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Old Town Hall (Bratislava)

Old Town Hall (Stará radnica, Régi városháza) is a complex of buildings from the 14th century in the Old Town of Bratislava, the capital of Slovakia. It is the oldest city hall in the country and it is one of the oldest stone buildings still standing in Bratislava, with the tower being built approximately in 1370. The town hall was created in the 15th century by connecting three townhouses, and then went through several reconstructions in the course of the centuries.

It houses the oldest museum in Bratislava, the Bratislava City Museum, founded in 1868, featuring an exhibit of the city history and an exhibit of torture devices. The outlook from the top of the Old Town Hall tower offers a round view of Bratislava Old Town and its environs.

Location
The Old Town Hall is located in the heart of the Bratislava, between the Main Square and the Primate's square at: 48.14389°N, 17.10911°W. It is next to the Jesuit Church and near the Greek and Japanese embassies. It is easily recognizable by its colorful tiled roof.

History
Finished in the Gothic style in the 15th century, it resulted from the joining several buildings: Jacobus' house with a tower, Pawer's house, Unger's house and the Apponyi palace (Pawerov dom, Ungerov dom, Aponyiho palác, Pawer ház, Unger ház, Apponyi palota). The principal building adjacent to the tower and facing the Main Square was built by the town Mayor Jacobus II (also called Jakab, Jakub) in the 14th century, while the tower (originally Gothic) was erected in the late 13th century. Towers made of stone were part of some medieval townhouses in order to provide safety in case of war or protection of wealth in case of fire. Although exact date cannot be specified, details of the gothic windows suggest it was built approximately in 1370. The tower's ground floor was one meter lower than today's street level. The tower was reinforced and modified several times over the next centuries; at one point it contained mechanical clock, a large sphere depicting the current phases of the moon and above that there were bells.

The Apponyi Palace was built by Count György Apponyi, a Hungarian nobleman and King's advisor, in place of two older townhouses in 1761–1762. The architect is unknown but older literature attributes the project to F. A. Hildebrandt. Only two wings survive from this residential representative town residence - western and the short southern. The ground floor was both residential and used for storage. The staircase included baroque stone sculptures of saints until the 1930s. First floor is the representative piano nobile with preserved rococo-classical interior decorations. Second floor was used for the accommodation of the Apponyi family, ceilings are lower here and wall decorations are less elaborate. The attic was used for accommodation from the 18th century until the first half of the 19th century (it was common for visitors to coronations and other major events to sleep in the attics of townhouses and palaces of the noble), today, the wooden booths for sleeping were removed. Until the second half of the 19th century the palace used to have another two wings around a trapezoid-shaped courtyard, used by the servants.

Later, the Old Town Hall underwent many transformations and enhancements, namely a Renaissance style reconstruction in 1599 following earthquake damage, Baroque restyling to the tower after a fire in the 18th century, and the addition of a Neo-Renaissance/neogothic wing built in 1912.

Use
The building was used as a town hall from the 15th century through the late 19th century. At times during that period, however, it also served other purposes, including housing a prison and mint, and being place of trade and celebrations. It was also used as the city's arsenal depository and municipal archive.

Today it hosts the Bratislava City Museum, displaying exhibitions of Pressburg's history. Exhibited items include torture instruments, the old town dungeons, antique weapons and armour, paintings and miniatures. One of its curiosities is a cannonball embedded in the tower wall, shot by Napoleon's soldiers in 1809 during bombardment of the city from Petržalka. During the summer its courtyard hosts concerts. The attic of the Apponyi Palace is used as a Study Depository of Glass and Ceramics.

The top of the tower is accessible as part of the Bratislava City Museum exhibition. It offers a view of the Old Town of the city.

Current state
Despite some reconstruction efforts, the structure is in need of renovating some outside parts.

title: Old Town Hall (Bratislava)


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Thomas Lowndes (astronomer)

Thomas Lowndes (1692 – 12 May 1748) was the founder of the Lowndean professorship of astronomy at Cambridge University, England.

Both his father and mother were Cheshire landowners. In 1725 he was appointed provost marshal of South Carolina, a post he preferred to hold by deputy. In 1727 Lowndes claimed to have taken a prominent part in inducing the British government to purchase Carolina, but he surrendered his patent when the transfer of the colony to the crown was completed. His patent was renewed in 1730, but he resigned it in 1733.

He then brought various impractical schemes before the government to check the illicit trade in wool between Ireland and France; to regulate the paper currency of New England; and to supply the navy with salt from brine, etc. By his will he left his inherited Cheshire properties to the University of Cambridge for the foundation of a chair of astronomy and geometry.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Thomas Lowndes (astronomer)


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List of Christmas carols

This list of Christmas carols is organized by language of origin. Originally, a "Christmas carol" referred to a piece of vocal music in carol form whose lyrics centre on the theme of Christmas or the Christmas season. The difference between a Christmas carol and a Christmas popular song can often be unclear as they are both sung by groups of people going house to house during the Christmas season. Some view Christmas carols to be only religious in nature and consider Christmas songs to be secular.

Many traditional Christmas carols focus on the Christian celebration of the birth of Jesus, while others celebrate the Twelve Days of Christmas that range from 25 December to 5 January or Christmastide which ranges from 24 December to 5 January. As a result, many Christmas Carols can be related to St Stephen's Day (26 December), St John's Day (27 December), Feast of Holy Innocents (28 December), St Sylvester's Day (31 December), and the Epiphany. Examples of this are "We Three Kings" (an Epiphany song), and "Good King Wenceslas" (a carol for St. Stephen's Day). Nonetheless, some other categories of Christmas music, both religious and secular, have become associated with the Christmas season even though the lyrics may not specifically refer to Christmas – for example, "Deck the Halls" (no religious references) and "O Come, O Come, Emmanuel" (an Advent chant). Other Christmas music sung by carolers focuses on more secular Christmas themes, and winter carols and novelty Christmas songs often refer to winter scenes, family gatherings, and Santa Claus ("Jingle Bells", "O Christmas Tree", "Home for the Holidays", "Jolly Old Saint Nicholas", "Frosty the Snowman", "Santa Claus Is Comin' to Town", etc.).

Chinese
The English titles are taken from the Hymns of Universal Praise and the Chinese New Hymnal.

Danish
The list is based primarily on carols and hymns mentioned in the Song Book for the Danish Folk High School.

Where possible, a carol title is linked to its (Danish) Wikipedia entry, where the carol can be heard. Otherwise, a carol title has been linked to its entry at the Danish Hymn Book Online.

Carolling, i.e. dancing around, is practised - probably unintentionally - in Danish Christmas tradition, when a Christmas party join hands forming a chain around the family Christmas tree and walk, dance or run around the Christmas tree depending on the Christmas carol or song sung.

French
"Trois Anges (sont venus ce soir") Traditional French Title translation : "Three Angels have come tonight"

Ukrainian
See also: List of Ukrainian Koliadkas and Shchedrivkas

title: List of Christmas carols


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Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa

Hamad bin Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa (حمد بن عيسى بن سلمان آل خليفة ; born 28 January 1950) is King of Bahrain since 14 February 2002, after ruling as Emir of Bahrain from 6 March 1999. He is the son of Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa, the previous and first emir. The country has been ruled by the Al Khalifa dynasty since 1783.

Early life and education

Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa was born on 28 January 1950 in Riffa, Bahrain. His parents were Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa, then Crown Prince, and Hessa bint Salman Al Khalifa.

After attending Manama secondary school in Bahrain, Hamad was sent to England to attend Applegarth College in Godalming, Surrey before taking a place at The Leys School in Cambridge. Hamad then underwent military training, first with the British Army at Mons Officer Cadet School at Aldershot in Hampshire, graduating in September 1968. Four years later, in June 1972, Hamad attended the United States Army Command and General Staff College at Fort Leavenworth in Kansas, graduating the following June with a degree in leadership.

Crown prince
Hamad bin Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa was designated as heir apparent by his father on 27 June 1964. In 1968, he was appointed as the chairman of the irrigation council and Manama municipal council. He was commissioned into the Bahrain National Guard on 16 February 1968 and appointed as its commander the same year, remaining in that post until 1969 when he was appointed as the commander-in-chief of the Bahrain Defence Force. In 1970, Hamad became the head of the Bahraini department of defence and the vice-chairman of the administrative council, remaining in both offices until 1971. From 1971 to 1988 he was the minister of state for defence.

In October 1977, Sheikh Hamad started learning to fly helicopters, successfully completing the training in January 1978. He then worked to establish the Bahrain Amiri Air Force, which came into being in 1987 when the defence force air wing was reconstituted as an air force.

Reign

On the death of his father Isa bin Salman Al Khalifa, Hamad became Emir of Bahrain on 6 March 1999. As Emir, Hamad brought several political reforms to Bahrain. These included the release of all political prisoners, the dissolution of the State Security Court and the abolition of the 1974 Decree on State Security Measures. Additionally, many Bahraini citizens were permitted to return after several years in exile overseas. In 2002, he declared himself king. He enjoys wide executive authorities which include appointing the prime minister and his ministers, commanding the army, chairing the Higher Judicial Council, appointing the parliament's upper half and dissolving its elected lower half.

Political turmoil

After Hamad took power in 1999, he focused on attaining stability in a nation riddled with profound tensions after the 1990s uprising. The King succeeded in improving the living standards and in making Bahrain a financial hub. During the period 2003–2010 the Shi'ite community accused his government of corruption, discrimination in housing and jobs, recruiting foreigners to the military services and bringing Sunni tribes from Asia to change the demographic composition of the nation.

Although King Hamad's reign has seen the admittance of Shi'ites into positions in the government, there have still been calls for a more equitable distribution of positions and jobs. The Al Khalifa family lead a large number of ministerial and governmental posts including the Ministry of the Interior, Ministry of Justice, the Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Culture, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Bahrain Economic Development Board and the Supreme Council for Women. The vast majority of significant positions in the Bahrain Defence Force are held by Sunnis.

2011 Bahraini uprising
On 14 February 2011, the tenth anniversary of a referendum in favour of the National Action Charter, and ninth anniversary of the writing of the Constitution of 2002, Bahrain was rocked by protests inspired by the Arab Spring and co-ordinated by a Facebook page named "Day of Rage in Bahrain", a page that was liked by tens of thousands just one week after its creation. The Bahrain government responded with what has been described as a "brutal" crackdown on the protests, including violations of human rights that caused anger. Later on, demonstrators demanded that Hamad step down. As a result of this "massive" crackdown, Foreign Policy Magazine classified him as ranking 3rd out of 8 of "America's Unsavory Allies" calling him "one of the bad guys the U.S. still supports".

On 11 February 2011, King Hamad ordered that 1,000 Bahraini Dinars (approximately US$2,667) be given to "each family" to celebrate the tenth anniversary of the National Action Charter referendum. Agence France-Presse linked the BD1,000 payments to 14 February 2011 demonstration plans.

On 15 February 2011, Hamad apologized for the deaths of two demonstrators in a rare TV speech and urged an investigation into the incident. Two days later, four protesters were killed and hundreds wounded when protesters were attacked in Pearl Roundabout at 03:00 am local time. The Pearl Roundabout was evacuated and encircled by the Bahraini army. Two days later, Prince Salman, Hamad's son, ordered the withdrawal of army troops from there after the death of another protester caused by live ammunition next to Pearl roundabout.

During the peak of the Bahraini uprising in mid March 2011, Hamad declared a State of National Safety for three months just after Salman summoned Peninsula Shield Force troops to enter Bahrain. Saudi Arabia deployed about 1,000 troops with armoured support, and the United Arab Emirates deployed about 500 troops. Opposition parties reacted strongly, calling it an "occupation". Hamad, however, claimed that he deployed the troops to "protect infrastructure and to secure key installations".

In June 2011, Hamad commissioned the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry, headed by respected human rights lawyer M. Cherif Bassiouni, to look into the events surrounding the unrest. The establishment of the BICI was praised by Barack Obama and the international community as a step towards establishing responsibility and accountability for the events of the 2011–2012 Bahraini uprising. The BICI reported its findings in November 2011 and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton "commend[ed] King Hamad bin Isa al-Khalifa's initiative in commissioning it". In August 2012, Amnesty International stated that "the government's response has only scratched the surface of these issues. Reforms have been piecemeal, perhaps aiming to appease Bahrain's international partners, and have failed to provide real accountability and justice for the victims".

Foreign relations
The king was invited by the British court to the wedding of Prince William, but declined amidst protests by human rights activists, who had pledged to disrupt his stay in Britain because of his violent response to demonstrators. In August 2020, King Hamad explained to visiting U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo that Bahrain is committed to the creation of a Palestinian state, implicitly rejecting the normalization of ties with Israel. However, on 11 September 2020, it was announced that Bahrain and Israel had agreed to establish full diplomatic relations. On 15 September 2020, Bahrain officially opened state to state relations with Israel, signing diplomatic agreements at a public ceremony at the White House in Washington, D.C. On 2 November 2023, Bahrain expelled the Israeli ambassador and ceased economic ties in response to Israeli military action in Gaza and pervasive settler violence in the West Bank.

On 19 September 2022, he attended the state funeral of Queen Elizabeth II at Westminster Abbey, London.

Personal life
Hamad has four wives and has had in total twelve children: seven sons and five daughters.

 * He married his first wife (also his first cousin), Sheikha Sabika bint Ibrahim Al Khalifa, at Rifa'a on 9 October 1968. She is Bahraini and together they have three sons and one daughter:
 * Sheikh Salman bin Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa, Crown Prince of Bahrain (born 21 October 1969)
 * Sheikh Abdullah bin Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa (born 30 June 1975)
 * Sheikh Khalifa bin Hamad Al Khalifa (born 4 June 1977)
 * Sheikha Najla bint Hamad Al Khalifa (born 20 May 1981)
 * His second wife, Sheikha Sheia bint Hassan Al Khrayyesh Al Ajmi is from Kuwait. Together they have two sons:
 * Sheikh Nasser bin Hamad Al Khalifa (born 8 May 1987)
 * Sheikh Khalid bin Hamad Al Khalifa (born 23 September 1989)
 * His third wife, Sheikha Hessa bint Faisal bin Muhammad bin Shuraim Al Marri, with whom he has one son and two daughters:
 * Sheikha Munira bint Hamad Al Khalifa (born 15 July 1990)
 * Sheikh Faisal bin Hamad Al Khalifa (12 February 1991 – 12 January 2006), died in a car accident.
 * Sheikha Noura bint Hamad Al Khalifa (born 6 November 1993)
 * His fourth wife, Sheikha Manal bint Jabor Al Naimi, with whom he has one son and two daughters:
 * Sheikh Sultan bin Hamad Al Khalifa (born 1997)
 * Sheikha Hessa bint Hamad Al Khalifa (born 2000)
 * Sheikha Rima bint Hamad Al Khalifa (born 2002)

Honours and awards
King Hamad has received numerous honours from:
 * 🇯🇴 Jordan: Grand Cordon of the Order of the Star of Jordan (1 February 1967)
 * 🇮🇶 Iraq: Member 1st class of the Order of the Two Rivers (22 February 1969)
 * 🇲🇦 Morocco: Member Special Class of the Order of Muhammad (16 October 1970)
 * 🇯🇴 Jordan: Grand Cordon of the Supreme Order of the Renaissance (1 September 1972)
 * 🇪🇬 Egypt: Grand Cordon of the Order of the Republic (24 January 1973)
 * 🇮🇷 Iran: Collar of the Order of the Crown (28 April 1973)
 * 🇸🇦 Saudi Arabia: Collar of the Order of Abdulaziz al Saud (4 April 1976)
 * 🇮🇩 Indonesia: Star of the Republic of Indonesia, 1st class (8 October 1977)
 * 🇲🇷 Mauritania: Member 1st class of the Order of Merit (1 April 1978)
 * 🇨🇾 Cyprus: Collar of the Order of Makarios III (9 March 2015)
 * 🇴🇲 Oman: Member 1st class of the Order of Oman (24 October 2022)
 * 🇬🇧 United Kingdom: Honorary Knight Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George (KCMG, 15 February 1979)
 * 🇱🇾 Libya: Member 1st class of the Order of the Grand Conqueror of Libya (1 September 1979)
 * 🇪🇸 Spain: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Isabella the Catholic (4 December 1981)
 * 🇲🇾 Malaysia: Honorary Recipient of the Order of the Crown of the Realm (DMN, 28 October 2000)
 * UAE: Collar of the Order of Zayed (2 February 2005)
 * 🇮🇪 Ireland: Honorary Fellow of the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland (Hon FRCSI, 2006)
 * 🇾🇪 Yemen: Member 1st class of the Order of the Republic of the Yemen (25 March 2010)
 * 🇩🇰 Denmark: Grand Cross of the Order of the Dannebrog (SK, 4 February 2011)
 * 🇫🇷 France: Grand Cross of the National Order of Merit
 * 🇹🇳 Tunisia: Grand Cordon of the Order of the Republic (27 January 2016)
 * 🇪🇬 Egypt: Collar of the Order of the Nile (26 April 2016)
 * Palestine: Grand Collar of the State of Palestine (10 April 2017)
 * Brunei: Recipient of the Royal Family Order of the Crown of Brunei (DKMB, 3 May 2017)
 * 🇹🇲 Turkmenistan: Member of the Order of Neutrality (18 March 2019).
 * Johor: Grand Commander of the Royal Family Order of Johor (DK I, 26 November 2017)
 * 🇧🇷 Brazil: Grand Collar of the Order of the Southern Cross (12 November 2021)
 * 🇺🇸 United States: Chief Commander of the Legion of Merit (19 January 2021)
 * 🇷🇺 Russia: Honorary Doctorate from Moscow State Institute of International Relations (2 July 2021)

title: Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa


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User talk:Rob Pike

So, that Rob Pike is a user on the system and not described by an article should be interpreted so as that the Rob Pike is a contributor to Wikipedia? Would you agree to me writing a common article on you too?

title: User talk:Rob Pike


text:
Mathieu Kérékou

Mathieu Kérékou (2 September 1933 – 14 October 2015) was a Beninese politician who served as president of the People's Republic of Benin from 1972 to 1991 and the Republic of Benin from 1996 to 2006.

After seizing power in a military coup, he ruled the country for 19 years, for most of that time under an officially Marxist–Leninist ideology, before he was stripped of his powers by the National Conference of 1990. He was defeated in the 1991 presidential election but was returned to the presidency in the 1996 election and controversially re-elected in 2001.

Military background
Kérékou was born in 1933 in Kouarfa village, in north-west French Dahomey. After having studied at military schools in modern-day Mali and Senegal, Kérékou served in the military by joining the French Army in 1960. Following independence, from 1961 to 1963 he was an aide-de-camp to Dahomeyan President Hubert Maga. Following Maurice Kouandété's coup d'état in December 1967, Kérékou, who was his cousin, was made chairman of the Military Revolutionary Council. After Kérékou attended French military schools from 1968 to 1970, Maga made him a major, deputy chief of staff, and commander of the Ouidah paratroop unit.

1972 coup and Marxist rule
Kérékou seized power in Dahomey in a military coup on 26 October 1972, ending a system of government in which three members of a presidential council were to rotate power (earlier in the year Maga had handed over power to Justin Ahomadegbé).

During his first two years in power, Kérékou expressed only nationalism and said that the country's revolution would not "burden itself by copying foreign ideology ... We do not want communism or capitalism or socialism. We have our own Dahomean social and cultural system." On 30 November 1974, however, he announced the adoption of Marxism-Leninism by the state. The country was renamed from the Republic of Dahomey to the People's Republic of Benin a year later; the banks and petroleum industry were nationalized. The People's Revolutionary Party of Benin (Parti de la révolution populaire du Bénin, PRPB) was established as the sole ruling party. In 1980, Kérékou was elected president by the Revolutionary National Assembly; he retired from the army in 1987. It has been suggested that Kérékou's move to Marxism-Leninism was motivated mainly by pragmatic considerations, and that Kérékou himself was not actually a leftist radical; the new ideology offered a means of legitimization, a way of distinguishing the new regime from those that had preceded it, and was based on broader unifying principles than the politics of ethnicity. Kérékou's regime initially included officers from both the north and south of the country, but as the years passed the northerners (like Kérékou himself) became clearly dominant, undermining the idea that the regime was not based in ethnicity. By officially adopting Marxism-Leninism, Kérékou may also have wanted to win the support of the country's leftists. Kérékou's regime was rigid and vigorous in pursuing its newly adopted ideological goals from the mid-1970s to the late 1970s. In 1974, under the influence of young revolutionaries - the "Ligueurs" - the government embarked on a socialist program: nationalization of strategic sectors of the economy, reform of the education system, establishment of agricultural cooperatives and new local government structures, and a campaign to eradicate "feudal forces" including tribalism. Beginning in the late 1970s, the regime jettisoned much of its radicalism and settled onto a more moderately socialist course as Kérékou consolidated his personal control. Its relations with France and other African governments in the region deteriorated because of the Marxism claimed by the Beninese regime and the support offered to the Polisario Front for the liberation of Western Sahara. The French government of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing feared the spread of Marxism in West Africa and decided to react. He was joined by Félix Houphouet-Boigny (Ivory Coast), Gnassingbé Eyadéma (Togo), Joseph-Désiré Mobutu (Zaire) and Hassan II (Morocco), who, in addition to the diplomatic isolation and attempts to destabilize Benin economically, decided to organize an attempted coup d'état. This was Operation Shrimp, entrusted to the French mercenary Bob Denard, on 17 January 1977, but it failed completely.

It was hoped that the nationalizations of the 1970s would help develop the economy, but it remained in a very poor condition. Kérékou began reversing course in the early 1980s, closing down numerous state-run companies and attempting to attract foreign investment. He also accepted an IMF structural readjustment programme in 1989, agreeing to austerity measures that severely cut state expenditure. The economic situation continued to worsen during the 1980s, provoking widespread unrest in 1989. A student strike began in January of that year; subsequently strikes among various elements of society increased in frequency and the nature of their demands grew broader: whereas initially they had focused on economic issues such as salary arrears, this progressed to include demands for political reform.

Transition to capitalism
In the period of reforms towards multiparty democracy in Africa at the beginning of the 1990s, Benin moved onto this path early, with Kérékou being forced to make concessions to popular discontent. Benin's early and relatively smooth transition may be attributed to the particularly dismal economic situation in the country, which seemed to preclude any alternative. In the midst of increasing unrest, Kérékou was re-elected as president by the National Assembly in August 1989, but in December 1989 Marxism-Leninism was dropped as the state ideology, and a national conference was held in February 1990. The conference turned out to be hostile to Kérékou and declared its own sovereignty; despite the objections of some of his officers to this turn of events, Kérékou did not act against the conference, although he labelled the conference's declaration of sovereignty a "civilian coup". During the transition that followed, Kérékou remained president but lost most of his power.

During the 1990 National Conference, which was nationally televised, Kérékou spoke to the Archbishop of Cotonou, Isidore de Souza, confessing guilt and begging forgiveness for the flaws of his regime. An observer described it as a "remarkable piece of political theater", full of cultural symbolism and significance; in effect, Kérékou was seeking forgiveness from his people. Such a gesture, so unusual for the African leaders of the time, could have fatally weakened Kérékou's political standing, but he performed the gesture in such a way that, far from ending his political career, it instead served to symbolically redeem him and facilitate his political rehabilitation, while also "securing him immunity from prosecution". Kérékou shrewdly utilized the timing and setting: "Culturally as well as theologically it was impossible to refuse forgiveness on these terms."

World Bank economist Nicéphore Soglo, chosen as prime minister by the conference, took office in March, and a new constitution was approved in a December 1990 referendum. Multi-party elections were held in March 1991, which Kérékou lost, obtaining only about 32% of the vote in the second round against Prime Minister Soglo; while he won very large vote percentages in the north, in the rest of the country he found little support. Kérékou was thus the first mainland African president to lose power through a popular election. He apologized for "deplorable and regrettable incidents" that occurred during his rule.

After losing the election in March 1991, Kérékou left the political scene and "withdrew to total silence", another move that was interpreted as penitential.

1996 presidential election
Kérékou reclaimed the presidency in the March 1996 election. Soglo's economic reforms and his alleged dictatorial tendencies had caused his popularity to suffer. Although Kérékou received fewer votes than Soglo in the first round, he then defeated Soglo in the second round, taking 52.5% of the vote. Kérékou was backed in the second round by third place candidate Adrien Houngbédji and fourth place candidate Bruno Amoussou; as in 1991, Kérékou received very strong support from northern voters, but he also improved his performance in the south. Soglo alleged fraud, but this was rejected by the Constitutional Court, which confirmed Kérékou's victory. When taking the oath of office, Kérékou left out a portion that referred to the "spirits of the ancestors" because he had become a born-again Christian after his defeat by Soglo. He was subsequently forced to retake the oath including the reference to spirits.

Disputed re-election, 2001
Kérékou was re-elected for a second five-year term in the March 2001 presidential election under controversial circumstances. In the first round he took 45.4% of the vote; Soglo, who took second place, and parliament speaker Houngbédji, who took third, both refused to participate in the second round, alleging fraud and saying that they did not want to legitimize the vote by participating in it. This left the fourth-place finisher, Amoussou, to face Kérékou in the run-off, and Kérékou easily won with 83.6% of the vote. It was subsequently discovered that the American corporation Titan gave more than two million dollars to Kérékou's re-election campaign as a bribe.

During Kérékou's second period in office his government followed a liberal economic path. The period also saw Benin take part in international peacekeeping missions in other African states.

Kérékou was barred from running again in 2006 on two counts. The constitution not only stipulated an absolute two-term limit, but also required that presidential candidates be younger than 70; he turned 70 in 2003, during his second term. Kérékou said in July 2005 that he would not attempt to amend the constitution to allow him to run for a third term. "If you don't leave power," he said, "power will leave you." There was, however, speculation that he had wanted it to be changed, but faced too much opposition.

On 5 March 2006, voters went to the polls to decide who would succeed Kérékou as President of Benin. Yayi Boni defeated Adrien Houngbédji in a run-off vote on 19 March, and Kérékou left office at the end of his term, at midnight on 6 April 2006.

Religion and symbolism
Born and baptized in the Roman Catholic faith, although he was a lapsed adherent, Kérékou allegedly converted to Islam in 1980 while on a visit to Libya, and changed his first name to Ahmed, but he later returned to the use of the name Mathieu. This alleged conversion may have been designed to please the Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi and obtain financial and military support. Alternatively, the conversion story may have been a rumor planted by some of his opponents in order to destabilize his regime. He subsequently became a born-again Christian. Some Vodun believers in Benin regarded him as having magical powers, explaining his ability to survive repeated coup attempts during his military rule.

Nicknamed "the chameleon" from an early point in his career, Kérékou's motto was "the branch will not break in the arms of the chameleon". The nickname and motto he adopted were full of cultural symbolism, articulating and projecting his power and ability. Unlike some past rulers who had adopted animal symbolism intending to project a violent, warlike sense of power, Kérékou's symbolic animal suggested skill and cleverness; his motto suggested that he would keep the branch from breaking, but implicitly warned of what could happen to "the branch" if it was not "in the arms of the chameleon"—political chaos. To some, his nickname seemed particularly apt as he successfully adapted himself to a new political climate and neoliberal economic policies in the 1990s.

He used the campaign slogan, "Experience in the service of youth."

Retirement and death
After leaving office in 2006, Kérékou stayed out of politics and spent time at his homes in Cotonou and Natitingou in northwestern Benin, his native region. He suffered a health crisis in 2014 and was taken to Paris for treatment. Although he recovered, he continued to suffer health problems, and he died in Benin on 14 October 2015 at the age of 82. His death was announced in a statement by President Thomas Boni Yayi. No cause of death was stated. A week of national mourning was declared.

title: Mathieu Kérékou


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Mapuche

The Mapuche are a group of indigenous inhabitants of south-central Chile and southwestern Argentina, including parts of Patagonia. The collective term refers to a wide-ranging ethnicity composed of various groups who share a common social, religious, and economic structure, as well as a common linguistic heritage as Mapudungun speakers. Their homelands once extended from Choapa Valley to the Chiloé Archipelago and later spread eastward to Puelmapu, a land comprising part of the Argentine pampa and Patagonia. Today the collective group makes up over 80% of the indigenous peoples in Chile and about 9% of the total Chilean population. The Mapuche are concentrated in the Araucanía region. Many have migrated from rural areas to the cities of Santiago and Buenos Aires for economic opportunities, more than 92% of the Mapuches are from Chile.

The Mapuche traditional economy is based on agriculture; their traditional social organization consists of extended families, under the direction of a lonko or chief. In times of war, the Mapuche would unite in larger groupings and elect a toki (meaning "axe" or "axe-bearer") to lead them. Mapuche material culture is known for its textiles and silverwork.

At the time of Spanish arrival, the Picunche inhabited the valleys between the Choapa and Itata, Araucanian Mapuche inhabited the valleys between the Itata and Toltén rivers, south of there, the Huilliche and the Cunco lived as far south as the Chiloé Archipelago. In the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries, Mapuche groups migrated eastward into the Andes and Pampas, conquering, fusing and establishing relationships with the Poya and Pehuenche. At about the same time, ethnic groups of the Pampa regions, the Puelche, Ranquel, and northern Aonikenk, made contact with Mapuche groups. The Tehuelche adopted the Mapuche language and some of their culture, in what came to be called Araucanization, during which Patagonia came under effective Mapuche suzerainty.

Mapuche in the Spanish-ruled areas, especially the Picunche, mingled with the Spanish during the colonial period, forming a mestizo population that lost its indigenous identity. But Mapuche society in Araucanía and Patagonia remained independent until the late nineteenth century, when Chile occupied Araucanía and Argentina conquered Puelmapu. Since then the Mapuche have become subjects, and later nationals and citizens of the respective states. Today, many Mapuche and Chilean communities are engaged in the so-called Mapuche conflict over land and indigenous rights in both Argentina and Chile.

Etymology
Historically, the Spanish colonizers of South America referred to the Mapuche people as Araucanians (araucanos). This term is now considered pejorative by some people. For others, the importance of the term Araucanian lies in the universality of the epic work La Araucana, written by Alonso de Ercilla, and the feats of that people in their long and interminable war against the Spanish Empire. The name is probably derived from the placename rag ko (Spanish Arauco), meaning "clayey water". The Quechua word awqa, meaning "rebel, enemy", is probably not the root of araucano.

Scholars believe that the various Mapuche groups (Moluche, Huilliche, Picunche, etc.) called themselves Reche during the early Spanish colonial period, due to what they referred to as their pure native blood, derived from re meaning "pure" and che meaning "people".

The name Mapuche is used both to refer collectively to the Picunche, Huilliche, and Moluche or Nguluche from Araucanía, at other times, exclusively to the Moluche or Nguluche from Araucanía. However, Mapuche is a relatively recent endonym meaning "People of the Earth" or "Children of the Land", with mapu meaning "earth" or "land", and che meaning "person". It is preferred as a term when referring to the people after the Arauco War.

The Mapuche identify by the geography of their territories, such as:
 * Pwelche or Puelche: "people of the east" occupied Pwel mapu or Puel mapu, the eastern lands (Pampa and Patagonia of Argentina).
 * Pikunche or Picunche: "people of the north" occupied Pikun-mapu, the "northern lands".
 * Williche or Huilliche: "people of the south" occupied Willi mapu, the "southern lands".
 * Pewenche or Pehuenche: "people of the pewen/pehuen" occupied Pewen mapu, "the land of the pewen (Araucaria araucana) tree".
 * Lafkenche: "people of the sea" occupied Lafken mapu, "the land of the sea"; also known as Coastal Mapuche.
 * Nagche: "people of the plains" occupied Nag mapu, "the land of the plains" (located in sectors of the Cordillera de Nahuelbuta and the low zones bordering it). Its epic and literary name is Araucanians and its old autochthonous name is Reche. The ancient Mapuche Toqui ("axe-bearer") like Lef-Traru ("swift hawk", better known as Lautaro), Kallfülikan ("blue quartz stone", better known as Caupolicán – "polished flint") or Pelontraru ("Shining Caracara", better known as Pelantaro) were Nagche.
 * Wenteche: "people of the valleys" occupied Wente mapu, "the land of the valleys".

Pre-Columbian period
Archaeological finds have shown that Mapuche culture existed in Chile and Argentina as early as 600 to 500 BC. Genetically the Mapuche differ from the adjacent indigenous peoples of Patagonia. This suggests a "different origin or long-lasting separation of Mapuche and Patagonian populations".

Troops of the Inca Empire are reported to have reached the Maule River and had a battle with the Mapuche between the Maule and the Itata Rivers there. The southern border of the Inca Empire is believed by most modern scholars to have been situated between Santiago and the Maipo River, or somewhere between Santiago and the Maule River. Thus the bulk of the Mapuche escaped Inca rule. Through their contact with Incan invaders Mapuches would have for the first time met people with state organizations. Their contact with the Incas gave them a collective awareness distinguishing between them and the invaders and uniting them into loose geo-political units despite their lack of state organization.

At the time of the arrival of the first Spaniards to Chile, the largest indigenous population concentration was in the area spanning from the Itata River to Chiloé Island – that is the Mapuche heartland. The Mapuche population between Itata River and Reloncaví Sound has been estimated at 705,000–900,000 in the mid-sixteenth century by historian José Bengoa.

Arauco War
The Spanish expansion into Mapuche territory was an offshoot of the conquest of Peru. In 1536, Diego de Almagro set out to conquer Chile, after crossing the Itata River they were intercepted by a numerous contingent of Araucanian Mapuche armed with many bows and pikes in the Battle of Reynogüelén. Discouraged by the ferocity of the Mapuches, and the apparent lack of gold and silver in these lands, Almagro decided its full retreat the following year to Peru. In 1541, Pedro de Valdivia reached Chile from Cuzco and founded Santiago. The northern Mapuche tribes, known as Picunches had recently gained independence from Inca rule, being commanded by Michimalonco, who had defeated the Inca governor Quilicanta. It would be the same Michimalonco who would lead the Picunche resistance against the Spanish between 1541 and 1545. His most famous stain is the Destruction of Santiago.

In 1550, Pedro de Valdivia, who aimed to control all of Chile to the Straits of Magellan, campaigned in south-central Chile to conquer more Mapuche territory. Between 1550 and 1553, the Spanish founded several cities in Mapuche lands including Concepción, Valdivia, Imperial, Villarrica, and Angol. The Spanish also established the forts of Arauco, Purén, and Tucapel. Further efforts by the Spanish to gain more territory engaged them in the Arauco War against the Mapuche, a sporadic conflict that lasted nearly 350 years. Hostility towards the conquerors was compounded by the lack of a tradition of forced labor akin to the Inca mit'a among the Mapuche, who largely refused to serve the Spanish.

From their establishment in 1550 to 1598, the Mapuche frequently laid siege to Spanish settlements in Araucanía. In 1553, the Mapuches held a council at which they resolved to make war. They chose as their "toqui" (wartime chief) an strong man called Caupolicán and as his vice toqui Lautaro, because he had served as an auxiliary to the Spanish cavalry; he created the first Mapuche cavalry corps. With six thousand warriors under his command, Lautaro attacked the fort at Tucapel. The Spanish garrison was unable to withstand the assault and retreated to Purén. Lautaro seized and burned the fort and prepared his army certain that the Spaniards would attempt to retake Tucapel. Valdivia mounted a counter-attack, but he was quickly surrounded. He and his army was massacred by the Mapuches in the Battle of Tucapel. In 1554 Lautaro went to destroy Concepción where in the Battle of Marihueñu he defeated Governor Villagra and devastated the city. In 1555 Lautaro went to the city of Angol and destroyed it, he also returned to Concepción, rebuilt by the Spanish and destroyed it again. In 1557 Lautaro headed with his army to destroy Santiago, fighting numerous battles with the Spanish along the way, but he and his army were devastated in the Battle of Mataquito.

From 1558 to 1598 war was mostly a low-intensity conflict. Mapuche numbers decreased significantly following contact with the Spanish invaders; wars and epidemics decimated the population. Others died in Spanish-owned gold mines. In 1598 a party of warriors from Purén led by Pelantaro, who were returning south from a raid in the Chillán area, ambushed Governor Martín García Óñez de Loyola and his troops while they rested without taking any precautions against attack. Almost all the Spaniards died, save a cleric named Bartolomé Pérez, who was taken prisoner, and a soldier named Bernardo de Pereda. The Mapuche then initiated a general uprising that destroyed all the cities in their homeland south of the Biobío River.

In the years following the Battle of Curalaba, a general uprising developed among the Mapuches and Huilliches led to the Destruction of the Seven Cities. The Spanish cities of Angol, Imperial, Osorno, Santa Cruz de Oñez, Valdivia, and Villarrica were either destroyed or abandoned. The city of Castro was taken by a Dutch-Mapuche alliance in 1599, but reconquered by the Spanish in 1600. Only Chillán and Concepción resisted Mapuche sieges and raids. Except for the Chiloé Archipelago, all Chilean territory south of the Bíobío River was freed from Spanish rule. In this period the Mapuche Nation crossed the Andes to conquer the present Argentine provinces of Chubut, Neuquen, La Pampa, and Río Negro.

Incorporation into Chile and Argentina
In the nineteenth century, Argentina and Chile experienced a fast territorial expansion. Argentina established a colony at the Falkland Islands in 1820, settled Chubut with Welsh immigrants in 1865 and conquered Formosa, Misiones and Chaco from Paraguay in 1870. Later Argentina would also annex the Puna de Atacama in 1898. Chile on the other hand, established a colony at the Strait of Magellan in 1843, settled Valdivia, Osorno, and Llanquihue with German immigrants, and conquered land from Peru and Bolivia. Later Chile would also annex Easter Island. In this context, Wallmapu began to be conquered by Argentina and Chile due to two reasons. First, the Argentinean and Chilean states aimed for territorial continuity, and second it remained the sole place for Argentinean livestock to expand and Chilean agriculture to expand.

Between 1861 and 1879 Argentina and Chile incorporated several Mapuche territories in Wallmapu. In January 1881, having Chile decisively defeated Peru in the battles of Chorrillos and Miraflores, Chile and Argentina resumed the conquest of Wallmapu.

Historian Ward Churchill has claimed that the Mapuche population dropped from a total of half a million to 25,000 within a generation as a result of the occupation and its associated famine and disease. The conquest of Wallmapu caused numerous Mapuches to be displaced and forced to roam in search of shelter and food. Scholar Pablo Miramán claims the introduction of state education during the Occupation of Wallmapu had detrimental effects on traditional Mapuche education.

In the years following the occupation the economy of Araucanía changed from being based on sheep and cattle herding to one based on agriculture and wood extraction. About 70% of the Mapuche Territory (Wallmapu) left in the hands of Argentina, the loss of land by Mapuches following the occupation caused severe erosion since Mapuches continued to practice a massive livestock herding in limited areas.

Modern conflict
Land disputes and violent confrontations continue in some Mapuche areas, particularly in the northern sections of the Araucanía region between and around Traiguén and Lumaco. In 2003, the Commission for Historical Truth and New Treatments issued a report to defuse tensions calling for drastic changes in Chile's treatment of its indigenous people, more than 80% of whom are Mapuche. The recommendations included the formal recognition of political and "territorial" rights for indigenous peoples, as well as efforts to promote their cultural identities.

Though Japanese and Swiss interests are active in the economy of Araucanía (Ngulu Mapu), the two chief forestry companies are Chilean-owned. In the past, the firms have planted hundreds of thousands of hectares with non-native species such as Monterey pine, Douglas firs, and eucalyptus trees, sometimes replacing native Valdivian forests, although such substitution and replacement is now forgotten.

Chile exports wood to the United States, almost all of which comes from this southern region, with an annual value of around $600 million. Stand.earth, a conservation group, has led an international campaign for preservation, resulting in the Home Depot chain and other leading wood importers agreeing to revise their purchasing policies to "provide for the protection of native forests in Chile". Some Mapuche leaders want stronger protections for the forests.

In recent years, the crimes committed by Mapuche armed insurgents have been prosecuted under counter-terrorism legislation, originally introduced by the military dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet to control political dissidents. The law allows prosecutors to withhold evidence from the defense for up to six months and to conceal the identity of witnesses, who may give evidence in court behind screens. Insurgent groups, such as the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco, use multiple tactics with the more extreme occurrences such as the burning of homes, churches, vehicles, structures, and pastures, which at times included causing deaths and threats to specific targets. As of 2005, protesters from Mapuche communities have used these tactics against properties of both multinational forestry corporations and private individuals. In 2010 the Mapuche launched many hunger strikes in attempts to effect change in the anti-terrorism legislation. As of 2019, the Chilean government committed human rights abuses against the Mapuche based on Israeli military techniques and surveillance according to the French website Orin21.

Oil exploitation and fracking in the Vaca Muerta site in Neuquen, one of the biggest shale-oil and shale-gas deposits in the world, has produced waste dumps of sludge waste, polluting the environment close to the town of Añelo, which is about 1,200km south of Buenos Aires. In 2018, the Mapuche were suing Exxon, French company TotalEnergies and Pan American Energy.

Culture
At the time of the arrival of Europeans, the Mapuche organized and constructed a network of forts and defensive buildings. Ancient Mapuche also built ceremonial constructions such as some earthwork mounds discovered near Purén. Mapuche quickly adopted iron metal-working (Picunches already worked copper ) Mapuche learned horse riding and the use of cavalry in war from the Spaniards, along with the cultivation of wheat and sheep.

In the 300-year co-existence between the Spanish colonies and the relatively well-delineated autonomous Mapuche regions, the Mapuche also developed a strong tradition of trading with Spaniards, Argentines, and Chileans. Such trade lies at the heart of the Mapuche silver-working tradition, for Mapuche wrought their jewelry from the large and widely dispersed quantity of Spanish, Argentine, and Chilean silver coins. Mapuche also made headdresses with coins, which were called trarilonko, etc.

Mapuche languages
Mapuche languages are spoken in Chile and Argentina. The two living branches are Huilliche and Mapudungun. Although not genetically related, lexical influence has been discerned from Quechua. Linguists estimate that only about 200,000 full-fluency speakers remain in Chile. The language receives only token support in the educational system. In recent years, it has started to be taught in rural schools of Bío-Bío, Araucanía, and Los Lagos Regions.

Mapuche speakers of Chilean Spanish who also speak Mapudungun tend to use more impersonal pronouns when speaking Spanish.

Cosmology and beliefs
Central to Mapuche cosmology is the idea of a creator called ngenechen, who is embodied in four components: an older man (fucha/futra/cha chau), an older woman (kude/kuse), a young man, and a young woman. They believe in worlds known as the Wenu Mapu and Minche Mapu. Also, Mapuche cosmology is informed by complex notions of spirits that coexist with humans and animals in the natural world, and daily circumstances can dictate spiritual practices.

The most well-known Mapuche ritual ceremony is the Ngillatun, which loosely translates as "to pray" or "general prayer". These ceremonies are often major communal events that are of extreme spiritual and social importance. Many other ceremonies are practiced, and not all are for public or communal participation but are sometimes limited to family.

The main groups of deities and/or spirits in Mapuche mythology are the Pillan and Wangulen (ancestral spirits), the Ngen (spirits in nature), and the wekufe (evil spirits).

Central to Mapuche belief is the role of the machi (shaman). It is usually filled by a woman, following an apprenticeship with an older machi, and has many of the characteristics typical of shamans. The machi performs ceremonies for curing diseases, warding off evil, influencing weather, harvests, social interactions, and dreamwork. Machis often have extensive knowledge of regional medicinal herbs. As biodiversity in the Chilean countryside has declined due to commercial agriculture and forestry, the dissemination of such knowledge has also declined, but the Mapuche people are reviving it in their communities. Machis have an extensive knowledge of sacred stones and sacred animals.

Like many cultures, the Mapuche have a deluge myth (epeu) of a major flood in which the world is destroyed and recreated. The myth involves two opposing forces: Kai Kai (water, which brings death through floods) and Tren Tren (dry earth, which brings sunshine). In the deluge almost all humanity is drowned; the few not drowned survive through cannibalism. At last, only one couple is left. A machi tells them that they must give their only child to the waters, which they do, and this restores order to the world.

Part of the Mapuche ritual is prayer and animal sacrifice, required to maintain the cosmic balance. This belief has continued to current times. In 1960, for example, a machi sacrificed a young boy, throwing him into the water after an earthquake and a tsunami.

The Mapuche have incorporated the remembered history of their long independence and resistance from 1540 (Spanish and then Chileans and Argentines) and of the treaty with the Chilean and Argentine governments in the 1870s. Memories, stories, and beliefs, often very local and particularized, are a significant part of the Mapuche traditional culture. To varying degrees, this history of resistance continues to this day amongst the Mapuche. At the same time, a large majority of Mapuche in Chile identify with the state as Chilean, similar to a large majority in Argentina identifying as Argentines.

Ceremonies and traditions
We Tripantu is the Mapuche New Year celebration.

Textiles
One of the best-known arts of the Mapuche is their textiles. The oldest data on textiles in the southernmost areas of the American continent (southern Chile and Argentina today) are found in some archaeological excavations, such as those of Pitrén Cemetery near the city of Temuco, and the Alboyanco site in the Biobío Region, both of Chile; and the Rebolledo Arriba Cemetery in Neuquén Province (Argentina). researchers have found evidence of fabrics made with complex techniques and designs, dated between AD 1300–1350.

The Mapuche women were responsible for spinning and weaving. Knowledge of both weaving techniques and textile patterns particular to the locality was usually transmitted within the family, with mothers, grandmothers, and aunts teaching a girl the skills they had learned from their elders. Women who excelled in the textile arts were highly honored for their accomplishments and contributed economically and culturally to their kinship group. A measure of the importance of weaving is evident in the expectation that a man gives a larger dowry for a bride who was an accomplished weaver.

In addition, the Mapuche used their textiles as an important surplus and an exchange trading good. Numerous sixteenth-century accounts describe their bartering the textiles with other indigenous peoples, and with colonists in newly developed settlements. Such trading enabled the Mapuche to obtain those goods that they did not produce or held in high esteem, such as horses. Tissue volumes made by Aboriginal women and marketed in the Araucanía and the north of Patagonia Argentina were considerable and constituted a vital economic resource for indigenous families. The production of fabrics in the time before European settlement was intended for uses beyond domestic consumption.

At present, the fabrics woven by the Mapuche continue to be used for domestic purposes, as well as for gift, sale, or barter. Most Mapuche women and their families now wear garments with foreign designs and tailored with materials of industrial origin, but they continue to weave ponchos, blankets, bands, and belts for regular use. Many of the fabrics are woven for trade, and in many cases, are an important source of income for families. Glazed pots are used to dye the wool. Many Mapuche women continue to weave fabrics according to the customs of their ancestors and transmit their knowledge in the same way: within domestic life, from mother to daughter, and from grandmothers to granddaughters. This form of learning is based on gestural imitation, and only rarely, and when strictly necessary, the apprentice receives explicit instructions or help from their instructors. Knowledge is transmitted as the fabric is woven, the weaving and transmission of knowledge go together.

Clava hand-club
There is a traditional stone hand club used by the Mapuche which has been called a clava (Spanish for club). It has a long flat body. Another name is clava mere okewa; in Spanish, it may also be called a clava cefalomorfa. It has some ritual importance as a special sign of distinction carried by tribal chiefs. Many kinds of clubs are known.

This is an object associated with masculine power. It consists of a disk with an attached handle; the edge of the disc usually has a semicircular recess. In many cases, the face portrayed on the disc carries incised designs. The handle is cylindrical, generally with a larger diameter at its connection to the disk.

Silverwork
In the later half of the eighteenth century, Mapuche silversmiths began to produce large amounts of silver finery. The surge of silversmithing activity may be related to the 1726 parliament of Negrete that decreased hostilities between Spaniards and Mapuches and allowed trade to increase between colonial Chile and the free Mapuches. In this context of increasing trade Mapuches began in the late eighteenth century to accept payments in silver coins for their products, usually cattle or horses. These coins and silver coins obtained in political negotiations served as raw material for Mapuche metalsmiths (rüxafe). Old Mapuche silver pendants often included unmelted silver coins, something that has helped modern researchers to date the objects. The bulk of the Spanish silver coins originated from mining in Potosí in Upper Peru.

The great diversity in silver finery designs is because designs were made to be identified with different reynma (families), lof mapu (lands) as well as specific lonkos and machis. Mapuche silver finery was also subject to changes in fashion albeit designs associated with philosophical and spiritual concepts have not undergone major changes.

In the late eighteenth century and early nineteenth century, Mapuche silversmithing activity and artistic diversity reached its climax. All important Mapuche chiefs of the nineteenth century are supposed to have had at least one silversmith. By 1984 Mapuche scholar Carlos Aldunate noted that there were no silversmiths alive among contemporary Mapuches.

Literature
The Mapuche culture of the sixteenth century had an oral tradition and lacked a writing system. Since that time, a writing system for Mapudungun was developed, and Mapuche writings in both Spanish and Mapudungun have flourished. Contemporary Mapuche literature can be said to be composed of an oral tradition and Spanish-Mapudungun bilingual writings. Notable Mapuche poets include Sebastián Queupul, Pedro Alonzo, Elicura Chihuailaf, and Leonel Lienlaf.

Cogender views
Among the Mapuche in La Araucanía, in addition to heterosexual female machi shamanesses, there are homosexual male machi weye shamans, who wear female clothing. These machi weye were first described in Spanish in a chronicle of 1673. Among the Mapuche, "the spirits are interested in machi's gendered discourses and performances, not in the sex under the machi's clothes". In attracting the filew (possessing spirit), "Both male and female machi become spiritual brides who seduce and call their filew – at once husband and master – to possess their heads ... The ritual transvestism of male machi ... draws attention to the relational gender categories of spirit husband and machi wife as a couple (kurewen)." As concerning "co-gendered identities" of "machi as co-gender specialists", it has been speculated that "female berdaches" may have formerly existed among the Mapuche.

Mapuche, Chileans and the Chilean state
Following the independence of Chile in the 1810s, the Mapuche began to be perceived as Chilean by other Chileans, contrasting with previous perceptions of them as a separate people or nation. However, not everybody agreed; 19th-century Argentine writer and president Domingo Faustino Sarmiento presented his view of the Mapuche-Chile relation by stating:

"Between two Chilean provinces (Concepción and Valdivia) there is a piece of land that is not a province, its language is different, it is inhabited by other people and it can still be said that it is not part of Chile. Yes, Chile is the name of the country over where its flag waves and its laws are obeyed."

Civilizing mission discourses and scientific racism

The events surrounding the wreck of Joven Daniel at the coast of Araucanía in 1849 are considered an "inflection point" or "point of no return" in the relations between Mapuches and the Chilean state. It cemented views of Mapuches as brutal barbarians and showed in the view of many that Chilean authorities' earlier goodwill was naive.

There are various recorded instances in the nineteenth century when Mapuches were the subject of civilizing mission discourses by elements of the Chilean government and military. For example, Cornelio Saavedra Rodríguez called in 1861 for Mapuches to submit to Chilean state authority and "enter into reduction and civilization". When the Mapuches were finally defeated in 1883 President Domingo Santa María declared:

"The country has with satisfaction seen the problem of the reduction of the whole Araucanía solved. This event, so important to our social and political life, and so significant for the future of the republic, has ended, happily and with costly and painful sacrifices. Today the whole Araucanía is subjugated, more than to the material forces, to the moral and civilizing force of the republic ..."

After the War of the Pacific (1879–1883) there was a rise of racial and national superiority ideas among the Chilean ruling class. It was in this context that Chilean physician Nicolás Palacios hailed the Mapuche "race" arguing from a scientific racist and nationalist point of view. He considered the Mapuche superior to other tribes and the Chilean mestizo a blend of Mapuches and Visigothic elements from Spain. The writings of Palacios became later influential among Chilean Nazis.

As a result of the Occupation of Araucanía (1861–1883) and the War of the Pacific, Chile had incorporated territories with new indigenous populations. Mapuches obtained relatively favourable views as "primordial" Chileans contrasting with other indigenous peoples like the Aymara who were perceived as "foreign elements".

Contemporary attitudes
Contemporary attitudes towards Mapuches on the part of non-indigenous people in Chile are highly individual and heterogeneous. Nevertheless, a considerable part of the non-indigenous people in Chile have a prejudiced and discriminatory attitude towards Mapuche. In a 2003 study, it was found that among the sample, 41% of people over 60 years old, 35% of people of low socioeconomic standing, 35% of the supporters of right-wing parties, 36% of Protestants, and 26% of Catholics were prejudiced against indigenous peoples in Chile. In contrast, only 8% of those who attended university, 16% of supporters of left-wing parties, and 19% of people aged 18–29 were prejudiced. Specific prejudices about the Mapuche are that the Mapuches are lazy and alcoholic; to some lesser degree, Mapuche are sometimes judged antiquated and dirty.

In the 20th century, many Mapuche women migrated to large cities to work as domestic workers (nanas mapuches). In Santiago, many of these women settled in Cerro Navia and La Pintana. Sociologist Éric Fassin has called the occurrence of Mapuche domestic workers a continuation of colonial relations of servitude.

Historian Gonzalo Vial claimed that the Republic of Chile owes a "historical debt" to the Mapuche. The Coordinadora Arauco-Malleco claims to have the goal of a "national liberation" of Mapuche, with their regaining sovereignty over their lands. Reportedly there is a tendency among female Mapuche activists to reject feminism as they consider their struggle to go beyond gender.

Mapuches and the Argentine state
19th-century Argentine authorities aiming to incorporate the Pampas and Patagonia into national territory recognized the Puelmapu Mapuche's strong connections with Chile. This gave Chile a certain influence over the Pampas. Argentine authorities feared that in an eventual war with Chile over Patagonia, Mapuches would align themselves with Chile. In this context, Estanislao Zeballos published the work La Conquista de quince mil leguas (The Fifteen Thousand League Conquest) in 1878, which had been commissioned by the Argentine Ministry of War. In La Conquista de quince mil leguas Mapuches were presented as Chileans who were bound to return to Chile. Mapuches were thus indirectly considered foreign enemies. Such a notion fitted well with the expansionist designs of Nicolás Avellaneda and Julio Argentino Roca for Puelmapu. The notion of Mapuches as Chileans is however an anachronism as Mapuches precede the formation of the modern state of Chile. By 1920 Argentine Nacionalismo revived the idea of Mapuches being Chileans, in strong contrast with 20th-century scholars based in Chile such as Ricardo E. Latcham and Francisco Antonio Encina who advanced a theory that Mapuches originated east of the Andes before penetrating what came to be Chile.

As late as 2017 Argentine historian Roberto E. Porcel wrote in a communiqué to the National Academy of History that those who often claim to be Mapuches in Argentina would be rather Mestizos, emboldened by European-descent supporters, who "lack any right for their claims and violence, not only for NOT being most of them Araucanians [sic], but also because they [the Araucanians] do not rank among our indigenous peoples".

Modern politics
In the 2017 Chilean general election, the first two Mapuche women were elected to the Chilean Congress; Aracely Leuquén Uribe from National Renewal and Emilia Nuyado from the Socialist Party.

In popular culture

 * In 2012, renowned Mapuche weaver Anita Paillamil collaborated with Chilean artist Guillermo Bert to create "Encoded Textiles," an exhibit that combined traditional mapuche textile weaving with QR Code designs.
 * The 2020 Chilean-Brazilian animated film Nahuel and the Magic Book features major characters, Fresia and Huenchur who represent her clothing attire and her tribe.
 * The 4X video game Civilization VI features the Mapuche as a playable civilization (added in the Rise and Fall expansion). Their leader is Lautaro, a young Mapuche toqui known for leading the indigenous resistance against Spanish conquest in Chile and developing the tactics that would continue to be employed by the Mapuche during the long-running ArauIsab.
 * The novel "Inés of My Soul" by Isabel Allende features the conquest of Chile by Pedro Valdivia, and a large part of the book deals with the Mapuche Conflict.
 * The plot of the 2021 Chilean thriller film "Immersion" is a power struggle between a vacationing family and three Mapuche men.
 * The 2023 film "Sayen" depicts Mapuche villagers resisting an international mining company seeking to exploit cobalt.
 * In 2024 expansion pack Trial of Allegiance for grand-strategy video game Hearts of Iron IV the player may play as Chile and with respective focus trees, either restore the kingdom of Araucania and Patagonia, with recognized Mapuche minority or have Mapuche coup and liberate the Native Americans from both North and South American continents.

title: Mapuche


text:
America First

America First may refer to:

Politics

 * America First (policy), a policy and slogan used by United States Presidents Woodrow Wilson, Warren G. Harding, and Donald Trump
 * America First Committee, a group that opposed entry of the United States into World War II, founded 1940
 * America First Party (1943), an isolationist political party in the United States, founded in 1943
 * America First Association of Minnesota, a patriotic propaganda organization established in 1917
 * America First: A Budget Blueprint to Make America Great Again, the 2018 United States federal budget
 * America First (app), a smartphone app used for the United States presidential campaign of Donald Trump
 * America First Policies, a nonprofit organization created in 2017 to promote Trump's "America First" policy agenda
 * America First Policy Institute (AFPI), a nonprofit think tank founded in 2021
 * America First Political Action Conference (AFPAC), a white nationalist and far-right event hosted by Nick Fuentes
 * by its proponents, as a synonym for Trumpism

Other uses

 * "America First" (Homeland), an episode of the American television series Homeland
 * America First!: Its History, Politics, and Culture, a 1995 book by Bill Kauffman, United States
 * America First Credit Union, a credit union in Utah, United States
 * America First Event Center, a multi-purpose arena in Cedar City, Utah, United States
 * America First with Nicholas J. Fuentes, a political commentary show hosted by Nick Fuentes that started in 2017
 * America First with Sebastian Gorka, a syndicated radio show that debuted in 2019

title: America First


text:
Jigme Singye Wangchuck

Jigme Singye Wangchuck (འཇིགས་མེད་སེང་གེ་དབང་ཕྱུག་, ; born 11 November 1955) is a member of the House of Wangchuck who was the king of Bhutan (Druk Gyalpo) from 1972 until his abdication in 2006. During his reign, he advocated the use of a Gross National Happiness index to measure the well-being of citizens rather than Gross domestic product.

Early life
Jigme Singye Wangchuck was born in Dechencholing Palace in Thimphu, Bhutan, on 11 November 1955. to Jigme Dorji Wangchuck and Ashi Kesang Choden Wangchuck. The political officer of India stationed in Sikkim and the representative of the Sikkimese government came soon after to offer felicitations to the royal parents and to pay their respect to the newborn prince. At the age of four, sometime in 1959, the young Crown Prince received the offerings of good wishes and respects by the public, monks, and officials for the first time in Tashichho Dzong.

Wangchuck received western and traditional learning in various institutions. He began studying at Dechencholing Palace, when he was six years old, in 1961. Soon afterwards, he went to study at St. Joseph's School, Darjeeling, in India. In January 1965, he attended Summerfields School in St. Leonards, Sussex in England and then in 1966 Heatherdown School in Ascot where he completed his studies in 1969. The next phase of his formal education took place at Namselling Palace in 1969. Finally, he attended Ugyen Wangchuck Academy at Satsham Choten in Paro, which was established in 1970, along with a class of selected students from all over Bhutan.

Crown Prince
In 1971 Wangchuck's father appointed Wangchuck as the Chairman of National Planning Commission, charged with the planning and co-ordination of the five year development plan. The following year, on 16 June 1972, he was made the Trongsa Penlop bestowing on him directly the saffron scarf or namza. The 3rd Five-Year Plan (FYP), which spanned the period 1971–77, was in progress when his father died. Wangchuck was 16 at that time. 1972 to 1976 was the period of the 3rd FYP, and 1976 to 1981 was the period of 4th FYP. As both King and the Chairman of the National Planning Commission, the clearing house for the programmes and projects, Wangchuck guided the planned activities first in broad terms and then increasingly in detail.

Royal wedding
In a public ceremony, the Royal Wedding of Wangchuck was held in Dechog Lhakhang in Punakha Dzong on 31 October 1988, corresponding with the Descending Day of Buddha. The four queens, Dorji Wangmo Wangchuck, Tshering Pem Wangchuck, Tshering Yangdon Wangchuck and Sangay Choden Wangchuck are daughters of Dasho Yab Ugyen Dorji, the descendant of both the mind and speech incarnations of Ngawang Namgyal, and Yum Thuiji Zam.

Previously, they had married privately in 1979.

Rural development
In his Coronation Address on 2 June 1974, Jigme Singye stressed the need "to attain self-reliance and preserve Bhutan's sovereignty and independence." He also stressed that any development undertaking should be a genuine collaboration between the people and the government. During the 1970s, immediate aims for rural households unfolded in terms of intensive valley projects, cash crops cultivation, especially potatoes – irrigation, and resettlement. Enhancing the income and livelihood of the rural people were the main focus of the 3rd and 4th FYPs. Soon after he acceded to the throne, Jigme Singye launched the Trashigang and Tsirang Intensive Valley Development Projects in 1972. These projects were part of a larger vision of food self-sufficiency and income generation.

Encouraged by the achievements in the Trashigang and Tsirang Intensive Valley Projects, similar valley projects were replicated in Mongar and the newly created Shumar (Pemagatshel) districts. These projects were also sites of experimental and participatory decision making. It led to the formation of Dzongkhag Yargay Tshogchungs (DYTs), which brought the, gups and officials to prepare plans together. By 1981, Trashigang and Tsirang had fully functional DYTs.

In higher altitude areas a new initiative by Wangchuck in early 1970s consisted of diffusing potatoes as cash crops, first tested in royal pastureland of Longtoed and Longmed, which had been converted to potato farms. Beginning with the large-scale production in Khaling and Chapcha, potatoes become a key export crop, reaching 60,000 tonnes, grown by over 10,725 households by 2006.

In southern Bhutan, the focus was on growing citrus fruits. For example, in 1977, the King encouraged the people of Dagana to start cardamom and orange plantations. Both of these cash crops are now major sources of rural income as 3,400 tonnes of cardamom, 55,558 tonnes of oranges and 7,400 tonnes of apples were produced in 2006 due to the initiatives taken first in 1970s.

Socio-economic development
A Kasho (royal decree) issued by King Jigme Singye in 1986 directed the Planning Commission to ensure that "the basis for the evaluation of the achievements of the Sixth Plan is to see whether the people enjoy happiness and comfort". The social and economic indicators point towards sub-ordinate goals, not ultimate goals which was to be measured from a holistic, GNH point of view. Happiness and contentment became the ultimate yardstick of progress.

Data, which enables comparison of achievements over time starting from 1985 onwards, some 14 years after the king's ascension to the throne.

There is a lack of systematic quantitative information about the social and economic situation of Bhutan for the 1970s. The baselines for historical comparison available today were first collected in 1985 – the year when time series data was collected. Some information that date back to 1974 indicate the low base of infrastructure that existed at that time. There were 11 ill-equipped hospitals, staffed mostly by foreign doctors, and 45 basic health units in 1974, the year Jigme Singye's coronation was held.

Sparse networks of 1,332 km of roads had been built by 1974, compared to 4,544 by the end of his reign in 2006. In 1974, 24 wireless stations linked the rest of the country. Telephone connections, mostly for officials in Thimphu, were limited to 480 in 1974 compared to 31,526 in 2006.

There were 13,410 students enrolled in schools compared to 151,260 or so in 2006. By 2006, school enrollment touched 90%, literacy 60%, and both were so mainly due to a free education policy (more information at Education in Bhutan and Ministry of Education Website).

Health services, safe drinking water and better nutrition have led to a 66-year life-span and lower morbidity during this life span. One of the constraints in education and health was the lack of qualified people. In 1976, King Jigme Singye commanded the establishment of the Royal Institute of Health Sciences (RIHS) and the first batch of Health Assistants and Basic Health Workers passed out in 1986. There were 56 health establishments in 1974; by 2006 there were 715 resulting in 90% free primary health coverage. In 1985, there was nearly 50% health coverage. Infant mortality has fallen from 142 in 1985, to 60 in 2006. This was mainly due to the success of universal child immunisation and the supply of safe drinking water. There were 150 water supply schemes in 1985; this increased to 3,852 by 2006, giving 78% coverage of safe drinking water. Maternal mortality rate dropped from 7.7% in 1985 to 2.6% in 2006.

Besides these human development indicators, material prosperity rose remarkably. The distance between Bhutan and the outside world shortened because of motor road and air services. Wangchuck visited Delhi in 1978 and during that visit he discussed the possibility of having air links with India to promote its trade and commerce. The discussion was fruitful and led to a Donier flight between Paro and Kolkata in 1983. By 2006, air services connected Bhutan to Kathmandu, Delhi, Dhaka and Bangkok.

Just four million units of electricity were generated in 1974, compared to 3.357 billion units by the end of his reign in 2006. In 1985, just around 10,000 households had electricity, and the number reached over 65,000 meter-point units by 2006. The connectivity of Bhutan increased in his reign through air services, internet, and surface transport. Internet reached Bhutan in 1999. The spread of faxes, telephones, satellite TVs, computers, and the Internet brought Bhutan into a transnational or globalized world. The national income of the country, as measured by GDP, was Nu 2.4 billion in 1985. This increased to Nu 36.9 billion in 2006, which was a 15-fold increase in 21 years. Bhutan's per capita income reached US$1,500 in 2006 by the end of his reign. In purchasing power parity terms, Bhutan's per capita income in 2006 was nearly US$4,085.

The king introduced an unconventional tourism policy of "high-value, low-volume". Soon after the Coronation, in October 1974, the first group of 20 tourists entered the country through Phuntsholing, as there was no air service then. By 2006, the number of tourists, flown in by Druk Air and who paid royalty, reached 17,344.

One of the landmark developments, soon after his coronation, was the signing of the Chukha Hydropower Project in March 1974. Construction began in 1983 and the President of India, Ramaswamy Venkataraman and King Jigme Singye inaugurated the Chukha Hydropower Project on 21 October 1988, nearly 13 years after the first discussion on it took place, in 1974. Chukha improved the revenue situation and the financial capacity of the country. In the industrial sphere, an early landmark project planned soon after his coronation was the development of a complete master plan for the construction of the Penden Cement Factory. The actual construction started in 1979 and the company was in production by 1983. The Penden Cement Authority produced about half a million tonnes of cement every day, for instance in 2008. Manufacturing and mining spread, mostly in the southern towns.

Culture
The country strived to preserve major local languages, knowledge, beliefs, customs, skills, trades and institutions, and even species of crops and plants. Bhutanese society also remained cohesive because of promoting cultural identities under the Fourth King's reign. Wangchuck emphasized the distinctive characters of Bhutanese cultures. Wangchuck stated that it is the "distinct identity of our county", and not the nation's "wealth, weapons and armed forces", that is the vital instrument in securing the sovereignty of the nation. In the 34 years of Wangchuck's reign, the ten traditional cultural sciences (rignas) received considerable priority. Wangchuck cherished the importance of both the intangible and tangible aspects of Bhutanese culture.

As an example of Wangchuck's support to classical Bhutanese culture he had Tango Shedra built. Tango Shedra became the apex of education according to classical system of cultural sciences, Rignas. Academic monks complete their long studies with bachelor's and master's degrees in Tango. In 2008, 163 candidates – with 14 master's degrees and 149 bachelor's degrees –from Tango Shedra and Sangngag Chokhor Shedra in Paro held their graduation ceremonies at Tango.

Zo rigpa was enhanced by Wangchuck when he opened the Kawajangsa Institution of Zorig (now known as National Institute for Zorig Chusum) in 1971. At first, this institute concentrated on traditional fine arts. A similar institution was opened in 1997 in Tashi Yangtse. The Folk Heritage Museum started by Her Majesty Ashi Dorji Wangmo Wangchuck in Kawajangsa, Thimphu in 2001, drew attention to the heritage of lay people's sustainable products and their lifestyle. Likewise, in 2001, the first Textile Museum opened by Her Majesty Ashi Sangay Choden Wangchuck drew attention to the weaving skills of Bhutan. Skilled artisans – painters, statue-makers, carpenters and masons proliferated in Wangchuck's reign not only because of these new institutions, but also by receiving on the job training in many new temples and dzongs constructed in the country.

The profile of indigenous medicine also became higher under Wangchuck's reign. Indigenous medicine spread as a parallel health service due to support to Institute of Indigenous Medicine.

There probably were only about 2,000 monks in the state supported monasteries in 1972 when his reign started. By 2006, the number of monks subsisting on state allowances had increased to little over 6,000. In parallel to the increase in the number of monks and nuns, the monastic infrastructure that included tutors, lamas, temples, (meditation centres), and shedras (Buddhist colleges), increased in Wangchuck's reign. Many new official dratshangs in district headquarters, which hitherto did not have any monastic body, were opened such as Tsirang, Gaylegphug, Tashi Yangtse, Samtse, Pema Gatshel, Chukha, Bumthang and Zhemgang. Numerous affiliate monasteries to each dzongkhag rabdey were also opened throughout the country. By 2006, there were 13 shedras located in Tango, Dodeydrag, Khothokha, Sanga Choekhor, Gontey, Tshangkha, Tharpaling, Nimalung, Talo Nalanda, Sewla, Ngatsang, Drametse, and Bartsham with a total enrolment of some 700 monks. There were over 24 or meditation places, stretching from Singye dzong in the east to Tagchu goenpa in Haa, enlisting 300 officially supported people who meditate on a long-term basis in 2006. These numbers were rolled as new meditation to succeed old ones upon their completion. There were over 45 monastic lobdras, where teachers received official stipends and where (young lay priests) studied. By 2006, there were also 10 nunneries, started on an organized basis, located in Jashar goenpa in Pema Gatshel in the east to Kila Goenpa in Paro in the west.

Environmental preservation
Wangchuck also enhanced the protection of natural resources such as forests and biodiversity. Wangchuck foresaw the potentially adverse impacts of both increased economic activity and increased population on the fragility of the mountain ecosystem. He raised the importance of preservation of environment during policy discussions, which resulted in vast areas of the country being devoted to parks and sanctuaries.

Among events of his reign:
 * Jigme Dorji National Park, Khaling Wildlife Sanctuary and Phibsoo Wildlife Sanctuary declared in 1974
 * Environmental Studies started in schools, 1985
 * Bhutan identified as a global hotspot, 1988
 * National Environment Commission established in 1990
 * Bhutan Trust Fund for Environment established in 1992
 * Toorsa Nature Reserve, Jigme Singye Wangchuck National Park (known earlier as Jow Durshing National Park), Thrumsengla National Park, Sakteng Wildlife Sanctuary and Bomdeling Wildlife Sanctuary established in 1993
 * UN Framework Convention on Climate Change and Convention on Biological Diversity signed in 1995
 * Environment Assessment Act, 2000
 * Bio-diversity Act of Bhutan, 2003
 * Wangchuck and the people of Bhutan received the "Champions of the Earth" Award from UNEP, 2005

Decentralisation
At the end of the 4th FYP (1976–1981), Wangchuck extensively reviewed the successes and challenges of the previous four years of development, which also included the physical inspection of the field projects. Wangchuck envisioned different planning system for the 5th FYP (1981–86) emphasising decentralisation. New dzongdags were appointed in all the 18 districts, with responsibilities of managing public finances and co-ordinating district development plans, in their capacities as chairmen of DYTs. Dzongdags were delegated broad powers to make decisions at the local level in conjunction with gups and. Wangchuck's strengthening of the governmental sectors went hand in hand with strengthening local bodies like Dzongkhag Yargye Tshogchung (DYT) that Wangchuck founded in 1981, and the Gewog Yargye Tshogchung (GYT) he founded in 1991. He increasingly devolved authority on them.

Wangchuck's state visits abroad
Bhutanese participation in international organisations at various levels increased. Personally, Wangchuck attended the non-aligned and SAARC summits until 1997, travelling to Colombo in 1976 for 8th Non-Aligned Summit; Havana in 1979 for 6th Non-Aligned Summit; New Delhi in 1983 for 5th SAARC Summit and 1995 for 8th SAARC Summit; Harare in 1986 for 8th Non-Aligned Summit; Kathmandu in 1987 for 3rd SAARC Summit; Islamabad in 1988 for 4th SAARC Summit; Belgrade in 1989 for 9th Non-Aligned Summit; Malé in 1990 for 5th SAARC Summit, and Dhaka in 1993 for 7th SAARC Summit.

Diplomatic expansion
Wangchuck emphasised a two-fold foreign policy for Bhutan: to deepen Bhutan's relations with India and to create new bonds of friendship with fellow members of the UN. To diversify the sources of funding, Bhutan cultivated close relationships with the UN, ever since the visit of a UN Under-Secretary General in 1974. Relationships with other nations widened rapidly after 1974. The Coronation of 1974 brought a large numbers of foreign delegates. Representatives of some 18 nations attended the Coronation. Notably, a representative from China also attended. Bhutan had supported China's seat in the United Nations in 1971 soon after Bhutan became a member of the UN. In parallel to the increase in development assistance, the decade between 1980 and 1990 was a period of enhanced diplomacy for Bhutan. In this decade, under the guidance of Wangchuck, Bhutan established diplomatic relations with 17 out of the existing 53 countries, and became associated with 12 out of 20 organisations of the United Nations family.

In Wangchuck's reign, diplomatic links were developed with many other nations such as Bangladesh in 1973; Kuwait in 1983; Nepal in 1983; The Maldives in 1984; Denmark in 1985; Norway in 1985; Sweden in 1985; Switzerland in 1985; Netherlands in 1985; Japan in 1986; Finland in 1986; South Korea in 1987; Sri Lanka in 1987; Austria in 1989; Thailand in 1991; Bahrain in 1992; Singapore in 2002; Australia in 2002 and Canada in 2003. Wangchuck cultivated bonds of friendship with other countries and strengthened Bhutan-international relationships and diversified its sources of development assistance.

Jubilee and abdication
The silver Jubilee of Jigme Singye Wangchuck was celebrated in 1999 to mark 25 years since his coronation. A commemorative medal was also issued to mark the occasion.

Wangchuck said after announcing his decision to abdicate in 2006 "In taking note of the progress that our nation has made over the past thirty-four years, I would like to state that whatever we have achieved so far is due to the merit of the people of Bhutan."

Wives and children
1. Dorji Wangmo (born 10 June 1955, first wife) 2. Tshering Pem (born 22 December 1957, second wife) 3. Tshering Yangdon (born 21 June 1959, third wife) 4. Sangay Choden (born 11 May 1963, fourth wife)

Styles

 * 11 November 1955 – 15 May 1972: His Royal Highness Dasho (Prince) Jigme Singye Wangchuck
 * 15 May 1972 – 15 July 1972: His Royal Highness Trongsa Penlop Dasho Jigme Singye Wangchuck, The Crown Prince of Bhutan
 * 15 July 1972 – 14 December 2006: His Majesty King Jigme Singye, The Fourth Druk Gyalpo, The King of Bhutan
 * 14 December 2006 – present: His Majesty King Jigme Singye, The Fourth Druk Gyalpo, The King Father of Bhutan

National honours

 * 🇧🇹 Bhutan :
 * BHT Royal Order of Bhutan Ribbon.svg Grand Master of the Royal Order of Bhutan (24 July 1972).
 * BHT Druk Wangyel Ribbon.svg Grand Master of the Order of Great Victory of the Thunder Dragon (29 September 1985).
 * BHT_Druk_Ugyel_Ribbon.svg The Royal Saffron Scarf (16 June 1972).
 * King Jigme Khesar Investiture Medal 2008.gif King Jigme Khesar Investiture Medal (6 November 2008).

Foreign honours

 * 🇯🇵 Japan :
 * JPN Daikun'i kikkasho BAR.svg Collar of the Supreme Order of the Chrysanthemum (16 March 1987).
 * 🇳🇵 Nepal :
 * Order of Ojaswi Rajanya (Nepal) - ribbon.svg Member of the Most Glorious Order of the Benevolent Ruler (5 October 1988).
 * 🇰🇼 Kuwait :
 * Order of Mubarak the Great (Kuwait) - ribbon bar.gif Collar of the Order of Mubarak the Great (1990).
 * 🇧🇭 Bahrain :
 * Wisam al-Khalifa 1st class.gif Order of Khalifa, 1st Class (1990).
 * 🇸🇪 Sweden :
 * Order of the Seraphim - Ribbon bar.svg Knight of the Royal Order of the Seraphim (1994).

title: Jigme Singye Wangchuck