text:
Sherbert

Sherbert may refer to

 * Sherbert v. Verner, a United States Supreme Court case involving the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment to the Constitution
 * Sherbert (Pillow Pal), a Pillow Pal bear made by Ty, Inc
 * Sherbet (powder)
 * Sherbet (frozen dessert)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Sherbert


text:
New York Botanical Garden

The New York Botanical Garden (NYBG) is a botanical garden at Bronx Park in the Bronx, New York City. Established in 1891, it is located on a 250 acre site that contains a landscape with over one million living plants; the Enid A. Haupt Conservatory, a greenhouse containing several habitats; and the LuEsther T. Mertz Library, which contains one of the world's largest collections of botany-related texts. , over a million people visit the New York Botanical Garden annually.

NYBG is also a major educational institution, teaching visitors about plant science, ecology, and healthful eating through NYBG's interactive programming. Nearly 90,000 of the annual visitors are children from underserved neighboring communities. An additional 3,000 are teachers from New York City's public school system participating in professional development programs that train them to teach science courses at all grade levels. NYBG operates one of the world's largest plant research and conservation programs.

NYBG was established in 1891 and the first structures on the grounds opened at the end of that decade. Since 1967, the garden has been listed as a National Historic Landmark, and several buildings have been designated as official New York City landmarks.

Mission statement
"The New York Botanical Garden is an advocate for the plant world. The Garden pursues its mission through its role as a museum of living plant collections arranged in gardens and landscapes across its National Historic Landmark site; through its comprehensive education programs in horticulture and plant science; and through the wide-ranging research programs of the International Plant Science Center."

Context
As early as 1877, ideas had been circulating in New York City to create a botanical garden; funding could not be obtained at the time, although the efforts led to parkland being set aside for future use. By 1888, the Torrey Botanical Society was promoting the construction of a large botanical garden in New York City. The Garden's creation followed a fund-raising campaign led by the Torrey Botanical Society and Columbia University botanist Nathaniel Lord Britton and his wife Elizabeth Gertrude Britton, who were inspired to emulate the Royal Botanic Gardens in London.

In 1889, the Torrey Botanical Society's members decided to build the botanical garden at Bronx Park in the center of the Bronx, New York City's northernmost borough. The Lorillard family owned most of the land at that location. The city had already been given authorization to acquire the land as part of the 1884 New Parks Act, which was intended to preserve lands that would soon become part of New York City. Some 640 acre of land surrounding the Lorillard estate was acquired by the City of New York as part of Bronx Park in 1888–1889.

Establishment
By act of the New York State Legislature, the New York Botanical Garden was established on April 28, 1891. The garden occupied part of the grounds of the Lorillard estate and a parcel that was formerly the easternmost portion of the campus of St. John's College (now Fordham University); the latter included three graves of the Fordham University Cemetery, which were then relocated. The stated purpose of the act was:

"... for the purpose of establishing and maintaining a botanical garden and museum and arboretum therein, for the collection of and culture of plants, flowers, shrubs and trees, the advancement of botanical science and knowledge, and the prosecution of original researches therein and in kindred subjects, for affording instruction in the same, for the prosecution and exhibition of ornamental and decorative horticulture and gardening, and for the entertainment, recreation and instruction of the people."

As per the acts of incorporation, a board of directors would manage the NYBG. The board of directors included Columbia College's president and professors of biology, chemistry, and geology; the presidents of the Torrey Society, New York City Board of Education, and the Department of Public Parks' board of commissioners; the Mayor of New York City; and nine other members elected to the board. The legislation would provide 250 acre within Bronx Park to the NYBG, and enable the board of directors to construct a library and conservatory, if at least $250,000 was raised within five years. If this condition were reached, the city would then issue $0.5 million in bonds. The principal officers of the new corporation set up for the garden were Cornelius Vanderbilt II, Andrew Carnegie and J.P. Morgan, with Nathaniel Lord Britton as the new secretary.

Prominent civic leaders and financiers, including Vanderbilt, Carnegie, and Morgan, agreed to match the City's commitment to finance the buildings and improvements. By May 1895, the $250,000 in bonds had been raised but the plans had not been fully confirmed. The Board of Directors then asked landscape architect Calvert Vaux and his partner, Parks Superintendent Samuel Parsons Jr., to consult on site selection. The north end of Bronx Park was decided as the best location for the NYBG. By August 1895, the architects had started a survey on the site. Because the Bronx River and various small tributaries ran through the park, drainage was a major consideration. Though Vaux's preliminary layout was approved in October 1895, he died the following month. The topographical survey was completed in March 1896. The master plan was created by a team that included Britton & Parsons, as well as landscape engineer John R. Brinley, landscape gardener Samuel Henshaw, botanist Lucien Marcus Underwood, and architects Robert W. Gibson and Lincoln Pierson (the latter from the firm Lord & Burnham).

The LuEsther T. Mertz Library and Enid A. Haupt Conservatory were among the first structures at the NYBG to open. The Library was built between 1897 and 1900, and the Conservatory was built around the same time, being completed in 1902.

1900s to 1980s
For over a century after its opening, the NYBG refused to charge admission. Because of this, as well as insufficient government and private funding, its budget deficit started to increase in the 1950s. After the city cut the NYBG's budget in 1970, the garden was forced to remain closed for 3 to 4 days a week, and officials worried that this could eventually lead to permanent closure. In 1974, for the first time in the botanical garden's history, officials had to annually petition New York State Legislature for funds. That year, the NYBG announced a major renovation to the conservatory and the addition of a building dedicated to displaying plants in different habitats. The next year, budget cuts related to the 1975 New York City fiscal crisis resulted in the NYBG being closed on weekdays for the first time in its history.

In 1988, the NYBG announced a renovation of its museum building, including the addition of a new annex, which was supposed to open in 1991. By the early 1990s, the NYBG facilities were neglected. The garden did not have enough space in its parking lots to accommodate all its visitors, turning away potential guests. Many areas were neglected, except for the 40 acre surrounding the conservatory, and a wetland had even been created unintentionally due to a broken sewer. A controversy arose in 1994 when the adjacent Fordham University proposed building a 480 ft radio tower for its radio station WFUV directly across from the Haupt Conservatory. The dispute continued until 2002, after several years of failed resolutions, when Montefiore Medical Center offered to move WFUV's antenna to its own facilities.

1990s to present
By the mid-1990s, additions to the NYBG were being undertaken to reverse years of neglect. In 1994 the formerly free garden started charging an admission fee to fund these improvements as well as the continued maintenance of existing facilities. The Everett Children's Garden opened in mid-1998. By 2000, the NYBG had requested $300 million for renovations, including a new gift shop and renovation of the greenhouses and roads. A new visitor center and gift shop were announced the following year, which would replace temporary facilities built in 1990. The new main entrance, with a gift shop, bookstore, plaza, restrooms, cafe, and information kiosks, was completed in 2004 at a cost of $21 million. Meanwhile, the addition of the library annex was delayed to 1994, then to 2000. Construction on the annex started in 1998 and it opened in 2002 as the International Plant Science Center.

In 2000, the NYBG began raising money for a $300 million renovation campaign after the city government donated $22 million. The NYBG's International Plant Science Center reopened in 2002 following a renovation. Several other projects were completed and programs implemented in the 2000s. In 2004, the Leon Levy Visitor Center opened as the Botanical Garden's main entrance. It included the NYBG Shop and the Pine Tree Café. The following year, the Nolen Greenhouses for Living Collections opened with its publicly accessible Bourke-Sullivan Display House. The Plant Research Laboratory was completed in early 2005 and opened the next year at a cost of $23 million. In addition to restoring or redesigning existing gardens and collections, such as the Ladies' Border (2002), the Benenson Ornamental Conifers (2004), the Peggy Rockefeller Rose Garden (2007), the Thain Family Forest (2011), and the Marjorie G. Rosen Seasonal Walk by Piet Oudolf (2014), the New York Botanical Garden added new gardens and collections to its grounds: the Home Gardening Center (2005), the Maureen K. Chilton Azalea Garden (2011) by landscape architect Shavaun Towers of Towers|Golde LLC, and Native Plant Garden (2013), by landscape architect Sheila Brady of Oehme, van Sweden.

Off-site, the institution opened The New York Botanical Garden Midtown Education Center in Manhattan in 2010. NYBG added a parking garage, the Peter J. Sharp Building, nearby in 2012, along with a Bedford Gate entrance to the Garden. NYBG restored its Lorillard Snuff Mill in 2010 and it was named the Lillian and Amy Goldman Stone Mill. NYBG's Humanities Research Institute, supported by The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, was created in 2014 to stimulate public discourse about humankind's relationship with nature and the environment. NYBG opened an on-site restaurant, the Hudson Garden Grill, in 2015. It redesigned and reopened its East Gate entrance in 2017. The Edible Academy, an educational facility for teaching children, families, educators, and the general public about vegetable gardening, nutrition awareness, and environmental stewardship, opened in 2018. In February 2020, NYBG announced that it was partnering with Douglaston Development to create affordable apartments on the northwest edge of the garden. In January 2024, the NYBG revealed a major rebranding, developed in partnership with global brand consultancy Wolff Olins. The rebrand included a new logo featuring a bespoke typeface "NY Botanical Gothic", as well as a new color palette.

Grounds
The Garden contains 50 different gardens and plant collections. There is a serene cascade waterfall, as well as wetlands and a 50 acre tract of original, never-logged, old-growth New York forest.

Garden highlights include the 1890s-vintage Haupt Conservatory, designed by Lord & Burnham; the Peggy Rockefeller Rose Garden, originally laid out by Beatrix Jones Farrand in 1916; an alpine rock garden, designed and installed by Thomas H. Everett in the 1930s; an Herb Garden, designed by Penelope Hobhouse; and a 37 acre conifer collection. The NYBG's extensive research facilities include a propagation center, 550,000-volume research library, and an herbarium of 7.2 to 7.8 million botanical specimens dating back more than three centuries, among the largest in the world.

Specialty gardens and collections
At the heart of the Garden is the Thain Family Forest, an old-growth forest. It is the largest existing remnant of the original forest which covered all of New York City before the arrival of European settlers in the 17th century. The forest, which was never logged, contains oaks, American beeches, cherry, birch, tulip and white ash trees, some more than two centuries old.

The forest itself is split by the Bronx River, the only freshwater river in New York City, and this stretch of the river includes a riverine canyon and rapids. Along the shores sits the Stone Mill, previously known as the Lorillard Snuff Mill, built in 1840. Sculptor Charles Tefft created the Fountain of Life on the grounds in 1905.

The Ladies' Border, originally commissioned by the Women's Auxiliary Committee in the 1920s, was designed by Ellen Shipman and installed between 1931 and 1933. It consists of a sheltered area measuring 30 by across, near the Haupt Conservatory. In 2000, designer Lynden B. Miller created a new plan for the Ladies' Border. The Jane Watson Irwin Perennial Garden was designed in the 1970s by Dan Kiley and redefined by Miller in the 1980s and again in 2003.

Research laboratories

The Pfizer Plant Research Laboratory, named for Pfizer, is a two-story. 28000 ft2 research building that opened in 2006. The laboratory studies plant genomics, molecular systematics, plant use in New York City's immigrant communities, and the processes through which plants create neurotoxins. The building has nine labs, one of which is a lab with robotic workstations on the second floor. Genomic DNA from many different species is extracted to create a library of the DNA of the world's plants. This collection is stored in a DNA storage room with 20 freezers housing millions of specimens, including rare, endangered or extinct species.

LuEsther T. Mertz Library

Founded in 1899 and named after supporter LuEsther Mertz, the LuEsther T. Mertz Library is located in the northern section of the NYBG. A 2002 New York Times article mentioned that the library had 775,000 items and 6.5 million plant specimens in its collection, while a book published in 2014 by the NYBG mentioned that the library had "550,000 physical volumes and 1,800 journal titles". the Mertz Library still contained one of the world's largest collections of botany-related texts. The library is housed in what was formerly known as the NYBG's Museum Building or Administration Building, which started construction in 1897 and was completed in 1900. The structure was designed by Robert W. Gibson in the Renaissance Revival style.

Enid A. Haupt Conservatory

The Enid A. Haupt Conservatory, named after Enid A. Haupt, is a greenhouse near the western end of the NYBG. The conservatory was designed by the major greenhouse company of the late 1890s, Lord and Burnham Co. The design was modeled after the Palm House at the Royal Botanic Garden and Joseph Paxton's Crystal Palace in Italian Renaissance style. Groundbreaking took place on January 3, 1899, and the conservatory was completed in 1902 at a cost of $177,000. The building was constructed by John R. Sheehan under contract for the New York City Department of Parks and Recreation. Since the original construction, major renovations took place in 1935, 1950, 1978, and 1993.

The conservatory houses numerous tropical plants and flowers, cacti and other desert plants, and rainforest vegetation. In summer months, the two pools adjacent to the conservatory display many varieties of lotuses and water lilies.

William & Lynda Steere Herbarium
The William & Lynda Steere Herbarium, in the International Plant Science Center behind the library, is one of the largest herbaria in the world, with approximately 7.2 million to 7.8 million specimens. after the French National Museum of Natural History in Paris. Founded in 1891, the herbarium quickly became a repository for many important collections. In 1895 the garden incorporated the herbarium of Columbia College, an acquisition of approximately 600,000 specimens, including the private herbaria of John Torrey and C. F. Meisner. In 1945 the garden incorporated the herbaria of the Columbia College of Pharmacy and Princeton University. The herbarium is named after William Steere (son of William C. Steere) and his wife Lynda, who endowed the herbarium in 2002.

The Index Herbariorum code assigned to this botanic garden is NY and it is used when citing housed specimens.

Programs
In 2008, Alfred P. Sloan Foundation granted the NYBG $572,000 to begin a project called TreeBOL, the Tree Barcode of Life. By sampling the DNA from as many as 100,000 different species of trees from around the world, TreeBOL will document the diversity of plant life, and advance the process of plant DNA barcoding.

A staff of 200 trains 42 doctoral students at a time. Since the 1890s, scientists from the NYBG have mounted about 2,000 exploratory missions worldwide to collect plants in the wild.

School of Professional Horticulture
In 1932, Thomas H. Everett expanded an existing training program into a robust curriculum for developing professional horticulturists. Patterned after diploma programs at the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew and the Royal Botanic Garden Edinburgh, the School for Gardeners combined academic studies with hands-on practical experience in a two-year, full-time program. With the exception of a hiatus during and after the Second World War, the School has trained students since then. Now called the School of Professional Horticulture, this fully-accredited program continues to develop horticulturists of the highest caliber for positions in both public and private gardens. After successfully completing the program, students receive The New York Botanical Garden's Diploma in Horticulture.

Exhibitions
The New York Botanical Garden has mounted public exhibitions throughout its history. In 1992, NYBG began presenting what would eventually be called the Holiday Train Show, an annual exhibition of model trains running through a display of New York landmarks made of natural materials. In 2002, it introduced The Orchid Show, an annual exhibition of orchid displays and designed installations with changing themes. Beginning in 2007, the Garden added an annual fall exhibition of kiku, Japanese chrysanthemums trained to grow in modern and ancient forms.

The New York Botanical Garden has also presented large-scale, stand-alone exhibitions, including: Sculpture from the Museum of Modern Art at The New York Botanical Garden (2002), Chihuly at The New York Botanical Garden (2006), Darwin's Garden: An Evolutionary Adventure (2008), Moore in America: Monumental Sculpture at The New York Botanical Garden (2008–2009), Emily Dickinson's Garden: The Poetry of Flowers (2010), Spanish Paradise: Gardens of the Alhambra (2011), Monet's Garden (2012), Manolo Valdés: Monumental Sculpture (2012), Frida Kahlo: Art, Garden, Life (2015), Impressionism: American Gardens on Canvas (2016), CHIHULY (2017), Georgia O'Keeffe: Visions of Hawai'i (2018), Brazilian Modern: The Living Art of Roberto Burle Marx (2019), KUSAMA: Cosmic Nature (2021), and …things come to thrive…in the shedding…in the molting… by Ebony Patterson.

Executive leadership

 * Dr. Nathaniel Lord Britton (1891–1929)
 * Elmer D. Merrill (1930–1935)
 * Dr. Marshall A. Howe (1935–1936)
 * Dr. Henry A. Gleason (acting, 1937–1938)
 * Dr. William J. Robbins (1938–1958)
 * Dr. William C. Steere (1958–1972)
 * Dr. Howard S. Irwin (1973–1979)
 * James M. Hester (1980–1989)
 * Gregory Long (1989–2018)
 * Dr. Carrie Rebora Barratt (2018–2020)
 * Jennifer Bernstein (2021–Present)

Publications
The NYBG published The Garden Journal from 1977 to 1990 and from 1931 has produced the scientific journal, Brittonia.

Landmark status
The New York Botanical Garden was declared a National Historic Landmark in 1967. In addition, three structures are designated as individual New York City landmarks: the Enid A. Haupt Conservatory (designated in 1973), the LuEsther T. Mertz Library (2009),  and the Lorillard Snuff Mill (1966, also separately on the National Register of Historic Places).

title: New York Botanical Garden


text:
Turnstiles (album)

Turnstiles is the fourth studio album by American singer-songwriter Billy Joel, released May 19, 1976.

Production
Joel recorded Turnstiles in part as a celebration of his return to his native New York City. Three of the album's tracks reference New York: "Summer, Highland Falls", "New York State of Mind" and "Miami 2017 (Seen the Lights Go Out on Broadway)". It begins with "Say Goodbye to Hollywood" (inspired by The Ronettes song "Be My Baby") and also includes "I've Loved These Days", a tongue-in-cheek expression of regret at leaving behind Hollywood decadence. In an interview, Joel stated that the lyrics to the song "James" referred to various different people he knew in real life, with the title character being a "composite" of those people. In the song "Prelude/Angry Young Man", Joel opens and closes the song rapidly hammering the piano, which was meant to simulate the drum part in the song "Wipe Out" by The Surfaris.

The songs were first recorded at Caribou Ranch (near Nederland, Colorado), with members of Elton John's band (Nigel Olsson on drums and Dee Murray on bass) and produced by Chicago producer James William Guercio. Dissatisfied with the results, Joel took over as producer and returned to New York, where he re-recorded the album from start to finish, with his own touring band, which consisted of Long Island musicians Richie Cannata and the members of the band Topper: Liberty DeVitto, Russell Javors, Howie Emerson, and Doug Stegmeyer. Turnstiles marked the first time that Joel's band played on one of his studio albums.

The album cover photo was shot in the uptown platform of the New York City Subway's Astor Place station. According to Joel, each of the characters on the album cover was meant to represent a particular song (e.g., the girl in headphones for "All You Wanna Do is Dance", the wealthy couple for "I've Loved These Days").

Barbra Streisand covered "New York State of Mind" on her album Superman, released in the Spring of 1977, opening up Billy Joel's music to a mainstream audience. He thanked her for the exposure, and also told her his New York relatives were duly impressed to have the Queen of Brooklyn cover one of his songs.

Critical reception
Robert Christgau of The Village Voice wrote that Joel's craft improves, but "he becomes more obnoxious: the anti-idealism of 'Angry Young Man' isn't any more appealing in tandem with the pseudoironic sybaritism of 'I've Loved These Days.'" In a retrospective review, Stephen Thomas Erlewine of AllMusic wrote that "the key to the record's success is variety, the way the album whips from the bouncy, McCartney-esque 'All You Wanna Do Is Dance' to the saloon song 'New York State of Mind'; the way the bitterly cynical "Angry Young Man" gives way to the beautiful 'I've Loved These Days' and the surrealistic apocalyptic fantasy 'Miami 2017 (Seen the Lights Go Out on Broadway).' No matter how much stylistic ground Joel covers, he's kept on track by his backing group."

Cash Box called the single "James" "a song to an old friend, wondering what he’s doing now," saying "This beautiful tune kicks off with some sensitive playing on the Fender Rhodes, accompanied solely by bass. Gradually, as the song builds, so does the instrumentation."

Cash Box said that the single "I've Loved These Days" creates "a perfect mood of grand cinema romance" and commented on "its elegant strings and crashing piano." Record World said that "both melody and lyrics stand out on this powerful ballad, that could put him over the top."

Track listing
Many tracks have alternate mixes exclusive to the Quadrophonic LP release including "New York State of Mind", "Prelude/Angry Young Man", "I've Loved These Days" and "Miami 2017 (Seen the Lights Go Out on Broadway)". Contrary to some sources, the saxophone solo on "New York State of Mind" was never re-recorded by Phil Woods for the release of ''Greatest Hits, Vols. I and II''. The only time that Phil Woods performed on a Billy Joel recording was the song "Just the Way You Are" in 1977.

Personnel
Adapted from the AllMusic credits.
 * Billy Joel – vocals, acoustic piano, electric piano, Moog synthesizer, clavinet, organs
 * Howie Emerson – electric and acoustic guitars
 * Russell Javors – electric and acoustic guitars
 * James Smith – acoustic guitar
 * Doug Stegmeyer – bass guitar
 * Liberty DeVitto – drums
 * Mingo Lewis – percussion
 * Richie Cannata – saxophones, clarinet
 * Ken Ascher – orchestral arrangements

Production

 * Jerry Abramowitz – cover photography
 * John Berg – cover design
 * Gerard Huerta – cover lettering
 * Bruce Botnick – mixing
 * John Bradley – engineer, project supervisor
 * Jo Buckley – production coordination
 * Billy Joel – producer
 * Don Puluse – engineer
 * Brian Ruggles – basic track consultant
 * Lou Waxman – tape engineer

title: Turnstiles (album)


text:
The Mighty Hercules

The Mighty Hercules is an animated television series based loosely on the Greek mythology character of Heracles, under his Roman name Hercules. It debuted on television in 1963. The show ran until 1966, coinciding with the sword-and-sandal genre of films popular between 1958 and 1965. Each stand-alone episode runs 5½ minutes, and in syndication was aired either as part of a block with other cartoons, or with several episodes airing consecutively to fill 30-minute time slots.

Summary
The cartoon features Hercules, the legendary hero, who dwells on Mount Olympus. Villains threaten the people of ancient Greece, often in the kingdom of Calydon, and Hercules comes to the rescue. When in serious danger, he puts on a magic ring which gives him superpowers. Once he puts the ring on and raises his fist, flashes of lightning (referred to as the Thunder of Zeus in several episodes) strike the ring, and Hercules is then endowed with super-strength. He does battle with nemesis such as Daedalus, an evil wizard who is the chief villain (sometimes accompanied by his pet cat Dydo). Other villains include Wilhelmine the Sea Witch (accompanied by her pet bird Elvira) and Murtis, who is invulnerable because he wears an iron helmet known as the Mask of Vulcan.

Hercules's friends and allies are:

 * Newton, his main sidekick, a helpful boy centaur who calls Hercules "Herc" and has a habit of repeating himself every time he speaks
 * Helena, Hercules's girlfriend
 * Prince (later King) Dorian of Calydon
 * Tewt, a small satyr who vocalizes only by playing his syrinx
 * Timon, a young human from Calydon
 * Pegasus, Hercules' winged steed.

Also featured atop Mount Olympus are Hercules's father Zeus and Dodonis with his crystal rock of seeing. Both often warn Hercules of the troubles going on down below in and around the Kingdom of Calydon or deep in the Lernaean Forest.

The original episode has relatively lavish animation by John Gentilella. In it, Hercules beats his friend Theseus in a footrace and a wrestling match, and for his victory Zeus rewards him by promising to grant any request Hercules makes. Hercules wishes to go to Earth to fight evil and injustice, but Zeus reminds him that going to Earth would cause him to lose his godly powers and become a mortal. Zeus then creates a magic ring that allows Hercules access to his godly strength while on Earth. The rest of the episode involves Hercules meeting Helena and fighting a giant named Cacus and the giant's pet dragon. None of the other familiar characters make an appearance in the episode, and it features different character designs for Hercules and Helena.

The show generally used Greek myths as the inspiration for its episodes, but used the influences oddly. Daedalus is the evil wizard who is Hercules's most frequent foe in the cartoon, but in Greek mythology Daedalus was a skilled artisan who was rarely villainous. Cacus, the giant of the first episode, is based on the mythological monster Cacus. Other recurring creatures – such as the Nemean lion, the Lernaean Hydra, the Erymanthian Boar, and the Stymphalian birds — were taken directly from the Twelve Labors of Hercules but, unlike in the Twelve Labors, most of the creatures are not presented in the cartoon as trials for Hercules to overcome.

In addition to the ring, later episodes added new equipment for Hercules and his friends to use, such as a "moonstone beam" in his belt and an invulnerable sword and shield. Episodes invariably ended with Hercules racing towards Mount Olympus and shouting "Olympia!" after defeating the villain.

Production
Adventure Cartoon Productions made The Mighty Hercules in connection with Trans-Lux Television, the same company that later brought the Japanese anime series Speed Racer to audiences in the United States. The company produced 128 episodes of The Mighty Hercules, each approximately five minutes in length. Joe Oriolo was the producer and director, and many of the animators were veterans of the New York City animation scene, including Grim Natwick, Frank Endres, John Gentilella, George Germanetti, Reuben Grossman, and George Rufle.

The show featured two different sets of voices for the characters. The most noticeably different voice was that of Newton: his original voice sounds as if he has just hit puberty, with his voice constantly cracking, while the later episodes give him a high-pitched Mickey Mouse-like voice. There is no gradual change in the voices. Most of the early episodes have the first set of voices, and the rest have the second set, and in the seventh episode during the first season, "Double Trouble," the voices actually change during the episode, with Newton near the end of the episode speaking a line in his original cracking voice and in his very next line switching to his second, high-pitched voice, while Hercules speaks in his first voice until his final two lines of the episode, which are in Hercules's second voice.

In early episodes of the first season, voice actor David Hartman, who later hosted the television show Good Morning America, voices Hercules before a different actor takes over for the remainder of the series's run; The Mighty Hercules always credits Jimmy Tapp as the voice of Hercules despite Hartman's early portrayal of the character. The series credits Daedalus's voice, depending on the episode, to Jack Mercer or Gerry Bascombe. Early episodes also feature Mercer voicing Newton and other incidental characters. The voice actress for all the female voices is Helene Nickerson. The animation for the sequence of Hercules putting on and charging up his magic ring also changed subtly along with the voices. The episodes "The Minotaur" and "The Chair of Forgetfulness" provide good examples of the first set of voices and the first version of the ring sequence, while the episodes "The Nemean Lion" and "The Chameleon Creature" are good examples of the second set of voices and later ring sequence.

Music
The Mighty Hercules features a theme song sung by Johnny Nash, the American reggae singer-songwriter best known for 1956's "A Very Special Love" and 1972's "I Can See Clearly Now". The theme music is credited to Winston Sharples (as "Win Sharples"), who in more than two decades at Paramount Pictures had composed background music for the Superman (1941) and Popeye theatrical cartoons produced by Fleischer Studios, while the theme's lyrics were written by Sharples's son Winston Sharples, Jr., under the pseudonym "Win Singleton" (his first and middle names). The transformative "ring anthem" frequently used as Hercules slips on his magic ring, along with several bridges of music used throughout the episodes, were taken from the 1954 film The Black Shield of Falworth, with the music credited to Joseph Gershenson but actually composed by Hans J. Salter, Herman Stein, and Frank Skinner, the longtime in-house film composer for Universal Studios.

In 2005, The Mighty Hercules was re-issued to television in a newly remastered version and was reformatted, with new title music performed by an unidentified singer replacing the familiar theme music. The version that aired on the Canadian network Teletoon Retro used the original Nash theme music.

Audio recording
In 1963, Golden Records released a tie-in long-playing record for children entitled The Mighty Hercules (LP-108), with words and music by Winston Sharples.

In popular culture
In 2009, the Canadian jazz musician John Stetch covered the theme song from The Mighty Hercules on his album TV Trio.

When doing Superman: The Animated Series, Bruce Timm was inspired by the design of Hercules in what became the design for Superman in the show.

DVD release
On October 4, 2011, Classic Media (now DreamWorks Classics) brought the series to DVD for the first time with a single-disc selection entitled The Mighty Hercules, in Region 1. All 20 episodes are from season 1, the last one being episode 40.

title: The Mighty Hercules


text:
Governor-General of Papua New Guinea

The governor-general of Papua New Guinea (Gavena-Jeneral bilong Papua Niugini) is the representative of the Papua New Guinean monarch, currently King Charles III, in Papua New Guinea. The governor-general is appointed by the monarch after their nomination by the National Parliament by vote. The functions of the governor-general include appointing ministers, judges, and ambassadors; and issuing writs for election.

In general, the governor-general observes the conventions of the Westminster system and responsible government, maintaining a political neutrality, and has to always act only on the advice of the prime minister. The governor-general also has a ceremonial role: hosting events at the official residence—Government House in the capital, Port Moresby—and bestowing Papua New Guinean honours to individuals and groups who are contributing to their communities. When travelling abroad, the governor-general is seen as the representative of Papua New Guinea and its monarch. The governor-general is supported by a staff headed by the official secretary to Government House

Governors-general are appointed for a six-year term of office. Since 28 February 2017, the governor-general has been Sir Bob Dadae.

The office of the governor-general was created on 16 September 1975, when Papua New Guinea gained independence from Australia as a sovereign state and an independent constitutional monarchy. Since then, 10 individuals have served as governor-general.

Appointment
Unlike the governor-generals of most other Commonwealth realms, the governor-general of Papua New Guinea is nominated by the country's Parliament, rather than being proposed by its prime minister. The appointment is made by the monarch of Papua New Guinea following a simple majority vote of the National Parliament. Section 88(1) of the constitution provides that the monarch must act "in accordance with the advice of the National Executive Council given in accordance with a decision of the Parliament", while section 88(2) provides that the nomination for governor-general must be "made by a simple majority vote, in an exhaustive secret ballot conducted in accordance with an Organic Law."

The term in office is six years.

To be appointed for a second term, the governor-general must be supported by a two-thirds majority in the National Parliament. No person may serve for more than two terms. Thus far all retired governors-general have been knighted.

If the office of governor-general becomes vacant, due to death or dismissal, the speaker of the National Parliament of Papua New Guinea becomes acting governor-general until a new appointment is made. If the speakership is vacant, the chief justice instead assumes the role.

Dismissal
The governor-general may be dismissed by either a decision of the National Executive Council or an absolute majority of the National Parliament.

No governor-general has been dismissed from office, although in 1991, Sir Vincent Serei Eri resigned from office after Prime Minister Sir Rabbie Namaliu advised the Queen to dismiss him.

Functions

Papua New Guinea shares the person of the sovereign equally with 14 other countries in the Commonwealth of Nations. As the sovereign works and resides predominantly outside of Papua New Guinea's borders, the governor-general's primary task is to perform the monarch's constitutional duties on his or her behalf. As such, the governor-general carries out his or her functions in the government of Papua New Guinea on behalf and in the name of the Sovereign.

The governor-general's powers and roles are derive from the Constitution of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea Part V Section 1, 2 & 3 and set out certain provisions relating to the governor-general.

Constitutional role
The governor-general is responsible for dissolving parliament and issues writs for new elections. After an election, the governor-general formally requests the leader of the political party which gains the support of a majority in parliament to form a government. the governor-general commissions the prime minister and appoints other ministers after the election.

The governor-general acts on the advice of government ministers through the National Executive Council, to issue regulations, proclamations under existing laws, to appoint state judges, ambassadors and high commissioners to overseas countries, and other senior government officials.

The governor-general is also responsible for issuing Royal Commissions of Inquiry, and other matters, as required by particular legislation; and authorises many other executive decisions by ministers such as approving treaties with foreign governments.

The governor-general may, in certain circumstances, exercise without – or contrary to – ministerial advice. These are known as the reserve powers, and include:
 * appointing a prime minister if an election has resulted in a 'hung parliament'.
 * dismissing the prime minister who has lost the confidence of the parliament.
 * dismissing any minister acting unlawfully.
 * refusing to dissolve Parliament despite a request from the prime minister.

Ceremonial role
The governor-general's ceremonial duties include opening new sessions of parliament, welcoming visiting heads of state, and receiving the credentials of foreign diplomats.

As Commander-in-Chief of the Papua New Guinea Defence Force, the governor-general attends military parades and special occasions such as ANZAC Day and Remembrance Day, and presents Colours and other insignia to units of the Defence Force and the Police Force.

The governor-general also presents honours at investitures under the Papua New Guinea Honours system to persons for notable service to the community, or for acts of bravery.

Community role

The governor-general provides non-partisan leadership in the community, acting as patron of many charitable, service, sporting and cultural organisations, and attending functions throughout the country.

The governor-general also encourages, articulates and represents those things that unite Papua New Guineans together. In this role, the governor-general:

 * travels widely throughout Papua New Guinea visiting cities, regional centres, rural districts, indigenous communities and disadvantaged groups.
 * accepts patronage of many national, charitable, cultural, educational, sporting and professional organisations.
 * opens and participates in conferences where topics of national importance are discussed – such as educational, health, cultural, welfare, defence, economic and rural issues.
 * attends services, functions, commemorations and exhibitions of local significance, lending their encouragement to individuals and groups who are making a substantial contribution to their communities and to Papua New Guinea.
 * issues congratulatory messages to Papua New Guineans who achieve significant milestones in their lives such as 100th birthdays and 50th wedding anniversaries.

Privileges
The governor-general acts as the chancellor of the Orders of Papua New Guinea. As chancellor of the orders, the governor-general is appointed as Grand Companion of the Order of Logohu and bestowed the title of "Grand Chief".

Symbols

The governor-general uses a personal flag, which features a lion passant atop a St. Edward's royal crown with "Papua New Guinea" written across a scroll underneath, all on a blue background. It is flown on buildings and other locations in Papua New Guinea to mark the governor-general's presence.

Residence

Government House in Port Moresby is the official residence of the governor-general of Papua New Guinea.

The site for Government House was chosen by Sir Peter Scratchely, Special Commissioner for the Protectorate of British New Guinea, who arrived in Port Moresby in 1885. Government House has occupied this site ever since. In 1913, Sir Hubert Murray took the task of building a new House which superseded the original one.

List of governors-general
Following is a list of people who have served as Governor-General of Papua New Guinea since independence in 1975.

Symbols
 * Died in office.

{{legend|#E6E6AA|Denotes Acting Governors-General}}

title: Governor-General of Papua New Guinea


text:
Turnstile

A turnstile (also called a turnpike, gateline, baffle gate, automated gate, turn gate in some regions) is a form of gate which allows one person to pass at a time. A turnstile can be configured to enforce one-way human traffic. In addition, a turnstile can restrict passage only to people who insert a coin, ticket, transit pass, security credential, or other method of payment or verification. Modern turnstiles can incorporate biometrics, including retina scanning, fingerprints, and other individual human characteristics which can be scanned. Thus a turnstile can be used in the case of paid access (sometimes called a faregate or ticket barrier when used for this purpose), for example to access public transport, a pay toilet, or to restrict access to authorized people, for example in the lobby of an office building.

History
Turnstiles were originally used, like other forms of stile, to allow human beings to pass while keeping sheep or other livestock penned in. The use of turnstiles in most modern applications has been credited to Clarence Saunders, who used them in his first Piggly Wiggly store.

Applications
Turnstiles are used at a wide variety of settings, including stadiums, amusement parks, mass transit stations, office lobbies, airports, ski resorts, factories, power plants and casinos.

From a business/revenue standpoint, turnstiles give an accurate, verifiable count of attendance. From a security standpoint, they lead patrons to enter single-file, so security personnel have a clear view of each patron. This enables security to efficiently isolate potential trouble or to confiscate any prohibited materials. On the other hand, physical barriers become a serious safety issue when a speedy evacuation is needed, requiring emergency exits that bypass any turnstiles. The ticket barriers on the London Underground and some busy UK railway stations have to be open if either the gates are unmanned or in an emergency.

Persons with disabilities may have difficulties using turnstiles. In these cases, generally a wide aisle gate or a manual gate may be provided. At some locations where luggage is expected, a line of turnstiles may be entirely formed of wide aisle gates, for example at Heathrow Terminals 2 & 3 Underground station.

Turnstiles often use ratchet mechanisms to allow the rotation of the stile in one direction allowing ingress but preventing rotation in the other direction. They are often designed to operate only after a payment has been made, usually by inserting a coin or token in a slot; or by swiping, tapping, or inserting a paper ticket or electronically-encoded card.

Turnstiles are often used for counting the numbers of people passing through a gate, even when payment is not involved. They are used extensively in this manner in amusement parks, in order to keep track of how many people enter and exit the park and ride each ride. The first major use of turnstiles at a sporting venue was at Hampden Park in Glasgow, Scotland.

Waist-high
Waist-high turnstiles are often used in fairs, attractions, and arenas. The user inserts a ticket or pass into the slot, from which a barcode is read; if access is to be granted, a sensor determines the speed with which the user passes through, and sets the electric motor to turn the turnstile at the corresponding speed. Sometimes also referred to as "half-height" turnstiles, this fixed arm style has traditionally been the most popular type of turnstile. There are many variations of this style available, including one which is designed to be accompanied by a matching ticket box, and one with a ticket box built in. Some styles are designed to allow entry only after a payment (actual coins and tokens) are inserted, while others allow access after a valid barcode is electronically read. A disadvantage to this type is people can "jump the turnstile" as happens commonly on the Moscow Metro and other mass transport systems in Russia.

Wall mount tripod turnstile
The wall mount tripod turnstiles are suitable for places where installation on ground becomes impossible. The turnstile is directly fixed to the wall and all functions are achieved. Such turnstiles are usually used in narrow lanes and where wall installation is more feasible.

Optical
Optical turnstiles are an alternative to the traditional "arm"-style turnstile and are increasingly used in locations where a physical barrier is deemed unnecessary or unaesthetic. Optical turnstiles generally use an infrared beam to count patrons and recognize anyone attempting to enter a site without a valid entry pass.

Drop-arm optical
The drop-arm optical turnstile is a combination of the security of a tripod or barrier turnstile and a fully optical turnstile. The lanes can have either single or double arms. When access is granted the arms drop into recesses in the cabinet. Once the arms drop out of the way, the turnstile functions as a fully optical turnstile.

Full-height turnstiles
The full-height turnstile – a larger version of the waist-high turnstile, commonly 7 ft high –, is based on the same principle as the revolving door. Furthermore, full-height turnstiles offer better security inasmuch as they can neither be climbed over nor ducked under, and can be designed to lock after each person enters such that the following person must themselves pay a fee or present credentials. Too, they may be designed to allow traffic in both directions, or in a single direction. It is sometimes called a "rotogate", especially in Chicago, where it is used at unstaffed exits of Chicago "L" stations, and is also used increasingly in New York City Subway stations since the turn of the 21st century.

title: Turnstile


text:
K6

K6 or K-6 may refer to:

Locations

 * K6 (mountain), a mountain in Pakistan
 * K6 pipe, a geological formation in Northern Alberta, Canada
 * K6, shorthand for ul. Konwiktorska 6, address of the Stadion Miejski im. gen. Kazimierza Sosnkowskiego

Transportation

 * HMS K6, a British submarine
 * USS K-6 (SS-37), a 1914 United States Navy K-class submarine
 * Ka 6, a glider manufactured by Alexander Schleicher GmbH & Co, Germany
 * K6, IATA code for Cambodia Angkor Air
 * K 6 (keelboat), sailboat class
 * K-6 (1926–1927 Kansas highway), now part of K-9
 * K-6 (1927–1958 Kansas highway), now part of US 59
 * K-6 (1968–1981 Kansas highway), now K-5
 * New Hampshire Avenue–Maryland Line, a Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority bus line in suburban Washington, D.C.

Other uses

 * K-6 (education), the grades which are traditionally grouped together in American elementary schools; formerly Kindergarten through sixth grade
 * K6 machine gun, a 12.7 mm heavy machine gun of South Korea based on M2 Browning
 * K-6 (missile), an Indian ballistic missile
 * K6 Telephone Kiosk, a type of red telephone box in use the United Kingdom since 1935
 * AMD K6, a computer microprocessor
 * Sonata in C for Keyboard and Violin, sixth work by Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart according to the Köchel catalogue
 * Grushin K-6, a Soviet Air to air missile developed in the 1950s
 * Kimber K6S, a revolver

title: K6


text:
Politics of Quebec

The politics of Quebec are centred on a provincial government resembling that of the other Canadian provinces, namely a constitutional monarchy and parliamentary democracy. The capital of Quebec is Quebec City, where the Lieutenant Governor, Premier, the legislature, and cabinet reside.

The legislature — the Parliament of Quebec — is unicameral, consisting of the Lieutenant Governor and the National Assembly, which has 125 members. Government is conducted based on the Westminster model.

Political system
The British-type parliamentarism based on the Westminster system was introduced in the province of Lower Canada in 1791. The diagram at right represents the political system of Québec since the 1968 reform. Prior to this reform, the Parliament of Québec was bicameral.

Lieutenant Governor

 * asks the leader of the majority party to form a government in which he will serve as Premier
 * enacts the laws adopted by the National Assembly
 * has the power to veto.

Premier

 * appoints the members of the Cabinet and the heads of public corporations
 * determines the date of the coming general elections

Members of the National Assembly (MNAs)

 * are elected using the first-past-the-post voting system
 * there are 125 Members of the National Assembly, so approximately one MNA for each 45,000 electors.

Institutions
Many of Quebec's political institutions are among the oldest in North America. The first part of this article presents the main political institutions of Quebec society. The last part presents Québec's current politics and issues.

Parliament
The Parliament of Québec holds the legislative power. It consists of the National Assembly of Québec and the Lieutenant Governor of Quebec.

Lieutenant Governor
While the powers of the Crown are vested in the monarch, they are exercised by the lieutenant governor, personal representative, typically on the binding advice of the premier and Executive Council.

Constitutional role
In Canada, lieutenant governor is appointed by the governor general, on the advice of the prime minister of Canada.Thus, it is typically the lieutenant governor whom the premier and ministers advise, in exercising much of the royal prerogative.

While the advice of the premier and Executive Council is typically binding on the lieutenant governor, there are occasions when the lieutenant governor has refused advice. This usually occurs if the premier does not clearly command the confidence of the elected National Assembly.

Ceremonial role
The lieutenant governor is tasked with a number of governmental duties. Not among them, though, is delivering the Throne Speech, which sets the lieutenant governor of Quebec apart from the other Canadian viceroys. (Instead, new sessions begin with the Opening Speech by the premier. ) The lieutenant governor is also expected to undertake various ceremonial roles. For instance, upon installation, the lieutenant governor automatically becomes a Knight or Dame of Justice and the Vice-Prior in Quebec of the Most Venerable Order of the Hospital of Saint John of Jerusalem. The lieutenant governor presents numerous other provincial honours and decorations and various awards that are named for and presented by the lieutenant governor, which were reinstated in 2000 by Lieutenant Governor Lise Thibault. These honours are presented at official ceremonies, which count among hundreds of other engagements the lieutenant governor takes part in each year, either as host or guest of honour; in 2006, the lieutenant governor of Quebec undertook 400 engagements and 200 in 2007.

National Assembly
The National Assembly is part of a legislature based on the Westminster System. However, it has a few special characteristics, one of the most important being that it functions primarily in French, although French and English are Constitutionally official and the Assembly's records are published in both languages. The representatives of the Québec people are elected with the first-past-the-post electoral method. Never varying from first-past-the-post, of all the provinces of Canada, Quebec is the only province that since 1867 has not ever used a multi-seat district.

The government is constituted by the majority party and it is responsible to the National Assembly. Since the abolition of the Legislative Council at the end of 1968, the National Assembly has all the powers to enact laws in the provincial jurisdiction as specified in the Constitution of Canada.

Government
The government of Quebec consists of all the ministries and governmental branches that do not have the status of independent institutions, such as municipalities and regional county municipalities.

Executive Council
The Executive Council is the body responsible for decision-making in the government. It is composed of the Lieutenant Governor (known as the Governor-in-Council), the Premier (in French Premier ministre), the government ministers, the ministers of state and delegate ministers. The Executive Council directs the government and the civil service, and oversees the enforcement of laws, regulations and policies. Together with the Lieutenant Governor, it constitutes the government of Québec. See also Premier of Québec.

Quebec Ombudsman
The Quebec Ombudsman is a legislative officer responsible for handling complaints from individuals, companies and associations who believe the government of Quebec or any of its branches has made an error or treated them unjustly. The Ombudsman has certain powers defined by the Public Protector Act. The Québec Ombudsman has a social contract with Québécois to ensure the transparency of the state.

Human Rights and Youth Rights Commission
The Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse (Human Rights and Youth Rights Commission) is a publicly funded agency created by the Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms. Its members are appointed by the National Assembly. The commission has been given powers to promote and protect human rights within all sectors of Québec society. Government institutions and Parliament are bound by the provisions of the Charter. The commission may investigate into possible cases of discrimination, whether by the State or by private parties. It may introduce litigation if its recommendations were not followed.

Québec Office of the French language
The Office Québécois de la Langue Française (Quebec Office of the French language) is an organization created in 1961. Its mandate was greatly expanded by the 1977 Charter of the French Language. It is responsible for applying and defining Québec's language policy pertaining to linguistic officialization, terminology and francization of public administration and businesses.

See language policies for a comparison with other jurisdictions in the world.

Council on the Status of Women
Established in 1963, the Conseil du statut de la femme (Council on the Status of Women) is a government advisory and study council responsible for informing the government of the status of women's rights in Québec. The council is made of a chair and 10 members appointed by the Québec government every four to five years. The head office of the council is in Québec City and it has 11 regional offices throughout Québec.

Quebec Commission on Access to Information
A first in North America, the Commission d'accès à l'information du Québec (Quebec Commission on Access to Information, CAI) is an institution created in 1982 to administer the Quebec legislative framework of access to information and protection of privacy.

The first law related to privacy protection is the Consumer Protection Act, enacted in 1971. It ensured that all persons had the right to access their credit record. A little later, the Professional Code enshrined principles such as professional secrecy and the confidential nature of personal information.

Today, the CAI administers the law framework of the Act respecting access to documents held by public bodies and the protection of personal information as well as the Act respecting the protection of personal information in the private sector.

Chief electoral officer of Québec
Independent from the government, this institution is responsible for the administration of the Québec electoral system.

Judicial bodies
The principal judicial courts of Québec are the Court of Quebec, the Superior Court and the Court of Appeal. The judges of the first are appointed by the Government of Quebec, while the judges of the two others are appointed by the Government of Canada.

In 1973, the Tribunal des professions was created to behave as an appeal tribunal to decisions taken by the various discipline committees of Quebec's professional orders. The current president is Paule Lafontaine.

On December 10, 1990, the Human Rights Tribunal of Quebec was created. It became the first judicial tribunal in Canada specializing in human rights. The current president is Michèle Rivet.

An administrative tribunal, the Tribunal administratif du Québec is in operation since April 1, 1998, to resolve disputes between citizens and the government. The current president is Jacques Forgues.

Municipal and regional institutions
The territory of Quebec is divided into 17 administrative regions: Bas-Saint-Laurent, Saguenay-Lac-Saint-Jean, Capitale-Nationale, Mauricie, Estrie, Montreal, Outaouais, Abitibi-Témiscamingue, Côte-Nord, Nord-du-Québec, Gaspésie-Îles-de-la-Madeleine, Chaudière-Appalaches, Laval, Lanaudière, Laurentides, Montérégie, and Centre-du-Québec.

Inside the regions, there are municipalities and regional county municipalities (RCMs).

School boards
On July 1, 1998, 69 linguistic school boards, 60 Francophone and 9 Anglophone, were created in replacement for the former 153 Catholic and Protestant boards. In order to pass this law, which ended a debate of over 30 years, it was necessary for the Parliament of Canada to amend Article 93 of the Constitution Act 1867.

Sharia law ban
Sharia law is explicitly banned in Quebec, upheld by a unanimous vote against it in 2005 by the National Assembly.

Voting patterns
Voting patterns break down as follows:
 * 2022 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 30.04%, Federalists 27.28%, Autonomist/Others 40.98%
 * 2018 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 33.16%, Federalists 27.96%, Autonomist/Others 37.42%
 * 2014 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 33.01%, Federalists 41.52%, Autonomist/Others 23.05%
 * 2012 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 39.87%, Federalists 31.20%, Autonomist/Others 27.05%
 * 2008 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 38.95%, Federalists 44.25%, Autonomist/Others 16.37%
 * 2007 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 31.99%, Federalists 36.93%, Autonomist/Others 30.84%
 * 2003 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 33.24%, Federalists 45.99%, Autonomist/Others 19.24%
 * 1998 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 42.87%, Federalists 43.55%, Autonomist/Others 11.81%
 * 1994 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 44.75%, Federalists 44.40%, Autonomist/Others 6.46%
 * 1989 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 40.16%, Federalists 53.64%, Autonomist/Others 3.21%
 * 1985 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 38.69%, Federalists 55.99%, Autonomist/Others 3.45%
 * 1981 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 49.26%, Federalists 46.07%, Autonomist/Others 4.00%
 * 1976 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 41.37%, Federalists 33.78%, Autonomist/Others 22.83%
 * 1973 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 30.22%, Federalists 54.65%, Autonomist/Others 14.84%
 * 1970 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 23.06%, Federalists 45.40%, Autonomist/Others 30.84%
 * 1966 Quebec general election – Sovereignists 8.76%, Federalists 47.29%, Autonomist/Others 43.95%
 * 1962 Quebec general election – Sovereignists, Federalists 56.40%, Autonomist/Others 42.15%

Political history
When Quebec became one of the four founding provinces of the Canadian Confederation, guarantees for the maintenance of its language and religion under the Quebec Act of 1774 formed part of the British North America Act, 1867. English and French were made the official languages in Quebec Courts and the provincial legislature. The Quebec school system was provided public funding for a dual system based on the Roman Catholic and Protestant religions. Under the Constitution Act, 1867 the provinces were granted control of education. The religious-based separate school systems continued in Quebec until the 1990s when the Parti Québécois government of Lucien Bouchard requested an amendment under provisions of the Constitution Act, 1982 to formally secularize the school system along linguistic lines.

Duplessis years 1936–1959
Premier Maurice Duplessis and his Union Nationale party emerged from the ashes of the Conservative Party of Quebec and the Paul Gouin's Action libérale nationale in the 1930s. This political lineage dates back to the 1850s Parti bleu of Louis-Hippolyte Lafontaine, a centre-right party in Quebec that emphasized provincial autonomy and allied itself with Conservatives in English Canada. Under his government, the Roman Catholic and Protestant Churches maintained the control they previously gained over social services such as schools and hospitals. The authoritarian Duplessis used the provincial police and the "Padlock Law" to suppress unionism and gave the Montreal-based Anglo-Scot business elite, as well as British and American capital a free rein in running the Quebec economy. His government also continued to attempt to prevent circulation of books banned by the Catholic Church, combated communism and even tried to shut down other Christian religions like the Jehovah's Witnesses who evangelized in French Canada. The clergy used its influence to exhort Catholic voters to continue electing with the Union Nationale and threaten to excommunicate sympathisers of liberal ideas. For the time it lasted, the Duplessis regime resisted the North American and European trend of massive State investment in education, health, and social programs, turning away federal transfers of funds earmarked for these fields; he jealously guarded provincial jurisdictions. Common parlance speaks of these years as "La Grande Noirceur" The Great Darkness, as in the first scenes of the film Maurice Richard.

Quiet Revolution 1960–1966
In 1960, under a new Liberal Party government led by Premier Jean Lesage, the political power of the church was greatly reduced. Quebec entered an accelerated decade of changes known as the Quiet Revolution. Liberal governments of the 1960s followed a robust nationalist policy of "maîtres chez nous" ("masters in our own home") that would see French-speaking Quebecers use the state to elevate their economic status and assert their cultural identity. The government took control of the education system, nationalized power production and distribution into Hydro-Québec (the provincial power utility), unionized the civil service, founded the Caisse de Depot to manage the massive new government pension program, and invested in companies that promoted French Canadians to management positions in industry. In 1966, the Union Nationale returned to power despite losing the popular vote by nearly seven points to the Liberal Party, but could not turn the tide of modernization and secularization that the Quiet Revolution had started. Both Liberal and Union Nationale governments continued to oppose federal intrusion into provincial jurisdiction.

René Lévesque and "Sovereignty-Association"
A non-violent Quebec independence movement slowly took form in the late 1960s. The Parti Québécois was created by the sovereignty-association movement of René Lévesque; it advocated recognizing Quebec as an equal and independent (or "sovereign") nation that would form an economic "association" with the rest of Canada. An architect of the Quiet Revolution, Lévesque was frustrated by federal-provincial bickering over what he saw as increasing federal government intrusions into provincial jurisdictions. He saw a formal break with Canada as a way out of this. He broke with the provincial Liberals who remained committed to the policy of defending provincial autonomy inside Canada.

Pierre Trudeau's liberalism
In reaction to events in Quebec and formal demands of the Lesage government, Lester Pearson's ruling Liberal government in Ottawa sought to address the new political assertiveness of Quebec. He commissioned the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism in 1963. Pearson also recruited Pierre Trudeau, who campaigned against the violation of civil liberties under Duplessis and the economic and political marginalization of French Quebecers in the 1950s. Trudeau saw official bilingualism in Canada as the best way of remedying this.

In 1968, Trudeau was elected Prime Minister on a wave of "Trudeaumania". In 1969, his government instituted Official Bilingualism with the Official Languages Act which made French and English official languages and guaranteed linguistic minorities (English-speaking in Quebec, French-speaking elsewhere) the right to federal services in their language of choice, where the number justifies federal spending. He also implemented the policy of multiculturalism, answering the concern of immigrant communities that their cultural identities were being ignored. In 1971, Trudeau also failed in an attempt to bring home the Canadian Constitution from Great Britain at the Victoria conference when Robert Bourassa refused to accept a deal that would not include a Constitutional veto on federal institutions for Quebec.

Trudeau's vision was to create a Constitution for a "Just Society" with a strong federal government founded on shared values of individual rights, bilingualism, social democratic ideals, and, later on, multiculturalism. As Liberal Justice Minister in 1967, he eliminated Canada's sodomy law stating "The state has no business in the bedrooms of the nation"; he also created the first Divorce Act of Canada. This government also repealed Canada's race-based immigration law.

FLQ and the October Crisis
During the 1960s, a violent terrorist group known as the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ) was formed in an effort to attain Quebec independence. In October 1970, their activities culminated in events referred to as the October Crisis when the British Trade commissioner James Cross was kidnapped along with Pierre Laporte, a provincial minister and Vice-Premier, who was killed a few days later. Quebec Premier Robert Bourassa called for military assistance to guard government officials. Prime Minister Trudeau responded by declaring the War Measures Act to stop what was described as an "Apprehended Insurrection" by the FLQ. Critics charge that Trudeau violated civil liberties by arresting thousands of political activists without a warrant as allowed by the Act. Supporters of these measures point to their popularity at the time and the fact that the FLQ was wiped out. Independence-minded Quebecers would now opt for the social democratic nationalism of the Parti Québécois.

Sovereigntists elected and the Anglophone exodus
Broad-based dissatisfaction by both English and French-speaking Quebecers with the government of Robert Bourassa saw Parti Québécois led by René Lévesque win the Quebec provincial election in 1976. The first PQ government was known as the "republic of professors", for its high number of candidates teaching at the university level. The PQ government passed laws limiting financing of political parties and the Charter of the French Language (Bill 101). The Charter established French as the sole official language of Quebec. The government claimed the Charter was needed to preserve the French language in an overwhelmingly anglophone North American continent.

The enactment of Bill 101 was highly controversial and led to an immediate and sustained exodus of anglophones from Quebec that, according to Statistics Canada (2003), since 1971 saw a drop of 599,000 of those Quebecers whose mother tongue was English. This exodus of English speakers provided a substantial and permanent boost to the population of the city of Toronto, Ontario. This Quebec diaspora occurred for a number of reasons including regulations that made French the only language of communication allowed between employers and their employees. Under pain of financial penalties, all businesses in Quebec having more than fifty employees were required to obtain a certificate of francization [Reg.139-140] and those businesses with over one hundred employees were obliged to establish a Committee of francization [Reg.136] As well, the language law placed restrictions on school enrollment for children based on parental language of education and banned outdoor commercial signs displaying languages other than French. The section of the law regarding language on signs was deemed unconstitutional by the Supreme Court of Canada under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, see: Ford v Quebec (AG). The revised law of 1988 adheres to the Supreme Court judgment, specifying that signs can be multilingual so long as French is predominant. The maintenance of an inspectorate to enforce the sign laws remains controversial. However, most Quebeckers adhere to the sign laws, as remembrance of what Montreal looked like (an English city for a French majority) before the sign laws is still vivid.

1980 referendum and the Constitution Act of 1982
In the 1980 Quebec referendum, Premier René Lévesque asked the Quebec people for "a mandate to negotiate" his proposal for "sovereignty-association" with the federal government. The Referendum promised that a subsequent deal would be ratified with a second referendum. Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau would campaign against it, promising a renewed federalism based on a new Canadian Constitution. Sixty per cent of the Quebec electorate voted against the sovereignty-association project. After opening a final round of constitutional talks, the Trudeau government patriated the constitution in 1982 without the approval of the Quebec government, which sought to retain a veto on constitutional amendments along with other special legal recognition within Canada. The new constitution featured a modern Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms based on individual freedoms that would ban racial, sexual, and linguistic discrimination and enshrine minority language rights (English in Quebec, French elsewhere in Canada). After dominating Quebec politics for more than a decade, both Lévesque and Trudeau would then retire from politics shortly in the early 1980s.

Meech Lake Accord of 1987
From 1985 to 1994, the federalist provincial Liberal Party governed Quebec under Robert Bourassa. The Progressive Conservatives replaced the Liberals federally in 1984 and governed until 1993. Progressive Conservative Prime Minister Brian Mulroney brought together all provincial premiers, including Robert Bourassa, to get the Quebec government's signature on the constitution. The Meech Lake Accord in 1987 recognized Quebec as a "distinct society". The Mulroney government also transferred considerable power over immigration and taxation to Quebec.

The Accord faced stiff opposition from a number of quarters. In Quebec and across Canada, some objected to it arguing that "distinct society" provisions were unclear and could lead to attempts at a gradual independence for Quebec from Canada, and compromising the Charter of Rights. The Parti Québécois, by then led by sovereigntist Jacques Parizeau, opposed the Meech Lake agreement because it did not grant Quebec enough autonomy. The Reform Party in Western Canada led by Preston Manning said that the Accord compromised principles of provincial equality, and ignored the grievances of the Western provinces. Aboriginal groups demanded "distinct society" status similar to Quebec's.

The Accord collapsed in 1990 when Liberal governments came to power in Manitoba and Newfoundland, and did not ratify the agreement. Prime Minister Mulroney, Premier Bourassa, and the other provincial premiers negotiated another constitutional deal, the Charlottetown Accord. It weakened Meech provisions on Quebec and sought to resolve the concerns of the West, and was soundly rejected by a country-wide referendum in 1992.

The collapse of the Meech Lake Accord reshaped the entire Canadian political landscape. Lucien Bouchard, a Progressive Conservative Cabinet Minister who felt humiliated by the defeat of the Meech Lake Accord, led other Quebec Progressive Conservatives and Liberals out of their parties to form the sovereigntist Bloc Québécois. Mario Dumont, leader of the Quebec Liberal Party's youth wing left Bourassa's party to form a "soft nationalist" and sovereigntist Action démocratique du Québec party. The Progressive Conservative Party collapsed in the 1993 election, with Western conservatives voting Reform, Quebec conservatives voting for the Bloc Québécois, and Ontario and Western Montreal voters putting the Liberal Party led by Jean Chrétien into power. Jean Charest in Sherbrooke, Quebec, was one of two Progressive Conservatives left in Parliament, and became party leader.

1995 referendum, its aftermath and fall of interest in Quebec Independence 1995–2018
The Parti Québécois won the 1994 provincial election under the leadership of Jacques Parizeau amid continued anger over the rejection of the Meech Lake Accord. The Parizeau government quickly held a referendum on sovereignty in 1995. Premier Parizeau favoured a unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) followed by negotiations with the federal government if sovereignty were endorsed in the referendum. Lucien Bouchard and Dumont insisted that negotiations with the federal government should come before a declaration of independence. They compromised with an agreement to work together followed by a referendum question that would propose resorting to a UDI by the National Assembly only if negotiations to negotiate a new political "partnership" under Lucien Bouchard failed to produce results after one year.

The sovereigntist campaign remained moribund under Parizeau. It was only with a few weeks to go in the campaign that support for sovereignty skyrocketed to above 50%. On October 30, 1995, the partnership proposal was rejected by an extremely slim margin of less than one per cent.

Parizeau resigned and was replaced by Bouchard. The sovereigntist option was pushed aside until they could establish "winning conditions". Bouchard was suspected by hard-line sovereigntists as having a weak commitment to Quebec independence. Bouchard, in turn, was ill at ease with the ardent nationalism of some elements in the Parti Québécois. He eventually resigned over alleged instances of anti-Semitism within the hard-line wing of the party and was replaced by Bernard Landry. Tensions between the left wing of the party and the relatively fiscal conservative party executive under Bouchard and Landry also led to the formation of the Union des forces progressistes, another social-democratic sovereigntist party that later merged with other left-wing groups to form Québec solidaire.

Mario Dumont and the Action démocratique du Québec put the sovereigntist option aside entirely and ran on a fiscally conservative agenda. They won three consecutive byelections, and their popularity soared fleetingly in opinion polls shortly before the 2003 provincial election, in which they won only four seats and 18% of the popular vote.

The federal Liberal Party Prime Minister Jean Chrétien came under sharp criticism for mishandling the "No" side of the referendum campaign. He launched a hard-line "Plan B" campaign by bringing in Montreal constitutional expert Stéphane Dion, who would attack the perceived ambiguity of the referendum question through a Supreme Court reference on the unilateral secession of Quebec in 1998 and draft the Clarity Act in 2000 to establish strict criteria for accepting a referendum result for sovereignty and a tough negotiating position in the event of a Quebec secession bid.

Jean Charest was lauded by federalists for his impassioned and articulate defense of Canada during the referendum. He left the Progressive Conservative Party to lead the provincial Liberals (no legal relation to its federal counterpart) and a "No" campaign in the event of another referendum, and led his new party to an election victory in 2003. He was re-elected as provincial Premier in the election of 2007, and again in 2008, after having called a snap election.

Prior to the 2018 election, the political status of Quebec inside Canada used to remain a central question. This desire for greater provincial autonomy has often been expressed during the annual constitutional meetings of provincial premiers with the Prime Minister of Canada. In Quebec, no single option regarding autonomy currently gathers a majority of support. Therefore, the question remains unresolved after almost 50 years of debate.

Return of Quebec Autonomy movement and Rise of Coalition Avenir Québec 2018–
In 2018 election, the Coalition Avenir Québec, a Quebec Autonomist Party, won the majority of seats, the first time since 1966 that neither the Parti Québécois (which also lost its official party status for the first time but however to regain months later ) nor the Quebec Liberals won a majority. Québec Solidaire also gained a few seats from the Parti Québécois collapse and a couple from Quebec Liberals. This also ended the interest of Quebec independence from Canada for a while, as seemingly half of Quebecers preferred returning to the idea of receiving more political autonomy within Canada.

In the 2022 Quebec general election, the ruling party, Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ), secured 90 seats out of 125.

National Question
The National Question is the debate regarding the future of Quebec and the status of it as a province of Canada. Political parties are organized along ideologies that favour independence from Canada (sovereigntist or separatist) and various degrees of autonomy within Canada (autonomists or federalists). Social democrats, liberals, and conservatives are therefore present in most major parties, creating internal tensions.

Canadian Liberalism
Federal Liberals largely defend Quebec's remaining within Canada and keeping the status quo regarding the Canadian constitution. They embrace the liberalism held by former Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau and view Canada as a bilingual, multicultural nation based on individual rights. They stress that their nationalism is based on shared civic values, and reject nationalism defined solely on English or French Canadian culture. They defend the need for the federal government to assume the major role in the Canadian system, with occasional involvement in areas of provincial jurisdiction. English-speaking Quebecers, immigrants, and aboriginal groups in northern Quebec strongly support this form of federalism. They may recognize the national status of Quebec, but only informally in the cultural and sociological sense. The traditional vehicle for "status-quo" federalists is the Liberal Party of Canada, although elements of the Conservative Party of Canada have adopted aspects of this position.

The social-democratic New Democratic Party supports Quebec's right to self-determination, but they are firmly opposed to sovereignty, and do not support any major devolving of economic and political powers to Quebec's provincial government.

Federalist Quebec autonomism
The Quebec autonomists are pro-autonomy movement who believe Quebec should seek to gain more political autonomy as a province while remaining a part of the Canadian federation. In 2018 election that the only Autonomist party Coalition Avenir Québec successfully won over most of Quebec population since the Union Nationale in the mid-20th century with this view about the future of Quebec's political status.

Federalist Quebec nationalism
The federalist nationalists are nationalists who believe it is best for the people of Quebec to reform the Canadian confederation in order to accommodate the wish of Quebecers to continue to exist as a distinct society by its culture, its history, its language, and so on. They recognize the existence of the Quebec political (or civic) nation; however, they do not think Quebecers truly wish to be independent from the rest of Canada. Before the arrival of the Parti Québécois, all major Quebec parties were federalist and nationalist. Since then, the party most associated with this view is the Liberal Party of Quebec. On two occasions, federalist nationalists of Quebec attempted to reform the Canadian federation together with allies in other provinces. The 1990 Meech Lake Accord and the 1992 Charlottetown Accord were both ultimately unsuccessful.

Soft nationalists
So-called "soft nationalists" have been characterized as "those who were willing to support Quebec independence only if they could be reasonably reassured that it would not produce economic hardship in the short term", and as "people who call themselves Quebecers first, Canadians second". They are the voters who gave Brian Mulroney two back-to-back majorities in the 1980s, when he promised to bring Quebec into Canada's constitution "with honour and enthusiasm."" They swing between a desire for full independence, and for the recognition of Quebec nationhood and independence within Canada. They are typically swing voters, and tend to be swayed by the political climate, becoming "harder" nationalists when angered by perceived rejection by English Canada (such as the blocking of the Meech Lake Accord ), but "softening" when they perceive sovereigntists as threatening the economic and social stability seemingly afforded by Canadian federalism.

Many also view the spectre of Quebec secession as a useful negotiation tool to gain more powers within Confederation. For example, Daniel Johnson Sr ran on a platform of Égalité ou indépendance (Equality or independence) in the late 1960s as a way of pressing for increased powers from the federal government. Lucien Bouchard expressed similar sentiments as a student.

Sovereigntists
Sovereigntists are moderate nationalists who do not believe Canada to be reformable in a way that could answer what they see as the legitimate wish of Quebecers to govern themselves freely. They opt for the independence of Quebec; however, at the same time, they insist on offering an economic and political partnership to the rest of Canada on the basis of the equality of both nations. The political parties created by the sovereigntists created are the Bloc Québécois and the Parti Québécois, which its members define as a party of social democratic tendency. The Parti Québécois organized a 1980 referendum and a 1995 referendum, each of which could have led to negotiations for independence had it succeeded. The No side prevailed in both, but its margin was very narrow in the second referendum (50.6% No, 49.4% Yes). Sovereigntists find their ideological origins in the Mouvement Souveraineté-Association, René Lévesque's short-lived precursor to the Parti Québécois.

Indépendantistes
Indépendentistes are fully nationalist in outlook. They view the federal government as a successor state to the British Empire, and as a de facto colonizing agent of English Canada. Consequently, they demand complete independence for Quebec, which they view in the context of national liberation movements in Africa and the Caribbean of the 1960s. Independence is seen as the culmination of a natural societal progression, from colonization to provincial autonomy to outright independence. Accordingly, they tend to favour assertive declarations of independence over negotiations, idealizing the Patriote movement of the 1830s. Their ideological origins can be found within the Rassemblement pour l'indépendance nationale headed by Pierre Bourgault, a founding organization of the Parti Québécois.

Provincial

 * The Quebec Liberal Party (PLQ)
 * The Parti Québécois (PQ)
 * The Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ)
 * The Québec Solidaire party (QS)
 * The Conservative Party of Quebec (PCQ)

Federal

 * The New Democratic Party of Canada (NDP)
 * The Bloc Québécois (BQ)
 * The Liberal Party of Canada (L)
 * The Conservative Party of Canada (C)
 * The Green Party of Canada (GPC)
 * The People's Party of Canada (PPC)

Other recognized provincial parties

 * The Parti vert du Québec (Green Party/PVQ)
 * The Bloc pot
 * The Parti marxiste-léniniste du Québec
 * The Parti Unité Nationale
 * Affiliation Quebec
 * New Democratic Party of Quebec (founded 2014)

Historical parties

 * Château Clique/Parti bureaucrate (pre-Confederation)
 * Parti canadien/Parti patriote (1806–1837)
 * Parti rouge (1847–1867)
 * Parti bleu (1854–1867)
 * Conservative Party of Quebec (1867–1936)
 * Action libérale nationale (1934–1939)
 * Union Nationale (1935–1989)
 * Fédération du Commonwealth Coopératif/Parti social démocratique du Québec (1939–1961)
 * Parti ouvrier-progressiste/Labor-Progressive Party (1944–1960)
 * Ralliement créditiste du Québec (1970–1978)
 * Bloc populaire (1942–1947)
 * Rassemblement pour l'indépendance nationale (1960–1968)
 * Parti républicain du Québec (1962–1964)
 * Ralliement national (1966–1968)
 * Equality Party (1989–2012)
 * Nouveau Parti démocratique du Québec/Parti de la Democratie Socialiste (1963–2002)
 * Union des forces progressistes (2002–2006)

National policy
Quebec's national policy covers all areas relating to the Quebec nation. It establishes the values and foundations on which Quebec society bases its cohesion and its specificity. The Québécois constitution is enshrined in a series of social and cultural traditions that are defined in a set of judicial judgments and legislative documents, including the Loi sur l'Assemblée Nationale ("Law on the National Assembly"), the Loi sur l'éxecutif ("Law on the Executive"), and the Loi électorale du Québec ("Electoral Law of Quebec"). Other notable examples include:

 * the Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms
 * the Charter of the French language
 * the Civil Code of Quebec

It is also based on a set of statements which clarify and reinforce already established social practices. For example, in his press release on February 8, 2007, Jean Charest reaffirmed three of Quebec society's fundamental values:

 * the equality between men and women
 * the primacy of French
 * the separation of State and religion

In addition, Quebec defines itself as a free and democratic state of law.

On October 30, 2003, the National Assembly adopted a resolution reaffirming that the people of Quebec form a nation, as well as a motion on May 22, 2008, citing: "'That the National Assembly reiterates its desire to promote the language, history, culture and values of the Québécois nation, promote integration into our nation in a spirit of openness and reciprocity, and bear witness to its attachment to our religious and historical heritage represented by the crucifix in our Blue Room and by our coat of arms adorning our institutions.'"

Federal policy
Quebec participates in federal political life in different ways.

Since 1969, the Official Languages Act has allowed Quebec to integrate better into the Canadian community, in addition to guaranteeing a legal and linguistic context conducive to the development of the province.

The Quebec premier is part of the Council of the Federation, which allows it to participate proactively in the federation.

Quebec possesses a network of three offices, each led by one station chief, for representing itself and defending its interests in Canada: one in Moncton (for Atlantic Canada), one in Toronto (for Ontario and Western Canada) and one in Ottawa (for the federal government). These offices' mandate is to ensure an institutional presence of the Government of Quebec near other Canadian governments and to allow Quebec to interact effectively with the other provinces of the country.

International policy
Quebec's international policy is founded upon the Gérin-Lajoie doctrine, formulated in 1965. While Quebec's Ministry of International Relations coordinates guiding principles in international policy, its Quebec's general delegations that are the main interlocutors in foreign countries. In matters relating to Quebec law, or matters relating to treaties, deals, accords and programs, only Quebecois political bodies have negotiatic power, along with heads of state, governments, embassies and foreign consulates. Under the rule of law, any agreement made abroad, by the federal or Quebecois government, is only applicable in domestic politics by the consent of popular sovereignty.

Quebec is the only Canadian province that has set up a ministry to exclusively embody the state's powers for matters of international relations. In other provinces, the general tendency is to entrust this type of mandate to a minister that was already carrying out other responsibilities (most likely in intergovernmental relations).

Quebec is a member of the Assemblée parlementaire de la Francophonie and of the Organisation internationale de la francophonie.

Environmental and energy policies
Since 2006, Quebec has adopted a green plan in order to meet the objectives of the Kyoto Protocol regarding climate change. The Ministry of Sustainable Development, Environment, and Fight Against Climate Change (MELCC) is the primary entity responsible for the application of environmental policy on the Québécois territory. The Société des établissements de plein air du Québec (SEPAQ) is the main body responsible for the management of national parks, wildlife reserves, etc.

On November 23, 2009, Jean Charest announced Quebec's greenhouse gas reduction targets at the Copenhagen conference: Quebec intended to reduce its emissions by 20% by 2020 (compared to the emissions of 1990) and will focus on the transportation sector, which accounts for 40% of GHG emissions in Quebec. Following this announcement, the government undertook the initiatives needed to keep its promises. On January 14, 2010, a law came into effect aimed at reducing vehicle GHGs. Automobile manufacturers who sell vehicles in Quebec have to comply with an emission ceiling of 187 g of GHG/km. This emission level was also lowered every year until it fell to 127 g of GHG/km in 2016. Manufacturers have to obtain an emission average equivalent to that of the enforced level, so they are still be able to sell vehicles that sometimes exceed this threshold. These standards are as strict as those of California (United States), according to the Government of Quebec.

Hydroelectricity is Quebec's main energy source. The Hydro-Québec corporation, owned by the government of Quebec, is the main producer and provider of this renewable and low-pollution energy. Hydro-Québec is a profitable company in constant expansion (for example the Manic-Outardes project, the James Bay Project, the Romaine project, etc.). Wind energy also sees modest use.

The population of Quebec seems to be more sensitive to environmental issues than the population of other Canadian provinces. According to a 2019 university study, 67% of Québécois residents are aware of humanity's impact on global warming, while the figure drops to 47% in Saskatchewan and to 42% in Alberta. The economic structure of each of these provinces could be one explanation: "Quebec does not produce petroleum, but mainly hydroelectricity. Compared to Alberta... There is the whole structure of the economy that could explain this phenomenon" analyzes the academic Erick Lachapelle. Nearly 500,000 people took part in a climate protest on the streets of Montreal in 2019.

Agricultural and forestry policies
Agriculture in Quebec has been subject to agricultural zoning regulations since 1978. Faced with the problem of expanding urban sprawl, agricultural zones were created to ensure the protection of fertile land, which make up 2% of Quebec's total area. The Commission de protection du territoire agricole du Québec (CPTAQ) is the main guarantor. The city of Saint-Hyacinthe is the agricultural technopole of Quebec and is recognized for its agro-food, veterinary and agro-environmental biotechnology.

Quebec's forests are essentially public property. The calculation of annual cutting possibilities is the responsibility of the Bureau du forestier en chef. The Société de protection des forêts contre le feu (SOPFEU) works in a public-private partnership with the Quebec government in order to protect forests against forest fires. The Union des producteurs agricoles (UPA) seeks to protect the interests of its members, including forestry workers, and works jointly with the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food (MAPAQ) and the Ministry of Energy and Natural Resources.

Employment, taxation and immigration policies
The Ministère de l'Emploi et de la Solidarité sociale du Québec has the mandate to oversee social and workforce developments through Emploi-Québec and its local employment centers (CLE). This ministry is also responsible for managing the Régime québécois d'assurance parentale (QPIP) as well as last-resort financial support for families and people in need. The Commission des normes, de l'équité, de la santé et de la sécurité du travail (CNESST) is the main body responsible for the application of labour laws in Quebec and enforcing the collective agreements concluded between unions of employees and their employers.

When it comes to taxation, Revenu Québec takes the majority of its revenue through a progressive income tax, a 9.975% sales tax and various other taxes (such as carbon, corporate and capital gains taxes), equalization payments from the federal government, transfer payments from other provinces and direct payments. By some measures Quebec is the highest taxed province; a 2012 study indicated that "Quebec companies pay 26 per cent more in taxes than the Canadian average". A 2014 report by the Fraser Institute indicated that "Relative to its size, Quebec is the most indebted province in Canada by a wide margin".

Immigration to Quebec is supported by integration programs favouring French, as it is the common language, as well as the principles of pluralism and interculturalism. The Ministère de l'Immigration et des Communautés culturelles du Québec is responsible for the selection and integration of immigrants, and immigration policy favours respect for Québécois values as well as respect for Quebec's cultural, historical and social characteristics.

Health, social and education policies
Quebec's health and social services network is administered by the Ministry of Health and Social Services. It is composed of 95 réseaux locaux de services (RLS; 'local service networks') and 18 agences de la santé et des services sociaux (ASSS; 'health and social services agencies'). Quebec's health system is supported by the Régie de l'assurance maladie du Québec (RAMQ) which works to maintain the accessibility of services for all citizens of Quebec. Pre-hospital care and rescue missions are provided by foundations and non-profit organizations.

The centres de la petite enfance (CPEs; 'centres for young children') are institutions that link family policies to education. They are administered by the Ministère de la Famille et des Aînés du Québec. Quebec's education system is administered by the Ministry of Education and Higher Education (primary and secondary schools), the Ministère de l'Enseignement supérieur (CEGEP) and the Conseil supérieure de l'Education du Québec. Postsecondary studies include : the public university of the University of Quebec, vocational training centers, private colleges, public colleges (CEGEPs), and private universities.

In 2012, the annual cost for postsecondary tuition was CA$2,168 (€1,700)—less than half of Canada's average tuition. Quebec universities are among the least expensive in Canada. Part of the reason for this is the relative democratization of higher education implemented during the Quiet Revolution of the 1960s, when the Quebec government froze tuition fees to a relatively low level and created CEGEPs. When Jean Charest's government decided in 2012 to sharply increase university fees, students protests erupted. Because of these protests, Quebec's tuition fees remain relatively low today.

International organizations
Quebec is a participating government in the international organization the Francophonie, which can be seen as a sort of Commonwealth of Nations for French-speaking countries. Since the 1960s, Quebec has an international network of delegations which represent the Government of Quebec abroad. It is currently represented in 28 foreign locations and includes six General delegations (government houses), four delegations (government offices), nine government bureaus, six trade branches, and three business agents.

Through its civil society, Quebec is also present in many international organizations and forums such as Oxfam, the World Social Forum, and World March of Women.

title: Politics of Quebec