text:
Talk:Aircraft noise pollution

Change title from aviation noise to aircraft noise
I propose this article is moved to Aircraft noise. It's not aviation that makes the noise, it's the aircraft! Renaming will help people locate the article in a search - besides, no-one I know refers to it as aviation noise. GRAHAMUK 11:21, 8 Nov 2003 (UTC)

Agree
I woudl agree with the aforementioned comment

Agree --Hooperbloob 04:13, 4 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Agree - Adrian Pingstone 15:15, 4 Feb 2005 (UTC)

Agree. There's also Car noise. GregorB 21:02, July 10, 2005 (UTC)

strongly agree' --the entire body of scientific and popular literature on this subject uses the term "aircraft noise"....also this article needs a lot of work with references, discussion of standards and mitigation programs...i will do some of this Anlace 18:29, 9 February 2006 (UTC)

i have made this change with the concurrence above...Anlace 23:43, 24 February 2006 (UTC)

Enroute noise bad too
Somebody please mention that even after planes have reached cruising altitude, they are still noisy, at least to countryside dwellers. They ought to move those routes to go over the ocean more. E.g., see my http://jidanni.org/comm/air/m750/ --jidanni 2/06

 * i shall try to address this jidanni, thanks for the mention of an important concept Anlace 23:41, 24 February 2006 (UTC)

 * issue has been attended to with a discussion under health effects. Noise health effects generally embraces annoyance issues. cheers Anlace 06:36, 31 March 2006 (UTC)

Picture of aircraft
I think this is an appropriate pic as it shows how near planes get to the houses and gives an idea of how noisy it must be in those houses.--Light current 01:53, 1 April 2006 (UTC)

Noise levels
Cant just say 113 dB. We must define exactly the level. Is it a a SPL of 113 dB rel to 1mw? At what distance would this SPL be measured?--Light current 23:57, 5 April 2006 (UTC)

Fix
Seems to be disorganized. The section on Sonic Boom is empty, and the page has numerous formatting errors.

Floating airports
This material should be stricken in entirety. It is not a realistic or well supported scheme. If no citation to the contrary can be advanced, it needs to be eliminated rapidly as it distorts reality of present day economics. Anlace 04:26, 22 December 2006 (UTC)

An issue with neutral point of view
I believe that the user Aeroblue is pushing a particular point of view and using Wikipedia to promote his own interests. Aeroblue is both a 527 political action committee and a 501(c)(4)in NJ and the founder is an individual that has in the past ran the Solberg Airport Website. Solberg and the township of Readington are in a heated legal battle over the Airport's expansion and this particular user is using Wikipedia to promote his particular side of the debate by including it in this article.

The whole paragraph regarding Readington Township's fight should be stricken from the Airport noise section. One section in particular about Readington states: While the FAA and the aviation industry have made aircraft considerably quieter, local municipalities continue to zone and build homes and schools at the end of runways, such as in 2003, Readington Township, NJ which built an Elementary School at the end of Solberg Airport Runway 31. In situations such as this, only the local authorities can be responsible for this type of inadequate planning.

The Elementary school in question happens to be right next to the middle school that has been there since the early 1960's. The runway in question is a dirt crosswinds runway that receieves very little usage. Regardless of this information Aeroblue is pushing his particular point of view into an article about aircraft noise.

Aeroblue then goes on to promote his organization:

Organizations such as AeroBlue.Org propose stronger controls to improve the integration of airports with local land-use patterns. In addition, Home Owners have a responsibility and control of where they buy a home or choose to live.

For these reasons I will edit the content and removed if from the page. If Aeroblue wishes to add only the facts of the Readington/Solberg issue that would be acceptable.

Npsguy 14:42, 30 August 2007 (UTC)

Responding to Point of View
Aircraft noise is a difficult issue and requires input from all points of view. The example noted above is an excellent example that adds value to the discussion. Factual errors in the comment above have been removed, however, clearly the author includes his own bias.

This Wiki is a valuable collection of input from several organizations involved in addressing this issue.

The comments include several factual errors and illustrates the bias against proper planning. The comment attempts to rationalize building a school at the end of a runway.

AeroBlue 12:11, 6 September 2007 (UTC)

Response to Aeroblue
The elementary school in question has no known Aircraft noise complaints from the airport next door. This is primarily because that runway in question is a grass runway and rarely used. So the question is WHY should THIS school be mentioned in an article about Aircraft noise? It doesn't add to the article at all and if anything... confuses the topic.

If Aeroblue wanted to discuss a school with aircraft noise issues, he should have mentioned the schools around Teterboro airport in which the state of New Jersey paid over $2 million recently in sound proofing. These schools are far more appropriate for this article on aircraft noise. Not a school that currently has no known noise issues.

Now why does Aeroblue decide that Readington township which has no current aircraft noise issues require a mention while other more busier airports do not. Well... unfortunately for two reasons. One because the director of Aeroblue works for Solberg Airport (the airport he mentions) and that leads to a very "biased viewpoint". As you can see from the Aeroblue.org website at  the founder (Hitzel) is also director at the Solberg  “public outreach” website www.partners-solberg.org

Aeroblue also happens to be a political action committee whose website says "AeroBlue.Org Aviation Political Action Committee is a federal political committee which primarily helps members elect candidates who support Aviation through a variety of activities aimed at influencing the outcome of the next election."   (see the bottom of  )

Now I take issue with what Aeroblue states; that I have factual errors. I wish that he would point out exactly what facts are in error but let's assume he means everything I wrote.

So my statements "The Elementary school in question happens to be right next to the middle school that has been there since the early 1960's. The runway in question is a dirt crosswinds runway that receives very little usage" must be in error?

Well let me point you to exhibit "A", a map that shows the two Readington schools and Solberg airport: [http://maps.google.com/maps/ms?ie=UTF8&oe=UTF-8&hl=en&t=h&msa=0&ll=40.585669,-74.747844&spn=0.015513,0.043001&z=15&om=1&msid=104741853684414382765.00043a1eaf53cdf6ffa2b ]

On the left map you can see the two schools with Holland Brook elementary to the Northeast. Both schools share the buses that are parked in the middle school parking lot and they share a number of other resources as well. The middle school has been there since the early 1960's (It may have been 1959 actually). The property that the elementary school was built on was already owned by the township. As you can see… they are right next to each other.

You can also see the Solberg grass crosswinds runway is to the east of Holland brook; however the issue of planes "buzzing the school" doesn't happen because the runway is not used as often as the main paved runway. Also the FAA stated prior to building the school that the safety zone around Solberg does not extend as far to the west as the school.

I was wrong to say "dirt" runway however. From the Satellite image it is really a grass runway. Not enough traffic seems to wear the grass down enough for it to be dirt. My mistake.

Now Aeroblue has already ran into issues on Wikipedia with an editor (see [] ) for "the commercial links/content you added to the page Airport were inappropriate, as Wikipedia is an encyclopedia and should not be used for advertising or a collection of external links."

If I am biased as Aeroblue claims, I am biased that I do not like to see works such as Wikipedia be used by a political action committee to be used in upcoming municipal elections. Call me crazy.

In conclusion it is sad and unfortunate that a PAC is using Wikipedia for their own gain.

Npsguy 22:15, 14 September 2007 (UTC)

Wiki Vandalism - accusation
You are engaging in Wiki Vandalism if you persist in deleting content.

Here are the facts you are mistaken about: "The elementary school in question has no known Aircraft noise complaints from the airport next door." Rebuttal: http://www.readingtontwp.org/TC_Minutes05-01-06.pdf

"Resolution from the Readington Township Board of Education expressing opposing the expansion of Solberg Airport and encouraging the Township Committee to take appropriate action to prevent such expansion, noted for information. No action taken."

"If Aeroblue wanted to discuss a school with aircraft noise issues, he should have mentioned the schools around Teterboro airport in which the state of New Jersey paid over $2 million recently in sound proofing. " Rebuttal: So why build a new school next to an airport that will then require sound proofing? This is a valid topic of the WIKI discussion.

"One because the director of Aeroblue works for Solberg Airport" Rebuttal: This is absolutely untrue. "is also director at the Solberg “public outreach” website www.partners-solberg.org" Rebuttal: Which has no ties whatsoever to the airport business or its prorprietors.

"Now why does Aeroblue decide that Readington township which has no current aircraft noise issues" Rebuttal: Point in fact: The town is currently in court using Eminent Domain to take over control of the airport. See www.readingtontwp.com/aircraft-noise.pdf and www.readingtontwp.com/Solberg_Updates.html

"The Elementary school in question happens to be right next to the middle school that has been there since the early 1960's." Rebuttal: Take a big look around the schools and airport. There is lots of other available land in the area besides that at the end of a runway. Why create a problem where none existed? This is the topic of the WIKI.

"The property that the elementary school was built on was already owned by the township. As you can see… they are right next to each other." Rebuttal: Real estate investments by the school board could have been swapped with other land in the township's considerable land holdings. Since there was a noise concern, why not just swap the land in a more desirable location in the interests of the school children and tax payers?

"Not enough traffic seems to wear the grass down enough for it to be dirt." Rebuttal: If there is so little traffic, then why is the Board of Ed or the township so concerned as to use Eminent Domain to take over the private airstrip? Eminent Domain is typically used FOR transportation improvements, not to prevent them.

"I am biased that I do not like to see works such as Wikipedia be used by a political action committee to be used in upcoming municipal elections." Rebuttal: AeroBlue.Org is a civic organization. There are many organizations participating in this Wiki, and this post made no mention of any political position, party or candidate. It also was the only information regarding Compatible Land use which is backed by current US Federal and state Law. http://www.faa.gov/about/office_org/headquarters_offices/aep/planning_toolkit/media/II.A.pdf Further, Our US government is a democracy which provides the tools and rules for its citizens to participate under.

Please DO NOT VANDALIZE this wiki again by deleting valid discussion points. Use this as an opportunity to clarify the issues. Here are the rules on vandalizm. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/WP:VAN

AeroBlue 02:53, 18 September 2007 (UTC) AeroBlue

Aeroblue, you have already brought this up for mediation. Why are you posting this in the discussion page and not the mediation page? You brought me up for mediation but you have not signed the agreement.

Please move this over to the mediation page so we can resolve it once and for all.

npsguy 03:36, 18 September 2007 (UTC)

Aeroblue my response and proposed compromises
Aeroblue, I answer each of your rebuttals and then make two suggestions at the end on how to resolve this issue.

First, does the PDF you reference in your first point mention current aircraft noise as an issue? Well I read the document (and I was also present at the meeting) and no where in the township meeting minutes you post is there a mention of any current noise complaints about Solberg airport. So my statement about there being no current noise issues at the school still holds does it not? Therefore your entry on Readington schools does not apply to this article.

Your second rebuttal: "So why build a new school next to an airport that will then require sound proofing?"   As I pointed out... it doesn't require sound proofing at all. There is no current issue with noise from aircraft is there and neither the 50 year old middle school on the same piece of property. There are no requests for state or local dollars for sound proofing. See this press release for schools who have requested funding. Therefore your entry on Readington schools does not apply to this article.

Your rebuttal stating that "The town is currently in court using Eminent Domain to take over control of the airport." is also not true AT all is it? Solberg airport sits on a portion of a 725 acres tract of land. According to the declaration of taking   filed with the courts, the township wishes to use eminent domain to buy the land not being used as an airport. No part of the operation airport will be taken and it will remain in the hands of the Solberg family as it always has, correct? Therefore your entry on Readington schools does not apply to this article.

You also stated: "There is lots of other available land in the area besides that at the end of a runway. Why create a problem where none existed? This is the topic of the WIKI". No...actually the topic of the Wiki is 'Aircraft noise'. It is not about a rural township name Readington whose schools have no current issue with aircraft noise. This is why your entry on Readington schools does not apply to this article.

You then go on to say: "Real estate investments by the school board could have been swapped with other land in the township's considerable land holdings.”    Aeroblue aren’t we debating if the Readington schools merit the mention in the ‘Aircraft noise’ section??  We are not debating the township’s real estate purchases that took place back in the 1950’s.   Again this is why your entry on Readington schools does not apply to this article.

You then ask "If there is so little traffic, then why is the Board of Ed or the township so concerned as to use Eminent Domain to take over the private airstrip?"    This statement is incorrect as I stated above. The history is that the State made an offer to purchase Solberg airport in the early 2000’s. At first there was agreement on the price of $22 million for the whole airport but then Solberg pulled out of the deal.  The negotiations that fell apart were coincidentally conducted by Simeon Hitzel, Director of Aeroblue.org, which your user page says you are a member of (as well as your user name). AOPA Airport Support network volunteer Simeon Hitzel played a critical role in bringing the state into the negotiations and in keeping both pilots and the public involved in the process. Some state officials called Hitzel's involvement "key" to making the deal.

In Feb 2006 owners of the Solberg airport requested that the citizens be allowed to vote on a bond referendum to purchase the land around the airport, but not the airport itself. The citizens voted and the bond vote was passed by the people of Readington. Now while all of this current local history is fascinating… it doesn’t justify mentioning Readington’s schools in the ‘aircraft noise’ article. Again your entry on Readington schools does not apply to this article.

You then go on to say "AeroBlue.Org is a civic organization. There are many organizations participating in this Wiki, and this post made no mention of any political position, party or candidate."

Aeroblue's website that is linked from your user page states “AeroBlue.Org Aviation Political Action Committee is a federal political committee which primarily helps members elect candidates who support Aviation through a variety of activities aimed at influencing the outcome of the next election.” .

I also showed above your pamphlet that you sent out to legislators of New Jersey pushing a bill to propose removing schools from around airports. Readington Township was the first name on the list of schools. It makes one suspicious that you chose Readington to give credibility to your lobbying efforts; especially now when there is a current legal court case going on between Solberg and Readington

You then end with "Our US government is a democracy which provides the tools and rules for its citizens to participate under."

I agree the US Government does provide ‘tools’ for citizens to participate under. '''Is Wikipedia one them? No.'''  Wikipedia is an open encyclopedia, not a debate forum.

Think about this...if Wikipedia allows you to post what many from ‘my side’ feel to be a PAC's non-neutral viewpoint then others will feel compelled to post rebuttal. Very soon I fear this article will more than likely degrade into a battle zone over the current Solberg/Readington legal case taking place.  That is what I am trying to avoid here. The sysop’s and mediators have enough issues to contend with.

Now I proposed a compromise to this... that you write a neutral commentary about a school that does have a long documented history of aircraft noise issues. Here is a link to the Port Authority’s press release from this year about the 10 schools in the NY/NJ area that are receiving millions of dollars to sound proof their schools.

As you can see, Readington is not on the list at all and it isn’t even near any of these places. Chosing one of them and discussing their issues would be more in line with what this article is about.

In addition, we could jointly create a Solberg airport page where both your side and mine create our own section that discusses what two different sides are fighting for. I think that both these suggestions go a long way towards a final amicable solution and maintains some level of neutrality.

Thank you Aeroblue for your time and I hope you kindly consider what I have said here. —Preceding unsigned comment added by Npsguy (talk • contribs) 15:04, 18 September 2007 (UTC)

Table Needed comparing aircraft noise
It would be nice if there was a table comparing aircraft noise. e.g. noisy aircraft and quiet ones. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 78.146.92.73 (talk) 15:53, 3 August 2008 (UTC)

New Section Needed: Noise Monitoring Equipment
A new section is needed to explain how airport carry about noise monitoring equipment. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 78.147.201.85 (talk) 16:37, 5 August 2008 (UTC)

New Section needed : Ground Running
Airport carry about Ground Running of aircraft - what does this mean? As this adds to airport noise..... —Preceding unsigned comment added by 78.151.90.194 (talk) 16:16, 7 August 2008 (UTC)

Mention biggest noises first
Be sure to order the article with biggest noises first, and say so. It is also currently not clear how big each type of noise is compared to another. Jidanni (talk) 22:08, 7 December 2013 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

I have just added archive links to 2 one external links on Aircraft noise. Please take a moment to review my edit. If necessary, add after the link to keep me from modifying it. Alternatively, you can add to keep me off the page altogether. I made the following changes:
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/20071115131020/http://www.cbsnews.com:80/stories/2007/02/18/ap/health/mainD8NC00AO0.shtml to http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2007/02/18/ap/health/mainD8NC00AO0.shtml
 * Added archive https://web.archive.org/20070717055137/http://www.dft.gov.uk/press/speechesstatements/statements/nightflyingrestrictionsathea5940 to http://www.dft.gov.uk/press/speechesstatements/statements/nightflyingrestrictionsathea5940

When you have finished reviewing my changes, please set the checked parameter below to true to let others know.

Cheers. —cyberbot II  Talk to my owner :Online 16:01, 17 October 2015 (UTC)

 * ✅ - Ahunt (talk) 16:09, 17 October 2015 (UTC)

Noise reduction methods
I found a reference at https://www.domeenergy.com/the-real-benefits-of-natural-gas-vehicles/ that cars converted to CNG seem to be quieter than cars that run on plain gasoline. So, would the same also be true for aircraft (these use a turbofan, so the engine's different -cars tend to have inline engines-, but depending on what the reduced noise is caused by, perhaps the same would apply with aircraft too) ?

The main thing I'm thinking of, is that the exhaust gas temperature might be lower when burning CNG, which could cause the noise to be lower then. If this is the case, it wouldn't matter whether the CNG fuel is burned in a turbofan, or in an inline engine; it would always lower the noise by a certain percentage.

I'm not sure whether the noise reduction is going to be very high neither. Still, it seems practically doable at least, especially as some companies are already working on CNG conversion kits for aircraft. KVDP (talk) 12:48, 25 February 2017 (UTC)

Article title - changed -
As the article is about pollution, I think its title should be changed to ‘Aircraft noise pollution’, and the lede should begin: ‘Aircraft noise pollution is a harmful noise effect produced by any aircraft or its components…’ Valetude (talk) 15:59, 28 February 2018 (UTC)
 * In the absence of any objections, I tried this today, but the word 'Wikipedia' has got in ahead of the title! If anyone knows how to remove it, I would be grateful. Valetude (talk) 12:50, 8 March 2019 (UTC)

- What was the old title "aircraft noise" ? We still need the non-pollution aspects. New name slants the coverage. jet noise doesn't cover it. - Rod57 (talk) 12:37, 25 September 2022 (UTC)

Lead now says only concerned with noise "in-flight" - not taxiing, takeoff or landing ?
Can we clarify scope includes takeoff and landing ? - Rod57 (talk) 12:41, 25 September 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Aircraft noise pollution


text:
User:Kowey

I am a programmer working on Natural language generation research.

WikiEric
Wiki(pedia|book)ing since 2003-10-31

Changes everywhere
pedia:

 * Special:Watchlist
 * fr:Special:Watchlist
 * ms:Istimewa:Recentchanges

books:

 * b:Special:Watchlist
 * http://fr.wikibooks.org/wiki/Special:Watchlist

meta:
 * m:Special:Watchlist
 * commons:Special:Watchlist

Etc

 * /Pandoc (see http://github.com/kowey/pandoc/ for context)
 * /Russian admin war

fr:Utilisateur:Kowey ms:User:Kowey

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User:Kowey


text:
The Jessica Fletchers

The Jessica Fletchers are a Norwegian indie-pop band, formed in Drammen (near Oslo) in 1997. The band is named after the Murder, She Wrote character Jessica Fletcher.

Albums

 * I Can Shoot You From Here (1997)
 * What Happened To The? (2003)
 * Less Sophistication (2005)
 * You Spider (2007)

EPs

 * Sorry About The Noise (2000)
 * (Come On) It's Only Nine (2002)

Singles

 * "Bloody Seventies Love" (2004)
 * "Summer Holiday & Me" (2005)

Current members

 * Thomas Innstø - lead vocals, guitar (founding member)
 * Rune Somdal - lead guitar, backing vocals, percussion (founding member)
 * Mats Asvald Innstø - keyboards, backing vocals, percussion (joined in 2003)
 * Andreas Mastrup - bass, backing vocals (founding member)
 * Jan Henning Sørensen - drums (joined in 2000)

Past members

 * Vegard Syrstad - keyboards, percussion, backing vocals (1997–2002)
 * Bjørn Rune Lie - drums, backing vocals (1997–2000)
 * Ivar Chr. Johansen (also known as Ravi) - organ, piano, trumpet, percussion, backing vocals (2002–2003)

title: The Jessica Fletchers


text:
Ron Davies (Welsh politician)

Ronald Davies (born 6 August 1946) is a retired Welsh politician, former Secretary of State for Wales, former Member of Parliament and former member of the Welsh Assembly. He describes himself as a politician belonging to the "traditional left" who had "spent his life looking for a socialist progressive party". He was a member of the Labour Party (until 2004), and then of Forward Wales (2004–2009); he was subsequently an independent candidate and eventually joined Plaid Cymru in 2010.

He is credited with being the "architect of devolution" in Wales and led the campaign to create the National Assembly for Wales. He became the first Cabinet Minister to resign from Tony Blair's Cabinet, in 1998, following what became known as a "moment of madness" when he was mugged at knifepoint after agreeing to go for a meal with a man he had met at the well-known gay meeting place of Clapham Common.

Early and personal life
Born in Machen in the Rhymney Valley in Monmouthshire, he was educated in Bassaleg Grammar School before graduating in Geography at Portsmouth Polytechnic.

Davies was first elected as a Councillor in 1969 to the former Machen Urban District Council at the age of 23. A year later he became the youngest council leader in Britain at the age of 24. After local government re-organisation in 1974, he continued as a leader of the newly constituted Rhymney Valley District Council and led a campaign for a Fair Rents Act against plans by the Conservative Government of Edward Heath to increase the amount of rent paid by council house tenants. However, in Labour circles it was well known that he wanted to surrender to the government, but was voted down by the local party management, led by Ray Davies.

After training to be a teacher at Cardiff University he spent two years as a school teacher before becoming a Tutor-Organiser for the Workers' Educational Association, succeeding Neil Kinnock in 1970 when the future Labour leader was elected to Parliament. He went on Further to become Education Adviser for the Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority from 1974 until 1983, when he was elected to Parliament as the Labour MP for Caerphilly.

Davies was married to fellow Welsh MP Christina Rees; the couple divorced in 1999 and have one daughter, Angharad. He subsequently married his third wife, Lynne Hughes, they met on a Welsh-language course, marrying at a register office in Caerphilly on 5 August 2002.

British Parliament
After two years as a backbench MP, Davies was appointed an Opposition Whip in 1985, where his subject areas included agriculture and the environment. In 1987 he was appointed to the opposition frontbench as a spokesman on Agriculture and Rural Affairs responsible for reviewing the Labour Party's policies on animal welfare.

He was appointed Chief Opposition spokesman for agriculture in July 1992 and did much to highlight the growing threat from BSE. In November 1992 he was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for Wales by John Smith.

As the Labour Party's chief spokesman for Wales from 1992 to 1997, Davies developed the party's devolution policy. He negotiated support for a sixty-member Welsh Assembly to take over the functions of the Secretary of State for Wales and elected by an element of proportionality. His personal preference for a body with stronger powers was defeated internally.

In May 1997 Davies was appointed by Tony Blair to the Privy Council and the Cabinet as Secretary of State for Wales. One of his first acts was to return the £150,000 to the Aberfan disaster fund that a previous Labour Government had taken to restore the site of the landslide that had devastated the valley's community in 1966, although controversially this was without interest being paid. As over thirty years had passed, the money was worth a fraction of its original value.

In July 1997, he published the Government's detailed devolution proposals in the White paper "A Voice for Wales" and led the Labour Party's successful campaign for a 'yes' vote in the devolution referendum on 18 September 1997. Though Labour reversed a 4 to 1 majority against devolution recorded in the 1979 referendum, the slender majority of 0.6% on a 50.1% turnout, cast a shadow over the institution's authority.

He steered the Government of Wales Bill through Parliament, and on 31 July 1998, he saw the Government of Wales Act reach the statute book, putting in place the legislation to set up the first ever National Assembly for Wales.

He has been credited with being "the architect of devolution", and was appointed to the highest order of the Gorsedd of the Bards at the 1998 National Eisteddfod in Bridgend, earning the bardic name "Ron o Fachen" (Ron from Machen)

"Moment of Madness" and resignation
On 19 September 1998, Davies defeated Rhodri Morgan to become Labour's candidate for First Secretary of the Assembly at a special Welsh Labour Party conference in Newport. Just over a month later on 29 October 1998, he resigned this post – two days after resigning as Secretary of State for Wales on 27 October 1998. He stood down citing "an error of judgement" in agreeing to go for what he said was a meal with a man he had met while walking on Clapham Common in London, which is a well-known gay meeting place. He was mugged at knifepoint. The full details of the incident (which he infamously called a "moment of madness" at the urging of Tony Blair's Press secretary Alastair Campbell) have never emerged. He later acknowledged that he is bisexual, and was receiving treatment for a personality disorder which led him to seek out risky situations. He stood down from Parliament at the 2001 general election.

National Assembly for Wales
On 30 January 1999, Davies was selected as a Labour candidate for the first elections to the National Assembly for Wales. He was elected on 6 May 1999 as Assembly Member for the Caerphilly constituency, and initially chaired the Economic Development Committee after Alun Michael refused to appoint him to his Cabinet. Further revelations and disagreements with the Labour leadership resulted in his resignation from the chairmanship of the committee.

He is known for the phrase "Devolution is a process and not an event", by which he meant that the settlement he introduced in 1997 would not be the final one, and more powers would accrue to the Welsh Assembly over time. He wrote a pamphlet for the think tank the Institute of Welsh Affairs with the same title in 1998.

Shortly before the 2003 assembly elections, The Sun revealed that Davies had been visiting a well known cruising spot near a motorway lay-by. When challenged as to what he had been doing there, Davies initially denied being there, then told reporters that he had been going for a short walk, adding: "I have actually been there when I have been watching badgers". Davies was forced by his local party to stand down as Labour candidate in the election.

Political activity since 2003
Davies resigned from the Labour Party in 2004, citing opposition to the Iraq War, the party's stance on university funding and worries about the competence of Welsh Labour. He subsequently joined the new Forward Wales political party, and stood for election to the European Parliament in June 2004 as a candidate of that party, but failed to be elected. He then stood unsuccessfully in the 2007 assembly elections as an independent for Caerphilly, placing third behind Labour and Plaid Cymru.

In the 2008 local elections he was elected to Caerphilly County Borough Council, as an independent councillor for the Bedwas, Trethomas and Machen ward. He also was the Cabinet Member for Regeneration.

Davies then started actively supporting the Plaid Cymru administration in Caerphilly. His Forward Wales Party disbanded in January 2010, paving the way for him to stand as a Plaid Cymru candidate. Davies appeared at a Plaid Cymru rally in Aberystwyth during the 2010 UK general election campaign. He joined the party later in 2010 and stood unsuccessfully as the party's candidate in Caerphilly in the 2011 Assembly elections. In 2012 he stood as a Plaid Cymru candidate for Bedwas, and was defeated.

title: Ron Davies (Welsh politician)


text:
Pateros

Pateros, officially the Municipality of Pateros (Bayan ng Pateros), is the lone municipality of Metro Manila, Philippines. According to the 2020 census, it has a population of 65,227 people.

This municipality is famous for its duck-raising industry and especially for producing balut, a Filipino delicacy, which is a boiled, fertilized duck egg. Pateros is also known for the production of red salty eggs and "inutak", a local rice cake. Moreover, the town is known for manufacturing of "alfombra", a locally-made footwear with a carpet-like fabric on its top surface. Pateros is bordered by the highly urbanized cities of Pasig to the north, and by Taguig to the east, west and south.

Pateros is the smallest municipality both in population and in land area, in Metro Manila, but it is the second most densely populated at around 37,000 PD/km2 after the capital city of Manila.

Etymology
The name Pateros is most likely derived from the duck-raising industry. The Tagalog word (of Spanish origin) for "duck" is pato and pateros, "duck-raisers". The early 19th-century U.S. diplomat Edmund Roberts used Duck-town, another name for Pateros, stating that he "never before saw so many ducks together" in one place. The duck reference is perfectly suited for Pateros, whose popular culinary specialty is a street food called Balut (food), a fertilized developing duck embryo that is boiled and eaten from the shell. Several balutans offer different and unique cuisine as well as street merchants selling them on the side of the road.

Spanish colonial era
Before 1799, Pateros was only a barrio of Pasig. The barrio was called "Aguho" or "embarcadero" (meaning small port). Pateros as a port, was the focal point of trade and commerce not just for Pasig but also for the neighboring towns. It was a reason why Pateros was the most progressive barrio of Pasig. It was not until the Spanish Governor-General of the Philippines issued a decree making Pateros an independent municipality. The town was then composed of five barrios (villages): Aguho, San Roque, Santa Ana, Santo Rosario (Santo Rosario-Silangan and Santo Rosario-Kanluran), and Mamangcat (now part of Fort Bonifacio).

The Philippine revolution
During the Philippine–American War in March 1899, the first contingent of American Volunteers from Washington arrived in the town of Pateros. The American soldiers rallied and eventually won the battles to take control and establish a temporary camp.

American colonial era
Throughout this period, American soldiers were able to experience the culture and livelihood of the citizens of Pateros. Having roast duck for meals during wartime and sending postcards of Pateros back to the United States of America. In 1900, a member of the American contingent, Lieutenant Charles Nosler, renamed the city of Ive's Landing in Washington State, USA, after the town of Pateros in the Philippines. Pateros in Washington State officially became an American city on May 1, 1913.

Inclusion to newly created province of Rizal
On March 29, 1900, Pateros, then a part of the province of Manila, became one of the towns in the newly created province of Rizal, by virtue of General Order No. 40, Act No. 137 of the Philippine Commission, which was promulgated on June 11, 1901. Then on October 12, 1903, Act No. 942 united Pateros with Taguig and Muntinlupa into one municipality under Pateros. Muntinlupa was later separated from Pateros on November 25, 1903 to become part of Biñan, La Laguna through Act No. 1008. The municipality was renamed Taguig and Muntinlupa was reconsolidated with it on March 22, 1905 through Act No. 1308.

Executive Order No. 20 dated February 29, 1908, partitioned Pateros from Taguig, and the town regained independent status as a municipality on January 1, 1909, by Executive Order No. 36.

Incorporation to Metropolitan Manila
On November 7, 1975, Pateros became a part of the new Metropolitan Manila Area through Presidential Decree No. 824.

International partnership
On July 23, 2013, Mayor Jaime C. Medina visited the city of Pateros, Washington State, United States to sign the Sister City Memorandum of Understanding between the Municipality of Pateros, Metro Manila and Pateros City of Okanogan County, Washington State, USA. According to Mayor Gail Howe, the two cities have not applied through Sister Cities International but the goals of promoting the culture and exchanges have turned the sisterhood into reality.

Cityhood attempt
In 2011 and 2014, Arnel Cerafica, the then-representative of Taguig–Pateros's 1st district, filed one House Bill each in the 15th and 16th Congresses, respectively, that seek the conversion of Pateros into a city with its own legislative district. However, both bills ended up pending at the committee level.

Barangays
Pateros is politically subdivided into 10 barangays:

Boundary dispute
The municipal government of Pateros claims that its original land area was not its present land area of 2.10 km2 but 1,040 ha including Fort Bonifacio, particularly the Embo barangays Comembo, Pembo, East Rembo, West Rembo, Cembo, South Cembo, Pitogo, Rizal, Post Proper Northside and Post Proper Southside which are now part of the city of Taguig (originally Mamancat, Masilang, San Nicolas, and Malapadnabato, former parts of Pateros), based on documents and official maps obtained by former Pateros Councilor Dominador Rosales from 30 libraries and offices including USA Library of Congress and USA Archives. One of those maps was the 1968 Land Classification Map of the Bureau of Land. Also included in their claim are the present-day barangays Buting, San Joaquin, and Kalawaan in Pasig.

Pateros' decrease in territory was accounted to a cadastral mapping in Metro Manila conducted in 1978. Pateros Mayor Nestor Ponce challenged the map through an objection letter dated June 23, 1978. But in January 1986, then President Ferdinand Marcos issued Proclamation No. 2475 which stated that Fort Bonifacio is situated in Makati and it is open for disposition. Because of that, a boundary dispute arose which moved Pateros to request a dialogue about that with then Municipal Council of Makati in 1990. Pateros also filed a complaint against Makati at the Makati Regional Trial Court in 1996 but the trial court dismissed the case for lack of jurisdiction. The case was brought to the Court of Appeals in 2003 but the case was also denied. The same case was also elevated to the Supreme Court in 2009 but it was denied again.

Supreme Court decision
Almost two decades later, the Supreme Court on June 16, 2009, per Antonio Eduardo B. Nachura denied Pateros' petition against Makati but ruled out that the boundary dispute should be settled amicably by their respective legislative bodies based on Section 118(d) of the Local Government Code. Pursuant to the decision, Pateros invited Makati to a council-to-council dialogue. This happened on October 8, 2009. Four meetings were held and at the fourth dialogue on November 23, 2009, a joint resolution was made stating that Makati is requesting a tripartite conference between Pateros, Taguig and Makati.

Despite the resolution of the dispute between Taguig and Makati in favor of the former by the Supreme Court in 2023, the high court has allowed Pateros to pursue its claims.

Demographics

As of 1818, the population was estimated at 3,840 Tagalog people. When Edmund Roberts visited in 1834, he estimated approximately 4,500 residents.

According to the town's 2005 land use classification report, 91.62% of Pateros's 1.7 sqkm land is classified as residential.

Economy
The town of Pateros is known for balut and had a duck-raising industry. As early as 1834, Pateros has been raising and selling duck and maintaining a fishing industry. Due to the water pollution on the Pateros River which connects to the Pasig River, the duck-raising industry declined around the 1970s or 1980s.

Vendors continue to sell balut in Pateros, taking advantage of the association of the food item to the town with duck eggs supplied from neighboring provinces in the Calabarzon region. While the duck-raising industry in the town is now minimal, the local government is encouraging the growth of the balut industry. It gives tax exemptions to balut vendors in the town. As of 2017, the local government is encouraging the growth of other industries in Pateros such as business process outsourcing although the town's size, 1.76 sqkm, remains a hindrance.

According to the town's 2005 classification report, 3.13% of its land area is classified as commercial, 0.39% industrial, and 0.88% agricultural.

Official seal
The official municipal seal of Pateros features the Pateros (Mallard) duck and ten duck eggs. The duck symbolizes the duck-raising industry where town was known, while the eggs represent the barangays of Pateros and signifies the town's balut industry.

Education
The following are the different Elementary and High schools in Pateros under Pateros School District of the Department of Education – Schools Division of Taguig City and Pateros and one community college recognized by Commission on Higher Education.

Secondary public schools
Secondary Institutions
 * Mayor Simplicio Manalo National High School
 * Maria Concepcion Cruz High School
 * Pateros National High School

Tertiary

 * Pateros Technological College

Private schools

 * APEC Schools - Pateros (Santo Rosario-Silangan)
 * Pateros Catholic School
 * Saint Genevieve School of Pateros
 * Maranatha Christian Academy
 * SEP Christian School Inc.
 * Huckleberry Montessori School

Notable personalities

 * Pelagia Mendoza y Gotianquin (1867–1939) - first female sculptor in the Philippines and was the first female student at the Escuela de Dibujo y Pintura (Drawing and Painting School)
 * Socrates Villegas (b. 1960) - Bishop of Balanga (2004–2009), Archbishop of Lingayen-Dagupan (2009–present), former CBCP President
 * Pete Lacaba (b. 1945) - poet, writer and journalist
 * Emmanuel Lacaba (1948–1976) - poet, writer and activist
 * Cesar Concio (1907 – 2003) - architect who as the first University Architect of the University of the Philippines designed many buildings in the University of the Philippines Diliman campus.
 * Jimmy Santos (b. 1951) - Filipino actor, basketball player, and TV host
 * Berting Labra (1933–2009) - actor, sidekick of FPJ
 * Daisy Reyes - beauty queen, actress

Sister cities

 * Local
 * Taguig, Metro Manila
 * Pasig, Metro Manila

 * International
 * 🇺🇸 Pateros, Washington, U.S.

title: Pateros


text:
Economic Stabilization Act of 1970

The Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 (Title II of, formerly codified at 12 U.S.C. § 1904) was a United States law that authorized the President to stabilize prices, rents, wages, salaries, interest rates, dividends and similar transfers as part of a general program of price controls within the American domestic goods and labor markets. It established standards to serve as a guide for determining levels of wages, prices, etc., which would allow for adjustments, exceptions and variations to prevent inequities, taking into account changes in productivity, cost of living and other pertinent factors.

The Pay Board and the Price Commission were created on October 22, 1971, when President Nixon appointed 22 members between the boards, as agencies to create and administer economic controls in Phase II of the Economic Stabilization Program (ESP), with Donald Rumsfeld newly acting as the executive director of the Cost of Living Council responsible for establishing the overall goals of Phases I and II of the ESP.

Under the authority of the act, as amended, on August 16, 1971 President Nixon declared goals of combating inflation, reducing unemployment and curbing domestic consumption of foreign goods by imposing a 10% surcharge tax on all dutiable imports.

Background
The nation was in recession, attributed to the Vietnam War combined with workforce shortages and the rise in healthcare cost. Nixon inherited high inflation, but unemployment was low. Seeking reelection in the 1972 presidential race, Nixon vowed to fight inflation and acknowledged that it would result in job losses but proposed that it was a temporary solution and promised that more was to come in terms of change, hope and "manpower".

The Economic Stabilization Act of 1970 was passed, inaugurating a policy of wage and price controls. Nixon wrote to Congress: "Our tactics for pursuing this objective are twofold: First, to accomplish much needed and long overdue reform of the manpower programs set up under the Manpower Development and Training Act and subsequent legislation and thus increase their effectiveness in enhancing the employability of jobless workers; and, second, to move toward a broader national manpower policy which will be an important adjunct of economic policy in achieving our Nation's economic and social objectives".

Nixon commented on the futile attempts to contain the economy in the 1960s and promised to bring about change by proposing tax cuts over the course of his term to create new jobs. In 1971, Nixon proceeded with the tax cuts under the provisions of phase II of the Economic Stabilization Act as it was amended earlier that year. Nixon believed America needed a comprehensive manpower policy to reinvigorate the economy. Nixon and the proposed Act cited the Manpower Development and Training act of 1962 to use the competence of America's workforce and the Manpower Revenue Sharing Act to make training programs accessible to local governments.

Duties and obligations
The Act provided for limitations on the exercise of presidential authority and allowed delegation of the performance of any of the president's functions to appropriate officers, departments and agencies of the United States or to entities composed of members appointed to represent different sectors of the economy and the general public.

The Act provided for disclosure of information, subpoena power, administrative procedure, criminal and civil sanctions, injunctions and suits for damages and other relief. The Act specified original jurisdiction for judicial review of cases or controversies arising under the Act or regulations issued thereunder in the district courts of the United States and directed appeals of final decisions or permitted interlocutory appeals to be brought in the United States Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit.

Public benefits
This act had special provisions, some of which increased the employment opportunities for minorities, under the local manpower programs. The programs completed two tasks in one. Firstly, the program, in addition to providing an equal opportunity for minorities under the Economic Stabilization Act, which led to the Equal Employment Opportunity Act, which created opportunities for those who were unemployed and "transitional" jobs for those who lost jobs. Secondly, the program fulfilled the "unmet needs" for public assistance.

The Secretary of Energy under "power vested" by the Act had to submit quarterly reports to the United States Congress, in conjunction with the provisions of the Emergency Petroleum Allocation Act of 1973, to ensure the best prices for fuel in the country. The Public did not just benefit from initiatives made in the workforce. In the attempt to save social security from suffering from the effects of the inflation, Supplemental Security Income was established to provide unemployed Americans with a cushion. Since Nixon decoupled the dollar from the gold standard, the dollar price of imports increased. The cost of imports allowed Americans to focus on American-made products to keep the money circulating throughout the American economy, resulting in a higher income for American workers.

To lull the anxieties of unemployment and the anxieties about the promises of the Economic Stabilization Act in conjunction with bettering public service, Nixon signed the Emergency Employment Act in 1971, which made specific provision for small businesses and created nearly "150,000 new jobs" in the "public sphere" in such fields as "education, environmental protection, law enforcement, and other 'public works'". The most prominent public work was mass transportation systems. The Act, like the earlier Economic Stabilization Act, required the President to issue periodic reports on all appropriations to Congress.

Under the Act, Congress convened to tackle the issue of rapid economic growth in metropolises and other urban environments. The goal was to provide efficient living for people living in these settings and also to condense densely populated areas. The Housing and Urban Development department was established to provide good living and "attractive living environments" for these tenants and to conserve the energy and resources that are used in heavily-populated urban areas. This Act provided people with low income with subsidized rent for affordable housing in privately owned buildings, the "predecessor to the Section 8 rental subsidies".

Court challenge
In the case of, the Amalgamated Meat Cutters sued defendant John B Connally, the chairman of the Cost of Living Council and US Treasury Secretary. The Amalgamated Meat Cutters used two arguments, which were condensed into one, when they approached the court. Their primary concern was pursuing a twenty-five cent an hour increase on general wages.

It was argued by them that it was an agreement that was reached in April 1970 and demanded for the wage increase to take effect on September 6, 1971. Their second argument was that the Act was "unconstitutional and the Executive Order was invalid" because one of the stipulations of the Act was that "prices, rent, wages and salaries shall be stabilized for a period of 90-days", as stated by Nixon.

That was the salient argument because it was the first time that the Act was opposed and the executive order was being questioned since the union believed that the order did not do justice to the workers under unions and that the Act imposed on the power of the unions since they had to operate under a 90-day spending freeze. The freeze did not allow unions to protect the union workers, largely since the Pay Board and Price Commission, under the Act and the Executive Order, both monitored and controlled wages.

The United States District Court for the District of Columbia upheld the act and rejected an argument that it was an unconstitutional delegation of legislative authority by citing previous cases such as for the "government's contention of adequacy of law" and   for the "permissibility of legislative power within the Government's limits". Many other cases cited by the defense, all of which proved the legitimacy and the flexibility of the Act and the government's authority and range to enforce it.

Administrative history
Under a provision in the Act, the Cost of Living Council was established as an independent agency. Its purpose was to stabilize prices, rent, wages and salaries higher than prices on or before May 25, 1970 and to execute phases II-IV of the Economic Stabilization Program set in place to ensure the success of this program. Phase I was the 90-day price and wage freeze that was authorized by Nixon, who delegated power to the Office of Emergency Preparedness, which acted as the fiduciary agency that monitored business practices. Phase II required the Cost of Living Council to engage in wage and price controls. Phase III required the council to enforce another price freeze to balance out economy. Phase IV was a "voluntary compliance and gradual decontrol;" the council had to ease off the businesses and relinquish some control. By April 30, 1974, the council was "abolished".

Having the responsibility of chairman of first the Office of Economic Opportunity and then the Cost of Living Council imposed on him, Donald Rumsfeld was initially unhappy with his position as chairman of the council and its "success" and, for a while, opposed its idea. He soon realized that his presence there would "be best" for his influence in both domestic and international commerce and appeared satisfied with the council prior to it being abolished in 1974. Nixon reported that "public support and cooperation" was there for the council when it was making the tough decisions, and he also assured the American people that the Cost of Living Council always "kept the public interest in mind".

The president, in his quarterly statements, usually claimed that Rumsfeld and his council were doing a great job in "providing encouraging evidence that the nation continues to make progress in the battle against inflation". Nixon continued to say in his report, "The national economy is now expanding significantly. This makes the success of the stabilization program more important than ever."

In 1971, Nixon announced he had signed the Revenue Act of 1971, an amendment to the Economic Stabilization Act, which, according to Nixon, was to provide "tax cuts of some $15 billion over the next 3 years to stimulate the economy and provide hundreds of thousands of new jobs". The program was allowed to expire in 1974 and was viewed as a success by the president.

title: Economic Stabilization Act of 1970


text:
Regular representation

In mathematics, and in particular the theory of group representations, the regular representation of a group G is the linear representation afforded by the group action of G on itself by translation.

One distinguishes the left regular representation λ given by left translation and the right regular representation ρ given by the inverse of right translation.

Finite groups
For a finite group G, the left regular representation λ (over a field K) is a linear representation on the K-vector space V freely generated by the elements of G, i.e. elements of G can be identified with a basis of V. Given g ∈ G, λg is the linear map determined by its action on the basis by left translation by g, i.e.

 * $$\lambda_{g}:h\mapsto gh,\text{ for all }h\in G.$$

For the right regular representation ρ, an inversion must occur in order to satisfy the axioms of a representation. Specifically, given g ∈ G, ρg is the linear map on V determined by its action on the basis by right translation by g−1, i.e.

 * $$\rho_{g}:h\mapsto hg^{-1},\text{ for all }h\in G.\ $$

Alternatively, these representations can be defined on the K-vector space W of all functions G → K. It is in this form that the regular representation is generalized to topological groups such as Lie groups.

The specific definition in terms of W is as follows. Given a function f : G → K and an element g ∈ G,
 * $$(\lambda_{g}f)(x)=f(\lambda_{g}^{-1}(x))=f({g}^{-1}x)$$

and
 * $$(\rho_{g}f)(x)=f(\rho_{g}^{-1}(x))=f(xg).$$

Significance of the regular representation of a group
Every group G acts on itself by translations. If we consider this action as a permutation representation it is characterised as having a single orbit and stabilizer the identity subgroup {e} of G. The regular representation of G, for a given field K, is the linear representation made by taking this permutation representation as a set of basis vectors of a vector space over K. The significance is that while the permutation representation doesn't decompose – it is transitive – the regular representation in general breaks up into smaller representations. For example, if G is a finite group and K is the complex number field, the regular representation decomposes as a direct sum of irreducible representations, with each irreducible representation appearing in the decomposition with multiplicity its dimension. The number of these irreducibles is equal to the number of conjugacy classes of G.

The above fact can be explained by character theory. Recall that the character of the regular representation χ(g) is the number of fixed points of g acting on the regular representation V. It means the number of fixed points χ(g) is zero when g is not id and |G| otherwise. Let V have the decomposition ⊕aiVi where Vi's are irreducible representations of G and ai's are the corresponding multiplicities. By character theory, the multiplicity ai can be computed as

$$a_i= \langle \chi,\chi_i \rangle =\frac{1}{|G|}\sum \overline{\chi(g)}\chi_i(g)=\frac{1}{|G|}\chi(1)\chi_i(1)=\operatorname{dim} V_i,$$ which means the multiplicity of each irreducible representation is its dimension.

The article on group rings articulates the regular representation for finite groups, as well as showing how the regular representation can be taken to be a module.

Module theory point of view
To put the construction more abstractly, the group ring K[G] is considered as a module over itself. (There is a choice here of left-action or right-action, but that is not of importance except for notation.) If G is finite and the characteristic of K doesn't divide |G|, this is a semisimple ring and we are looking at its left (right) ring ideals. This theory has been studied in great depth. It is known in particular that the direct sum decomposition of the regular representation contains a representative of every isomorphism class of irreducible linear representations of G over K. You can say that the regular representation is comprehensive for representation theory, in this case. The modular case, when the characteristic of K does divide |G|, is harder mainly because with K[G] not semisimple, a representation can fail to be irreducible without splitting as a direct sum.

Structure for finite cyclic groups
For a cyclic group C generated by g of order n, the matrix form of an element of K[C] acting on K[C] by multiplication takes a distinctive form known as a circulant matrix, in which each row is a shift to the right of the one above (in cyclic order, i.e. with the right-most element appearing on the left), when referred to the natural basis

 * 1, g, g2, ..., gn−1.

When the field K contains a primitive n-th root of unity, one can diagonalise the representation of C by writing down n linearly independent simultaneous eigenvectors for all the n×n circulants. In fact if ζ is any n-th root of unity, the element

 * 1 + ζg + ζ2g2 + ... + ζn−1gn−1

is an eigenvector for the action of g by multiplication, with eigenvalue

 * ζ−1

and so also an eigenvector of all powers of g, and their linear combinations.

This is the explicit form in this case of the abstract result that over an algebraically closed field K (such as the complex numbers) the regular representation of G is completely reducible, provided that the characteristic of K (if it is a prime number p) doesn't divide the order of G. That is called Maschke's theorem. In this case the condition on the characteristic is implied by the existence of a primitive n-th root of unity, which cannot happen in the case of prime characteristic p dividing n.

Circulant determinants were first encountered in nineteenth century mathematics, and the consequence of their diagonalisation drawn. Namely, the determinant of a circulant is the product of the n eigenvalues for the n eigenvectors described above. The basic work of Frobenius on group representations started with the motivation of finding analogous factorisations of the group determinants for any finite G; that is, the determinants of arbitrary matrices representing elements of K[G] acting by multiplication on the basis elements given by g in G. Unless G is abelian, the factorisation must contain non-linear factors corresponding to irreducible representations of G of degree > 1.

Topological group case
For a topological group G, the regular representation in the above sense should be replaced by a suitable space of functions on G, with G acting by translation. See Peter–Weyl theorem for the compact case. If G is a Lie group but not compact nor abelian, this is a difficult matter of harmonic analysis. The locally compact abelian case is part of the Pontryagin duality theory.

Normal bases in Galois theory
In Galois theory it is shown that for a field L, and a finite group G of automorphisms of L, the fixed field K of G has [L:K] = |G|. In fact we can say more: L viewed as a K[G]-module is the regular representation. This is the content of the normal basis theorem, a normal basis being an element x of L such that the g(x) for g in G are a vector space basis for L over K. Such x exist, and each one gives a K[G]-isomorphism from L to K[G]. From the point of view of algebraic number theory it is of interest to study normal integral bases, where we try to replace L and K by the rings of algebraic integers they contain. One can see already in the case of the Gaussian integers that such bases may not exist: a + bi and a − bi can never form a Z-module basis of Z[i] because 1 cannot be an integer combination. The reasons are studied in depth in Galois module theory.

More general algebras
The regular representation of a group ring is such that the left-hand and right-hand regular representations give isomorphic modules (and we often need not distinguish the cases). Given an algebra over a field A, it doesn't immediately make sense to ask about the relation between A as left-module over itself, and as right-module. In the group case, the mapping on basis elements g of K[G] defined by taking the inverse element gives an isomorphism of K[G] to its opposite ring. For A general, such a structure is called a Frobenius algebra. As the name implies, these were introduced by Frobenius in the nineteenth century. They have been shown to be related to topological quantum field theory in 1 + 1 dimensions by a particular instance of the cobordism hypothesis.

title: Regular representation


text:
Francis Pym

Francis Leslie Pym, Baron Pym, (13 February 1922 – 7 March 2008) was a British Conservative Party politician who served in various Cabinet positions in the 1970s and 1980s, including Foreign, Defence and Northern Ireland Secretary, and Leader of the House of Commons. He was Member of Parliament (MP) for Cambridgeshire (South East Cambridgeshire after 1983) from 1961 to 1987. Pym was made a life peer in 1987.

Early life
Pym was born at Penpergwm Lodge, near Abergavenny in Monmouthshire. His father, Leslie Pym, was also an MP, while his grandfather, the Rt Revd Walter Pym, was Bishop of Bombay. He was not a direct descendant of the 17th-century parliamentarian John Pym as has been commonly held (see Pym's own published family history), but a collateral descendant.

He was educated at Eton, before going on to Magdalene College, Cambridge. For much of the Second World War, Pym served in North Africa and Italy as a captain and regimental adjutant in the 9th Lancers. He was mentioned in despatches twice, awarded the Military Cross, and ended his military service as a major. Pym was a managing director and landowner before he went into politics.

Political career
Pym entered politics as a member of Herefordshire County Council in 1958. He contested Rhondda West without success in 1959 and entered Parliament in 1961 at a by-election as MP for Cambridgeshire. He held the seat until 1983, and thereafter was MP for South East Cambridgeshire until 1987. He was an opposition whip from 1964 and served under Edward Heath as Government Chief Whip (1970–1973) and Northern Ireland Secretary (1973–1974), and Margaret Thatcher as Defence Secretary (1979–1981), Leader of the House of Commons and Lord President of the Council (1981–1982). He became foreign secretary during the Falklands War in 1982 following Lord Carrington's resignation, but was removed by Thatcher the following year after her second election victory.

Pym was a leading member of the "wets", Conservative MPs sceptical of Thatcherism. During the 1983 general election campaign he said on the BBC's Question Time that "Landslides don't on the whole produce successful governments". This was publicly repudiated by Thatcher and he was sacked after the election. Shortly afterwards, he launched a pressure group called Conservative Centre Forward to argue for more centrist, one-nation policies but with Thatcher at the height of her powers, it was unsuccessful. He stood down at the 1987 election and was created a life peer as Baron Pym (of Sandy in the County of Bedfordshire) on 9 October 1987.

He was the author of, published in 1984 after he left the government. The book is a guide to the Wets' opposition to Thatcher's leadership style and politics.

He was portrayed by Jeremy Child in the 2002 BBC production of Ian Curteis's The Falklands Play, by Julian Wadham in the 2011 film The Iron Lady and by Guy Siner in the fourth series of The Crown.

Personal life
Pym died in Sandy, Bedfordshire, on 7 March 2008 after a prolonged illness, aged 86. He was survived by his wife, Valerie (1929–2017), whom he married on 25 June 1949, and their four children.

title: Francis Pym


text:
Phocion

Phocion (Φωκίων Φώκου Ἀθηναῖος Phokion; c. 402 – c. 318 BC), nicknamed The Good (ὁ χρηστός, was an Athenian statesman and strategos, and the subject of one of Plutarch's Parallel Lives.

Phocion was a successful politician of Athens. He believed that extreme frugality was the condition for virtue and lived in accord with this; consequently, he was popularly known as "The Good." Further, people thought that Phocion was the most honest member of the Athenian Assembly. However, within this chamber, Phocion's tendency to strong opposition relegated him to a solitary stand against the entire political class. Nonetheless, by both his individual prestige and his military expertise, which was acquired by the side of Chabrias, Phocion was elected strategos numerous times, with a record 45 terms in office. Thus, during most of his 84 years of life, Phocion occupied the most important Athenian offices.

In the late 320s, when Macedon gained complete control of Athens (under Antipater), though somewhat compromised, Phocion defended both the urban center and its citizens. He even refused to comply with some dishonorable requests of the enemy. However, his stance put Phocion in opposition to both Polyperchon, the regent of Macedon, and most free Athenians. Polyperchon sent him back to Athens, where he was sentenced to death for treason by the then-restored popular assembly.

Early life
Phocion's grandfather was perhaps the trierarch Phocion who was killed at the Battle of Cynossema in 411 BC.

During his youth, Phocion sought to study liberal notions. He was both Plato's pupil and Xenocrates' friend. Through such philosophical education, Phocion was of virtuous moral character and he used to give prudent advice. This academic training left its mark upon him, but it was as a soldier rather than as a philosopher that he first came to notice.

Phocion was first married to a woman whose father was a maker of clay statues. His second wife was famous in Athens for her humility. Once she said that her sole adornment was Phocion's twentieth strategos appointment. Phocion's son was Phocus. During his youth he became licentious and addicted to partying and wine, so Phocion sent him off to Sparta (which was famous for frugal lifestyles) for a period.

Early military service to Athens
The young Phocion enrolled with Chabrias' armies, in many campaigns, gaining much experience. Chabrias esteemed him highly because Phocion helped to compensate for his turbulent personality. Reciprocally, Phocion was commended for the chief actions of his campaigns, and thus gained much fame among the Athenians.

In 376 BC, Phocion's participation was crucial in the Athenian naval victory of Naxos, where he commanded the leading left wing. Since it was the first clear Athenian victory since the Peloponnesian War, the Athenians greatly honoured its military leaders. The battle took place on the main day of the Eleusinian Mysteries and was remembered for years.

After Chabrias died, Phocion took care of his family and particularly of his son, Ctesippus. However, Phocion could barely cope with Ctesippus' rather slow character. At last he exclaimed "O Chabrias, did ever a man show so much gratitude as I do in putting up with your son"

Role in the Athenian Assembly
Publicly, Phocion was recognized as the most austere and wisest Athenian politician. However, in the Athenian Assembly, he had an attitude of opposition to most of his peers, and criticism from Phocion was often unpopular within the chamber. Once, an oracle was brought from Delphi. It said that one man would confront the rest of the politicians, whose opposing stand would be homogeneous. Phocion then rose, exclaiming: "I am that person who disagrees." Once, after Phocion was applauded by the chamber he asked his friends: "Have I unwittingly said something vile?" Demosthenes called him "the chopper of my speeches."

On another occasion, Phocion spoke but was not heeded and not permitted to continue. He said: "You may compel me to act against my wishes, but you shall never force me to speak against my judgment."

On the other hand, Phocion never harmed anyone he disliked. Indeed, he was so kind that he helped a political rival if he was in some difficulty. Additionally, Phocion was unhappy that Athenian public functions had become split between two groups. Whereas the politicians dealt eminently with civilian matters, military issues were attended to exclusively by the generals. He campaigned for Athens to regain its old tradition, with politicians who could manage both sets of affairs.

Parrying the eloquence of his opponents, Phocion resorted both to wise concepts and pithy sayings, which were famous in antiquity. Yet he avoided demagogic style and his tone was harsh and demanding, with few embellishments. Another distinguishing quality was that Phocion compressed many ideas into short phrases. Before any presentation, he spent much time considering how to shorten it. One of his friends said "You seem to be thinking about something, Phocion", and he replied "Yes, I am considering whether I can shorten the speech I am going to make."

Anecdotes
When someone made a joke about his severe visage, and some of the local politicians he was not on good terms with laughed in response, he remarked, "My frown never yet made any of you sad, but these jolly men have given you plenty of sorrow."

Demosthenes once said to Phocion that he might be killed some day, if the people became irrational. Phocion responded: "Yes; however, they would kill you if they came to their senses."

On an occasion when Phocion was being heavily attacked by the entire assembly, he requested Archibiades, a man who liked imitating the Spartan lifestyle, to support his stand. However, the man took the popular side, declaring against Phocion as well. Phocion then grabbed his Spartan-style beard, saying, "It's time for you to shave."

Another assemblyman, Aristogeiton, was famous because he usually called for war. However, when a muster was called he happened to appear wearing bandages around his legs and walking with a cane. Phocion got up and shouted to the enrolling officer: "Put down Aristogeiton too, as lame and unfit for service." Some time afterward, Aristogeiton was jailed and at his request, Phocion visited him often. His friends criticized him for it, but he replied: "Come on! There is no better place to visit Aristogeiton."

During a boundary dispute with Thebes, Phocion urged negotiations, while most Athenians called for war. He argued, "You had better carry on the contest with the weapons you use best: your tongues."

Polyeuctos, an out-of-shape Athenian politician, once made a speech advocating war with Philip II of Macedon, stopping repeatedly to drink water and catch his breath. During one such pause Phocion remarked, "Here is a fine man to lead us into war. What do you think he'll do when he is carrying his shield and armor to meet the enemy, if giving a speech has nearly killed him with exhaustion?"

Military career
Although Phocion never canvassed the Athenians for it, he was appointed strategos a record-breaking 45 times. Sometimes he did not attend the election meetings of the Agora and the people were forced to seek him afterward. However, he accepted the appointment on every occasion.

Management of the Second Athenian League
Phocion was sent to the Aegean Sea by Chabrias, to collect the regional tributes for the Second Athenian League. As representatives of Athens were unpopular among their 'subject' allies, Phocion had been issued 20 warships. However, he declined to bring them along, commenting that "if he was being sent to fight the islanders he would need a larger force, but if he was visiting them as allies, one ship was enough." So he departed just with his own trireme. At each city, Phocion negotiated each fee so diplomatically that he returned home with a large allied fleet, which protected their treasury. The allies even organized colourful parades in his honour.

Military service to Persia in Cyprus
Between 351–349 BC, Phocion helped the Persian Emperor Artaxerxes III to subdue the Cypriot rebellion.

Campaign in Euboea against Macedonia
In 349 BC, Philip II of Macedon invaded Euboea and established many local tyrants. Phocion went there with a small force, expecting to win over the Euboeans by diplomatic means. But Philip had organised a strong bribe network which corrupted the local politicians. Phocion established his camp on a hill outside the city of Tamynae, and ordered his men to ignore those who neglected their duties because of Macedonian bribes. He explained: "They are useless to us and furthermore, they will get in the way of those that are loyal."

In 348 BC, with Macedonian support, the Euboean general Callias brought his armies to attack the camp. Phocion decided to offer many religious sacrifices before battle, until the gods were favourable. However such activities demanded much time, and the forces of the Euboean mercenaries attacked the enemy, their general thinking Phocion was a coward and hoping to force his hand. The Athenian cavalry was ill-disciplined, and not wishing to remain idle, raced out to meet the enemy, but with no formation and in scattered groups, so that they were easily beaten and routed. The Euboeans defeated the mercenaries and they began ravaging the Athenian camp. After Phocion could interpret his sacrifices favorably (or alternatively to draw the enemy in), he led his main lines into battle while the enemy where surging up the palisade thinking they had defeated Phocion's forces. This resulted in Phocion cutting down and routing the enemy forces. Just with his best men while the main body of the army rallied some of the previously dispersed troops, Phocion engaged the enemy's chief divisions, in a ferocious battle. Phocion was victorious but then freed the captured enemies, fearing the Athenians might treat them too harshly.

Subsequently, Phocion captured the fort of Zaretra, which was at Euboea island's narrowest portion. Then, he returned to Athens.

Campaign to repel Philip II from Byzantium
With his armies, Philip II reached the Dardanelles, expecting successively to seize Chersonesus, Perinthus, and Byzantium. The Athenians sent Chares to confront him but the Greek colonies reacted negatively to him, as usual. Consequently, the force could do nothing except roam around the region. The Athenians were so angry that they wanted to cancel the expedition. Phocion interceded, saying: "You shouldn't be angry at our allies. You should blame our generals, because of whom we are feared even by those who need us most."

Then, in 339 BC, Phocion was sent to the region. To Phocion's good fortune, it transpired that Leon, a personal friend from the academy and a Byzantine well known for his courage, personally guaranteed the Athenian's good faith. Thus, particularly there, the new expedition was amicably received and, even though Phocion had planned to camp outside the walls, was welcomed into the city, where the Athenian soldiers acted with exemplary discipline and courtesy. The Athenian soldiers also fought bravely, defending the site. Then, Phocion attacked the Macedonians around the region, liberating many cities, which expelled their Macedonian garrisons. Eventually, Macedonia was forced to withdraw from the region (temporarily, as it turned out).

However, Phocion was wounded so he returned to Athens.

Secretly, the Megarians requested military help from Phocion, who arrived with his army and was warmly received. He erected two long walls, from Megara to the seaport of Nisaea. The Megarians felt so safe that they allied with Athens.

Subjection of Athens by Philip II
Regarding Macedonia, Phocion's moderate stand was to avoid a confrontation which might be catastrophic for Athens. Although he had been successful in his campaigns against it, he had come to view Macedon as a rising power, and to doubt the wisdom of an Athenian foreign policy too strongly opposed to it. However, the Athenians preferred the firebrand orators who desired war. Among them were Demosthenes, Lycurgus, and Hypereides. They were particularly emboldened because Athens seemed to have sufficient military power. Philip, on the other hand, preferred not to go to war with Athens; he hoped instead the Athenians would consent to put their strong navy at his disposal for use against Persia.

Phocion was touring the Aegean colonies when Athens commanded its generals to confront Philip. He came back and addressed the assembly, opposing this course of action. A lawyer asked him if he was defying the people's will, and Phocion responded: "Yes, even though I know that if there is war I will be your boss, and if there is peace you will be mine." Unfortunately, Athens could not be persuaded to reverse its decision. When the strategy to be used against Philip came under discussion, the question arose as to whether it would be better to engage in battle close to home or at a distance. Phocion advised, "Let us not ask where we should fight, but how we may win. That will be the way to keep war at a distance.  If we are beaten in a distant battle, it will soon be at our doors." In the event, Athens and her allies suffered a crushing defeat at Chaeronea, in 338 BC. Then the Athenian aristocracy supported the nomination of Phocion for strategos, and the Areopagus passed it.

Phocion delayed the inevitable garrisoning of defeated Athens as long as possible. Initially, he favored negotiating directly with Philip, who he thought could be expected to be lenient, and opposed having Athens join a congress of Greek states and be forced to accept Macedonia's common terms of peace, which were not yet known. Demades, however, offered a contrary motion, and the Athenians approved it. They soon regretted their decision, since at the congress Philip obliged the Athenians to provide him with both ships and cavalry. When the Athenians expressed remorse, Phocion said: "I was opposed to the motion, fearing this. Now the deed is done, and we must make the best of it. We shouldn't be without hope, though. Our ancestors suffered similar episodes of subjection, but they carried on, and because of that both Athens and Greece as a whole survived." Later, after Philip died (336 BC), Phocion banned all celebratory sacrifice, saying: "The army which defeated us at Chaeronea has lost just one man."

Relations with Alexander
When the new Macedonian king, Alexander, was about to attack Thebes, Demosthenes protested impudently. Phocion interceded, with some lines of Homer: "Foolhardy man, why provoke one whose temper is already savage? Why provoke this Macedonian who is full of limitless ambition? When there is a holocaust on our borders, do you wish to spread the flames to our city as well, by provoking him further? My whole object in taking up the burdens of this office is to prevent this, and I shall not allow my fellow citizens to destroy themselves, even if they wish it." Thebes was destroyed and Alexander demanded the handover of the most anti-Macedonian Athenians, among whom was Demosthenes. The assembly called upon Phocion repeatedly by name until he stood on his feet. Beside him, Phocion called Nicocles, his best friend, saying: "We have been brought to a pass. I would deliver Nicocles if they might request it. We must reduce the wrath of our conqueror, rather than oppose him." Nonetheless, the Athenian Assembly passed a decree denying the demand.

Then, when Alexander refused to see other Athenian ambassadors, Phocion was sent. As Phocion had been regarded as a respectable person by Philip, his son received him attentively, listening to his proposals. Alexander was persuaded to relent in his demand for the opposing Athenian politicians (even though they were enemies of Phocion as well). Indeed, Alexander asked for advice and Phocion said: "If Macedonia wishes peace, it should abandon the war. If Macedonia desires glory, it should turn against Persia, instead of oppressing Greece." Eventually, Phocion was favored by the king, even over many Macedonians. After Alexander defeated the Persian Emperor Darius III, Phocion was among the few individuals who were saluted with the word "greetings" by the king in his correspondence. During this period, Phocion maintained his policy of peace. Alexander made a request for a number of Athenian warships which Phocion supported, saying: "You should either possess superior strength or side with those that do."

Lamian War
In 323 BC, rumors of Alexander's death reached Athens. Phocion feared any hasty reaction and he commented: "If he is dead now, he will be dead tomorrow as well. We must be cautious before celebrating." The Macedonian leaders began fighting for the crown; Antipater was the candidate with the best prospects. The Athenians hastened to rebel against Macedonia. Leosthenes, the rebel leader, shared the charge of strategos with Phocion. This was the beginning of the Lamian War although, as always, Phocion opposed it.

Leosthenes inquired about which historical achievements Phocion had attained. Phocion responded: "Do you think it is nothing then that our citizens are all buried at home in their own tombs?" Other assemblymen asked him whether the military preparations were enough or not. Phocion said: "They will be sufficient for a sprint. However, if it is to be a long race, then I fear for Athens for she has no reserves of either men, supplies or warships."

Phocion was ordered to lead the military actions against Boeotia. Cleverly, he called on all Athenians under the age of 60 years to enroll. The elderly protested but Phocion responded: "This is fair! Although I am 80 years old, I will lead the attack." This calmed the people down.

On the other front, Antipater retreated and he was surrounded by the Greeks, around Lamia. The Athenians were exultant. Phocion said: "I would have wished being the general who achieved this victory. Nonetheless, still I would have counseled as before." As more good news arrived, Phocion said: "I am wondering when the good news will end." Leosthenes soon died in fighting Macedonian forces making a sally out of besieged Lamia. A new strategos, Antiphilus, was appointed, to counterbalance Phocion.

In 322 BC, Phocion hurriedly led a force of Athenians against Micion, who had disembarked at Rhamnus with an army composed of Macedonians and mercenaries. So many individuals came to him with military advice that he exclaimed, "Heracles, how many generals we have, and how few soldiers!" Then he attacked the enemy and utterly routed them, killing Micion. Simultaneously, the Greeks defeated the Macedonians, at Thessaly. However, Craterus brought a large army over from Asia, and the Greeks were defeated at Crannon, also in 322 BC.

Antipater soon approached Athens. Demades, who was another peace advocate, was the only other Athenian leader who didn't flee. He proposed that an embassy should negotiate peace. Phocion commented: "If I had been listened to before, the Athenians wouldn't need to be discussing such things." At Thebes, both met Antipater, whose invasion of Attica was expected imminently. Phocion was well received. When Phocion asked Antipater to cease his advance and listen to peace proposals, Craterus protested that it was unfair that the army should sit idle in allied lands, damaging their economies, while the enemy lands could be so easily ravaged. Antipater's lone demand was the discretional surrendering of Athens. In a second encounter, at which Antipater scorned the presence of Xenocrates, Phocion heard the new Macedonian terms of peace: Phocion argued against the garrisoning unsuccessfully. However, Phocion knew its Macedonian commander, Menyllus, personally. 12,000 Athenians were disfranchised and many people were forced to migrate to Thrace. Phocion helped by securing some exiles citizenship in the Peloponnesus area.
 * Many Athenian politicians such as Demosthenes would be turned over to the Macedonians.
 * The Athenian suffrage would be restricted to landowners.
 * A garrison would be established in Munychia, the neighborhood next to Piraeus.
 * Athens would pay both the war expenses and an extra fine.

Oligarchy of Demades and Phocion
Phocion became the virtual ruler of Athens and he strove to keep the peace. By his influence, only just individuals were appointed magistrates, and people who were too rebellious weren't allowed to hold public office. However, Phocion refused when Antipater requested him to do dishonorable things, commenting: "I can't be both his friend and his flatterer." Additionally, he protected the refugee Harpalus.

The aftermath of these events was that Phocion became quite unpopular. He was accused of delivering Athens to Antipater. The Athenians were particularly angry about the fate of Demosthenes, who had been banished, dying soon after. Phocion had been supported by him early in his political career, even in some capital trials. Thus, it seemed like a personal betrayal.

Crisis of Polyperchon
In 319 BC, before his death, Antipater chose that, instead of his own son, Cassander, General Polyperchon would be the next Macedonian ruler. Soon, Cassander began conspiring against Polyperchon. Thus, Cassander disposed that, at Munychia, Nicanor replaced Menyllus, with the order of controlling Attica. In Athens, Phocion was accused of helping such concealments of Cassander and, by deliberately delaying military action against Nicanor, made it possible for Nicanor to take the Piraeus, but he slighted such rumors. Indeed, Phocion met Nicanor, requesting a mild treatment for the Athenians. Also, Phocion convinced Nicanor to host the local games. The Macedonian spent lavishly on the event.

Athenians were divided between two parties. Phocion belonged to the oligarchic party of the rich minority, which was on Cassander's side. The majority of the citizens however supported Polyperchon, because he promised to restore democracy, allow Athenian exiles (60% of all Athenian citizens before the Lamian War) to return, and remove the occupying Macedonian garrison. Still as strategos, Phocion supported Nicanor openly. He spurned an insistent rumor that Nicanor would attempt invading Athens. At Piraeus, Phocion was holding a conference with Nicanor when Athenian soldiers attempted to jail the Macedonian general. Phocion helped his escape, declaring: "I don't believe that he would harm Athens although, still, I would defend him if he may wrong us." Subsequently, the Athenian Assembly commanded that Phocion should attack Nicanor, at Munychia. Initially, Phocion refused. Then, effectively, Nicanor used the troops of the Macedonian garrison to seize Piraeus, with Phocion's compliance. When Phocion decided to attack them, the Athenian soldiers had already rebelled against his command as strategos.

In 318 BC, Polyperchon decided to realign Athenian politics in his own interests. Favoring the popular party, he restored all liberties. His son, Alexander, arrived in Athens with a Macedonian army, while Athenian exiles (more than half of the entire citizen body) returned home, expecting revenge against the politicians who had betrayed the democracy. Polyperchon expected that Phocion would be forced to leave the urban center. Moreover, the Macedonians would seize complete control of Athens. Phocion was immediately deposed as strategos by an informal assembly.

Death
The Athenian orator Agnonides accused Phocion of treachery, for he had refused, and then delayed, to attack Nicanor. Phocion decided to meet Polyperchon personally. Phocion gathered an entourage, composed of politicians who were well regarded by the Macedonian ruler. However, their voyage was delayed by the illness of one member. During that interval, Agnonides proposed another embassy to accuse Phocion formally before the regent, and the Athenian Assembly passed the motion. Both delegations arrived in Phocis simultaneously. When Phocion started speaking, Polyperchon began interrupting him and Phocion struck the floor with his staff, refusing to utter another word. Polyperchon ordered the detention of Phocion and his associates; most of whom escaped.

In a letter, Polyperchon announced that the prisoners should be judged by the people of Athens. Phocion was brought before an assembly of Athenians. The Athenian archons conducted the proceedings and Plutarch alleges that attendees included slaves, foreigners, and those formerly disfranchised. The letter from Polyperchon was read while the entire multitude cried out against the oligarchs. Phocion asked, "Do you wish to condemn us justly? Then, you should listen to our defence" and said "I admit that I have wronged and deserve condemnation for my political actions. However, these other individuals don't." Some people responded that they should be condemned for being his friends. Then Phocion gave up. Subsequently, Agnonides read the condemning motion, which was passed enthusiastically. Thus, Phocion and ten acquaintances were sentenced to die by drinking hemlock.

They were conducted to a prison to be executed on 19 May 318 BC. According to Plutarch, the poison ran out and the executioner refused to prepare more unless he was paid 12 drachmas. Phocion remarked, "In Athens, it is hard for a man even to die without paying for it." A friend paid the executioner the extra sum on his behalf; Phocion drank his poison and died. It was decreed that the corpse could not be buried or cremated in Attica. A hired man brought it across the Megarian frontier, where the body was burned. Phocion's wife set up an empty tomb, brought Phocion's bones and heart home by night, and buried them there. Soon afterward, Cassander gained control of the city and established a new oligarchy, which reburied Phocion's remains at public expense and erected a bronze statue of him. The oligarchs executed Agnonides, while Phocion's son Phocus killed two of his other accusers who had fled the city.

Phocion "The Good"
Phocion's recognized probity bestowed on him the cognomen "The Good". Phocion could have been extremely wealthy, either by his offices or by the high commissions which were managed by him. Instead, ancient sources report that he was incorruptible and led an extremely frugal lifestyle. Plutarch claims that he had a reserved demeanor; he was never seen either laughing or weeping. Indeed, he appeared quite severe, and was often feared by those meeting him for first time. Phocion believed that frugality proved his own virtue. He was never seen at the public baths. Both on the Athenian streets and on campaign, he walked around wearing a simple tunic and without shoes. He only made an exception in extreme cold, wearing a cloak, so other soldiers said that Phocion gave a meteorological indication. His wife baked their everyday bread and cooked their everyday meals herself, and Phocion drew water, pumping it with his own hands.

Plutarch reports a number of incidents when Macedonian leaders attempted to bribe Phocion and he refused. Philip II offered much money to him and the Macedonian heralds mentioned the future needs of his sons. Phocion responded, "If my sons are like me, my farm, which has enabled my present eminence, will suffice for them. If, instead, they become spoiled by luxury, I will not be the individual who will be guilty for that." Alexander sent a delegation to Phocion to offer him 100 talents, but Phocion refused, saying: "I am an honorable man. I would not harm either Alexander's reputation or mine." Then, the king further offered him the government and possession of the cities Cius, Mylasa and Elaea. Phocion refused, but did request the release of some men enslaved at Sardis, who were promptly liberated. Soon afterward, Alexander died (323 BC). In 322 BC, Harpalus arrived at Athens from Asia, seeking refuge. He tried to give 700 talents to Phocion, who rejected this offer. Phocion warned that he shouldn't attempt to corrupt Athens or he would be punished. Consequently, the angry Harpalus turned the whole assembly against Phocion with his bribes. However, as Phocion kept helping him (with good will but within ethical limits), Harpalus befriended Phocion's son-in-law, Charicles. Charicles eventually accepted a lavish commission to build a tomb for Harpalus' mistress, and was investigated for corruption. Phocion refused to help him at the trial, saying: "I chose you to be my son-in-law only for honorable purposes." Phocion also refused presents from Menyllus, saying: "You are not a better man than Alexander, so there is no reason to accept your gifts." With his bribes, Menyllus then became a friend of Phocus.

Appraisal
George Grote judged Phocion severely: "It was precisely during the fifty years of Phokion's political and military influence, that the Greeks were degraded from a state of freedom, and Athens from ascendency as well as freedom, into absolute servitude. Insofar as this great public misfortune can be imputed to any one man, to no one was it more ascribable than to Phokion... Had he lent his influence to... direct the armed efforts, of his countrymen, the kings of Macedon might have been kept within their own limits, and the future history of Greece might have been altogether different... he did gratuitously all that Philip desired — by nullifying and sneering down the efforts of Demosthenes... The intense and unanimous wrath of the people against him... was directed... against his public policy. It was the last protest of extinct Grecian freedom, speaking as it were from the tomb in a voice of thunder."

title: Phocion


text:
Phokion

Phokion may refer to:
 * Phocion (c. 402 – c. 318 BC), an Athenian statesman and strategos
 * Phokion J. Tanos (1898 – 1972), a Cypriot dealer of antiques in Cairo

title: Phokion


text:
Lord Prior

Lord Prior may refer to:
 * Jim Prior, Baron Prior (1927–2016), British politician and peer
 * David Prior, Baron Prior of Brampton (born 1954), British peer, son of Jim Prior, Baron Prior

title: Lord Prior


text:
User:Fortunatus~enwiki

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title: User:Fortunatus~enwiki