MiG-21s and a pair of Su-25s. All four Iraqi aircraft were shot down, with both Su-25s coming down in the desert not far from the Iraqi border with Iran. This was the Iraqi Su-25s' only air combat of the war.

Abkhazian War
The Georgian government used Su-25s in 1992–93 against Abkhaz separatists during the First Abkhazian War. A Georgian Air Force Su-25 was shot down over Nizhnaya Eshera on 4 July 1993 by an 9K34 Strela-3 MANPADS. Another Georgian Su-25 was shot down on 13 July 1993 with a 9K32 Strela-2 MANPADS, while another Su-25 was downed by friendly fire by a ZU-23-2 on 4 July. The Russian Air Force also lost an Su-25 during war, the aircraft crashed due to a pilot's mistake while providing CAS for Abkhaz forces.

First Chechen War
Russian Su-25s were employed during the First Chechen War. Together with other Russian Air Force air assets, they achieved air supremacy for Russian Forces. On 29 November 1994, attacking all four Chechen military bases, Russian Su-25 from the 368th Assault Aviation Regiment (OShAP) destroyed up to 266 Chechen aircraft on the ground, mostly not airworthy. The Air Force's deployed assets performed around 9,000 air sorties, with around 5,300 being strike sorties during the Chechen campaign between 1994 and 1996. The Russian 4th Air Army had 140 Sukhoi Su-17Ms, Su-24s and Su-25s in the war zone supported by an A-50 AWACS aircraft. The employed munitions were generally unguided S-5, S-8, and S-24 rockets, as well as FAB-250 and FAB-500 bombs, while only 2.3% of the strikes used precision-guided Kh-25ML missiles, KAB-500L and KAB-500KR smart bombs when weather conditions were suitable. Russian forces were not able to properly take advantage of the air supremacy due to obsolete air tactics that focused the Air Force on useless tasks in this type of war such as Combat Air Patrols. The Russian air losses were low since no integrated air defense was fielded by the Chechens.

On 4 February 1995, a Russian Su-25 was shot down by ZSU-23-4 Shilka antiaircraft fire over Belgatoi Gekhi, five kilometers southeast of Grozny. The pilot, Maj. Nikolay Bairov, ejected but died impacting the ground as his parachute did not deploy on time. Another Su-25 piloted by Lt. Col. Evgeny Derkulsky was damaged by ground fire on the same day, but managed to land at Mozdok air base, where the aircraft was repaired. On 5 May 1995, another Russian Su-25 was downed near Serzhen-Yurt by 12.7 mm fire while on a low-altitude patrol. The pilot, Col. Vladimir Sarabeyev, was killed.

On 4 April 1996, another Su-25 fell either to ZU-23-2 fire while either making a reconnaissance flight or attacking the village of Goiskoye. The pilot, Maj. Alexander Matvienko, ejected and was recovered by a friendly helicopter returning to the airbase in Khankala, Grozny. On 5 May 1996, a two-seat Su-25UB was downed with an 9K34 Strela-3 MANPADS near the village of Mairtup while on reconnaissance. Both pilots, Col. Igor Sviryidov and Maj. Oleg Isayev, were killed in the crash. It was the fourth Su-25 shot down and fifth Russian fixed wing aircraft lost, since the start of the war in December 1994.

Second Chechen War
Russian Air Force Su-25s were extensively used during the Second Chechen War in particular during the first phase when Russian forces were invading the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. Up to seven Russian Su-25s were lost, one to hostile fire: on 4 October 1999, a Su-25 was shot down by a MANPADS during a reconnaissance mission over the village of Tolstoy-Yurt killing its pilot. The wings of the aircraft were put on a pedestal in the central square in Grozny.

Ethiopian–Eritrean War
Su-25 attack aircraft were used by the Ethiopian Air Force to strike Eritrean targets. On 15 May 2000, An Ethiopian Su-25 was shot down by an Eritrean Air Force MiG-29, killing the pilot.

2001 insurgency in the Republic of Macedonia
Su-25s were used by the Macedonian Air Force but flown by Ukrainian pilots during the conflict against Albanian separatists. Beginning on 24 June 2001, the aircraft made multiple attack runs against separatist positions. The Su-25s were only used during the Battle of Raduša on the last day.

War in Darfur
Sudan has used Su-25s in attacks on rebel targets and possibly civilians in Darfur.

Ivorian-French clashes
During the Ivorian Civil War, Su-25s were used by government forces to attack rebel targets. On 6 November 2004, at least one Ivorian Sukhoi Su-25 attacked a unit of France's Unicorn peacekeeping forces stationed in Bouaké, killing nine soldiers, a U.S. development worker and wounding 37 soldiers. Shortly afterwards, the French military retaliated by attacking the air base in Yamoussoukro and destroyed the Ivorian air force, heavily damaging the two Su-25s responsible for the attack.

2008 Russia–Georgia war

In August 2008, Su-25s were used by both Georgia and Russia during the 2008 Russia–Georgia war. Su-25s of the Georgian Air Force participated in providing air support for troops during Battle of Tskhinvali and launched bombing raids on targets in South Ossetia. Russian military Su-25s struck Georgian forces in South Ossetia, and undertook air raids on targets in Georgia. The Russian military officially confirmed the loss of three Su-25 aircraft to the Georgian air defense, though the Moscow Defense Brief suggests four. The three Russian aircraft were reportedly downed by Georgian Buk-M1 air defence units. Georgian Su-25s were able to operate at night. In early August 2008, Russian Su-25s attacked the Tbilisi Aircraft Manufacturing plant, where the Su-25 is produced, dropping bombs on the factory's airfield.

Iran
On 1 November 2012, two Iranian Su-25s fired cannon bursts at a USAF MQ-1 Predator drone 30 km off the Iranian coast. The Iranian government has claimed that the drone violated its airspace.

2014–2015 Russian-Ukrainian war
Ukrainian armed forces deployed aircraft over insurgent Eastern regions starting in spring 2014. On 26 May 2014, Ukrainian Su-25s supported Mi-24 helicopters during a military operation to regain control over the airport in Donetsk, during which the Su-25s fired air to ground rockets. On 2 July 2014, one Ukrainian Su-25 crashed due to a technical fault.

On 16 July 2014, an Su-25 was shot down, with Ukrainian officials stating that a Russian MiG-29 shot it down using a R-27T missile. Russia denied these allegations.

On 23 July 2014, two Su-25s were shot down in the Donetsk region of Ukraine. A spokesperson for the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine said the aircraft were shot down by missiles fired from Russia.

On 29 August 2014, a Ukrainian Su-25 was shot down by pro-Russian rebels. The Ukrainian authorities said the downing was due to a Russian missile without clarifying if they mean Russian made or fired by Russian forces. The pilot managed to eject safely. On the same day, pro-Russian rebels claimed the downing of up to four Su-25s.

On 9 February 2015, the pro-Russian forces indirectly acknowledged, for the first time, with a reference to a Ukrainian media source, their use of Su-25 against Ukrainian forces during the fighting near Debaltsevo.

2014 Northern Iraq offensive
On 29 June 2014, it was reported that Iraq claimed to have received the first batch of second hand Su-25s ordered from Russia in order to fight the Islamic State forces. An Iraqi defense ministry source claimed the aircraft would be in service "within three to four days", despite the fact that the Iraqis require technical help and parts to make them operational, and the fact that the Russian made aircraft are incompatible with the Iraqi Air force's inventory of American made Hellfire missiles.

The Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps Air Force delivered seven Su-25s on 1 July 2014, the majority of which were ex-Iraqi aircraft from the Gulf War. They were quickly pushed into combat, performing air raids as early as the beginning of August 2014 and later expanding their area of operation.

Iraqi Su-25s flew the bulk of the sorties against the Islamic State, with 3562 missions between June 2014 and December 2017, by which time ISIS had lost control of all the territory it formerly controlled in Iraq. That compares to 514 sorties flown by the Iraqi fleet of F-16IQ fighters.

Military intervention in Syria
In September 2015, it was reported that at least a dozen Su-25 were deployed by Russia to an airfield near Latakia, Syria, to support the Russian forces there who were taking part in the Syrian offensive against ISIL. On 2 October 2015, Russian Su-24M and Su-25 attack aircraft destroyed an ISIL command post in the Idlib province, while Su-34 and Su-25 aircraft eliminated an ISIL fortified bunker in the Hama province. By 15 March 2016, with the scaling down of Russian presence in Syria, Russian Su-25s had performed over 1,600 sorties in Syria while dropping 6,000 bombs.

On 3 February 2018 a Russian Su-25 was shot down over Idlib by rebel fighters who used a MANPADS. A Syrian militant said that the pilot, Roman Filipov, ejected safely but killed himself with a grenade to avoid capture.

2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War
On 29 September 2020, Armenian Defense Ministry claimed that an Armenian Air Force Su-25 was shot down by a Turkish Air Force F-16, killing the pilot. However Turkey denied the allegation.

On 4 October 2020, an Azerbaijani Air force Su-25 aircraft was shot down, by Armenian forces, probably with a 9K33 Osa while targeting Armenian positions in Fuzuli. The pilot, Col. Zaur Nudiraliyev died in the crash. Azerbaijani officials acknowledged the loss in December 2020, while disclosing a major role of crewed aviation being hidden during the active phase of the conflict with more than 600 airstrikes by crewed aviation from 27 September 2020 to 9 November 2020, with the Su-25 fleet, tasked with the critical role of suppression and destruction of the enemy air defense among others.

Russian service
On 24 February 2022, Russia reported the loss of an Su-25 due to "pilot error." On 1 March, a Russian Su-25SM was lost over Ukraine. The next day, another Russian Su-25SM, registration number RF-91961 - Red 07, was shot down in Makariv, Ukraine. On 4 March, two Russian Su-25SMs, the first with registration number RF-93026, were lost over Volnovakha, Ukraine. The second, with callsign Red 04, was lost along with its pilot. Images of the aircraft wrecks were displayed on social media. On 7 March, an Su-25 was lost during a combat mission in Ukraine. On 10 March, one Su-25 with registration number RF-91969 was shot down near Kyiv and the pilot killed. On 14 March, a Russian Su-25 was damaged by enemy fire, likely MANPADs, but managed to return to its base. On 24 May Ukraine claimed to have shot down retired Major General Kanamat Botashev flying an Su-25 using a Stinger missile. It was unknown if he was in service, or a private military contractor.

On 22 October 2023, Ukraine claimed to have shot down five Russian Su-25s, over the preceding ten days, during fighting in Donetsk.

In late April 2024, Su-25s were flying unimpeded over Chasiv Yar, which, according to military analyst Rob Lee, indicated “a clear sign of a lack of Ukrainian air defense ammunition.”

On 4 May 2024, the 110th Mechanized Brigade (Ukraine) claimed to have shot down a Su-25 over Donetsk Oblast.

Ukrainian service
The Ukrainian Air force also operates Su-25s. On 26 February 2022 three Su-25s from the 299th Tactical Aviation Brigade were lost. "Blue 19" and "Blue 30" were shot down over the Kherson region. The pilots were presumed dead. Photos of the wrecks of the two Ukrainian aircraft were published. A third aircraft from the 299th was lost, but the pilot was captured by Russian forces. Ukrainian media acknowledged that the pilot was Ukrainian. The next day another Su-25, "Blue 39", was shot down near Hlibivka Vyshgorod, Kyiv region. On 2 March, one Su-25 from 299th Tactical Aviation Brigade piloted by Oleksandr Korpan was lost over Starokostiantyniv, Khmelnytskyi Oblast. On 10 March one Su-25, "Blue 31" was shot down near Nova Kakhovka, Kherson. On 14 March another Su-25 was shot down by Russian forces in Volnovakha, Donbas region. The pilot was captured by Russian forces and later released on 24 April, in a Russo-Ukrainian prisoner swap. On 22 March, a Ukrainian Su-25, heavily damaged in combat was recorded in video. On 15 April, a Ukrainian Su-25 was reportedly shot down by Russian forces in Izyum. The downing of the aircraft was recorded by a military camera in thermographic mode. The pilot, Captain Yegor Seredyuk, was reported as being killed near Izyum on 15 April. Seredyuk was awarded the Hero of Ukraine order. On 14 May a Su-25 from 299th Tactical Aviation Brigade was shot down in Huliaipole, Zaporizhzhia Oblast and the pilot killed.

On 14 March 2023, the Minister of Defense of North Macedonia, Slavjanka Petrovska, confirmed the transfer of four non-airworthy Su-25s to Ukraine.

Su-25

The basic version of the aircraft was produced at Factory 31, at Tbilisi, in the Soviet Republic of Georgia. Between 1978 and 1989, 582 single-seat Su-25s were produced in Georgia, not including aircraft produced under the Su-25K export program. This variant of the aircraft represents the backbone of the Russian Aerospace Forces' Su-25 fleet, currently the largest in the world. The aircraft experienced a number of accidents in operational service caused by system failures attributed to salvo firing of weapons. In the wake of these incidents, use of its main armament, the 240 mm S-24 rocket, was prohibited. In its place, the FAB-500 500 kg general-purpose high-explosive bomb became the primary armament.

Su-25K
The basic Su-25 model was used as the basis for a commercial export variant, known as the Su-25K (Komercheskiy). This model was also built at Factory 31 in Tbilisi, Georgia. The aircraft differed from the Soviet Air Force version in certain minor details concerning internal equipment. A total of 180 Su-25K aircraft were built between 1984 and 1989.

Su-25UB
The Su-25UB trainer (Uchebno-Boyevoy) was drawn up in 1977. The first prototype, called "T-8UB-1", was rolled out in July 1985 and its maiden flight was carried out at the Ulan-Ude factory airfield on 12 August of that year. By the end of 1986, 25 Su-25UBs had been produced at Ulan-Ude before the twin-seater completed its State trials and officially cleared for service with the Soviet Air Force.

It was intended for training and evaluation flights of active-duty pilots, and for training pilot cadets at Soviet Air Force flying schools. The performance did not differ substantially from that of the single-seater. The navigation, attack, sighting devices and weapons-control systems of the two-seater enabled it to be used for both routine training and weapons-training missions.

Su-25UBK

From 1986 to 1989, in parallel with the construction of the main Su-25UB combat training variant, the Ulan-Ude plant produced the so-called "commercial" Su-25UBK, intended for export to countries that bought the Su-25K, and with similar modifications to that aircraft.

Su-25UBM
The Su-25UBM is a twin seat variant that can be used as an operational trainer, but also has attack capabilities, and can be used for reconnaissance, target designation and airborne control. Its first flight was on 6 December 2008 and it was certified in December 2010. It will enter operational use with the Russian Aerospace Forces later. The variant has a Phazotron NIIR Kopyo radar and Bars-2 equipment on board. Su-25UBM's range is believed to be 1300 km and it may have protection against infra-red guided missiles (IRGM), a minimal requirement on today's battle fields where IRGMs proliferate.

Su-25UTG

The Su-25UTG (Uchebno-Trenirovochnyy s Gakom) is a variant of the Su-25UB designed to train pilots in takeoff and landing on a land-based simulated carrier deck, with a sloping ski-jump section and arrester wires. The first one flew in September 1988, and approximately 10 were produced. About half remained in Russian service after 1991; they were used on Russia's sole aircraft carrier, RUSSIAN AIRCRAFT CARRIER Admiral Kuznetsov. This small number of aircraft were insufficient to meet the training needs of Russia's carrier air group, so a number of Su-25UBs were converted into Su-25UTGs. These aircraft being distinguished by the alternative designation Su-25UBP (Uchebno-Boyevoy Palubny)—the adjective palubnyy meaning "deck", indicating that these aircraft have a naval function. As of 2007, approximately 10 of these aircraft were operational in the Russian Navy as part of the 279th Naval Aviation Regiment of the Northern Fleet. In 2021, Su-25 aircraft were also reported deployed with the 100th Independent Shipborne Fighter Aviation Regiment of the same fleet.

Su-25BM
The Su-25BM (Buksirovshchik Misheney) is a target-towing variant of the Su-25 whose development began in 1986. The prototype, designated T-8BM1, successfully flew for the first time on 22 March 1990, at Tbilisi. After completion of the test phase, the aircraft was put into production.

The Su-25BM target-tower was designed to provide towed target facilities for training ground forces and naval personnel in ground-to-air or naval surface-to-air missile systems. It is powered by R-195 engines and equipped with an RSDN-10 long-range navigation system, an analogue of the Western LORAN system.

Su-25T
The Su-25T (Tankovy) is a dedicated antitank version, which has been combat-tested with notable success in Chechnya. The design of the aircraft is similar to the Su-25UB. The variant was converted to one-seater, with the rear seat replaced by additional avionics. It has all-weather and night attack capability. In addition to the full arsenal of weapons of the standard Su-25, the Su-25T can employ the KAB-500Kr TV-guided bomb and the semi-active laser-guided Kh-25ML. Its enlarged nosecone houses the Shkval optical TV and aiming system with the Prichal laser rangefinder and target designator. It can also carry Vikhr laser-guided, tube-launched missiles, which is its main antitank armament. For night operations, the low-light TV Merkuriy pod system can be carried under the fuselage. Three Su-25Ts prototypes were built in 1983–86 and 8 production aircraft were built in 1990. With the introduction of a definitive Russian Air Force Su-25 upgrade programme, in the form of Stroyevoy Modernizirovannyi, the Su-25T programme was officially canceled in 2000.

Su-25TM (Su-39)

A second-generation Su-25T, the Su-25TM (also designated Su-39), has been developed with improved navigation and attack systems, and better survivability. While retaining the built-in Shkval of Su-25T, it may carry Kopyo (rus. "Spear") radar in an under fuselage container, which is used for engaging air targets (with RVV-AE/R-77 missiles) as well as ships (with Kh-31 and Kh-35 antiship missiles). The Russian Air Force has received 8 aircraft as of 2008. Some of the improved avionics systems designed for T and TM variants have been included in the Su-25SM, an interim upgrade of the operational Russian Air Force Su-25, for improved survivability and combat capability. The Su-25TM, as an all-inclusive upgrade programme has been replaced with the "affordable" Su-25SM programme.

Su-25SM

The Su-25SM (Stroyevoy Modernizirovannyi) is an "affordable" upgrade programme for the Su-25, conceived by the Russian Air Force in 2000. The programme stems from the attempted Su-25T and Su-25TM upgrades, which were evaluated and labeled as over-sophisticated and expensive. The SM upgrade incorporates avionics enhancements and airframe refurbishment to extend the Frogfoot's service life by up to 500 flight hours or 5 years.

The Su-25SM's all-new PRnK-25SM "Bars" navigation/attack suite is built around the BTsVM-90 digital computer system, originally planned for the Su-25TM upgrade programme. Navigation and attack precision provided by the new suite is three times better of the baseline Su-25 and is reported to be within 15 m using satellite correction and 200 m without it.

A new KA1-1-01 Head-Up Display (HUD) was added providing, among other things, double the field of view of the original ASP-17BTs-8 electro-optical sight. Other systems and components incorporated during the upgrade include a Multi-Function Display (MFD), RSBN-85 Short Range Aid to Navigation (SHORAN), ARK-35-1 Automatic Direction Finder (ADF), A-737-01 GPS/GLONASS Receiver, Karat-B-25 Flight Data Recorder (FDR), Berkut-1 Video Recording System (VRS), Banker-2 UHF/VHF communication radio, SO-96 Transponder and a L150 "Pastel" Radar Warning Receiver (RWR).

The R-95sh engines have been overhauled and modified with an anti-surge system installed. The system is designed to improve the resistance of the engine to ingested powders and gases during gun and rocket salvo firing.

The combination of reconditioned and new equipment, with increased automation and self-test capability has allowed for a reduction of pre- and post-flight maintenance by some 25 to 30%. Overall weight savings are around 300 kg.

Su-25SM weapon suite has been expanded with the addition of the Vympel R-73 highly agile air-to-air missile (albeit without helmet mounted cueing and only the traditional longitudinal seeker mode) and the S-13T 130 mm rockets (carried in five-round B-13 pods) with blast-fragmentation and armour-piercing warheads. Further, the Kh-25ML and Kh-29L Weapon Employment Profiles have been significantly improved, permitting some complex missile launch scenarios to be executed, such as: firing two consecutive missiles on two different targets in a single attack pass. The GSh-30-2 autocannon (250-round magazine) has received three new reduced rate-of-fire modes: 750, 375 and 188 rounds per minute. The Su-25SM was also given new BD3-25 under-wing pylons.

The eventual procurement programme is expected to include between 100 and 130 kits, covering 60 to 70 percent of the Russian Air Force active single-seat fleet, as operated in the early 2000s. On 2012, the Russian Aerospace Forces had over 30 Su-25SMs in service with plans to modernize about 80 Su-25s to the improved standard. By March 2013, over 60 aircraft are to be upgraded. In February 2013, ten new Su-25SMs were delivered to the Air Force southern base, where operational training is being conducted. During the period 2005–2015, more than 80 aircraft were upgraded.

Since early 2014, the 368th Assault Aviation Regiment of the 4th Air and Air Defence Forces Army at Budyonnovsk has received advanced Su-25SMs (probably 16 aircraft). Nine more were delivered in 2018,  eight more in early 2019   and four more in early 2020 plus one more in early 2021.

Since 2018, the Aerospace Forces [VKS] have been receiving Su-25SM3s, and a total of 25 aircraft have already been delivered as of June 2019. Unlike the baseline Su-25 and its incrementally upgraded variant, the Su-25SM, both of which have a rather outdated Klen-PS laser target designator in the nose, the Su-25SM3 has been upgraded with the new SOLT-25 electro-optics nose module. The SOLT-25 provides 16× zoom and features a laser range finder and target designator, thermal imager, TV channels, and the ability to track moving targets in all weather up to 8 km away. In addition, the Su-25SM3 comes with the Vitebsk-25 protection suite, which integrates a set of Zakhvat forward and rearward facing missile approach warning ultraviolet sensors, the L-150-16M Pastel radar homing and warning system, two UV-26M 50 mm chaff dispensers, and a pair of wing-mounted L-370-3S radar jamming pods. Furthermore, the Su-25SM3 has been upgraded with the new PrNK-25SM-1 Bars targeting-and-navigation system and the KSS-25 communication system with Banker-8-TM-1 antenna.

As a result from combat experience in Syria the Su-25SM3 has been equipped with SVP-24 navigation and bombing aids that improve the accuracy of unguided bombs.

Su-25KM
The Su-25KM (Komercheski, Modernized), nicknamed "Scorpion", is an Su-25 upgrade programme announced in early 2001 by the original manufacturer, Tbilisi Aircraft Manufacturing in Georgia, in partnership with Elbit Systems of Israel. The prototype aircraft made its maiden flight on 18 April 2001 at Tbilisi in full Georgian Air Force markings. The aircraft uses a standard Su-25 airframe, enhanced with advanced avionics including a glass cockpit, digital map generator, helmet-mounted display, computerised weapons system, complete mission pre-plan capability, and fully redundant backup modes. Performance enhancements include a highly accurate navigation system, pinpoint weapon delivery systems, all-weather and day/night performance, NATO compatibility, state-of-the art safety and survivability features, and advanced onboard debriefing capabilities complying with international requirements. It has the ability to use Israeli Opher infrared-guided bombs and Lizard laser-guided bombs, as well as the Vympel R-73 infrared-guided missile.

Su-28
The Sukhoi Su-28 (also designated Su-25UT – Uchebno-Trenirovochnyy) is an advanced basic jet trainer, built on the basis of the Su-25UB as a private initiative by the Sukhoi Design Bureau. The Su-28 is a light aircraft designed to replace the Czechoslovak Aero L-39 Albatros. Unlike the basic Su-25UB, it lacks a weapons-control system, built-in cannon, weapons hardpoints, and engine armour.

Other

 * Su-25R (Razvedchik) – a tactical reconnaissance variant designed in 1978, but never built.
 * Su-25U3 (Uchebnyy 3-myestny) – also known as the "Russian Troika", was a three-seat basic trainer aircraft. The project was suspended in 1991 due to lack of funding.
 * Su-25U (Uchebnyy) – a trainer variant of Su-25s produced in Georgia between 1996 and 1998. Three aircraft were built in total, all for the Georgian Air Force.
 * Su-25M1/Su-25UBM1 – Su-25 and Su-25UB aircraft modernized by the Ukrainian company MiGremont for the Ukrainian Air Force. Ten modernized as of 2013 (seven single-seat and three trainers). Upgrades include a new GPS receiver, a new radio, more accurate weapon delivery thanks to a new sight, and a new digital flight data recorder. Additionally, upgraded aircraft can use S-13 rockets.
 * Ge-31 is an ongoing Georgian program of Tbilisi Aircraft Manufacturing aiming at producing a renewed version of Su-25 without Russian components and parts.
 * T-12 ("Shturmovik-90") – a proposed successor to the Su-25. It would have utilized a twin fuselage with two cockpits; one would carry the pilot, who would also operate the plane's radar, while the other would operate the plane's weapons and fire control. The T-12's design also included a forward-swept wing and V-tail.

Notable accidents
The Su-25 has been involved in the following notable aviation accidents.
 * An Su-25K of the Air Force of the Democratic Republic of the Congo disappeared in December 2006 during a routine rebasing operation and no wreckage was ever found.
 * Another Congolese Su-25K crashed on 30 June 2007 during an Independence Day display, near the city of Kisangani, killing the pilot. Investigations revealed that the crash was due to an engine failure.
 * An Su-25 of the Russian Air Force exploded in mid-air on 20 March 2008 during a live firing exercise over the Primorsky Krai, 143 km from Vladivostok, killing the pilot. Further investigations revealed that the aircraft was downed by a missile accidentally launched by a wingman. After the accident, all Russian Su-25s were grounded until the investigation was concluded.

title: Sukhoi Su-25


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Richard Haldane, 1st Viscount Haldane

Richard Burdon Haldane, 1st Viscount Haldane, (30 July 1856 – 19 August 1928) was a British lawyer and philosopher and an influential  Liberal and later Labour politician. He was Secretary of State for War between 1905 and 1912 during which time the "Haldane Reforms" of the British Army were implemented. As an intellectual he was fascinated with German thought. That led to his role in seeking detente with Germany in 1912 in the Haldane Mission. The mission was a failure and tensions with Berlin forced London to work more closely with Paris.

Raised to the peerage as Viscount Haldane in 1911, he was Lord Chancellor between 1912 and 1915, when he was forced to resign because of allegations of German sympathies. He later joined the Labour Party and once again served as Lord Chancellor in 1924 in the first Labour administration. Apart from his legal and political careers, Haldane was also an influential writer on philosophy, in recognition of which he was elected a Fellow of the British Academy in 1914.

Background and education
Haldane was born at 17 Charlotte Square, Edinburgh, the son of Robert Haldane and his wife Mary Elizabeth, daughter of Richard Burdon-Sanderson. He was the grandson of the Scottish evangelist James Alexander Haldane, the brother of respiratory physiologist John Scott Haldane, Sir William Haldane and author Elizabeth Haldane, and the uncle of J. B. S. Haldane, Robert Haldane Makgill and Naomi Mitchison.

He received his first education at the Edinburgh Academy, and then at the University of Göttingen. He gained a first and MA at University of Edinburgh where he received first-class honours in Philosophy and was Gray scholar and Ferguson scholar.

After studying law in London, he was called to the bar by Lincoln's Inn, in 1879, and became a successful lawyer. He was taken on at 5 New Square Chambers by Horace Davey in 1882 as the junior. Haldane's practice was a specialism in conveyancing; a particular skill for pleadings at appeal and tribunal cases, bringing cases to the Privy Council and House of Lords. By 1890 he had become a Queen's Counsel. By 1905 he was earning £20,000 per annum at the Bar (equivalent to £ million in ). He became a bencher at Lincoln's Inn in 1893. Amongst his early friends was Edmund Gosse, the librarian of the House of Lords library.

Haldane was a deep thinker, an unusual breed: a philosopher-politician. During his stay at Göttingen he expanded an interest in the German philosophers, Schopenhauer and Hegel. He had refused a place at Balliol, but in nodding respect for the Master and philosopher, T. H. Green, he dedicated his Essays in Philosophical Criticism to him.

Early political career
A cousin, the Whig politician Lord Camperdown encouraged the young barrister into standing as a Liberal at the General Election of 1880. Although not elected that year Haldane joined the Eighty Club, a political dining and discussion club formed in 1879. Membership was restricted to Liberals under the age of forty. In 1881 Haldane met H. H. Asquith, and they soon became firm friends often meeting at the Blue Post Public house on Cork Street. They were founders of the Albert Grey committee, named after Albert Grey, regularly discussing burning social issues, such as education.

In November 1885, Haldane was elected Liberal Member of Parliament for Haddingtonshire, a seat he held until 1911. The philosopher-politician wrote several articles for the advanced and progressive Contemporary Review. In October 1888, "The Liberal Creed" was published summarising his belief in the direction of New Liberalism. In the 1890 article "The Eight Hours Question" Haldane rejected the idea of the eight-hour day. In 1888, he courted Emma Valentine Ferguson, sister of his Liberal party friend, Ronald Munro-Ferguson; she broke off the engagement and subsequently lampooned him in her novel Betsy in 1892. Haldane became firmly ensconced in the Imperialist wing of Liberalism, led by Sir Edward Grey. At the 1892 General Election, he received a shock when nearly defeated by the Liberal Unionist, Walter Hepburne-Scott, Master of Polwarth. Beatrice Webb, the socialist who was a close intimate, remarked on how alone Haldane was in the world. Haldane added the preface to Leonard Hobhouse's The Labour Movement in 1893. Emma Ferguson died insane in 1897. Webb remarked, "He had pathos in his personality, a successful lawyer tinged with socialism."

Liberal Imperialist
Focusing on his writings, Haldane was passed over for political office, being the only one of his group left out in the wilderness. Haldane remained an ally of Asquith and Grey in the Liberal Imperialist wing of the party, followers of Lord Rosebery rather than of Sir William Harcourt. Rosebery admired Haldane's intellect, and the Scotsman urged upon his friend, whom he had known since 1886, an assault on Tory power in the Lords in 1894. Haldane joined friends at the Articles Club, including Asquith and Grey. Haldane was disappointed having failed to secure the post of Solicitor-General in October 1894. Asquith wryly remarked "A very wrong decision come to upon inadequate grounds." Haldane was sounded out for the Speakership by Rosebery, but refused it, declaring it to be a political death.

At a meeting with Beatrice Webb Haldane told her he was disconsolate at the condition of the Liberal Party: "Rot has set in there is no hope now but to be beaten and then reconstruct a new party". The leaders of the party were exasperated and believed Rosebery to lack planning and direction. "Although Asquith, Grey and I", wrote Haldane, "stuck by him... we never knew when he would retire and leave us in the lurch". When Rosebery offered the Speakership, he refused it that March. However, on 11 October 1896, he wrote to Rosebery that he "was the leader of a revolution in our party".

On 11 August 1902, Haldane was admitted to the Privy Council, following an announcement of the King's intention to make the appointment in the 1902 Coronation Honours list, published in June that year. The King used his influence and charm to cultivate allies, bringing cross-party groups like The Souls together in consensual amity. Balfour's administration leant on Haldane's philosophy for educational reforms.

After the Conservative government of Arthur Balfour fell in December 1905 there was some speculation that Asquith and his allies Haldane and Grey would refuse to serve unless Henry Campbell-Bannerman accepted a peerage, which would have left Asquith as the real leader in the House of Commons. Haldane had suggested involving the King at Balmoral to 'kick CB upstairs'. However, the plot (called "The Relugas Compact" after Grey's Scottish lodge where the men met) collapsed when Asquith agreed to serve as Chancellor of the Exchequer under Campbell-Bannerman.

Haldane wrote, "One longs for Rosebery had he been coming in to his right place at the head of affairs, we could have gone anywhere with confidence. But it seems now as if this were not to be and we have to do the only thing we can do, which is to resolutely follow a plan of concerted action".

On 13 December 1905, Haldane was appointed Secretary of State for War, but he may have been offered the jobs of Attorney-General and Home Secretary. (Grey became Foreign Secretary). Unity in the Liberals helped them obtain the largest electoral majority in the party's history in the 1906 general election.

Secretary of State for War
As early as January 1906 Haldane was persuaded by fellow Liberal Imperialist Edward Grey to begin planning for a Continental war in support of the French against the Germans. However, Haldane's first estimates reduced the Army by 16,600 men and reduced expenditure by £2.6m to £28 million, as the Liberals had been elected on a platform of retrenchment. By 1914 Britain spent 3.4% of national income on defence, little more in absolute terms than Austria-Hungary's 6.1%. Army expenditure was determined according to a formula devised by the Esher Committee. In 1900, during the Boer War, army expenditure was £86.8m, by 1910 (a low point, after four years of cuts under the Liberals) it had dropped to £27.6m and by 1914 it had risen back to £29.4m. In March 1914 effective expenditure on the Army, after allowing for increased pensions and £1m set aside for military aviation, was still less than in 1907–8, and £2m less than in 1905-6 (despite a 20% rise in prices since then).

In October 1907 Haldane was intimately involved with the negotiations at Windsor with Kaiser Wilhelm II. The Germanophile and linguist was thrilled to be summoned at 1 am to talk with the Emperor over whisky on arms reduction principles. But the import was the Berlin–Baghdad railway which Germany was hoping to construct with British approval. A fluent German-speaker, Haldane was lulled into a false sense of security believing 'like a bear with a sore head' that he had won a great deal. Another such conference took place at Balmoral in September 1909. But the Kaiser, refusing to converse with a mere secretary, arrogantly insisted that only the King was of equal rank.

Despite the budgetary constraints, Haldane implemented a wide-ranging set of reforms of the Army, aimed at preparing the army for an Imperial war but with the more likely (and secret) task of a European war. The main element of this was the establishment of the British Expeditionary Force of six infantry divisions and one cavalry division. The Official Historian Brigadier James Edmonds later wrote that "in every respect the Expeditionary Force of 1914 was incomparably the best trained, best organised and best equipped British Army ever to leave these shores"

Army reforms
Haldane set up the Imperial General Staff. Before Haldane, there was only the Defence Committee of the Cabinet, which met only in emergencies, and the Colonial Defence Committee. Esher had recommended the setting up of an Army Council and the abolition of the post of Commander-in-Chief, but few of his recommendations had been implemented before the change of government in December 1905. Haldane's reforms also created the Territorial Force of 14 divisions (the original plan was for 28) and 14 mounted Yeomanry brigades at home, the Officer Training Corps and the Special Reserve.

In all the reforms, Haldane worked closely at the War Office with Major-General Haig. By coincidence, both men had been born in Charlotte Square, in Edinburgh. J. A. Spender later wrote of how Haldane got the best work out of an able but verbally-incoherent soldier (thought to refer to Haig) by not scoring verbal points off him, as many politicians would have done.

Usually critical, Rosebery remarked on Haldane's interest in philosophy, declaring: "I have read his Secret Memorandum, and that was enough". In 1907 and 1908, Haldane passed far-reaching reforms to Army management. He was accredited as an efficient bureaucratic leader, notably founding the Territorial Army in a Second Memorandum. His reforms re-oriented British military policy, revamped army organization along the lines of the German General Staff, upgraded the training of the auxiliary forces, and created an efficient and economically run service. Those reforms enabled Britain to send some 120,000 men to France in fifteen days in August 1914.

Haldane was also instrumental in the creation the Advisory Committee for Aeronautics in 1909, which provided the fledgling aircraft industry in the United Kingdom with a sound body of science on which to base the development of aircraft for the next seventy years (it was disbanded in 1979).

Philosopher-politician
Throughout his long career and association with the modernisers or 'Limps' Haldane used his considerable intellect to great advantage against economy. A radical liberal, Haldane was also, according to historian Martin Pugh, one of the "best supporters" of David Lloyd George's "People's Budget." During the constitutional and budget crisis of 1909–11, Haldane advised his friend and Prime Minister, Asquith on the legal niceties of his stance towards the monarch, who was outraged at the firebrand speeches from Churchill and Lloyd George. Stumbling from illness to illness, Haldane's own bad health was similar to King Edward's declining fortunes.

Two elections ensued, one in January and another in December 1910, before in 1911 he was raised to the peerage as Viscount Haldane, of Cloan in the County of Perth. He became Leader in the Lords, responsible for the passage of the Parliament Act. On Lord Loreburn's retirement in June 1912, Haldane succeeded him as Lord Chancellor, making a self-deprecating speech as to his abilities as a legal expert.

Haldane Mission of 1912 to Berlin
1912 saw the unsuccessful attempt of the Haldane Mission, an effort to quell the friction between Britain and Germany arising because of their escalating naval arms race. The mission was a failure because the Germans would agree to slow the tempo of its warship construction only if Britain promised to remain neutral if Germany should become engaged in a war where "Germany could not be said to be the aggressor." Above all Berlin wanted Britain to remain neutral in a war between Germany and France. That carried an unacceptable risk encouraging Germany to go to war with France or Russia and taking control of the continent.

First World War
In March 1914 Haldane's successor at the War Office, Jack Seely, resigned following the Curragh incident. Rather than appoint a successor, Asquith decided to take over responsibility for the War Office directly himself. Asquith relied heavily on Haldane as the previous War Secretary and empowered him to carry out tasks at the War Office on his behalf. As the situation in Europe worsened, Asquith kept Haldane abreast of developments with Sir Edward Grey at the Foreign Office. Haldane was one of the first members of the Cabinet to recognise that war with Germany was inevitable and persuaded Asquith to mobilise by assembly of the Army Council on 3 August. With war imminent, Asquith was happy for Haldane to continue at the War Office formally as Secretary of State for War, but Haldane persuaded him to appoint Field Marshal Kitchener.

Following the outbreak of the First World War Haldane was falsely accused of pro-German sympathies, in July 1914, for hosting Albert Ballin, a German shipping magnate and unofficial mediator between Germany and Britain. The accusations were widely believed and were even echoed in a popular music hall song ("All dressed up and nowhere to go") in the revue "Mr Manhattan". He was harried in particular by Beaverbrook's Daily Express, which gave great publicity to the claim by Professor Onkel of Heidelberg that he had said "Germany was his spiritual home". He had in fact said that about Professor Hermann Lotze's classroom at Göttingen at a dinner party given by Mrs Humphry Ward in April 1913 to enable him to meet some German professors during his mission.

In 1915 Asquith ranked his Cabinet, putting Haldane only sixth of the inner cabinet members. He also inveigled Kitchener and Haldane to sign the King's Pledge, a vow to abstain from alcohol for the duration of the war, which Haldane resented and which Churchill and Asquith himself completely ignored.

Dismissal from office
Following the shell crisis and the resignation of Lord Fisher, in May 1915 the Liberals were obliged to form a coalition government with the Conservatives who, under the leadership of Bonar Law, insisted on the removal of Winston Churchill as First Lord of the Admiralty and the dismissal of Haldane. Haldane's removal was on account of the popularity of the press's campaign relating to Haldane's alleged pro-German sympathies. Neither the former prime minister Arthur Balfour, Haldane's closest friend amongst the Conservatives, nor Asquith, the Liberal prime minister of the day and Haldane's closest political ally and friend for over 30 years, did anything to resist Bonar Law's demands. Roy Jenkins in his biography of Asquith describes the charges as "absolute nonsense" and Max Egremont describes Balfour as "knowing the injustice behind the charges" and "being privately indignant".

To the detriment of their relationship, Asquith gave no personal expression to Haldane. Jenkins describes the omission as "the most uncharacteristic fault of Asquith's whole career" attributing it to Asquith suffering the "indescribable blow" of the surprise announcement of the engagement of the woman he loved, Venetia Stanley, to one of his government ministers, Edwin Montagu.

Following his departure from the government Haldane went to the front to meet his old friend General Haig, and his cousin, General Aylmer Haldane, but he was exhausted on being ejected from Cabinet. Having been awarded the Order of Merit in 1915, in the personal gift of George V, he wrote a Memorandum of Events, 1906–15, to defend his reputation. It was published in April 1916. Haldane thought Lloyd George's new government, formed in December 1916, "very low class". Haldane told Lord Buckmaster at this time, "Asquith is a first-class head of a deliberative council. He is versed in precedents, acts on principle, and knows how and when to compromise. Lloyd George knows nothing for precedents and cares for no principles, but he has fire in his belly and that is what we want."

As the war progressed Haldane moved increasingly close to the Labour Party, but he was held back by his ties to the Liberal Party and to Asquith. When the Irish War of Independence broke out in 1919, Haldane was one of the first British politicians to argue that the solution lay in compromise rather than force.

Contribution to Canadian constitutional law
As Lord Chancellor, Haldane was a member of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, at that time the court of last resort for the Empire. He retained the position even when he was no longer Chancellor. He sat on several cases from Canada dealing with the division of powers between the federal and provincial governments under the Canadian Constitution, particularly the interplay between sections 91 and 92 of the British North America Act 1867. He gave the decision for the Judicial Committee in several of those cases, and showed a marked tendency to favour the provincial powers at the expense of the federal government. For instance, in the case of In re the Board of Commerce Act, 1919, and the Combines and Fair Prices Act, he gave the decision striking down federal legislation which attempted to regulate the economy, challenging the legality of the Canadian legislature. In doing so, he gave very restrictive readings to both the "peace, order and good government" power of the federal government, as well as the federal criminal law power. Similarly, in Toronto Electric Commissioners v. Snider, Lord Haldane struck down a federal statute attempting to regulate industrial disputes, holding that it was not within federal authority under either the peace, order and good government power, nor the federal trade and commerce power. He went so far as to suggest that the trade and commerce power was simply an ancillary federal power, which could not authorise legislation in its own right. The effects of some of these decisions have subsequently been modified by later decisions of the Judicial Committee and the Supreme Court of Canada, but they have had the long-term effect of recognising substantial provincial powers.

Haldane's approach to the division of powers was heavily criticised by some academics and lawyers in Canada, such as F. R. Scott and Chief Justice Bora Laskin, as unduly favouring the provinces over the federal government and depriving it of the powers needed to deal with modern economic issues. More recently, one major study has characterised him as "the wicked stepfather" of the Canadian Constitution.

Influence on education
In 1895, Haldane helped the Webbs found the London School of Economics. A fundamental believer in the power of improving education, he prepared the London University Act 1898. The philosophy of 'national efficiency' was central feature of the Hegelian complex, and the ideas of Schopenhauer, he had learnt on the continent, that accentuated freedom and decentralisation from an historicist's perspective. His moral centrism sought to unify The New Liberalism, as he published it in Contemporary Review. From a pan-European perspective he analysed the German character and economic advances towards militarism. He was largely responsible for the cross-party support for Balfour's Education Act 1902. He told Rosebery "a sense of nation is working towards ...a great centre party." He was also involved in the founding of Imperial College in 1907 and in his honour the University contained the Haldane Recreational Library, which now forms part of the main library collection.

Haldane was a member of the Coefficients dining club of social reformers set up in 1902 by the Fabian campaigners Sidney and Beatrice Webb. He wrote a biography of Adam Smith, extolling the virtues of free trade. Unlike Joseph Chamberlain he thought there was no strong connection between fiscal and imperial unity. He opposed any attempt to protection of British trade.

In 1904, he was President of the Edinburgh Sir Walter Scott Club and gave the Toast to Sir Walter at the Club's annual dinner, addressing "The dedicated life" to a group of students on 10 January 1907. He also served as second Chancellor of the University of Bristol where he made an important address titled "The Civic University" outlining his educational philosophy in 1911. At the end of his life Lord Haldane was elected Chancellor of the University of St Andrews in June 1928. Perhaps his greatest speech on education was made in House of Lords on 12 July 1916, at the height of the terrible slaughter on the Western Front.

Writings
Haldane co-translated the first English edition of Schopenhauer's The World as Will and Representation, published between 1883 and 1886. He wrote several philosophical works, the best known of which is The Reign of Relativity (1921), which dealt with the philosophical implications of the theory of relativity. Haldane published "The Pathway to Reality", based on the Gifford Lectures which he had delivered at the University of St Andrews. Some of his public addresses have also been published, including The future of democracy (1918).

 * Army Reform and Other Addresses (1907)
 * Army Reform and Other Addresses (1907)
 * Army Reform and Other Addresses (1907)

Personal life
Haldane had health problems all his life. He suffered from bad rheumatism, a stigmata in the eye and in 1909, he had to take bed rest when going blind from iritis. A lifelong walker and cigar smoker, he was diagnosed diabetic. "The latter is a large, fat man" was Haig's initial impression of a dignified but portly demeanour. Yet, added Haig, "One seems to like the man at once." Having worked on the Army Regulations of 1909, Haig applauded "a most clear headed and practical man––very ready to listen and weigh carefully all that is said to him." Osbert Sitwell described him as "entering a room with the air of a whole procession". Leo Amery said he looked like "the old-fashioned family butler". Another Imperialist, Winston Churchill also respected Haldane, although they were from differing social backgrounds. On promoting Churchill to First Lord of the Admiralty, Asquith advised him to seek Haldane's advice at a meeting held at Archerfield, North Berwick. From 1907 to 1908, he was president of the Aristotelian Society.

Haldane remained a lifelong bachelor after his fiancée, Miss Valentine Ferguson, broke off their engagement. He died suddenly of heart disease at his home in Auchterarder, Scotland, on 19 August 1928, aged 72. The viscountcy became extinct on his death.

Later years
In December 1918, Lloyd George appointed Haldane chairman of 'The Machinery of Government' committee. However, the Armistice had taken all impetus out of the reform agenda.

At the time of the Paisley by-election of January 1920 Haldane was in the process of shifting his sympathies from Liberal to Labour, and was wrongly thought to have endorsed Labour (earning a rebuke from Margot Asquith, whom Haldane thought "tiresome because she is ignorant", to his aged mother). In fact he favoured Asquith's election on a personal level.

Being a fluent German speaker, ascetic philosopher and atheist, he played host to Albert Einstein, when he visited London in 1921. As President of the Institute of Public Administration, he was a leading intellectual on the philosophy of governance. "The Reign of Relativity" combined Haldane's love of all things German expressed by Goethe and his works, with the Hegelian military-industrial complex. Haldane admired the fact that Germans were "trained to obey". Hegel's aristocratic desire for law and order and defence of property against revolution had a mathematical symmetry. Hegel was a purist: his work attempted to keep science and philosophy apart The rising tide of New Liberalism and moral realism was for Haldane, Hegel's philological precept to improve behaviour, using the empiricism of scientific data as a proof.

Haldane refused to join the platform for Asquith's speech at Westminster Central Hall in January 1922. He stated that his main interest in public life was now education reform and that the cause was not best served by endorsing the Liberal Party. It was not until the general election of 1923 that Haldane formally sided with Labour, and made several speeches on behalf of Labour candidates. When the Labour government was formed by Ramsay MacDonald in early 1924, Haldane served once again as Lord Chancellor. He was also joint Leader of the Labour Peers with Lord Parmoor. Haldane was a vital member of the Cabinet as he was one of only three members who had sat in a cabinet before.

Haldane was responsible for drafting the London University Act 1926, purchasing properties in Euston. He made some famous speeches at Toynbee Hall for the Annual American Seminar.

Legacy
In November 1923 Lord Birkenhead, the Conservative politician, praised Haldane's contribution to Britain's preparedness for the First World War:

"In the welter of sentimentality, amid which Great Britain might easily have mouldered into ruin, my valued colleague, Lord Haldane, presented a figure alike interesting, individual, and arresting. In speech fluent and even infinite he yielded to no living idealist in the easy coinage of sentimental phraseology. Here, indeed, he was a match for those who distributed the chloroform of Berlin. Do we not remember, for instance, that Germany was his spiritual home? But he none the less prepared himself, and the Empire, to talk when the time came with his spiritual friends in language not in the least spiritual. He devised the Territorial Army, which was capable of becoming the easy nucleus of national conscription, and which unquestionably ought to have been used for that purpose at the outbreak of war. He created the Imperial General Staff. He founded the Officers' Training Corps."

On Haldane's death The Times described him as "one of the most powerful, subtle and encyclopaedic intellects ever devoted to the public service of his country".

The military historian Correlli Barnett claimed that Haldane had "all-round personal talents far exceeding those of his predecessors" as Secretary of State for War and that he was "a man of first-class intellect and wide education". Walter Reid believed Haldane to be the greatest of the Secretaries for War.

Decided cases

 * Heilbut, Symons & Co v Buckleton [1912] UKHL 2, no damages for non-fraudulent misrepresentation, reversed by Hedley Byrne
 * British Westinghouse Electric and Manufacturing Co v Underground Electric Railway Co of London [1912] AC 673, 689, on mitigation
 * Kreglinger v New Patagonia Meat & Cold Storage Co Ltd [1913] UKHL 1, no clog on equity of redemption
 * Sinclair v Brougham [1914] AC 398, priority for depositors over shareholders
 * Nocton v Lord Ashburton [1914] AC 932, fiduciary duty of giving non-negligent advice
 * Dunlop Pneumatic Tyre Co Ltd v Selfridge & Co Ltd [1915] UKHL 1, no right to enforce resale price maintenance without a contract
 * Lennard's Carrying Co Ltd v Asiatic Petroleum Co Ltd [1915] AC 705, directors are presumed to be the controlling minds of the company
 * Cook v Deeks [1916] UKPC 10, no conflicts of interest for company directors
 * Jones v Jones [1916] 2 AC 487
 * Great West Saddlery Company Limited and others v The King [1921] UKPC 27
 * Macedo v Stroud [1922] AC 330, property transfer
 * Jasperson v Dominion Tobacco Co [1923] AC 709, interference with contractual relations
 * Lake v Simmons [1927] AC 487

title: Richard Haldane, 1st Viscount Haldane


text:
Richard Pankhurst (politician)

Richard Marsden Pankhurst (1834 – 5 July 1898) was an English barrister and socialist who was a strong supporter of women's rights. He was married to suffragette Emmeline Pankhurst.

Early life
Richard Pankhurst was the son of Henry Francis Pankhurst (1806–1873) and Margaret Marsden (1803–1879). Pankhurst was born in Stoke but spent most of his life in Manchester and London. He was educated at Manchester Grammar School and Owens College of Manchester. In 1858 he graduated B.A. from the University of London and in 1859 was awarded LL.B. with Honours. In 1863 he graduated LL.D. with gold medal.

Career
He was called to the Bar at Lincoln's Inn in 1867 and joined the Northern Assizes circuit. He was also a member of the Bar of the County Palatine of Lancaster Court.

Following qualification he was a founder member of the Manchester Liberal Association, although he was subsequently to fall out with the Liberals. He campaigned for multiple causes, including free speech, universal free secular education, republicanism, home rule for the Irish, independence for India, nationalisation of land, the disestablishment of the Church of England and the abolition of the House of Lords. He established a National Society for Women's Suffrage, drafted the Women's Disabilities Removal Bill (the first women's suffrage bill in England) and was the original author of the bill which became the Married Women's Property Act 1882 which gave wives absolute control over their property and earnings.

He married Emmeline Goulden, better known as Emmeline Pankhurst, who was some 24 years younger than he was, in 1878. With her, he was instrumental in establishing a branch of the Independent Labour Party. Together they formed the Women's Franchise League in 1889. They were part of a political circle which included Keir Hardie, Annie Besant, William Morris and George Bernard Shaw. They were present at the Bloody Sunday riot in Trafalgar Square.

Known as the "Red Doctor", he stood for Parliament in 1883 as candidate for Manchester, in 1885 for Rotherhithe, Surrey, and in 1895 in Manchester Gorton, in all cases unsuccessfully. His controversial views did not win him many clients, but did afford him a place of great respect in the Independent Labour Party, even long after his sudden death, from stomach ulcers, at the age of 64.

He was buried alongside his parents in Brooklands Cemetery, Sale, Cheshire, where there is a headstone bearing their names.

Personal life
With his wife Emmeline, he was father to five children: Christabel Pankhurst (1880–1958), Sylvia Pankhurst (1882–1960), Francis Henry (1884–1888), Adela Pankhurst (1885–1961), and Henry Francis (1889–1910). His daughters all became suffragettes. Through his daughter Sylvia, he is the great-grandfather of Helen Pankhurst and grandfather of Richard Pankhurst, who shares his name.

Sayings

 * "Life is nothing without enthusiasms"
 * "Every struggling cause shall be ours"
 * [The House of Lords is] "a public abattoir butchering the liberties of the people"
 * [The clergy of the Church of England are] "a portentious [sic?] beadledom"

title: Richard Pankhurst (politician)