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Labour Party (Malta)

The Labour Party (Partit Laburista, PL), formerly known as the Malta Labour Party (Partit tal-Ħaddiema, MLP), is one of the two major political parties in Malta, along with the Nationalist Party. It sits on the centre-left of the political spectrum.

The party was founded in 1921 as the Chamber of Labour by a small group of trade unionists. Ideologically, the party was orientated towards democratic socialism and other left-wing stances until the early 1990s, when it followed the lead of like-minded Western social-democratic parties like Britain's New Labour. The party still claims to be democratic-socialist in their party programme. Under the rule of Joseph Muscat, the party shifted to a more centrist position, adopting Third Way policies. A formerly Eurosceptic party, it claims to hold pro-European stances and is a member of the Party of European Socialists, and was previously a member of the Socialist International until 2014.

Party structure
The party structures are the General Conference, the National Executive, the Leader, and the Deputy Leaders, the Party Congress, the Party Administration, the Parliamentary Group, the Councillors' Section, the District and the Regional Administrations, the Local Committees, and the Branches.

The General Conference is largely made up of delegates from the Party's other constituent structures and is the Party's highest organ. The National Executive brings together the Party Administration as well as elected representatives of other constituent structures and co-ordinators. The Party Congress is made up of all members of the Party and elects the Leader and the two Deputy Leaders (one for Party, the other for Parliamentary affairs) and determines the Party's broad policy outlines. The Party Administration is made of the Party Leader, Deputy Leaders, and Party officials. The Parliamentary Group and the Councillors' Section bring together the Party's elected representatives in parliament and local councils. The Party is organised geographically in the local committees (smallest) and district and regional (largest) administrations. Finally, the branches of the party include the women's, youth, senior, and candidates' sections.

Media holdings
Although not formally part of the party's structures, the party owns a number of media and communication outlets, the largest being the television station ONE and radio service ONE Radio through its holding company ONE Productions. The party also owns the publishing house SKS (Sensiela Kotba Soċjalisti) and produces the weekly Sunday newspaper Kullħadd. The party formerly ran the travel agency Sunrise Travel and the MVNO RedTouch Fone.

Foundation, first years, and first government (1921–1949)
The Labour Party was founded as the Chamber of Labour (Camera del Lavoro) in 1921 by one of the union branches affiliated with the Imperial Government Workers Union. Band clubs and other organisations were invited to send delegates to the Party's founding meeting on 15 March 1921, significantly, the 30th anniversary of Pope Leo XIII's Rerum novarum.

Led by Colonel William Savona, the Party contested the general elections held in 1921 and 1924 under the new Constitution that gave the country a measure of self-government. The Labour-Constitutional alliance won the 1927 general elections, but Labour lost ground, gaining 13.9% of votes, three seats in the Legislative Assembly and no representation in the Senate. Strickland became Prime Minister. Labour leader Savona was not elected, and the leadership of the Labour parliamentary group was temporarily entrusted to Colonel Michael Dundon. The Presidency of the Party and leadership of the parliamentary group was taken up by Paul Boffa later that year. In 1930, it adopted a party anthem.

Labour gained nine seats out of ten in the elections held during November 1945, in which, contrarily to previous elections, all men over twenty-one years of age were entitled to vote. The Party's electoral programme, for the first time in Labour's history, did not make any reference to religion. Boffa's Government was supported by the General Workers' Union, and it carried out a number of reforms, such as the abolition of the Senate, the abolition of plural votes, as well as the introduction of women's right to vote. However, Labour deputies resigned from their posts in July 1946 due to mass redundancies at the Dockyards. In the meantime, the 'MacMichael Constitution ' had been introduced, granting self-government to the Maltese. Labour's participation in the subsequent October 1947 elections was once again supported by the General Workers' Union. The Party won 59.9% of the vote and twenty-four seats out of the possible forty within the Legislative Assembly. Paul Boffa became Prime Minister whilst Dom Mintoff became Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Reconstruction. The Labour Government introduced Income Tax and Social Services for the first time in Malta.

Re-founding and return to government (1949–1958)
The Labour Party was re-founded in 1949 as a successor to the Labour Party founded in 1921. Paul Boffa, Leader of the Labour Party and Prime Minister since 1947, resigned and left the party because of serious disagreements with his Deputy Dom Mintoff which had led to a series of cabinet crises. Boffa formed the Malta Workers Party (MWP) while Mintoff re-organized the Labour Party as the Malta Labour Party. It has also adopted The Internationale as one of its anthems.

The Malta Labour Party contested its first elections for the Malta Legislative Assembly the following year. The old Labour vote was split equally between the MLP and the MWP, giving them eleven members each. This allowed the Nationalist Party (PN) to have a slight edge in the formation of a government, which it did in coalition with the MWP. The government did not last long. Two other elections were held in 1951 and 1953 (the last time a coalition governed in Malta) which both saw short-lived PN-MWP coalitions and the decline in the share of votes to the MWP with increasing support for the Labour Party.

The MWP eventually disintegrated and the MLP formed a government for the first time in 1955. This legislature was dominated by the issue of integration with the United Kingdom. The party, which started its life as an anti-colonial party with the slogan "Integration or self-determination" was now inclined towards the first part of the formula. A referendum was held in 1956 but given the number of abstentions and massive opposition by the Nationalist Party and the Catholic Church, the result was inconclusive. This, together with a number of dismissals at the naval dockyard led to Mintoff's resignation and his call for massive protests in April 1958.

Opposition (1958–1971)
The Governor re-established direct colonial government which lasted until 1962. In the meantime, the Malta Labour Party's connections with Third World Independentist and Socialist movements set it on a collision course with the Maltese Catholic Church, which the Party perceived as being pro-British and the cause of the failure of the Integration project. This led to the party leadership being interdicted from 1961 to 1964, when reading, advertising and distributing Party newspapers was deemed a mortal sin. In the 1962 elections, this led to the defeat of the Party at the polls as well as a split with the creation of the Christian Workers' Party. Peace with the Church would not be made until 1969 by which time the Christian Workers' Party had disintegrated.

The MLP participated in independence talks but disagreed with what was offered, causing them to not participate in the Independence celebrations when independence was actually achieved in 1964. The party made strong gains in the 1966 elections which, however, were not enough to see it in office.

An unimportant split occurred in 1969 when the Communist Party of Malta was founded. This split happened as a result of the truce between the Malta Labour Party and local Catholic authorities. The Communist Party has since only contested the 1987 elections.

Post-independence Mintoff governments (1971–1984)
Labour won the 1971 general election and immediately set out to re-negotiate the post-Independence military and financial agreements with the United Kingdom. The government also undertook socialist-style nationalization programmes, import substitution schemes, and the expansion of the public sector and the welfare state. Employment laws were revised with gender equality being introduced in salary pay. In the case of civil law, civil (non-religious) marriage was introduced and homosexuality and adultery were decriminalised. Through a package of constitutional reforms agreed to with the opposition party, Malta became a republic in 1974.

The Labour Party was confirmed in office in the 1976 elections. In 1981 the Party managed to hold on to a parliamentary majority, even though the opposition Nationalist Party managed an absolute majority of more than 4000 votes. A serious political crisis ensued when Nationalist MPs refused to accept the electoral result and also refused to take their seats in parliament for the first years of the legislature. Premier Dom Mintoff called this action "perverse" but it was not an uncommon one in any parliamentary democracy with disputed election results. He proposed to his parliamentary group that fresh elections be held, but most members of his Parliamentary group rejected his proposal. Mintoff, who had been considering vacating the party leadership position even before the elections, voluntarily resigned as Prime Minister and Party leader in 1984 (although he retained his parliamentary seat). A Party General Conference in that same year appointed Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici who acted uncontested as party leader.

Post-Mintoff era (1984–1992)
The Mifsud Bonnici years were characterised by political tensions and violence. The deadlock was broken when constitutional amendments were made voted and made effective in January 1987 which guaranteed that the party with an absolute majority of votes would be given a majority of parliamentary seats in order to govern. This paved the way for the return of the Nationalist Party to government later that year.

The Labour Party performed very badly in the following election in 1992, losing by nearly 13,000 votes. Mifsud Bonnici resigned due to deteriorating health and on 26 March, Labour elected Alfred Sant as the new leader.

Sant leadership, modernisation, and challenges (1992–2008)
Sant who won the election for party leader, and then modernized the party, secured a victory at the polls in 1996. Under Sant's leadership the party made several changes. The party opened the new Labour Party Headquarters in Hamrun instead of the old Macina in Cottonera. The party also made giant steps in the media by being the first Maltese political party to own its radio and television stations.

Sant managed to win comfortably the 1996 elections held on 26 October by over 8,000 votes on the Nationalist Party. The 1987 constitutional amendments, which secured the necessary additional seats, had to be used for the second time, having been used for the same time in 1987. This same amendment had to be used a third time in 2008.

However, trouble was brewing. Mintoff, for reasons known to him alone (within the MLP), started creating problems in Parliament for the one-seat Labour parliamentary majority. In the summer of 1998, Labour lost a division vote on the proposed Cottonera waterfront project because of Mintoff's renegation on his parliamentary group. This was considered by Prime Minister Sant as a vote of no confidence in his government and informed the then-President of the Republic that he no longer held a parliamentary majority as a result. The President had on various occasions asked Prime Minister Alfred Sant to try to find a solution for the political crisis created, but when all attempts proved futile, he had no other option but to accept Sant and his government's resignation and a call for early elections, which were held on 5 September 1998. The Labour Party was defeated with a wide 13,000 vote margin.

Back in opposition, the party campaigned unsuccessfully against EU membership, and the 'NO' camp lost the referendum for the ascension of Malta in the European Union on 8 March (although Sant claimed victory) and was again defeated in the general election a month later on 14 April 2003, once more with a 12,000 vote margin. Sant resigned but stood again for party leader, where he was re-elected with more than 65% of the votes.

In June 2004 the party succeeded in obtaining a relative majority of votes in the elections held to elect the first five Maltese MEPs for the European Parliament. The party elected three of his candidates: Joseph Muscat (later replaced by Glenn Bedingfield), John Attard Montalto and Louis Grech.

In 2008 the Labour Party lost for the third consecutive time in the 2008 general elections, obtaining 48.79% share of the vote and losing the election to the Nationalist Party by just 1,580 votes or 0.5%. Following the loss of the election, Sant resigned as Labour Party leader on 10 March 2008.

Muscat leadership (2008–2020)
The first round of the election of the new leader were held on 5 June 2008. Five members contested this election as candidates: George Abela (a former Deputy Leader), Evarist Bartolo (a frontbench MP and ex-Minister), Marie Louise Coleiro Preca (a frontbench MP and former Secretary-General of the Party), Michael Falzon (an MP and Deputy Leader of the Party) and Joseph Muscat (an MEP). In the first round neither candidate obtained 50%+1 the majority of the votes. So a run up election had to be held on 6 June between the top two candidates who obtained the most votes, George Abela and Joseph Muscat. Muscat was elected Labour Party leader, gathering 66.36% of the total votes. He was co-opted in Parliament and appointed Leader of the Opposition on 1 October.

During an Extraordinary General Conference, held in November 2008, it was decided that the party's official name would be Partit Laburista instead of its former English name, the Malta Labour Party. The previous emblem was changed, although the symbol of the torch was retained.

In June 2009, the party garnered 55 percent of the first preference votes in the election for the European Parliament, electing three MEPs who sit with the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats. This result led to Labour a fourth MEP when the Treaty of Lisbon came into effect and the number of seats allocated to Malta increased from five to six.

Muscat managed to win comfortably the 2013 elections held on 9 March by over 35,000 votes on the Nationalist Party. The Labour Party won a massive 55% of the votes.

In the 2014 MEP elections, the Labour Party retained a majority of 34,000 votes (53%), but lost its fourth seat to the Nationalist Party candidate Therese Comodini Cachia.

In 2015, the party was delisted from the Socialist International for not paying membership fees.

In 2017, Joseph Muscat was re-elected during the general election, with Labour appearing to win with a clear landslide victory for the second consecutive time, merely an hour after the vote counting commenced.

Under Muscat's leadership Malta's national deficit was eliminated, unemployment decreased to historic lows, and an unprecedented period of economic growth occurred. However, he was criticised by figures on both sides of the political spectrum, accused of political opportunism, broken promises on meritocracy and the environment, as well as corruption allegations. On 1 December 2019, Muscat announced his resignation, to take effect after 12 January 2020, due to the 2019 Maltese protests caused by the murder of anti-corruption journalist and government critic Daphne Caruana Galizia. Muscat was accused of impeding the investigation. Robert Abela was elected to replace him, promising continuity with previous policies pursued by the party.

Abela leadership (2020–present)
As the party held a parliamentary majority at the time of Muscat's resignation, Robert Abela would become Prime Minister immediately after, on 13 January 2020. He was recognized as the "continuity" candidate instead of Chris Fearne, emphasizing stability, unity and normality, as opposed to the bolder changes advocated by Fearne.

Abela is considered to be aligned to traditional Labour's values, such as social housing and free medicine for the elderly.

In March 2020, Malta registered its first COVID-19 case. Abela was at first reluctant to close the Malta International Airport, retail outlets and the schools, but felt compelled to do so a few days later as public pressure mounted.

In April 2020, Prime Minister Abela called for 'national unity' on Television Malta, the country's national broadcasting television. This has been criticized for being partisan.

In November 2020, Abela stated "that the party will continue to reinvent itself with the introduction of more young people and women at the centre of its decision-making process."

On 18 February 2021, Abela announced plans to introduce a law that would end police arrests for those possessing a small amount of cannabis and plants for personal use. This bill was passed in December 2021, and Malta became the first country in the European Union to legalise cannabis.

Abela's leadership was criticised with the number of co-options that had taken place, being deemed as undemocratic.

in the 2022 general election, the Labour Party retained its majority in parliament, winning a third consecutive election for the first time since 1981 with 55.11% of the popular vote, the largest share since 1955, marginally surpassing the 55.04% it scored in 2017. Voter turnout was 86%. this was mainly because of various reasons including how Labour dealt with the COVID-19 pandemic, the fact that the economy was still booming, and unemployment kept at a minimum low despite the pandemic and the way that Labour reinvented itself by tackling corruption and money laundering by ushered in a raft of rule-of-law reforms to counter claims of government corruption and grey listing of Malta by the FATF.

Leaders of the Labour Party
The post of Leader of the Labour Party was created in 1928. Before this (1921–28) the post was known as President of the Camera del Lavoro (Labour Party).

†Although technically leader of the Labour Party, they only assumed this role because of the resignation of the incumbent leader and were not elected to the post.

Deputy leaders of the Labour Party in the Maltese House of Representatives since 1920

 * P. Bugelli 1920–1925
 * Michael Dundon 1925–1929
 * Paul Boffa 1929–1947
 * Dom Mintoff 1947–1949
 * Joseph Flores 1949–1955
 * Ġużè Ellul Mercer 1955–1961
 * Anton Buttigieg 1961–1976
 * Agatha Barbara 1976–1981
 * Wistin Abela 1981–1982
 * Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici 1982–1984
 * Guze Cassar 1984–1987
 * Joseph Brincat 1987–1992
 * George Vella 1992–2003
 * Charles Mangion 2003–2008
 * Angelo Farrugia 2008–2012
 * Louis Grech 2012–2017
 * Chris Fearne 2017–present

Deputy leaders of the Labour Party Affairs since 1976

 * Joseph Brincat 1976–1980
 * Karmenu Mifsud Bonnici 1980–1983
 * Guze Cassar 1983-1987
 * Joe Debono Grech 1987–1992
 * George Abela 1992–1998
 * Joseph Brincat 1998–2003
 * Michael Falzon 2003–2008
 * Toni Abela 2008–2016
 * Konrad Mizzi 2016
 * Chris Cardona 2016–2020
 * Daniel Jose Micallef 2020–2024

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Labour Party (Malta)


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Talk:15 (number)

Spanish Wikipedia
I looked in the Spanish Wikipedia for information on the quinceañera, thinking I was going to translate whatever I found there to English for the English version of the article, but I found nothing. All I know about the quinceañera is that for some reason it is a girl's birthday that is celebrated differently from the other birthdays. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 141.217.41.219 (talk • contribs)

Move of material to disambiguation page
HAYYY... ~*melissa tomate*~

Some material has been moved from this page to Fifteen (disambiguation). I think it should go back here, for the time being. This article is one of a series of over 100 articles, and they should follow the same principles. These principles may be discussed on a relevant talk page (by the way: Where is that?), and I do not neccesarily think that creating disambiguation pages like that is such a bad idea (though I'd prefer naming them 15 (disambiguation), etc., rather than Fifteen (disambiguation)). Once a consensus has been reached, the changes can be implemented in a systematic way.--Niels Ø 20:45, Apr 25, 2005 (UTC)

 * apologies for not examining the relevant project's policies before the move. It just seemed that a disambig page was in order, given the amount of relevant links; sticking it at at the bottom of a fairly developed article seemed confusing.  No objections to moving it back for the time being, provided a disambig template is added, as i agree that the whole series should follow the same principles; however, i also think that disambig pages are important for a word with so many possible uses.  if you find that talk page, let me know . . .  --Heah 21:06, 25 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * Looking at the other pages, the idea of keeping all the info on the main number page seems to make sense, so i've reverted it at least for now, and will turn the disambig into a redirect. apologies for my ill thought out edit.  I still wish it was clearer, though; perhaps i'll mention this on the project's talk page (which, btw, seems to be linked to above.)  --Heah 21:22, 25 Apr 2005 (UTC)
 * I too wish it was clearer. For the number zero, it's particularly bad: 0 redirects to 0 (number); Zero is a miscellany of links; Zero (disambiguation) redirects to Zero; 0 (disambiguation) doesn't exist; 0 (year) exists, and so does Year Zero (and it's different), where as Year 0 redirects to 0 (year), and where as e.g. 1 (year) doesn't exist (see 1 instead).--Niels Ø 21:56, Apr 25, 2005 (UTC)
 * I changed it by distinguishing between year zero = 0 (year) and Year Zero (political notion). I think that's clearer. --John H. Victor 5 July 2005 10:59 (UTC)

15 degrees/hour - Yura87 (talk) 14:29, 3 September 2013 (UTC)
24/12=2 360/12=30 therefore, 15 degrees/hour is approx. Earth around-the-axis rotation speed.

Bingo names -
Please see Wikipedia talk:WikiProject Numbers for a centralized discusion as to whether Bingo names should be included in thiese articles. Arthur Rubin (alternate) (talk) 23:33, 3 June 2018 (UTC)

The pool ball 15

 * : The notable brown color of the pool ball 15 is relevant because pool is a popular sport. A conjunct of 15 pool balls contains eight colors, who are yellow (1 and 9), blue (2 and 10), red (3 and 11), purple (4 and 12), orange or pink* (5 and 13), green (6 and 14), brown (7 and 15) and black (8).

Observation: The pink color of the pool balls 5 and 13 is used in the Brazilian pool.

191.255.194.29 (talk) 12:14, 30 October 2023 (UTC)

 * @191.255.194.29 I'm sure the 15th pool ball being the last ball is relevant. The colour, on the other hand, serves no purpose. The reader is reading about the number 15, not colours of pool balls. — Panamitsu (talk) 12:16, 30 October 2023 (UTC)
 * Thank you for starting the discussion. I don't think we should add a description of its pool ball to each number article.  I would also remove the correspondence to letters in base 36 recently added by the same IP, and similar formulaic text of the form "this number means something in a system where other numbers have an equally unremarkable meaning". Certes (talk) 12:41, 30 October 2023 (UTC)
 * We certainly shouldn't be introducing such trivia into these articles. The IP has edited a large number of articles, it's going to be time-consuming removing all... Polyamorph (talk) 14:44, 30 October 2023 (UTC)
 * Other IPs have also contributed, such as the   kindly provided by 179.98.235.119. Certes (talk) 14:54, 30 October 2023 (UTC)
 * WP:WikiProject_Numbers needs an overhaul, to set a standard to start aiming towards quality improvement, they'll never pass GA for example with such unsourced lists of trivia. Polyamorph (talk) 15:01, 30 October 2023 (UTC)
 * Please see my comments on Wikipedia talk:WikiProject Numbers. Perhaps what I am trying to say is just "Let's overhaul the template..." Imaginatorium (talk) 15:05, 30 October 2023 (UTC)
 * Thanks. I'll take a look and contribute to the discussion when I have some time later. Polyamorph (talk) 15:11, 30 October 2023 (UTC)
 * The problem is, a lot of these number articles contain sections which are nothing more than lists of trivia. Much of the information provided is unsourced and unremarkable. Polyamorph (talk) 14:47, 30 October 2023 (UTC)

I spoke over the 26 letters in base 36 who correspond to the numbers from "10" to "35" and the each one of the 15 pool balls and its colors, who are internationally used in pool championships, as eight-ball, for example.

191.255.194.29 (talk) 14:56, 30 October 2023 (UTC)
 * The problem is your edits are entirely unsourced and extraneous in these articles. Polyamorph (talk) 15:05, 30 October 2023 (UTC)
 * No one is disputing that the 2-ball is blue. We're discussing whether that factoid has any place in the 2 article, which is about a number rather than a sport, and there seems to be growing consensus that it doesn't. Certes (talk) 15:56, 30 October 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:15 (number)


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Logical block addressing

Logical block addressing (LBA) is a common scheme used for specifying the location of blocks of data stored on computer storage devices, generally secondary storage systems such as hard disk drives. LBA is a particularly simple linear addressing scheme; blocks are located by an integer index, with the first block being LBA 0, the second LBA 1, and so on.

The IDE standard included 22-bit LBA as an option, which was further extended to 28-bit with the release of ATA-1 (1994) and to 48-bit with the release of ATA-6 (2003), whereas the size of entries in on-disk and in-memory data structures holding the address is typically 32 or 64 bits. Most hard disk drives released after 1996 implement logical block addressing.

Overview
In logical block addressing, only one number is used to address data, and each linear base address describes a single block.

The LBA scheme replaces earlier schemes which exposed the physical details of the storage device to the software of the operating system. Chief among these was the cylinder-head-sector (CHS) scheme, where blocks were addressed by means of a tuple which defined the cylinder, head, and sector at which they appeared on the hard disk. CHS did not map well to devices other than hard disks (such as tapes and networked storage), and was generally not used for them. CHS was used in early MFM and RLL drives, and both it and its successor, extended cylinder-head-sector (ECHS), were used in the first ATA drives. However, current disk drives use zone bit recording, where the number of sectors per track depends on the track number. Even though the disk drive will report some CHS values as sectors per track (SPT) and heads per cylinder (HPC), they have little to do with the disk drive's true geometry.

LBA was first introduced in 1981 by SASI, the precursor of SCSI, as an abstraction. While the drive controller still addresses data blocks by their CHS address, this information is generally not used by the SCSI device driver, the OS, filesystem code, or any applications (such as databases) that access the "raw" disk. System calls requiring block-level I/O pass LBA definitions to the storage device driver; for simple cases (where one volume maps to one physical drive), this LBA is then passed directly to the drive controller.

In redundant array of independent disks (RAID) devices and storage area networks (SANs) and where logical drives (logical unit numbers, LUNs) are composed via LUN virtualization and aggregation, LBA addressing of individual disk should be translated by a software layer to provide uniform LBA addressing for the entire storage device.

Enhanced BIOS
The earlier IDE standard from Western Digital introduced 22-bit LBA; in 1994, the ATA-1 standard allowed for 28 bit addresses in both LBA and CHS modes. The CHS scheme used 16 bits for cylinder, 4 bits for head and 8 bits for sector, counting sectors from 1 to 255. This means the reported number of heads never exceeds 16 (0–15), the number of sectors can be 255 (1–255; though 63 is often the largest used) and the number of cylinders can be as large as 65,536 (0–65535), limiting disk size to 128 GiB (≈137.4 GB), assuming 512 byte sectors. These values can be accessed by issuing the ATA command "Identify Device" ( h) to the drive.

However, the IBM BIOS implementation defined in the INT 13h disk access routines used quite a different 24-bit scheme for CHS addressing, with 10 bits for cylinder, 8 bits for head, and 6 bits for sector, or 1024 cylinders, 256 heads, and 63 sectors. This INT 13h implementation had pre-dated the ATA standard, as it was introduced when the IBM PC had only floppy disk storage, and when hard disk drives were introduced on the IBM PC/XT, INT 13h interface could not be practically redesigned due to backward compatibility issues. Overlapping ATA CHS mapping with BIOS CHS mapping produced the lowest common denominator of 10:4:6 bits, or 1024 cylinders, 16 heads, and 63 sectors, which gave the practical limit of 1024×16×63 sectors and 528MB (504 MiB), assuming 512 byte sectors.

In order for the BIOS to overcome this limit and successfully work with larger hard drives, a CHS translation scheme had to be implemented in the BIOS disk I/O routines which would convert between 24-bit CHS used by INT 13h and 28-bit CHS numbering used by ATA. The translation scheme was called large or bit shift translation. This method would remap 16:4:8 bit ATA cylinders and heads to 10:8:6 bit scheme used by INT 13h, generating much more "virtual" drive heads than the physical disk reported. This increased the practical limit to 1024×256×63 sectors, or 8.4GB (7.8 GiB).

To further overcome this limit, INT 13h Extensions were introduced with the BIOS Enhanced Disk Drive Services, which removed practical limits on disk size for operating systems which are aware of this new interface, such as the DOS 7.0 component in Windows 95. This enhanced BIOS subsystem supports LBA addressing with LBA or LBA-assisted method, which uses native 28-bit LBA for addressing ATA disks and performs CHS conversion as needed.

The normal or none method reverts to the earlier 10:4:6 bit CHS mode which does not support addressing more than 528MB.

Until the release of ATA-2 standard in 1996, there were a handful of large hard drives which did not support LBA addressing, so only large or normal methods could be used. However, using the large method also introduced portability problems, as different BIOSes often used different and incompatible translation methods, and hard drives partitioned on a computer with a BIOS from a particular vendor often could not be read on a computer with a different make of BIOS. The solution was to use conversion software such as OnTrack Disk Manager, Micro House EZ-Drive/EZ-BIOS, etc., which installed to the disk's OS loader and replaced INT 13h routines at boot time with custom code. This software could also enable LBA and INT 13h Extensions support for older computers with non LBA-compliant BIOSes.

LBA-assisted translation
When the BIOS is configured to use a disk in LBA-assisted translation mode, the BIOS accesses the hardware using LBA mode, but also presents a translated CHS geometry via the INT 13h interface. The number of cylinders, heads, and sectors in the translated geometry depends on the total size of the disk, as shown in the following table.

LBA48
The current 48-bit LBA scheme was introduced in 2002 with the ATA-6 standard, raising the addressing limit to 2$48$× 512 bytes, which is exactly 128PiB or approximately 144PB. Current PC-compatible computers support INT 13h Extensions, which use 64-bit structures for LBA addressing and should encompass any future extension of LBA addressing, though modern operating systems implement direct disk access and do not use the BIOS subsystems, except at boot load time. However, the common DOS style Master Boot Record (MBR) partition table only supports disk partitions up to 2TiB in size. For larger partitions this needs to be replaced by another scheme, for instance the GUID Partition Table (GPT) which has the same 64-bit limit as the current INT 13h Extensions. Windows XP SP2 is known to support LBA48 (and enabled by default).

CHS conversion
In the LBA addressing scheme, sectors are numbered as integer indexes; when mapped to CHS (cylinder-head-sector) tuples, LBA numbering starts with the first cylinder, first head, and track's first sector. Once the track is exhausted, numbering continues to the second head, while staying inside the first cylinder. Once all heads inside the first cylinder are exhausted, numbering continues from the second cylinder, etc. Thus, the lower the LBA value is, the closer the physical sector is to the hard drive's first (that is, outermost ) cylinder.

CHS tuples can be mapped to LBA address with the following formula:

 * LBA = (C × HPC + H) × SPT + (S − 1)

where
 * C, H and S are the cylinder number, the head number, and the sector number
 * LBA is the logical block address
 * HPC is the maximum number of heads per cylinder (reported by disk drive, typically 16 for 28-bit LBA)
 * SPT is the maximum number of sectors per track (reported by disk drive, typically 63 for 28-bit LBA)

LBA addresses can be mapped to CHS tuples with the following formula ("mod" is the modulo operation, i.e. the remainder, and "÷" is integer division, i.e. the quotient of the division where any fractional part is discarded):

 * C = LBA ÷ (HPC × SPT)
 * H = (LBA ÷ SPT) mod HPC
 * S = (LBA mod SPT) + 1

According to the ATA specifications, "If the content of words (61:60) is greater than or equal to 16,514,064, then the content of word 1 [the number of logical cylinders] shall be equal to 16,383." Therefore, for LBA 16450559, an ATA drive may actually respond with the CHS tuple (16319, 15, 63), and the number of cylinders in this scheme must be much larger than 1024 allowed by INT 13h.

Operating system dependencies
Operating systems that are sensitive to BIOS-reported drive geometry include Solaris, DOS and Windows NT family, where  NTLDR (NT, 2000, XP, Server 2003) or WINLOAD (Vista, Server 2008, Windows 7 and Server 2008 R2) use Master boot record which addresses the disk using CHS; x86-64 and Itanium versions of Windows can partition the drive with GUID Partition Table which uses LBA addressing.

Some operating systems do not require any translation because they do not use geometry reported by BIOS in their boot loaders. Among these operating systems are BSD, Linux, macOS, OS/2 and ReactOS.

title: Logical block addressing


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FreeTDS

FreeTDS is a free software programming library, a re-implementation of the Tabular Data Stream protocol. It can be used in place of Sybase's db-lib or ct-lib libraries. It also includes an ODBC library. It allows many open source applications such as Perl and PHP (or any C or C++ program) to connect to Sybase ASE or Microsoft SQL Server.

FreeTDS is a source code library, not a program in and of itself. Users generally compile the library from source and link another program to the library to allow the other program to use the FreeTDS API. However, recent releases of FreeTDS do include some client programs, such as fisql (a replacement for the isql utility programs distributed by Sybase and Microsoft). FreeTDS is licensed under terms of the GNU Lesser General Public License.

For scripting languages, FreeTDS is used in conjunction with a module for that language such as DBD::Sybase in Perl, Python-Sybase for Python, or Ruby DBI for Ruby

jTDS is a Java implementation of FreeTDS, available on SourceForge. jBCP extends jTDS to include Sybase Bulk Copy Program (BCP) extensions.

title: FreeTDS


text:
Social Democratic Party (Portugal)

The Social Democratic Party (Partido Social Democrata, ; PSD) is a liberal-conservative  political party in Portugal that is currently the country's ruling party. Commonly known by its colloquial initials PSD, on ballot papers its initials appear as its official form PPD/PSD, with the first three letters coming from the party's original name, the Democratic People's Party (Partido Popular Democrático, PPD). A party of the centre-right, the PSD is one of the two major parties in Portuguese politics, its rival being the Socialist Party (PS) on the centre-left.

The PSD was founded in 1974, two weeks after the Carnation Revolution and in 1976 adopted its current name. In 1979, the PSD allied with centre-right parties to form the Democratic Alliance and won that year's election. After the 1983 general election, the party formed a grand coalition with the Socialist Party, known as the Central Bloc, before winning the 1985 general election under new leader Aníbal Cavaco Silva, who shifted the party to the right. Cavaco Silva served as Prime Minister for ten years, instituting major economic liberalisation and winning two landslide victories. After he stepped down, the PSD lost the 1995 election. The party was returned to power under José Manuel Durão Barroso in 2002, but was defeated in the 2005 election. The party was able to return to power after the 2011 elections and four years later was able to win a plurality in the 2015 legislative election, winning 107 seats in the Assembly of the Republic in alliance with the CDS – People's Party, but being unable to form a minority government and went back to the opposition. Nine years later, in 2024, the party returned to power as a minority government, under a rebranded Democratic Alliance coalition, also alongside CDS–PP and PPM. The current leader, Luís Montenegro, was elected on 28 May 2022 and is the incumbent Prime Minister of Portugal.

Originally a social democratic party, the PSD became the main centre-right, conservative party in Portugal. The PSD is a member of the European People's Party and the Centrist Democrat International. Until 1996, the PSD belonged to the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party and Liberal International. The party publishes the weekly Povo Livre (Free People) newspaper.

Foundation
The Social Democratic Party was born on 6 May 1974, when Francisco Sá Carneiro, Francisco Pinto Balsemão and Joaquim Magalhães Mota publicly announced the formation of what was then called the PPD, the Democratic People's Party (Partido Popular Democrático). On 15 May, the party's first headquarters were inaugurated in Largo do Rato, Lisbon. This was followed, on 24 June, by the formation of the first Political Committee, consisting of Francisco Sá Carneiro, Francisco Pinto Balsemão, Joaquim Magalhães Mota, Barbosa de Melo, Mota Pinto, Montalvão Machado, Miguel Veiga, Ferreira Júnior, António Carlos Lima, António Salazar Silva, Jorge Correia da Cunha, Jorge Figueiredo Dias and Jorge Sá Borges.

The Povo Livre publication was founded, its first issue being published on 13 July 1974, led by its first two directors, Manuel Alegria and Rui Machete. The PPD's first major meeting was held in the Pavilhão dos Desportos, Lisbon, on 25 October, and a month later the party's first official congress took place.

On 17 January 1975, 6300 signatures were sent to the Supreme Court so that the party could be approved as a legitimate political entity, which happened a mere eight days later.

In 1975, the PPD applied unsuccessfully to join the Socialist International, with its membership attempt vetoed by the Socialist Party.

Alberto João Jardim was the co-founder of the Madeiran branch of the PSD, and governed the autonomous archipelago for decades, running as a member of the party.

Democratic Alliance governments
The Democratic People's Party participated in a number of coalition governments in Portugal between 1974 and 1976, following the Carnation Revolution. This is seen as a transitional period in Portuguese politics, in which political institutions were built and took time to stabilize. In 1976, the party adopted its current name. In 1979, the PSD formed an electoral alliance, known as the Democratic Alliance (AD), with the Democratic and Social Centre (now called the People's Party, CDS-PP) and a couple of smaller right-wing parties. The AD won the parliamentary elections towards the end of 1979, and the PSD leader, Francisco Sá Carneiro, became Prime Minister. The PSD would be part of all governments until 1995. The AD increased its parliamentary majority in new elections called for 1980, but was devastated by the death of Sá Caneiro in an air crash on 4 December 1980. Francisco Pinto Balsemão took over the leadership of both the Social Democratic Party and the Democratic Alliance, as well as the Prime Ministership, but lacking Sá Carneiro's charisma, he was unable to rally popular support.

The Democratic Alliance was dissolved in 1983, and in parliamentary elections that year, the PSD lost to the Socialist Party (PS). Falling short of a majority, however, the Socialists formed a grand coalition, known as the Central Bloc, with the PSD. Many right-wingers in the PSD, including Aníbal Cavaco Silva, opposed participation in the PS-led government, and so, when Cavaco Silva was elected leader of the party on 2 June 1985, the coalition was doomed.

Cavaco Silva governments (1985–1995)
The PSD won a plurality (but not a majority) in the general election of 1985, and Cavaco Silva became Prime Minister. Economic liberalization and tax cuts ushered in several years of economic growth. After a motion of no confidence was approved, early elections were called for July 1987, which resulted in a landslide victory for the PSD, who captured 50.2 percent of the popular vote and 148 of the 250 parliamentary seats – the first time that any political party in Portugal had mustered an absolute majority in a free election. While the PSD had been very popular going into the election, the size of its victory far exceeded the party's most optimistic projections. A strong economy, growing above 7 percent in 1988, ushered a big convergence between Portugal and other EU countries.

The PSD won a historic third term in the 1991 election, with a slightly higher vote share than four years earlier. However, continuing high levels of unemployment and a lower economy, after 1993, eroded the popularity of the Cavaco Silva government.

Post-Cavaco Silva
Cavaco Silva stepped down as leader in January 1995. In the following month, in the PSD congress, the party elected Fernando Nogueira as leader. The PSD lost the 1995 election to the PS. In 1996, Cavaco Silva ran for the presidency of the republic, but he failed to defeat former Lisbon Mayor Jorge Sampaio. Sampaio won 53.9 percent to Cavaco's 46.1 percent. The party, for the first time in 16 years, was out of government. The party was again defeated in the 1999 elections. The party, however, made a big comeback in the 2001 local elections by winning several cities, like Lisbon, Porto and Sintra, from the PS and, some, against all odds and predictions. This PSD result led the then Prime Minister António Guterres (PS) to resign and the country was led to snap general elections on March 2002.

At the time, the party reviewed its membership database, resulting in a correction from 183,000 in 1996 to 77,000 in 1999.

First PSD/CDS coalition government (2002–2005)
The PSD made a comeback in 2002 by defeating the PS by 40 to 38 percent margin, however, despite falling short of a majority, the PSD won enough seats to form a coalition with the CDS-PP, and the PSD leader, José Manuel Durão Barroso, became Prime Minister. Durão Barroso later resigned his post to become President of the European Commission, leaving the way for Pedro Santana Lopes, a man with whom he was frequently at odds, to become leader of the party and Prime Minister.

Back in opposition (2005–2011)
In the parliamentary election held on 20 February 2005, Santana Lopes led the PSD to its worst defeat since 1983. With a negative swing of more than 12 percent, the party won only 75 seats, a loss of 30. The rival Socialist Party had won an absolute majority, and remained in government after the 2009 parliamentary election, albeit without an absolute majority, leaving the PSD in opposition. The PSD-supported candidate Aníbal Cavaco Silva won the Portuguese presidential elections in 2006 and again in 2011. After the 2005 elections, Luís Marques Mendes was elected leader of the party. Internal infighting weakened Marques Mendes and, in September 2007, Marques Mendes was defeated by Luís Filipe Menezes by a 54% to 42% margin. Menezes was also incapable of dealing with his internal opposition and, after just six months in the job, Menezes resigned. On 31 May 2008, Manuela Ferreira Leite became the first female leader of a major Portuguese party. She won 38 percent of the votes, against the 31% of Pedro Passos Coelho and the 30% of Pedro Santana Lopes.

In the European Parliament election held on 7 June 2009, the PSD defeated the governing socialists, capturing 31.7 percent of the popular vote and electing eight MEPs, while the Socialist Party only won 26.5 percent and elected seven MEPs.

Although this was expected to be a "redrawing of the electoral map", the PSD has still defeated later that year, though the PS lost its majority. Pedro Passos Coelho was elected leader in March 2010, with 61 percent of the votes.

Second PSD/CDS coalition government (2011–2015)
Growing popular disenchantment with the government's handling of the economic crisis coupled with the government's inability to secure the support of other parties to implement the necessary reforms to address the crisis, forced the Socialist Party Prime Minister José Sócrates to resign, leading to a fresh election on 5 June 2011. This resulted in a non-absolute majority for the PSD, leading to a coalition government with the CDS-PP, which served a full term until the 2015 general election. During this term, many austerity policies were put into practice to reduce the budget deficit but, ultimately, created unemployment and a recession that lasted until mid 2013. Since that date, the economy recovered starting to grow between 1 and 2 percent per trimester.

In the 2015 general election, the PSD and CDS-PP ran in a joint coalition, called Portugal Ahead, led by Pedro Passos Coelho and Paulo Portas. The coalition won the elections by a wide margin over the Socialists, capturing 38.6 percent of the votes while the Socialists captured only 32 percent, although the coalition lost 25 MPs and a more than 11 percent of the votes, thus falling well short of an absolute majority. The PSD/CDS-PP coalition was asked by the then President of the Republic, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, to form a government with Passos Coelho as Prime Minister.

Back in opposition (2015–2024)
The 2nd PSD/CDS government was duly formed and took the oath of office on 30 October 2015, but fell after a no-confidence motion was approved two weeks later. Its 11 days of rule make it the shortest-lived government since Portugal has been a democracy holding free elections. After that, the PSD returned to the opposition benches, and the Socialist Party was able to form an agreement with BE and CDU to support a PS minority government led by António Costa. Pedro Passos Coelho continued as party leader, but a weak opposition strategy led to bad polling numbers for the PSD. All of this culminated with the results of the 2017 local elections. In these elections, the PSD achieved their worst results ever, winning just 98 mayors and 30 percent of the votes. Passos Coelho announced he would not run for another term as PSD leader. On 13 January 2018, Rui Rio defeated Pedro Santana Lopes by a 54 to 46 percent margin and became the new party leader.

In order to avoid bankruptcy due to mounting debt, in 2017, the party, alongside the Portuguese Socialist Party, the Portuguese Communist Party, BE and the ecologist party PEV, voted in favour of abolishing party fundraising limits, thereby opening all Portuguese parties to private political donorship, that they are not obligated to disclose. The new proposal was reluctantly approved by the Portuguese president Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa.

During his first year in the leadership, Rio faced big internal opposition and, in January 2019, Rio won a motion of confidence presented by Luís Montenegro. In the EP 2019 elections, the PSD achieved their worst result ever in a national election, winning just 22 percent of the votes. However, the party recovered a lot of ground in the October 2019 general elections, achieving 28 percent of the votes, against the 36 percent of the PS. Nonetheless, Rio's leadership was, once again, challenged and he faced, in a two round leadership contest in January 2020, Luís Montenegro and Miguel Pinto Luz. Rio won the 1st round with 49% of the votes and defeated Luís Montenegro in the 2nd round by 53 to 47 percent margin, thus being re-elected as party leader.

In the Azores 2020 regional elections, the PSD was able to return to power, after 24 years in opposition, by forging a controversial deal with CHEGA, plus CDS, PPM and IL. The PSD won almost 34 percent of the votes, while the PS fell more than 7 pp, compared with 2016, to 39 percent, an unexpected result, and overall the right wing parties had a 1-seat majority over all the left. After 2020, the PSD controls the governments of Portugal's only two autonomous regions.

The 2021 local elections were quite positive for the PSD, despite not winning the most mayors in the country as a whole. The party, and its led-coalitions, won a combined 32 percent of the votes and were able to win, from the PS, several cities like Coimbra, Funchal and Barcelos. The main gain of the PSD was the victory in Lisbon, where Carlos Moedas defeated, against all odds and predictions, the PS incumbent mayor Fernando Medina. In October 2021, disagreements between the PS and BE-CDU led to the rejection of the 2022 budget and the calling of a snap general election for 30 January 2022. Despite a close race predicted by polls, the PSD suffered a big setback by winning just 29% of the votes and seeing the PS gaining a surprise absolute majority, with 41% of the votes. After the election, PSD leader Rui Rio opened the process to elect a new party leader. On 28 May 2022, Luís Montenegro was elected party leader by a landslide, gathering more than 72 percent of the votes.

Return to power (2024–present)
Following António Costa's resignation due to an investigation around alleged corruption involving the award of contracts for lithium and hydrogen businesses, a snap election was called for 10 March 2024. For this election, PSD, CDS–PP and PPM decided to contest the election in a joint alliance called Democratic Alliance (AD). On election day, the AD won by a narrow 29 to 28 percent margin over the Socialist Party, and formed a minority government.

Historical evolution
The party was founded based on classical social democracy and was a centre to centre-left party, but later it evolved into catch-all centre-right party. The party has been described as liberal-conservative, conservative, or conservative-liberal, with Christian democratic, liberal and economically liberal elements.

Factions
The PSD is frequently referred to as a party that is not ideology-based, but rather a power party (partido do poder). It frequently adopts a functional big tent party strategy to win elections. Due to this strategy, which most trace to Cavaco Silva's leadership, the party is made up of many factions, mostly centre-right (including liberal democrats, Christian democrats and neoconservatives) as well as quasi-social-democrats and former communists:

The main faction when the party was created, throughout the party's history rightist politicians joined them to have a greater chance of gaining power and influencing the country's politics (see liberals, conservatives, right-wing populists and neoliberals). They do not follow traditional social democracy, but Portuguese social democracy as defined by Francisco Sá Carneiro's actions and writings, which includes a degree of centrist and leftist populism. They followed a kind of anti-class struggle party/cross-class party strategy. All the other members of the party claim to follow this line. Among its representatives were most of the leaders between Francisco Sá Carneiro and Cavaco Silva, Alberto João Jardim (also a founding member and an anti-neoliberal) and to an extent Luís Filipe Menezes (who called the PSD the "moderate left party") identified himself with a centre-left matrix and a united left strategy and defended a more open party on issues like abortion. José Mendes Bota is another left-wing populist. The Portuguese social-democrats are centered around the Grupo da Boavista (Boavista Group).

Follow traditional social democracy. They share with the Portuguese social democrats their presence at the creation of the party and "a non-Marxist progressivist line". Many of them (former party leader António Sousa Franco, party co-founder Magalhães Mota, writer and feminist Natália Correia) supported the Opções Inadiáveis (Pressing Options) manifesto, and then left to create the Independent Social Democrat Association (Associação Social Democrata Independente, ASDI) and the Social Democrat Movement (Movimento Social Democrata, MSD), forming electoral coalitions (later merging with) the Socialist Party during the 1970s–1980s. Some took part in the Democratic Renovator Party. A later example of a European-style Social democrat leaving the party for the Socialists is activist and politician Helena Roseta. The ones still in the party adapted to its current right-wing outlook or Portuguese social democracy. They today include former communists-turned centre-leftists, like Zita Seabra. Durão Barroso might have moved from Thatcherism to social democracy. Ironically, both Social Democrat factions were represented in the 2008 party elections by Manuela Ferreira Leite, economically neoliberal and socially conservative (often compared to Thatcher).

The other main faction at creation. The PSD was always more successful in the Northern and rural areas of the country. When Sousa Franco and his SPD-inspired social democrats started their break with the rest of the party he referred to a division between "a rural wing, led by Sá Carneiro, and an urban wing, more moderate and truly social democratic, close to the positions of Helmut Schmidt" Due to the electoral influence of ruralism on the PSD's politics they may be seen inside of or influencing most factions.

Due to the Salazarist connotation of the term right-wing and all terms connected (liberal and conservative) after the Carnation Revolution, the little attractiveness of economic liberalism in European politics, no specific liberal or conservative party was formed in post-1974 Portugal, except the experiences of the Catholic Action-monarchist Liberal Party in 1974 and the centrist liberal Democratic Renovator Party, so they started working inside the PSD. This strategy of joining "socialism and liberalism under the same hat" was especially successful during Cavaco Silva's leadership, when the party gave up its candidacy to the Socialist International and became member of the Liberal International and European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party and Liberal and Democratic Reformist Group, leaving the international and the European party and group in 1996 to join the Christian Democrat International (today Centrist Democrat International), the European People's Party and the European People's Party-European Democrats. Since then, the liberal-social democrat rift (or even the liberal-conservative-populist-social democrat rift) has plagued the party's cohesion and actions. Durão Barroso (a former revolutionary Maoist who switched sides in the 1980s) is sometimes referred to as the most pure liberal of the party. In terms of social liberals, some try to link both social democracy and social liberalism to the PSD, to refer to the early PSD as liberal or partly social liberal party and social liberalism is sometimes identified with the social market economy tradition the party traditionally supported. Even members of the Portuguese Social Liberal Movement admit the traditional and current presence of social liberals (and other liberals) on the PSD.

Some claim the PSD as the party from Christian democracy and social Christianity from the beginning, or having these currents as part of its legacy. Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa is one of the main preachers of Social Christianity inside the PSD. As is Paulo Rangel.

Distinct from radical right-wing populists, the populist centre and centre-left social democrats (like João Jardim and Sá Carneiro), the populist overlappers (like Cavaco Silva), and the Eurosceptic populists of the Democratic and Social Centre–People's Party (CDS-PP). They are social-economic liberal conservative/conservative liberal and moderate culturally religious conservatives and internationalist national conservatives. Their main representative is Pedro Santana Lopes. Though the main right-wing populists were present at the founding of the party (like Santana Lopes), they were clearly right-wing, recruited when their abilities were noticed in educated circles and universities, with minor agreements with Sá Carneiro's philosophy. Frequently as the PSD is a bipartisanship party, right-wing populists from the CDS-PP join the party. Luís Filipe Meneses is frequently described as a populist but he tried to lead the party back to a left line, and does not identify or act like the liberal conservative/conservative liberal populists.

With the post-revolutionary opposition to the right (see above in liberal) no specific conservative party was founded in Portugal; conservatives acted inside the CDS-PP and the PSD. Frequently linked with the neoliberals, pure conservatives are rare in the party as the usual partisan or politician of the party is economically moderate, but socially conservative. One of the rare exceptions of a pure conservative in this party was former party member and MP Vasco Pulido Valente, who is highly elitist and a cultural purist (unlike most of the party's partisans, who have various degrees of populism or meritocracy), highly conservative and traditionalist.

Mostly former communists and leftists who supported the policies of the Bush administration and defend similar views in Portuguese politics. The main example is José Pacheco Pereira (though his support of the Bush doctrine on the invasion of Iraq is sometimes challenged. They are frequently referred to as "Cavaco-ists" due to their support of cavacoism's legacy and candidates representative of it, like Cavaco Silva himself and Ferreira Leite, defending the position that they should take a hard stance on the left and its social liberalism).

Neoliberal tendencies were introduced in Portuguese economy by Cavaco Silva, removing socialism from the constitution and finishing the de-collectivization of the economy started with Sá Carneiro. Cavaco (a self-described neo-Keynesian) never employed a totally Reaganite or Thatcherite strategy, maintaining a social democrat matrix and many (right and left-wing) populist and neo-Keynesian policies. Alberto João Jardim described the inconsistent neoliberalism of the PSD as "those Chicago Boys have some funny ideas, but when election time arrives the old Keynesianism is still what counts". Cavaco Silva and Durão Barroso are both sometimes referred to as the closest to neo-liberal leaders of the party. The main pure representative of the streak is Manuela Ferreira Leite, but even she called herself a social democrat and explained "I'm not certainly liberal, I'm also not populist" and lead the social democratic factions during internal party rifts, though she accepts the nickname "Portuguese iron lady" and comparisons to Thatcher if "[it] means [...] an enormous intransigence on values and in principles, of not abdicating from these values and from these principles and of continuing my way independently of the popularity of my actions and the effects on my image". The main group (officially non-partisan) associated with the neoliberal faction of the PSD is the Projecto Farol (Lighthouse Project).

The average PSD voter and partisan since Cavaco Silva's leadership. Cavaco himself, though a self-described Neo-Keynesian, an early member of the party since its centre-left days and a man with social-liberal and centrist populist economic policy tendencies, he is personally a social conservative (opposing same-sex marriage and abortion) and a practicing Catholic. As such, Cavacoism should be considered a "hybrid" or a political syncretism. A similar case is Vasco Graça Moura, who claims to be an economic social democrat but opposes gay people serving in the military and is a self-described "centre-left reactionary". The overlappers are mainly represented in the forums gathered by the District of Oporto section of the party, which during the 2009 European elections tried to gather the ideas of all factions.

Not to be confused with overlappers. Still indecisive between (traditional or Portuguese) social democracy, social liberalism or any other kind of centrism.

Are pragmatic although open to privatization and civil society alternatives to the social state, in speech they move closer to the centre-left origins of the party and are generally proud of them. The main representative of this faction is Pedro Passos Coelho, who claims to be neither left nor right, but that "the real issues are between old and new", though his opponents identified him as a liberal (in the conservative-liberal or neoliberal European sense) since the 2008 party election, though he recalled the many meanings of liberal and recalled the left liberalism of the United States Democratic Party, being even called "PSD's Obama" by supporters. Centrists and transversalists inside the party share the think tank Construir Ideias (Building Ideas), which Passos Coelho founded and leads. They mix (like the closely allied centrists) calls to privatization with others to more social justice, government regulation and arbitration and strategic governmental involvement in the economy. This faction is in constant rift with the more socially right-wing ones (who have been leading the party for a long time) and also with the overlappers whose hybrid approach they refuse, over the future of the party and its future ideological and philosophical alignments.

Assembly of the Republic
Seat share in the Portuguese legislative elections

List of secretaries-general (second-in-command)
Source:
 * Joaquim Magalhães Mota (31 October 1976 – 29 January 1978; as President)
 * Sérvulo Correia (29 January 1978 – 2 July 1978; as President)
 * Amândio de Azevedo (2 July 1978 – 17 June 1979; as President)
 * António Capucho (17 June 1979 – 25 March 1984; as President until 27 February 1983)
 * Francisco Antunes da Silva (25 March 1984 – 19 May 1985)
 * Manuel Dias Loureiro (19 May 1985 – 8 April 1990)
 * José Falcão e Cunha (8 April 1990 – 15 November 1992)
 * José Nunes Liberato (15 November 1992 – 19 February 1995)
 * Eduardo Azevedo Soares (19 February 1995 – 31 March 1996)
 * Rui Rio (31 March 1996 – 20 June 1997)
 * Carlos Horta e Costa (20 June 1997 – 19 April 1998)
 * António Capucho (19 April 1998 – 17 January 1999)
 * Artur Torres Pereira (17 January 1999 – 2 May 1999)
 * José Luís Arnaut (2 May 1999 – 23 May 2004)
 * Miguel Relvas (23 May 2004 – 10 April 2005)
 * Miguel Macedo (10 April 2005 – 14 October 2007)
 * José Ribau Esteves (14 October 2007 – 22 June 2008)
 * Luís Marques Guedes (22 June 2008 – 11 October 2010)
 * Miguel Relvas (11 April 2010 – 12 June 2011)
 * José Matos Rosa (12 June 2011 – 18 February 2018)
 * Feliciano Barreiras Duarte (18 February 2018 – 19 March 2018)
 * José Silvano (19 March 2018 – 3 July 2022)
 * Hugo Soares (3 July 2022 – present)

Prime ministers

 * Francisco Sá Carneiro: 1979–1980
 * Francisco Pinto Balsemão: 1981–1983
 * Aníbal Cavaco Silva: 1985–1995
 * José Manuel Durão Barroso: 2002–2004
 * Pedro Santana Lopes: 2004–2005
 * Pedro Passos Coelho: 2011–2015
 * Luís Montenegro: 2024–present

Presidents of the Republic

 * Aníbal Cavaco Silva: 2006–2016
 * Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa: 2016–present

Logos
The orange color is dominant in the PSD symbols and flags since 1974 and the logo is characterized by three arrows, inspired in the Three Arrows political symbol from the German Social Democratic Party during the 1930s against Nazism. In the PSD logo, the three arrows represent freedom, equality and solidarity - a traditional social democratic motto, with its roots in the French Revolution.

title: Social Democratic Party (Portugal)


text:
Tabular Data Stream

Tabular Data Stream (TDS) is an application layer protocol used to transfer data between a database server and a client. It was initially designed and developed by Sybase Inc. for their Sybase SQL Server relational database engine in 1984, and later by Microsoft in Microsoft SQL Server.

History
During the early development of Sybase SQL Server, the developers at Sybase perceived the lack of a commonly accepted application level protocol to transfer data between a database server and its client. In order to encourage the use of its products, Sybase promoted the use of a flexible pair of libraries, called  and , to implement standard SQL. A further library was included in order to implement "Bulk Copy" called. While 's job is to ferry data between the two computers through the underlying network protocol,   provides an API to the client program, and communicates with the server via. sends to the server a structured stream of bytes meant for tables of data, hence a Tabular Data Stream. provides, like, an API to the client programs and communicates with the server via.

In 1990 Sybase entered into a technology-sharing agreement with Microsoft which resulted in Microsoft marketing its own SQL Server — Microsoft SQL Server — based on Sybase's code. Microsoft kept the  API and added ODBC. (Microsoft has since added additional APIs.) At about the same time, Sybase introduced a more powerful successor to, called  , and called the pair Open Client. , though officially deprecated, remains in widespread use.

The TDS protocol comes in several varieties, most of which had not been openly documented because they were regarded as proprietary technology. The exception was TDS 5.0, used exclusively by Sybase, for which documentation is available from Sybase. This situation changed when Microsoft published the TDS specification in 2008, as part of the Open Specification Promise.

The FreeTDS team has developed a free native-library implementation of the TDS protocol, licensed under the LGPL license. WireShark has a protocol decoder for TDS.

Oracle Corporation provides Oracle Net - software analogous to TDS.

title: Tabular Data Stream


text:
Talk:Tabular Data Stream

untitled
This text was adapted slightly from http://www.freetds.org/userguide/c49.htm#TDSPROTOCOL

It is public domain text, but I don't know how to righteously site it within the main wiki page.

Confusing content
There are two items in the article I found rather confusing:

 * 1) The first paragraph concludes with "It confuses many but entrances a few. Given the context, it is not immediately clear what the Subject ('It') and the objects ('many', 'few') are referring to. Is the subject referring to the difficulty associated with grasping the concept of the protocol? Or is the protocol is being personified (i.e. it is so confused, that "bits on the wire" are inadvertently lost before the data arrives at the destination?)
 * 2) Are the references in the article to netlib referring to the scientific, Fortran-based, computer libraries? Given the context, I wonder if the article was referring to another set of libraries under that name.

If you are conversant with the subject, please feel free to correct any content that is in error. Alternatively, you may choose to post your responses to this matter either on this page or my talk page, if you so wish.

Cheers. Folajimi 03:11, 28 February 2006 (UTC)

updated the licence to LGPL not GPL per FreeTDS.org Aedanj 16:12, 19 December 2006 (UTC)

title: Talk:Tabular Data Stream


text:
User talk:Pigsonthewing/Archive 1

Words of welcome
Hi Andy

I've seen your postings on Birdnet/Surfbirds - welcome to Wikipedia. If you need any help, let me know, we birders must stick together!. jimfbleak 15:50, 16 Oct 2003 (UTC)

Andy, welcome to Wikipedia! I'm glad to see you've jumped in and started contributing: always nice to have another enthusiastic editor on board. If I can give you one tip, when you have an alternate spelling for a name (such as William Murdock for William Murdoch), at Wikipedia the alternate spellings redirect to the "correct" spelling. So, I've made the content for William Murdock the following: #REDIRECT William Murdoch. If you follow the Murdock link, you'll find it takes you straight to the main article. This helps us prevent too much duplication of work by having only one article about each topic or person: hopefully the above made some sort of sense (it's late...or early...in my time zone). If you have any questions, feel free to drop me a note on my talk page -- I'm always happy to respond. Jwrosenzweig 12:21, 17 Oct 2003 (UTC)

Birmingham/ Counties
You have chosen childish reverts over sensible discussion. On your own head be it. 80.255 01:09, 25 Oct 2003 (UTC)

LOL. I don't really care what he says about historic counties. I'll leave it to others to debate whether or not those exist, but he can not simply claim that Birmingham is in Warwickshire. It isn't. That's obvious and requires no debate whatsoever. Angela 01:26, Oct 25, 2003 (UTC)

Hi Andy -- Sorry, I'd already gone to bed when you asked me to protect Birmingham etc (hmm, Protector of Birmingham, makes me sound something like Oliver Cromwell!). By the way, could you remember to sign your edits on talk pages, please? just for your signature, ~ for the datestamp as well. Thanks! -- Arwel 10:57, 25 Oct 2003 (UTC)

Nice to see you're trying to restore some sanity to this "historic counties" business. Although as soon as 80.255 gets back it'll probably be back to square one again G-Man 19:50, 29 Oct 2003 (UTC)

How come you insist that the West Midlands metropolitan county still exists? It's not on the Ordnace Survey administrative map of GB []. Andy G 01:36, 30 Oct 2003 (UTC) It doesn't exactly say it "exists", it says it "the [metropolitan] county areas are still recognised, especially for statistical purposes". I guess all the different sorts of county are recognised in some sense - post-1974 Berkshire is probably still "recognised" by a lot of people even though it doesnt "exist" on either of these maps. Warwickshire-including-Birmingham is still recognised for cricketing purposes. Historical Lincolnshire is recognised by the existence of North Lincolnshire and NE Lincolnshire outside administrative Lincolnshire. If we're not talking about the current units of local administation I think we should qualify what we say rather than use absolutes like "exists". Andy G 20:00, 30 Oct 2003 (UTC)
 * Because it does; that's not a map of counties. This (PDF) is http://www.statistics.gov.uk/geography/downloads/uk_cty_ua.pdf Andy Mabbett 08:50, 30 Oct 2003 (UTC)

Oops, I buggered that one up. I was meaning to make rump article for Somerset, Lincolnshire, Gloucestershire, and historic articles for Warwickshire, etc - basically having articles matching the ceremonial counties. I will sort that one out. Morwen 19:29, 29 Nov 2003 (UTC)

If South Gloucestershire isn't part of Gloucestershire, then why is it called that? ;)  If you want to move them, go ahead, I won't stop you.  Morwen 19:37, 29 Nov 2003 (UTC)

Jedi
Could please stop adding "jedi" to the List_of_United_Kingdom_topics? The joke has worn thin now.Alun Ephraim 19:54, 29 Oct 2003 (UTC)
 * No. I'm not adding it as a "joke"; I'm adding (restoring, IIRC) it to explain the "joke" (which I found incredibly tiresome, at the time), and for the benfit of anyone taken in by it. The page to which the "see also" refers, explains this, most clearly, and is relevant. Andy Mabbett 21:06, 29 Oct 2003 (UTC)
 * Have now re-worded link and created new page about Jedi & Censuses. Andy Mabbett 21:21, 29 Oct 2003 (UTC)

title: User talk:Pigsonthewing/Archive 1