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Plain of Jars

The Plain of Jars (Lao: ທົ່ງໄຫຫິນ Thong Hai Hin, ) is a megalithic archaeological landscape in Laos. It consists of thousands of stone jars scattered around the upland valleys and the lower foothills of the central plain of the Xiangkhoang Plateau. The jars are arranged in clusters ranging in number from one to several hundred.

The Xiangkhoang Plateau is at the northern end of the Annamese Cordillera, the principal mountain range of Indochina. French researcher Madeleine Colani concluded in 1930 that the jars were associated with burial practices. Excavation by Lao and Japanese archaeologists in the intervening years has supported this interpretation with the discovery of human remains, burial goods and ceramics around the jars. Researchers (using optically stimulated luminescence) determined that the jars were put in place as early as 1240 to 660 BC. The jars at Site 1 (using detrital zircon geochronology) were determined to have been transported to their current location from a presumed quarry eight kilometers away. The Plain of Jars is one of the most important prehistoric sites in Southeast Asia.

Jar sites
More than 90 jar sites have been identified in Xiangkhouang Province. Each site has from one to 400 stone jars. The jars vary in height and diameter between 1 m and 3 m and are all hewn from rock. Their shape is cylindrical with the bottom always wider than the top. The stone jars are undecorated, with the exception of a single jar at Site 1. This jar has a human "frogman" bas-relief carved on the exterior. Parallels between the "frogman" and the rock painting at Huashan in Guangxi, China have been drawn. The Chinese paintings, which depict large full-frontal images of humans with arms raised and knees bent, date to 500 BC–200 AD.

Since most of the jars have lip rims, it is thought that the jars originally supported lids, although few stone lids have been recorded; this suggests that the bulk of lids were fashioned from perishable materials. Stone lids with animal carvings have been found at a few sites such as Ban Phakeo (Site 52). The bas-relief carvings are thought to depict monkeys, tigers and frogs.

Stone discs have also been found. The discs, which differ from the lids, have at least one flat side and are grave markers which were placed on the surface to cover or mark a burial pit. These grave markers appear more rarely than jars, but are found in close proximity. Similarly, the stone grave markers are unworked, but have been intentionally placed to mark a grave. To the north of Xiangkhouang an extensive network of intentionally placed largely unworked stones marking elaborate burial pits and chambers are known as the "standing stones of Huaphanh". These have been dated to the Bronze Age.

The jars lie in clusters on the lower foothills and ridges of the hills surrounding the central plateau and upland valleys. Several quarry sites have been recorded, usually close to the jar sites. Five rock types have been identified: sandstone, granite, conglomerate, limestone and breccia. The majority of the jars are sandstone. It is assumed that Plain of Jars people used iron chisels to manufacture the jars, although no conclusive evidence for this exists. Regional differences in jar shape have been noted. While the differences in most cases can be attributed to choice and manipulation of rock source, some differences in form (such as variations in the placement of jar apertures) appear to be unique to specific sites.

A cave at Site 1 is a natural limestone formation with an opening to the northwest and two man-made holes at the top. These holes are thought to have been chimneys for a crematorium. French geologist and amateur archaeologist Madeleine Colani excavated inside the cave in the early 1930s and found material to support a crematorium theory. Colani also recorded and excavated at twelve Plain of Jars sites and published two volumes with her findings in 1935. Colani concluded that the Plain of Jars was an Iron Age burial site. Inside the jars she found, embedded in black organic soil, coloured glass beads and burnt teeth and bone fragments, sometimes from more than one individual. Around the stone jars, she found human bones, pottery fragments, iron and bronze objects, glass and stone beads, ceramic weights and charcoal. The bone and teeth inside the jars show signs of cremation, while the burials surrounding the jars yield unburnt secondary burial bones.

No further archaeological research was conducted until November 1994, when Professor Eiji Nitta of Kagoshima University and Lao archaeologist Thongsa Sayavongkhamdy surveyed and mapped Site 1. Nitta claimed that the surrounding burial pits were contemporaneous to the jars, as they were cut into the surface on which the jars had been placed. Nitta believed the jars were symbolic monuments to mark the surrounding burials. He dated the Plain of Jars to the late second or early first millennium BC based on the burial urn and associated grave goods. Sayavongkhamdy undertook surveys and excavations between 1994 and 1996, supported by the Australian National University. Sayavongkhamdy and Peter Bellwood interpreted the stone jars as a central person's primary or secondary burial, surrounded by secondary burials of family members. Archaeological data collected during bomb clearance operations supervised by UNESCO archaeologist Julie Van Den Bergh in 2004–2005 and again in 2007 provided similar archaeological results. Like Nitta, Van Den Bergh concluded that the jars and surrounding burials were contemporaneous.

Variations in the practices of cremation inside jars and secondary burial outside jars, as noted by Colani, have proven difficult to explain. The cremated remains seem to mainly belong to adolescents. While the bomb clearance operations did not involve emptying the jars and thus no additional evidence could be gathered, Van Den Bergh suggested that the stone jars initially may have been used to distill the dead bodies and that the cremated remains within the jars represent the most recent phase in the Plain of Jars. The jars with smaller apertures may reflect the diminishing need to place an entire body inside.

The suggestion that the jars, as in traditional Southeast Asian royal mortuary practices, functioned as "distilling vessels", was put forward by R. Engelhardt and P. Rogers in 2001. In contemporary funerary practices followed by Thai, Cambodian, and Laotian royalty, the corpse of the deceased is placed into an urn during the early stages of the funeral rites, at which time the soul of deceased is believed to be undergoing gradual transformation from the earthly to the spiritual world. The ritual decomposition is later followed by cremation and secondary burial.

The royal burials are across watercourses from the habitation areas in a geographically high, prominent area. Among the Black Thai people who have been in the region at least since the 11th century, the upper classes are cremated in the belief that it will release their spirits to heaven, while commoners are buried, leaving their spirits to remain on Earth.

Colani connected the location of the jars sites to ancient trade routes, in particular with the salt trade. She assumed that salt was a commodity sought after by the Plain of Jars people, which brought traders to the Xiangkhouang Plateau. The Xiangkhouang area is rich in metallic minerals, mainly due to granite intrusions and associated hydrothermal activity.

Two principal iron ore deposits exist in Laos, both in Xiangkhouang. The presence and locations of the numerous jar sites in Xiangkhouang may relate to trading and mining activities. History has shown that Xiangkhouang, at the northern end of the Annamite Range, provides relative easy passage from the north and east to the south and west.

Within the geographic setting of Xiangkhouang, the jar sites may reflect a network of intercultural villages, whereby the locations of the jars are associated with long-distance overland routes which connect the Mekong basin and the Gulf of Tonkin System. The jar sites show superficial regional differences, such as jar form, material, and the number of jars per site, but all share common setting characteristics such as burial practices, elevated locations, and commanding views over the surrounding area.

The most investigated and visited Jar site is close to the town of Phonsavan, and is known as Site 1. Seven jar sites have now been cleared of unexploded bombs and are open to visitors. These are currently sites 1, 2 and 3, and Site 16 near the old capital Xieng Khouang; Site 23, near the big hot spring in Muang Kham; Site 25 in the largely unvisited Phou Kout District; and Site 52, the largest known jar site to date with 392 jars near a traditional Hmong village only accessible by foot.

Legends and local history
Lao legends tell of a race of giants who inhabited the area and who were ruled by a king, named Khun Cheung, who fought a long and ultimately victorious battle against an enemy. He supposedly created the jars to brew and store huge amounts of lau hai (lau means 'alcohol', hai means 'jar'; so lau hai means 'rice beer' or 'rice wine' in the jars) to celebrate his victory. Another local story states that the jars were molded from natural materials including clay, sand, sugar, and animal products in a type of stone mix. This led the locals to believe the cave at Site 1 was actually a kiln, and that the jars were fired there and are not actually hewn from stone.

Present day
Between May 1964 and the summer of 1969, the Plain of Jars was heavily bombed by the United States Air Force operating against North Vietnamese and Pathet Lao communist forces during the Secret War. This included 262 million anti-personnel cluster bombs. An estimated 80 million of these did not explode and remain a deadly threat to the population.

The large quantity of unexploded bombs in the area, especially cluster munitions, limits free movement. Evidence of the bombing raids can be seen in the form of broken or displaced jars and bomb craters. Sightseeing on the Plain of Jars can only be done safely on cleared and marked pathways.

The Mines Advisory Group, a non-governmental organization, in collaboration with UNESCO and funded by the New Zealand government (NZAID), cleared unexploded bombs from the three most visited sites from July 2004 to July 2005. A second phase of bomb clearance at the sites also funded by NZAID was undertaken in 2007; four more jar sites were made safe.

On 6 July 2019, the Plain of Jars was inscribed as a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

title: Plain of Jars


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Walter James (Australian politician)

Sir Walter Hartwell James, (29 March 1863 – 3 January 1943) was the fifth Premier of Western Australia and an ardent supporter of the federation movement.

Background and early career
James was born in Perth, in what was then the British colony of Western Australia. He was educated at Perth Boys School and later at Perth High School (now Hale School). After his father's death, his mother remarried to George Randell, a member of the Legislative Council. James was thus the step-brother of Ernest Randell, who later played cricket for Western Australia. In his youth, James worked as a jackaroo at De Grey Station in the Pilbara, but after being shipwrecked off Rottnest Island in 1883 on his way to the Pilbara, he turned to the legal profession. He was articled to George Leake in 1883, and was admitted to the Western Australian bar in 1888. Shortly afterwards he went into partnership with Leake. James also played football for the Rovers Football Club in the West Australian Football Association. He later served as secretary of the Association. On 21 June 1892, he married Eleanora Marie Gwenifryd Hearder.

Political career
From 1890 to 1896, James represented Central Ward on Perth City Council. In 1894 he was elected to the Legislative Assembly seat of East Perth. James sat in the Legislative Assembly as an independent, and was a consistent opponent of John Forrest's government. He was a strong advocate for social reform, working for women's suffrage over a long period, and playing an active part in the establishment of a compulsory, free, secular education system. He became an active member of the Western Australian Liberal Association, a reformist organisation that pursued liberal ideals.

James was also strongly in favour of federation, and campaigned heavily with George Leake and James Gardiner for Western Australia to become an original member of the Federation. He was a member of the Western Australian delegation to the Federal Conventions of 1897 and 1898, but missed three quarters of its votes, the worst absence record of any delegate. In May 1898 he helped found the Federal League, and in the same month Edmund Barton thanked James for his "generous contributions" to the Yes campaign in the NSW federation referendum.

On 28 June 1901, James was appointed minister without portfolio in the first Leake government. In 1902 he was made KC. After Leake died in late June 1902, "Nutty" James, as he was popularly known,  was appointed Premier and Attorney-General on 1 July. As premier, James fought for the state's interests against an aggressive Commonwealth executive. He also led a reforming government; its achievements include legalization of the union movement, the first workers' compensation, a stronger Arbitration Act, and the opening of the current Parliament House. James also tried but failed to reform the franchise; he achieved only the abolition of plural voting, and an increase in Goldfields representation. These changes appear to have been his undoing, as it is likely that they were key factors in Labor's strong support in the election of 28 June 1904, after which James was defeated when Parliament next met on 10 August 1904.

Post-political career
On 22 September 1904, James resigned from parliament to take up an appointment as Agent-General for Western Australia in London. He was appointed Knight Bachelor on 28 June 1907. After returning to Perth from London, he devoted himself to his legal practice and rose to prominence as a leading member of the Bar. In 1910 he contested the Legislative Assembly seat of Beverley at a by-election, but was unsuccessful.

James was involved with the East Perth Cricket Club (now Perth Cricket Club) in the WACA and served a two-season term as President of the club from 1908 to 1910.

In 1909, James was appointed to a Royal Commission to enquire into the establishment of a university in Perth. When the University of Western Australia was established, he became a founding member. He continued to serve the university for many years, and was elected pro-Chancellor on 19 August 1929 and Chancellor on 17 March 1930; and retired in 1936.

In 1931, James was elevated to KCMG. In 1932, he declined an offer from Premier James Mitchell to become Lieutenant-Governor of Western Australia. In 1936, he accepted an honorary degree of Doctor of Laws. He died on 3 January 1943, and was buried at Karrakatta Cemetery.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Walter James (Australian politician)


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Banff, Alberta

Banff is a town in Banff National Park, Alberta, Canada, in Alberta's Rockies along the Trans-Canada Highway, 126 km west of Calgary and 58 km east of Lake Louise, 1400 to 1630 m above sea level,

Banff was the first municipality to incorporate within a Canadian national park. The town is a member of the Calgary Regional Partnership.

Banff is a resort town and one of Canada's most popular tourist destinations. Known for its mountainous surroundings and hot springs, it is a destination for outdoor sports and hiking, biking, scrambling and skiing. Sunshine Village, Ski Norquay and Lake Louise Ski Resort are nearby ski resorts within the national park.

Toponymy
The area was named Banff in 1884 by George Stephen, president of the Canadian Pacific Railway, recalling his birthplace near Banff, Scotland. The Canadian Pacific built a series of grand hotels along the rail line and advertised the Banff Springs Hotel as an international tourist resort.

History
Banff was first settled in the 1880s after the transcontinental railway was built through the Bow Valley. In 1883, three Canadian Pacific Railway workers stumbled upon a series of natural hot springs on the side of Sulphur Mountain. In 1885, Canada established a federal reserve of 26 km2 around the Cave and Basin hot springs and began promoting the area as an international resort and spa as a way to support the new railway. In 1887, the reserve area was increased to 673 km2 and named "Rocky Mountain Park". This was the beginning of Canada's National Park system.

The Banff townsite was developed near the railway station as a service centre for tourists visiting the park. Services, such as St George-in-the-Pines church, were constructed through the late 19th century. It was administered by the Government of Canada's national parks system until 1990 when the Town of Banff became the only incorporated municipality within a Canadian national park.

An internment camp was set up at Banff and Castle Mountain in Dominion Park from July 1915 to July 1917 mostly imprisoning Ukrainian immigrants. The prisoners of the internment camp were used as slave labour to build the infrastructure of the national park.

In 1985, the United Nations declared Banff National Park, as one of the Canadian Rocky Mountain Parks, a World Heritage Site. Banff remains one of the most popular tourist destinations in Canada.

One of the most notable figures of Banff was Norman Luxton, who was known as "Mr. Banff". He published the Crag and Canyon newspaper, built the King Edward Hotel and the Lux Theatre, and founded the Sign of the Goat Curio Shop, which led to the development of the Luxton Museum of Plains Indians, now the Buffalo Nations Museum. He and his family helped organize the Banff Indian Days and the Banff Winter Carnival.

In 1976, the International Astronomical Union's Working Group for Planetary System Nomenclature (IAU/WGPSN) officially adopted the name Banff for a crater on Mars, after the town in Alberta. The crater is at latitude 17.7° north and longitude 30.8° west. Its diameter is 5 km.

In 1991, Banff hosted the 1991 Winter Deaflympics, the first Deaflympics hosted in Canada, and the only Deaflympics held in Canada since then.

In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the town chose to temporarily close portions of its main street to vehicle traffic to create a Downtown Pedestrian Zone. The Banff Town Council said the pedestrian zone would stay in effect until at least 2023.

Geography
The town is surrounded by mountains, notably Mount Rundle, Sulphur Mountain, Mount Norquay, and Cascade Mountain, and is situated above Bow Falls near the confluence of the Bow River and Spray River. Soils are calcareous and usually imperfectly to poorly drained in their natural state with textures from very fine sandy loam to silty clay loam.

Climate
Banff experiences a subarctic climate (Köppen climate classification Dfc) that borders on a humid continental climate (Köppen Dfb). Winter temperatures range from an average low of -13.5 C to an average high of -0.5 C. Summer temperatures in the warmest month are an average high of 22.5 C and an average low of 6.8 C. Snow has been recorded in all months of the year. The annual snowfall averages 183.8 cm. The highest temperature ever recorded was 37.8 C on June 29, 2021, during the 2021 Western North America heat wave.

Demographics
In the 2021 Canadian census conducted by Statistics Canada, the Town of Banff had a population of 8,305 living in 2,930 of its 3,287 total private dwellings, a change of NaN% from its 2016 population of 7,851. With a land area of 4.08 km2, it had a population density of in 2021.

The population of the Town of Banff according to its 2017 municipal census is 8,875, an increase of NaN% from its 2014 municipal census population of 8,421.

In the Canada 2016 Census conducted by Statistics Canada, the Town of Banff recorded a population of 7,851 living in 2,543 of its 2,729 total private dwellings, a NaN% change from its 2011 population of 7,584. With a land area of 4.77 km2, Banff had a population density of in 2016.

Parks Canada enforces requirements that individuals must meet to reside in the town, in order "to ensure that a broad supply of housing types are available for those who work and raise families in the community".

Attractions
Several mountains are located immediately adjacent to the townsite, including Mount Rundle (2949 m); Cascade Mountain (2998 m); and Mount Norquay (2134 m). Mount Norquay has a ski slope as well as mountain biking trails on the Stoney Squaw portion, and Via Ferrata (an assisted climbing experience). A tourist attraction, the Banff Gondola, is available to ascend Sulphur Mountain (2281 m) where a boardwalk (Banff Skywalk) beginning from the upper terminal connects to Sanson Peak. Sulphur Mountain is also the location of the Banff Upper Hot Springs.

Lake Minnewanka located six minutes north of the townsite is a day-use area with a variety of activities. Mountain biking, hiking, and fishing are allowed in this part of the park. A Lake Cruise, motor boat rentals, and a small food concession are available at the marina.

Tunnel Mountain (formerly known as Sleeping Buffalo Mountain) (1690 m) is situated within the townsite and has a summit that can be scaled in less than half an hour. It was named Tunnel Mountain because surveyors initially wanted to make a tunnel for the Canadian Pacific Railway right through the mountain, instead of following the Bow River Valley. Located on the side of Tunnel Mountain is the Banff Centre for Arts and Creativity, which hosts events, including outdoor concerts, dance, opera, and theatre.

Banff is home to the Banff World Television Festival, Banff Mountain Film Festival, Rocky Mountain Music Festival, and Bike Fest. The town is also the starting point of the 4417 km Great Divide Mountain Bike Route, which terminates at Antelope Wells, New Mexico in the United States.

Sports
Banff and nearby Canmore played host to the 2014 Alberta Winter Games.

Banff also hosted the 1991 Winter Deaflympics.

For several years there has been an annual long-distance relay run between Banff and Jasper, Alberta (formerly known as the Jasper to Banff Relay).

Banff has a long history of hosting Team Canada hockey training camps, including Canada's 2012 World Junior Ice Hockey Championships team when the event was held in Alberta and the 1984 Canada Cup squad which practiced there, before the start of the tournament.

Transportation
In June 2008, the Banff council launched a local bus system called Roam, with three routes connecting the town, Tunnel Mountain, the Banff Springs Hotel, and the Banff Gondola. The service is operated using four hybrid Nova buses, each decorated with scenes from the National Park.

Many bus stops along the routes have screens that tell exactly how many minutes before the next two buses arrive. In December 2012, the bus system was expanded to include the Route 3 hourly service between Banff and Canmore.

As of January 2024, Roam Transit offers 10 routes, the majority serving destinations within Banff or to national park locations nearby. In addition, Roam also offers two routes to Lake Louise, as well as a local service route within Canmore.

Via Rail's long-distance trains no longer serve Banff, but the Banff railway station remains in use by the Rocky Mountaineer and Royal Canadian Pacific tour trains.

The nearest airport to Banff with major service is the Calgary International Airport in Calgary.

Health care
Acute health care is provided at the Banff – Mineral Springs Hospital.

Notable people

 * Derek Beaulieu, poet, publisher, and anthologist
 * Sonya Lea, award-winning author and filmmaker
 * Cory Morgan (born 1971), blogger, Alberta independence politician and activist, and columnist
 * Karen Percy, double-bronze medal skier at the 1988 Winter Olympics
 * J. Jill Robinson, award-winning author of fiction and creative nonfiction
 * Kevin Smyth, former NHL player
 * Ryan Smyth, former NHL player
 * Karen Sorensen, former mayor and Canadian senator

title: Banff, Alberta


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User:Daniel Quinlan/deletion

Deletion is a tool

Deletion is a tool like any other. I don't believe anyone who has voted on VfD to "delete" an article has proposed that any bad article be deleted. A few people vote to keep articles nearly 100% of the time, but since there aren't too many in comparison to everyone else, the strategy seems to be to push to end deletion. I suspect they equate deletion with censorship or believe that all information is worthwhile, but before I go too deeply into anti-deletionism, I'd rather talk about why deletion is a valuable tool.

Let's talk about bad articles. In evolution, maybe we'd call them unfit individuals. For any Wikipedia article, there are two basic attributes that make it: (1) the title and (2) the content.

How do we improve bad articles?

 * 1) we rewrite them (original content becomes history)
 * 2) we redirect them (original title becomes secondary)
 * 3) we delete them (both title and content are destroyed)

I'd hate to see one of our most basic tools removed.

Using redirection instead of deletion can never fix a POV title, a vandalism title, etc. When someone creates 17 redirects to their own personal article and makes it impossible to find someone with a similar name, redirection can't fix that either. Deletion takes bad articles off of the radar of search engines and that's a good thing. And yes, it destroys really bad content too and that's a good thing.

I suspect much of the growing distress of some people over deletion is that as Wikipedia grows, the frequency with which new articles need to be deleted may be increasing, but I don't stress about it. No medium is perfect. There are more people on the internet, more people finding Wikipedia, and making contributions, etc. That has really helped improve Wikipedia and if it side-effect is that more vandals and non-helpful people find us, I think we've dealt with it pretty well.

Deletion also exerts a lot of evolutionary pressure on editors. If you write a really inappropriate unencyclopedic article (like "politician So-and-so is evil"), it might be deleted. A lot of horrible articles are rewritten regularly and removed from VfD because there's pressure to delete them. That's good just like having polar bears eat cute baby seals is good. If the content is worthwhile it will come back and it can still be easily undeleted (actually, much more easily than it can be deleted, I helped write both guidelines). Of course, vandals generally don't ask to have their articles undeleted. :-)

Daniel Quinlan 03:15, Nov 7, 2003 (UTC)

title: User:Daniel Quinlan/deletion


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Talk:Hymenoptera

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment
This article is or was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): Jwaase.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 00:08, 17 January 2022 (UTC)

Untitled
The temptation to hit "bug reports" was almost overwhelming! Anyway, did my PhD on Scelionids with Masner, and wanted to drop by and say "yeah" for whoever is doing this - so "Yeah!"

User: Greenfyre (not logged in)

Symphyta groups
Though considered paraphyletic with the Apocrita in some taxonomies, this should not preclude their mention among the Hymenoptera. Superfamilies listed, not Wikified, until some work can be done for at least some of these groups.azwaldo

I don't see how it follows from your argument that because some taxonomies consider termites paraphyletic with Aprocrita that termites should be listed as Hymenopterans, nor does your mention of superfamilies. I see that the Vespoidea entry suggests--based on the Zoologica Scripta article--a phylogenetic restructuring, but at the family and subfamily levels, and does not appear to call for integration of termites. I found no sources or even mention of termites' belonging to this order in related articles (e.g. Apocrita, Termite).

Further investigations elsewhere point to the fray residing in the superorder (and sometimes order) Dictyoptera and evidence for termites being related more closely to the order Blattaria (via Blattoptera). The Termite article itself contains a comprehensive list of articles discussing this evidence. As such, I believe it best to remove termites from this article until their more proper classification as Hymenopterans has been clarified. Seijihyouronka (talk) 15:36, 7 December 2009 (UTC)

What to mention
Why would you list some families for the Vespoidea and not for the others? Unless you have a good reason, would it not be better to be consistent and leave them out?Dave 04:57, 10 February 2006 (UTC)

Order of superfamilies
The order looks as though it is in some sort of evolutionary progression. If that is not so, if there really is no logical basis for the order, would it not be better to arrange them alphabetically?Dave 05:06, 10 February 2006 (UTC)

one small addition?
while the ancient Greek translation is a very impressive find. The name Hymenoptera actually is derived from hymeno, god of marriage and ptera wing. which refers to the joining of the wings by a hamuli. the hamulus are a minute series of hooks on the wings of Hymenoptera that allow the wings to join and beat in unison while in flight.

I just wanted to see if this is a worthy addition to this article. As pretty much every insect has membranous wings and apart from the hamuli like structures in some Lepidoptera the hamulus are one of the defining factors of Hymenoptera.

just wanted to get some opinions before making any changes.

(Entoman09 05:57, 29 November 2006 (UTC))

I'm silly Hamuli are mentioned in the article, but is it ok if the information about the first half of the name Hymenoptera is added? (Entoman09 06:00, 29 November 2006 (UTC))
 * I don't know if the name actually does derive from Hymeno. Now, I'm not sure about this, but, according to the OED, it appears that Linnaeus was going off of some Latin word (perhaps hymenoptera) which comes from a Greek word ὑμενόπτερα which comes from ὑμήν.  Sadly, my Latin dictionary doesn't have hymenoptera, nor does my LSJ have ὑμενόπτερα, so I can't look up the origins of these words.  In any case, the OED mentions ὑμήν as the apical prefix of the word, and so I think that we should stick with that, unless you have some other compelling evidence.  If you have access to Linnaeus' writings or something, I think that would rather definitely settle it. Cerealkiller13 07:03, 29 November 2006 (UTC)

 * While I don't have access to Linnaeus' writings I'm just referring to my 2005 edition of Borror and Delong's introduction to the study of insects. However, that text may be just Defining Hymeno with it's Greek mythological meaning. Hymen was the Greek god of marriage but it still refers to any kind of membrane. So both meanings are correct. I guess its open to interpretation and relative to whom is talking about it. eh?

Entoman09 07:44, 29 November 2006 (UTC)
 * Well, I don't think this is the case. Either Linnaeus sort of made up the word (as biologists often do), and then the correct definition is born from his intent, or else he was taking from some premade word, and then there is probably a definitive etymology for that word.  Although I will certainly admit I don't know which one is the case, and so I will heartily admit my etymology could be wrong. Cerealkiller13 17:17, 29 November 2006 (UTC)

Sex determination
This article implicitly states that 50% of the offspring in a Hymenopteran colony are males by its suggestion that the male gender is determined by a gene. Deeming from what I've read about sex ratio in ant, wasp and bee colonies, this is obviously not the case; all of the workers are sisters at least in the literature. If gender is genetical in Hymenopterans, surely the male-gene locus must be homozygous in 50% of the cases - if both the mother (who usually is the mother of the father and thus must carry all of his genes) and the father (who obviously is a male) carries the allele?--Gunnar Mikalsen Kvifte (talk) 22:59, 12 February 2008 (UTC)

 * I think maybe you misunderstand haplodiploidy. Gender is determined by whether an egg is fertilized or not, which is under complete control of the egg-laying female, since fertilization occurs at the time the egg is laid; she either releases stored sperm from the spermatheca, or she does not. If a female fertilizes all of her eggs, they will all be female. If she fertilizes none of them, they will all be male. This article directs you to the one explaining haplodiploidy, which you may wish to read more closely. The comment about sex being affected by a locus is a special case which is exceedingly rare, since the sex locus referred to has many different alleles, and will almost never be homozygous unless there is substantial inbreeding. Dyanega (talk) 23:38, 12 February 2008 (UTC)

popular culture?
I'm not really sure that this section deserves to exist. More substantial "popular culture" sections have been deleted from the pages of other taxa. Is anyone going to mind if I remove it? Aderksen (talk) 23:23, 9 March 2015 (UTC)

 * Do you mean the "References in fiction" section? That's all uncited and pretty trivial, so I don't see why it shouldn't be removed. PaleCloudedWhite (talk) 15:35, 10 March 2015 (UTC).

 * That was what I meant. Thanks for the delete. Aderksen (talk) 21:20, 3 April 2015 (UTC)

How large are the Hymenoptera Order
According to my reading and what we learned in class Hymenoptera ranks third in terms number of described species with Coleoptera and Lepidoptera coming in first and second respectively. Tookoolforcupid (talk) 21:42, 22 March 2015 (UTC)
 * Find a citation for that and add it. Aderksen (talk) 22:19, 15 June 2015 (UTC)

Rather technical section on "Thelytokous reproduction"
Thelytoky is probably worth a brief mention in the article, but the mention needs to be no more technical than the rest of the article really. In the Thelytoky article, it may be appropriate to be a little more technical given that the topic focus is narrow. I suggest that we have a brief "Thelytoky" section - why don't we group it with "Sex determination" in a new section called "Reproduction"? In fact, I think I shall boldly do that now. I'll cut down the description to what I think might be an appropriate amount of detail, with a "main" link to the main existing article on the topic. Chiswick Chap (talk) 19:19, 5 January 2016 (UTC)

Ecological Roles
Hi I am a student in Radford University. One of my assignments this semester is to provide information to this wikipedia page. I was thinking about adding a page about ecological roles this order has. Given the information I have found, this order provides a crucial role in many aspects. Some examples are pollination, decomposition, nutrient cycling, pest control, disease control, food web stability, seed dispersal, among other things. Please let me know your thoughts. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Jwaase (talk • contribs) 19:27, 26 February 2016 (UTC)

 * I would suggest that since ecological roles vary over such a broad range, it is best to incorporate such info into specific articles for the different sub-groups OR to work in reverse; that is, for example, if only bees are important pollinators, you could check the page for bees and make sure the information there regarding pollination is accurate and complete, and then ALSO check the article for pollination, and make sure it links back to the bee article. The more generalized the article, the less detailed the content, so the Hymenoptera article is a better place for things that apply to all Hymenoptera, rather than specific lineages within the group.Dyanega (talk) 19:42, 26 February 2016 (UTC)

 * - Welcome to Wikipedia! I agree with Dyanega. Being one of the "big five" orders, with hundreds of thousands of species, there isn't a lot you can say about the ecological roles of Hymenoptera in general--they occupy a lot of different niches. I would give a look at the following articles to add ecological information: wasp, parasitoid wasp, Ichneumonidae, bee, sawfly, or ant.

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Etymology
There is a pair of sentences presently in this section that have no source: "Thus, another plausible etymology involves Hymen, the Ancient Greek god of marriage, as these insects have married wings in flight. Another suggestion for the inclusion of Hymen is the myth of Melissa, a nymph with a prominent role at the wedding of Zeus." This looks to be a possible violation of the "no original research" policy, and if sources aren't provided, I suggest these should be deleted entirely. Dyanega (talk) 20:45, 29 November 2023 (UTC)
 * Note that these sentences come from two different editors; the first dates to this edit in 2015, the other was added in this edit in 2022. Neither was sourced when added, and have not been sourced subsequently. Dyanega (talk) 20:54, 29 November 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Hymenoptera


text:
Panchen Lama

The Panchen Lama is a tulku of the Gelug school of Tibetan Buddhism. The Panchen Lama is one of the most important figures in the Gelug tradition, with its spiritual authority second only to the Dalai Lama. Along with the council of high lamas, he is in charge of seeking out the next Dalai Lama. Panchen is a portmanteau of Pandita and Chenpo, meaning "great scholar".

The recognition of Panchen Lamas began with Lobsang Chökyi Gyaltsen, tutor of the 5th Dalai Lama, who received the title "Panchen Bogd" from Altan Khan and the Dalai Lama in 1645. Bogd is Mongolian, meaning "holy". Khedrup Gelek Pelzang, Sönam Choklang and Ensapa Lobsang Döndrup were subsequently recognized as the first to third Panchen Lamas posthumously.

In 1713, the Kangxi Emperor of the Qing dynasty granted the title Panchen Erdeni to the 5th Panchen Lama. In 1792, the Qianlong Emperor issued a decree known as the 29-Article Ordinance for the More Effective Governing of Tibet, and Article One of the decree was designed to be used in the selection of rinpoches, lamas and other high offices within Tibetan Buddhism, including the Dalai Lamas, Panchen Lamas and Mongolian lamas.

Traditionally, the Panchen Lama is the head of Tashilhunpo Monastery, and holds religious and secular power over the Tsang region centered in Shigatse, independent of the Ganden Podrang authority led by the Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama are closely connected, and each participates in the process of recognizing the other's reincarnations.

The current 11th Panchen Lama, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, was recognized by the 14th Dalai Lama on 14 May 1995. Three days later, the six-year-old Panchen Lama was kidnapped by the Chinese government and his family was taken into custody. The Chinese government instead named Gyaincain Norbu as the 11th Panchen Lama. Their nomination has been widely rejected by Buddhists in Tibet and abroad, while governments have called for information about and the release of the Panchen Lama. Gedhun Choekyi Nyima has never been publicly seen since 1995.

Name
The successive Panchen Lamas form a tulku reincarnation lineage which are said to be the incarnations of Amitābha. The title, meaning "Great Scholar", is a Tibetan contraction of the Sanskrit paṇḍita (scholar) and the Tibetan chenpo (great). The Panchen Lama traditionally lived in Tashilhunpo Monastery in Shigatse. From the name of this monastery, the Europeans referred to the Panchen Lama as the Tashi-Lama (also spelled Tesho-Lama or Teshu-Lama).

Other titles of Panchen Lama include "Panchen Bogd", the original title given by Altan Khan at the creation of the lineage. "Bogd" (Mongolian: ᠪᠣᠭᠳᠠ богд) is Mongolian, meaning "holy, saint". In 1713, the 5th Panchen Lama Lobsang Yeshe received the title "Panchen Erdeni" from the Kangxi Emperor of the Qing Dynasty, which has been inherited by successive Panchen Lamas since then. "Erdeni", or "Erdini", (Manchu: ᡝᡵᡩᡝᠨᡳ erdeni) is Manchu, meaning "treasure".

First Panchen Lama
Lobsang Chökyi Gyaltsen (1570–1662), was the first Panchen Lama to be accorded this title during his lifetime. He was the tutor and a close ally of the 5th Dalai Lama, "The Great Fifth", as he is known, pronounced the Panchen to be an incarnation of the celestial buddha Amitābha.

The 5th Dalai Lama requested the Panchen to accept Tashilhunpo Monastery, built by the 1st Dalai Lama, as his multi-lifetime seat for future incarnations. Since then, every incarnation of the Panchen Lama has been the master of Tashilhunpo Monastery and it is there that they have all received their education and their mummified bodies were enshrined.

When Lobsang Chökyi Gyaltsen died in 1662, the fifth Dalai Lama commenced the tradition of searching for his next incarnation. He also reserved the traditional title of Panchen which had previously been a courtesy title for all exceptionally learned lamas – exclusively for his successors. Khedrub Je, Sönam Choklang and Ensapa Lobsang Döndrup were posthumously decided by the 5th Dalai Lama to have been a previous incarnation of Lobsang Chökyi Gyaltsen, 4th Panchen Lama (1570–1662). Traditionally, there were considered to be four Indian and three Tibetan incarnations before Khedrup, starting with Subhuti, one of the original disciples of Gautama Buddha. Gö Lotsawa is considered to be the first Tibetan incarnation of Amitabha in this line. The recognition of Panchen Lamas has always been a matter involving the Dalai Lama. Choekyi Gyaltsen, 10th Panchen Lama, himself declared, as cited by an official Chinese review that "according to Tibetan tradition, the confirmation of either the Dalai or Panchen must be mutually recognized." The involvement of the government of China in this affair is seen by some as a political ploy to try to gain control over the recognition of the next Dalai Lama (see below), and to strengthen their hold over the future of Tibet and its governance. The government claims however, that their involvement does not break with tradition in that the final decision about the recognition of both the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama traditionally rested in the hands of the Chinese emperor. For instance, after 1792, the Golden Urn was thought to have been used in selecting the 10th, 11th and 12th Dalai Lamas; but the 14th Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, has more recently said that this was only really used in selection of the 11th, and that in the other cases it was only used to humour the Chinese to confirm a selection that had already been made by traditional methods.

Modern times
In 1924, the thirteenth Dalai Lama prohibited the 9th Panchen Lama's followers from holding any office in the Central Tibetan government and imprisoned them in Lhasa, prompting the Panchen Lama to flee to Inner Mongolia, China. The Dalai Lama was attempting to collect revenue from the Panchen Lama's estate to cover Tibet's military expenses, and to reduce the power of the Panchen Lama. In China, the ninth Panchen Lama worked on plans to develop Tibet. He also held a position in the Mongolian and Tibetan Affairs Commission, and was considered extremely "pro Chinese". There, he adopted the ideas of Sun Yatsen through revolutionary Pandatsang Rapga of the Tibet Improvement Party.

When the Ninth Panchen Lama died in 1937, two simultaneous searches for the tenth Panchen Lama produced two competing candidates, with the Dalai Lama's officials selecting a boy from Xikang and the Panchen Lama's officials picking Gonpo Tseten. The Republic of China government, then embroiled in the Chinese Civil War, declared its support for Tseten on June 3, 1949. Chinese Nationalist governor Ma Bufang allowed Kumbum Monastery to be totally self-governed by Tseten, now called Gyaltsen, while the 14th Dalai Lama's government refused to recognize him.

The 10th Panchen Lama sought revenge on the Dalai Lama by leading an army against him, and requested aid from Ma Bufang in September 1949. However, the Chinese Nationalist government, facing defeat from the communists, requested the Panchen Lama's help instead, formulating a plan where 3 Khampa divisions would be led by him as a broad anti-Communist base in Southwest China, but the Panchen Lama decided to defect to the Communists instead. The Panchen Lama, unlike the Dalai Lama, sought to exert control in decision making.

The Panchen Lama initially supported Communist policies for Tibet. Radio Beijing broadcast the religious leader's call for Tibet to be "liberated" into the PRC, which created pressure on the Lhasa government to negotiate with the People's Republic. He also called on Tibetans to support the Chinese government." However in 1962, he wrote the 70,000 Character Petition detailing abuses of power in Tibet and discussed it with Premier Zhou Enlai. However, in 1964, he was imprisoned and forced to undergo Struggle sessions. In October 1977, he was released but held under house arrest in 1982. In 1979, he married a Han Chinese woman and in 1983 they had a daughter. In 1989, the tenth Panchen Lama died suddenly in Shigatse at the age of 51 shortly after giving a speech criticizing the excesses of the Cultural Revolution in Tibet but praising the reform and opening up of the 1980s. His daughter, now a young woman, is Yabshi Pan Rinzinwangmo, better known as "Renji".

The Dalai Lama named Gedhun Choekyi Nyima as the 11th incarnation of the Panchen Lama on 14 May 1995. The Chinese government insisted that the 11th Panchen Lama has to be chosen via the golden urn. In selecting a name, lottery numbers were drawn from the Golden Urn. Chinese authorities named Gyancain Norbu as the search committee's choice on 11 November 1995. Gedhun Choekyi Nyima has not been observed by an independent party ever since 17 May 1995. The Chinese government claims he is living a "normal private life". Tibetans and human rights groups continue to campaign for his release.

Relation to the Dalai Lama lineage
The Panchen Lama bears part of the responsibility of the monk-regent for finding the incarnation of the Dalai Lama, and vice versa. This has been the tradition since the 5th Dalai Lama recognized his teacher Lobsang Choekyi Gyaltsen as the Panchen Lama of Tashilhunpo. With this appointment, Lobsang Choekyi Gyaltsen's three previous incarnations were posthumously recognised as Panchen Lamas. The "Great Fifth" also recognized Lobsang Yeshe, 5th Panchen Lama. The 7th Dalai Lama recognized Lobsang Palden Yeshe, 6th Panchen Lama, who in turn recognized the 8th Dalai Lama. Similarly, the Eighth Dalai Lama recognised Palden Tenpai Nyima, 7th Panchen Lama. The current 14th Dalai Lama was first found by the 9th Panchen Lama when he was living in the Kumbum Monastery. In February 1937, the Panchen Lama informed his investigation to the Tibetan government's representatives, who would later confirm the new Dalai Lama's identity. On 26 January 1940, the Regent Reting Rinpoche requested the Central Government to exempt Tenzin Gyatso from lot-drawing process using Golden Urn to become the 14th Dalai Lama. The request was approved by the Central Government.

Political significance
Monastic figures had historically held important roles in the social makeup of Tibet, and though these roles have diminished since 1959, many Tibetans continue to regard the Panchen Lama as a significant political, as well as spiritual figure due to the role he traditionally plays in selecting the next Dalai Lama. The political significance of the role is also utilized by the Chinese state. Tibetan support groups such as London-based Free Tibet have argued that the Chinese government seeks to install its own choice of Dalai Lama when Tenzin Gyatso, the current Dalai Lama, dies and that for this reason the Dalai Lama's choice of Panchen Lama, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima went missing at the age of six, to be replaced by the Chinese state's choice, Gyaincain Norbu. It is suggested that the Chinese government may give the title of Dalai Lama to the son of a loyal ethnic Tibetan Communist party member and it will pressure Western governments to recognize its boy, and not the boy chosen by Lamas in India, as the head of Tibetan Buddhism.

title: Panchen Lama


text:
Talk:Irssi

Cleanup
I've cleaned up the article somewhat. I hope it's still useful. Some of the comparisons with other IRC clients seemed a bit biased, based on personal opinion and not really verifiable, so I've removed those parts. --ozzmosis 15:54, 18 June 2006 (UTC)

I removed the section about the backdoor from the article because it didn't seem important enough to have its own section. I still left a link to the relevant page at the bottom of the article. I also fixed some random grammatical stuff, and broke the links section into categories, since it was getting kind of long. I also cleaned up this talk page. --Rhythmthing 03:17, 15 August 2007 (UTC)

Name Origin
The edit that removed this just caught my eye:

The name "Irssi" comes from Finnish internet slang meaning "IRC", and should be pronounced "ihr-see".

Nowadays when Irssi is well enough known, irssi means only the client. Back when Irssi didn't yet exist, Finnish people sometimes called IRC "irssi". Like normally ircci -> irkki, but since "c" can in some words be also pronounced as "s", some people thought it's funny or whatever to call ircci -> irssi. Anyway, since nowadays I don't think anyone calls IRC irssi anymore (since it'd just be ambiguous), the sentence could use a little editing if it's ever added back.. --Irssi's original author — Preceding unsigned comment added by 84.250.65.172 (talk) 20:11, 19 September 2006 (UTC)
 * This may be the case, but surely derivative terms such as irssata 'to chat on IRC' are still, at least in my experience, platform or client independent concepts. --Zet (talk) 23:12, 13 January 2008 (UTC)

In finnish most of the words are pronounced as they're written. It's pronounced just as "irssi" not "ihr-see"- — Preceding unsigned comment added by Tusina (talk • contribs) 18:59, 22 August 2016 (UTC)

Merge
I redirected MacIrssi to Irssi, because though it is rather too unknown for a whole article, a redirect would be more efficient. [wossi] 21:49, 13 December 2006 (UTC)

Clarification Request
The section about running irssi in windows is unclear. The section in parentheses can be read as affecting either the windows-native install, the cygwin install, or both. Which is it? Please make that part more clear, and break it out of the parentheses. MrZaius talk  04:43, 14 March 2007 (UTC)

Done. --Rhythmthing 03:17, 15 August 2007 (UTC)

Logo
I have removed the logo since it is a red link. [wossi] 21:24, 4 May 2007 (UTC)

I reinserted the logo...maybe it's about time? Rhythmthing 03:08, 5 August 2007 (UTC)

Pronunciation in IPA?
I've listened to the official pronunciation, and it appears to be [ˈirsi], or perhaps [ˈirssi], with an actual [r], not an [ɹ]. Can anyone verify? --Ihope127 (talk) 20:43, 25 October 2009 (UTC)
 * Yes, it's actual [r] at least according to Alveolar_trill page, which says [r] is the same as in Finnish "purra" word. And Finnish_phonology says there are no other trills in Finnish language anyway. --TimoSirainen (talk) 05:59, 28 October 2009 (UTC)

Improve References
At present there is a lack of references in the article. The topic is clearly notable and references that appear in reliable third-party publications can be easily found using the news search:

Please help develop this article. Thanks. --Hm2k (talk) 12:00, 23 November 2009 (UTC)

notability?
Irssi not notable? Apparently being distributed with nearly every FOSS os distribution available is not sufficient... BlanchardJ (talk) 17:15, 1 August 2010 (UTC)
 * Shame neither WP:NSOFT got accepted. But anyway, no--FOSS distros tend to contain whatever contributors (any random third-party user or developer) feels like packaging and submitting. I'm not aware of any major distro that accepts/rejects contributions based on anything more than quality of the packaging (i.e., it's not a reliable source for anything about the underlying software). That is, we're stuck using WP:GNG, and inclusion in a distro seems to me like trivial coverage (product listing, not significant). DMacks (talk) 17:32, 1 August 2010 (UTC)
 * Thanks for the reply, that was meant as a somewhat sarcastic comment about the notability challenge of a wildly used software. I think that the Refimprove banner would be sufficient in this case. I was not aware of the failed guideline proposal however, there is some interesting material in both of them sadly. BlanchardJ (talk) 18:13, 1 August 2010 (UTC)
 * Yeah. I love irssi! DMacks (talk) 21:07, 1 August 2010 (UTC)

Windows
I don't see a download for Windows on the downloads page. It appears to have been removed since the time it was archived. Benjamin (talk) 04:20, 31 March 2015 (UTC)

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Taa language

Taa, also known as ǃXóõ   (also spelled ǃKhong and ǃXoon; ), is a Tuu language notable for its large number of phonemes, perhaps the largest in the world. It is also notable for having perhaps the heaviest functional load of click consonants, with one count finding that 82% of basic vocabulary items started with a click. Most speakers live in Botswana, but a few hundred live in Namibia. The people call themselves ǃXoon (pl. ǃXooŋake) or ʼNǀohan (pl. Nǀumde), depending on the dialect they speak. The Tuu languages are one of the three traditional language families that make up the Khoisan languages. In 2011, there were around 2,500 speakers of Taa.

Taa is the word for 'human being'; the local name of the language is Taa ǂaan (Tâa ǂâã), from ǂaan 'language'. ǃXoon (ǃXóõ) is an ethnonym used at opposite ends of the Taa-speaking area, but not by Taa speakers in between. Most living Taa speakers are ethnic ǃXoon (plural ǃXooŋake) or 'Nǀohan (plural Nǀumde).

Taa shares a number of characteristic features with West ǂʼAmkoe and Gǀui, which together are considered part of the Kalahari Basin sprachbund.

Classification
Until the rediscovery of a few elderly speakers of Nǁng in the 1990s, Taa was thought to be the last surviving member of the Tuu language family.

Dialects

There is sufficient dialectal variation in Taa that it might be better described as a dialect continuum than a single language. Taa dialects fall into two groups, suggesting a historical spread from west to east:

 * Taa dialects
 * West Taa: Anthony Traill's West ǃXoon and Dorothea Bleek's Nǀuǁʼen
 * East Taa
 * ǃAma (Western)
 * (Eastern)
 * East ǃXoon (Lone Tree)
 * Tsaasi–ǂHuan
 * Tsaasi
 * ǂHuan

Traill worked primarily with East ǃXoon, and the DoBeS project is working with ʼNǀohan (in East Taa) and West ǃXoon.

Alternate names
The various dialects and social groups of the Taa, their many names, the unreliability of transcriptions found in the literature, and the fact that names may be shared between languages and that dialects have been classified, has resulted in a great deal of confusion. Traill (1974), for example, spent two chapters of his Compleat Guide to the Koon [sic] disentangling names and dialects.

The name ǃXoon (more precisely ǃXóõ) is only used at Aminius Reserve in Namibia, around Lone Tree where Traill primarily worked, and at Dzutshwa (Botswana). It is, however, used by the ǃXoon for all Taa speakers. It has been variously spelled ǃxō, ǃkɔ̃ː, ǃko/ǃkõ, Khong, and the fully anglicized Koon.

Bleek's Nǀuǁʼen dialect has been spelled ǀNuǁen, ǀNuǁe꞉n, Ngǀuǁen, Nguen, Nǀhuǁéi, ŋǀuǁẽin, ŋǀuǁẽi, ŋǀuǁen, ǀuǁen. It has also been called by the ambiguous Khoekhoe term Nǀusan (Nǀu-san, Nǀūsā, Nǀuusaa, Nǀhusi), sometimes rendered Nusan or Noosan, which has been used for other languages in the area. A subgroup was known as Koon. This dialect is apparently extinct.

Westphal studied ǂHuan (ǂhũa) dialect (or ǂHũa-ʘwani), and used this name for the entire language. However, the term is ambiguous between Taa (Western ǂHũa) and ǂʼAmkoe (Eastern ǂHũa), and for this reason Traill chose to call the language ǃXóõ.

Tsaasi dialect is quite similar to ǂHuan, and like ǂHuan, the name is used ambiguously for a dialect of ǂʼAmkoe. This is a Tswana name, variously rendered Tshasi, Tshase, Tʃase, Tsase, Sasi, and Sase.

The Tswana term for Bushmen, Masarwa, is frequently encountered. More specific to the Taa are Magon (Magong) and the Tshasi mentioned above.

The Taa distinguish themselves along at least some of the groups above. Like many San peoples, they also distinguish themselves by the environment they live in (plain people, river people, etc.), and also by direction. Traill reports the following:

 *  "westerners"
 *  "southerners"
 *  "in-betweeners"
 *  "pure people"

Heinz reports that  is an exonym given by other Bushmen, and that the Taa call themselves .

The Taa refer to their language as  "people's language". Westphal (1971) adopted the word  "person" as the name for the Southern Khoisan language family, which is now called Tuu. The East ǃXoon term for the language is ǃxóɲa ǂâã.

Phonology
Taa has at least 58 consonants, 31 vowels, and four tones (Traill 1985, 1994 on East ǃXoon), or at least 87 consonants, 20 vowels, and two tones (DoBeS 2008 on West ǃXoon), by many counts the most of any known language if vowels other than oral modal vowels are counted as different from corresponding oral modal vowels. These include 20 (Traill) or 43 (DoBeS) click consonants and several vowel phonations, though opinions vary as to which of the 130 (Traill) or 164 (DoBeS) consonant sounds are single segments and which are consonant clusters.

Tones
Anthony Traill describes four tones for the East ǃXoon dialect: high, mid , low , and mid-falling. Patterns for bisyllabic bases include high-high, mid-mid, mid-mid-falling, and low-low. DoBeS describes only two tonemes, high and low, for the West ǃXoon dialect. By analyzing each base as bimoraic, Traill's four tones are mapped onto [áá], [àá], [àà], and [áà]. Unlike Traill, Naumann does not find a four-way contrast on monomoraic grammatical forms in Eastern ǃXoõ data.

In addition to lexical tone, Traill describes East ǃXoon nouns as falling into two tone classes according to the melody induced on concordial morphemes and transitive verbs: either level (Tone Class I) or falling (Tone Class II). Transitive object nouns from Tone Class I trigger mid/mid-rising tone in transitive verbs, while Tone Class 2 objects correlate with any tone contour. Naumann finds the same results in the eastern ʼNǀohan dialect.

Vowels
Taa has five vowel qualities,. The Traill and DoBeS descriptions differ in the phonations of these vowels; it's not clear if this reflects a dialectal difference or a difference of analysis.

East ǃXoon (Traill)
Traill describes the phonations of the East ǃXoon dialect as plain $⟨a⟩$, murmured $⟨ah⟩$, or glottalized $⟨aʼ⟩$. may also be both glottalized and murmured $⟨aʼh⟩$, as well as pharyngealized $⟨a̰⟩$/$⟨aq⟩$ or strident ('sphincteric') $⟨a̰h⟩$/$⟨aqh⟩$. may be both pharyngealized and glottalized $⟨a̰ʼ⟩$, for 26 vowels not counting nasalization or length.

Murmured vowels after plain consonants contrast with plain vowels after aspirated consonants, and likewise glottalized vowels with ejective consonants, so these are phonations of the vowels and not assimilation with consonant phonation.

Vowels may be long or short, but long vowels may be sequences rather than distinct phonemes. The other vowel quality sequences—better known as diphthongs—disregarding the added complexity of phonation, are.

All plain vowels may be nasalized. No other phonation may be nasalized, but nasalization occurs in combination with other phonations as the second vowel of a sequence ("long vowel" or "diphthong"). These sequences alternate dialectally with vowel plus velar nasal. That is, the name ǃXóõ may be dialectally, and this in turn may be phonemically , since does not occur word-finally. However, this cannot explain the short nasal vowels, so Taa has at least 31 vowels.

A long, glottalized, murmured, nasalized o with falling tone is written $⟨ôʼhõ⟩$. A long, strident nasalized o with low tone is written $⟨òqhõ⟩$, since Traill analyzes stridency as phonemically pharyngealized murmur. (Note that phonetically these are distinct phonations.)

West ǃXoon (DoBeS)
DoBeS describes the phonations of the West ǃXoon dialect as plain, a e i o u; nasalized, an en in on un; epiglottalized or pharyngealized, aq eq iq oq uq; strident, aqh eqh iqh oqh uqh; and glottalized or 'tense', aʼ eʼ iʼ oʼ uʼ.

Consonants
Taa is unusual in allowing mixed voicing in its consonants. These have been analyzed as prevoiced, but also as consonant clusters. When homorganic, as in [dt], such clusters are listed in the chart below.

Taa consonants are complex, and it is not clear how much of the difference between the dialects is real and how much is an artifact of analysis.

East ǃXoon (Traill)
Consonants in parentheses are rare.

The nasal only occurs between vowels, and  only word finally (and then only in some dialects, for what are nasal vowels elsewhere), so these may be allophones. also only occur in medial position, except that the last is an allophone of rare initial. and (not in the table) occur in loans, mostly English.

Taa is typologically unusual in having mixed-voice ejectives. Juǀʼhoansi, which is part of the same sprachbund as Taa, has mixed voicing in.

Taa may have as few as 83 click sounds, if the more complex clicks are analyzed as clusters. Given the intricate clusters posited seen in the non-click consonants, it is not surprising that many of the Taa clicks should be analyzed as clusters. However, there is some debate whether these are actually clusters; all non-Khoisan languages in the world that have clusters allow clusters with sonorants like r, l, w, j (as in English tree, sleep, quick, cue), and this does not occur in Taa.

There are five click articulations: bilabial, dental, lateral, alveolar, and palatal. There are nineteen series, differing in phonation, manner, and complexity (see airstream contour). These are perfectly normal consonants in Taa, and indeed are preferred over non-clicks in word-initial position.

The DoBeS project takes Traill's cluster analysis to mean that only the twenty tenuis, voiced, nasal, and voiceless nasal clicks are basic, with the rest being clusters of the tenuis and voiced clicks with and either  or. Work on Taa's sister language Nǁng suggests that all clicks in both languages have a uvular or rear articulation, and that the clicks considered to be uvular here are actually lingual–pulmonic and lingual–glottalic airstream contours. It may be that the 'prevoiced' consonants of Taa, including prevoiced clicks, can also be analyzed as contour consonants, in this case with voicing contours.

* DoBeS only matches 17 series to Traill, as the – and – distinctions he discovered had not yet been published. DoBeS ⟨Ʞh⟩ and ⟨Ʞqh⟩, respectively, correspond to the former pair, while ⟨Ʞʼ⟩ and ⟨Ʞʼʼ⟩ (presumably in that order, as uvular clicks tend to have a delayed release) correspond to the latter pair.

Traill's account of East ǃXoon leaves for voiceless series of clicks without equivalents with a voiced lead. The DoBeS account of West ǃXoon, which uses voicing for morphological derivation to a greater extent than East ǃXoon does, has four additional series, written nꞰʼʼ, gꞰʼ, gꞰqʼ and nꞰhh in their practical orthography. The first three match the unpaired glottalized series of Traill, (= ),,. If Traill's series is the voiced equivalent of plain aspirated, rather than delayed aspirated, that would leave the DobeS nꞰhh series as voiced delayed aspiration.

All nasal clicks have twin airstreams, since the air passing through the nose bypasses the tongue. Usually this is pulmonic egressive. However, the series in Taa is characterized by pulmonic ingressive nasal airflow. Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996:268) state that "This ǃXóõ click is probably unique among the sounds of the world's languages that, even in the middle of a sentence, it may have ingressive pulmonic airflow." Taa is the only language known to contrast voiceless nasal and voiceless nasal aspirated (i.e. delayed aspirated) clicks (Miller 2011).

West ǃXoon (DoBeS)
West ǃXoon has 164 consonants in a strict unit analysis, including 111 clicks in 23 series, which under a cluster analysis reduce to 87 consonants, including 43 clicks.

These are written in the practical orthography (Naumann 2008). Marginal consonants are not marked as such.

Vowel nasalization is only phonemic on the second mora (in CCVV etc. syllables), as it is a phonetic effect of the $⟨nꞰhh⟩$ clicks on the first mora. The $⟨nꞰhh⟩$ clicks do not make the following vowel breathy, maintaining a contrast between $⟨nǂhha⟩$ and $⟨nǂhhah⟩$. Likewise, while $⟨gꞰʼ⟩$ clicks do make the following vowel creaky, there is a delayed onset to the vowel and the amplitude of the glottalization of $⟨gǂʼaʼ⟩$ is less than that of $⟨gǂaʼ⟩$ with a phonemically creaky vowel.

In an attempt to keep the phonemic inventory as symmetric as possible, the DoBeS team analyzed as segments two of the click types that Traill analyzed as clusters. These are the pre-glottalized nasal clicks, ʼnꞰ, which Traill had analyzed as, and the voiced aspirated clicks, gꞰh, which Traill had analyzed as.

The expectation, from the morphology of ǃXoon, for voiceless-voiced pairs of click clusters led to the discovery of several series not distinguished by Traill. (This morphology appears to be more pervasive in West ǃXoon than in the East ǃXoon dialect that Traill worked on.) These are voiced click types which may not exist in East ǃXoon at all, namely nꞰʼʼ, nꞰhh, gꞰʼ, and gꞰqʼ. It also lead to the rediscovery of two series that Traill had not been able to publish before his death. Thus the DoBeS team distinguishes two series, Ʞqh and Ʞh, for Trail's Ʞqh and Ʞkh, as well as Ʞʼʼ and Ʞʼ for Traill's Ʞqʼ and Ʞkʼ (or perhaps vice versa). If Traill's Ʞkh series is to be analyzed as kꞰ + h, then that would require a different assessment of Traill's delayed-aspiration series.

Under the contour analysis of Miller (2009), the distinction between simple and contour clicks largely parallels the DoBeS identification of clusters, apart from the last four rows (Ʞʼʼ, nꞰʼʼ, Ʞhh, nꞰhh), which are considered to be simple clicks.

Phonotactics
The Taa syllable structure, as described by DoBeS, may be one of the following:

 * CVV
 * CCVV
 * CVC2V
 * CCVC2V
 * CVN
 * CCVN

where C is a consonant, V is a vowel, and N is a nasal stop. There is a very limited number of consonants which can occur in the second (C2) position and only certain vowel sequences (VV and V…V) occur. The possible consonant clusters (CC) is covered above; C2 may be.

Grammar
Taa is a subject–verb–object language with serial verbs and inflecting prepositions. Genitives, adjectives, relative clauses, and numbers come after the nouns they apply to. Reduplication is used to form causatives. There are five nominal agreement classes and an additional two tone groups. Agreement occurs on pronouns, transitive verbs (with the object), adjectives, prepositions, and some particles.

Numbers
Taa has only three native numbers. All numbers above three are loans from Tswana or Kgalagadi.

 * 1) ǂʔûã
 * 2) ǂnûm
 * 3) ǁâe

Phrases
The phrases from Eastern ǃXóõ were compiled by Anthony Traill:

ǃnˤù.ṵ ì à ǁʼà-be ǃù.m ʘàa sâa

Hare.14 1PRO PST take:S-3 Eland.3 child:34 thither

"As for Hare, she took Eland's child away."

ǃqháa̰ kū ǂnûm ǁɢˤûlitê ǀè dtxóʔlu ǀnàe ǂʼá sˤàa̰

give MPO:4PRO two genital:22-P ASS:3 stench:3 DAT:3PRO COM:2 fat:22

"Give them their stinking genitals with the fat!"''

title: Taa language


text:
Mage

Mage most commonly refers to:

 * Mage (paranormal) or magician, a practitioner of magic derived from supernatural or occult sources
 * Mage (fantasy) or magician, a type of character in mythology, folklore, and fiction
 * Mage, a character class in some role-playing games
 * Mage (Dungeons & Dragons)

Mage(s) (or variations) may also refer to:

Gaming

 * Mage: The Ascension, a 1993 role-playing game
 * Mage: The Sorcerers Crusade, a 1998 role-playing game
 * Mage: The Awakening, a 2005 role-playing game
 * Dark Ages: Mage, a 2002 role-playing game supplement
 * Mages (company), a Japanese video game manufacturer

Other media

 * Mage (comics), an American superhero comic book
 * Le Mage, an opera by Jules Massenet to a French libretto by Jean Richepin
 * Kamen Rider Mage, a character in the TV series Kamen Rider Wizard

Places

 * Mage, Myanmar, a village in Kachin State
 * Magé, a municipality in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
 * Magé River
 * Le Mage, Orne, a commune in the Orne department, France
 * Mase, Switzerland, formerly known as Mage

Science and technology

 * Melanoma-associated antigen, a gene family
 * Multiplex Automated Genome Engineering, in genetic recombineering
 * MAGE-OM and MAGE-TAB, standards by the FGED Society

Other uses

 * Eugène Mage (1837–1869), French naval officer and explorer of Africa
 * Mage (horse), the winner of the 2023 Kentucky Derby
 * , the bun portion of a traditional Japanese hairstyle
 * Mage, a type of mask in ice hockey goaltending equipment

title: Mage


text:
Parícutin

Parícutin (or Volcán de Parícutin, also accented Paricutín) is a cinder cone volcano located in the Mexican state of Michoacán, near the city of Uruapan and about 322 km west of Mexico City. The volcano surged suddenly from the cornfield of local farmer Dionisio Pulido in 1943, attracting both popular and scientific attention.

Paricutín presented the first occasion for modern science to document the full life cycle of an eruption of this type. During the volcano's nine years of activity, scientists sketched and mapped it and took thousands of samples and photographs. By 1952, the eruption had left a 424 meter cone and significantly damaged an area of more than 233 km2 with the ejection of stone, volcanic ash and lava. Three people were killed, two towns were completely evacuated and buried by lava, and three others were heavily affected. Hundreds of people had to permanently relocate, and two new towns were created to accommodate their migration. Although the larger region still remains highly active volcanically, Parícutin is now dormant and has become a tourist attraction, with people climbing the volcano and visiting the hardened lava-covered ruins of the San Juan Parangaricutiro Church.

In 1997, CNN named Parícutin one of the Seven Natural Wonders of the World. The same year, the disaster film Volcano mentioned it as a precedent for the film's fictional events.

Description
Parícutin is located in the Mexican municipality of Nuevo Parangaricutiro, Michoacán, 29 km west of the city of Uruapan and about 322 km west of Mexico City. It lies on the northern flank of Pico de Tancítaro, which itself lies on top of an old shield volcano and extends 3170 meters above sea level and 424 meters above the Valley of Quitzocho-Cuiyusuru. These structures are wedged against old volcanic mountain chains and surrounded by small volcanic cones, with the intervening valleys occupied by small fields and orchards or small settlements, from groups of a few houses to those the size of towns. The volcano lies on, and is a product of, the Trans-Mexican Volcanic Belt, which runs 900 km west-to-east across central Mexico. It includes the Sierra Nevada mountain range (a set of extinct volcanoes) as well as thousands of cinder cones and volcanic vents. Volcanic activity here has created the Central Mexican Plateau and rock deposits up to 1.8 km deep. It has also created fertile soils by the widespread deposition of ash and thereby some of Mexico's most productive farmland. The volcanic activity here is a result of the subduction of the Rivera and Cocos plates along the Middle America Trench. More specifically, the volcano is the youngest of the approximately 1,400 volcanic vents of the Michoacán-Guanajuato volcanic field, a 40,000 km2 basalt plateau filled with scoria cones like Parícutin, along with small shield volcanoes, maars, tuff rings and lava domes. Scoria cones are the most common type of volcano in Mexico, appearing suddenly and building a cone-shaped mountain with steep slopes before becoming extinct. Parícutin's immediate predecessor was El Jorullo, also in Michoacán, which erupted in 1759. By 2013, the crater of the volcano was about 200 meters across, and it was possible to both climb the volcano and walk around the entire perimeter. Although classified as extinct by scientists, Parícutin is still hot, and seeping rainwater reacts with this heat so that the cone still emits steam in various streams. The forces that created the volcano are still active. In 1997 there was a vigorous swarm of 230 earthquakes in the Parícutin area due to tectonic movement, with five above 3.9 on the moment magnitude scale. There were also some reports of rumbling in 1995, and of black steam and rumbling in 1998. In the summer of 2006, there was another major volcanic earthquake swarm, with over 300 located near the volcano, indicating magma movement, but with no eruption at Parícutin or elsewhere.

Formation
Parícutin erupted from 1943 to 1952, unusually long for this type of volcano, and with several eruptive phases. For weeks prior, residents of the area reported hearing noises similar to thunder but without clouds in the sky. This sound is consistent with deep earthquakes caused by the movement of magma. A later study indicated that the eruption was preceded by 21 earthquakes over 3.2 in intensity starting five weeks before the eruption. One week prior to the eruption, newspapers reported 25–30 per day. The day before the eruption, the number was estimated at 300.

The eruption began on February 20, 1943, at about 4:00pm local time. The center of the activity was a cornfield owned by Dionisio Pulido, near the town of Parícutin. During that day, he and his family had been working their land, clearing it to prepare for spring planting. Suddenly the ground nearby swelled upward and formed a fissure between 2 and 2.5 meters across. They reported that they heard hissing sounds, and saw smoke which smelled like rotten eggs, indicating the presence of hydrogen sulfide. Within hours, the fissure would develop into a small crater.

Pulido reported: "At 4 p.m., I left my wife to set fire to a pile of branches when I noticed that a crack, which was situated on one of the knolls of my farm, had opened . . . and I saw that it was a kind of fissure that had a depth of only half a meter. I set about to ignite the branches again when I felt a thunder, the trees trembled, and I turned to speak to Paula; and it was then I saw how, in the hole, the ground swelled and raised itself 2 or 2.5 meters high, and a kind of smoke or fine dust – grey, like ashes – began to rise up in a portion of the crack that I had not previously seen . . . Immediately more smoke began to rise with a hiss or whistle, loud and continuous; and there was a smell of sulfur."

He tried to find his family and oxen but they had disappeared; so he rode his horse to town where he found his family and friends, happy to see him alive. The volcano grew fast and furiously after this. Celedonio Gutierrez, who witnessed the eruption on the first night, reported: "…when night began to fall, we heard noises like the surge of the sea, and red flames of fire rose into the darkened sky, some rising 800 meters or more into the air, that burst like golden marigolds, and a rain like fireworks fell to the ground."

On that first day, the volcano had begun strombolian pyroclastic activity; and within 24 hours there was a scoria cone fifty meters high, created by the ejection of lapilli fragments up to the size of a walnut and larger, semi-molten volcanic bombs. By the end of the week, reports held that the cone was between 100 and 150 meters high. Soon after the start, the valley was covered in smoke and ash.

Phases
The nine-year activity of the volcano is divided into four stages, with names that come from the Purépecha language. The first phase (Quitzocho) extended from February 22 to October 18, 1943, with activity concentrated in the cracks that formed in the Cuiyusuro Valley, forming the initial cone. During this time, the ejected material was mostly lapilli and bombs. In March, the eruption became more powerful, with eruptive columns that extended for several kilometers. In four months, the cone reached 200 meters and in eight months 365 meters. During this time period, there was some lava flow. On June 12, lava began to advance towards the village of Parícutin, forcing evacuations the next day.

The second phase went from October 18, 1943 to January 8, 1944 and is called Sapichi, meaning "child", referring to the formation of a lateral vent and other openings on the north side of the cone. Ash and bombs continued to be ejected but the new vent sent lava towards the town of San Juan Parangaricutiro, forcing its permanent evacuation. By August, the town was completely covered in lava and ash, with only the upper portions of the main church still visible. The evacuations of Parícutin and San Juan were accomplished without loss of life due to the slow movement of the lava. These two phases lasted just over a year and account for more than 90% of the total material ejected from the cone, as well as almost four-fifths (330 meters) of the final height of 424 meters from the valley floor. It also sent ash as far as Mexico City.

The third (Taqué-Ahuan) lasted from January 8, 1944 to January 12, 1945 and featured mainly the formation of a series of cracks on the south side of the cone, as well as an increase in activity in the center. Lava flows from this time mostly extend to the west and northwest. During this period there also formed a mesa, now called Los Hornitos, to the south.

Over the next seven years, the volcano became less active, with the ejection of ash, stone and lava coming sporadically, with periods of silence in between. Professional geologists pulled out of the area in 1948, leaving only Celedonio Gutierrez to continue observations. The last burst of activity was recorded by him between January and February 1952. Several eruptions occurred in succession and a three-kilometer smoke column was produced.

Scientific study
The particular importance of the Parícutin eruption was that it was the first time that volcanologists were able to fully document the entire life cycle of a volcano. The event brought geologists from all over the world, but the principal researchers were William F. Foshag of the Smithsonian Institution and Dr. Jenaro Gonzalez Reyna from the Mexican government, who came about a month after the eruption started and stayed for several years. These two wrote detailed descriptions, drew sketches and maps, and took samples and thousands of photographs during this time. Many of these are still used today by researchers. Foshag continued to study the volcano until his death in 1956. Between 1943 and 1948, almost fifty scientific articles were published in major journals about the volcano, with even more since. The worldwide effort to study Parícutin increased understanding of volcanism in general but particularly that of scoria cone formation.

Socioeconomic consequences
Despite the ongoing Second World War, the eruption drew attention from around the world, with reporters from newspapers and magazines including Life coming to cover the story. In the later years of the eruption, airline pilots pointed the volcano out to passengers. The Hollywood film, Captain from Castile, was shot in the area, using the erupting volcano as a backdrop and employing locals as extras. Some outdoor shots of the Western film, Garden of Evil , were filmed at the church ruins of Nuevo San Juan Parangaricutiro and in the village of Guanajuato with the then unrestored church ruins of the Templo Santiago Apóstol, Marfil. The eruption also inspired a generation of Mexican artists to depict or allude to it in their works, including Dr Atl, Diego Rivera, David Alfaro Siqueiros, Alfredo Zalce and Pablo O'Higgins.

The eruptions ended in 1952, leaving a final scoria cone with a height of 424 meters from the valley floor. The eruption destroyed or heavily damaged a 233 km2 area, and almost all of the vegetation within several kilometers of the crater was destroyed. The volcano spread lava over 26 km2, with 52 km2 covered in volcanic sand. The town of Parícutin, which once had a population of 733, is now completely gone, and all that remains of the town of San Juan Parangaricutiro, with a former population of 1,895, are parts of its main church which stand out among the hardened lava flow.

Though no one died directly from the eruption, three people were killed when they were struck by lightning generated by pyroclastic eruptions. The damage from the eruption primarily affected five towns in two municipalities, San Juan Parangaricutiro and Los Reyes. In addition to the two towns that were obliterated, Zacan (pop. 876), Angahuan (pop. 1,098) and Zirosto (pop. 1,314) were also heavily affected. The main effect on the people of the area was the disruption of their lives and livelihood, especially during the first two years. The area most affected by the eruption had a population of 5,910, and hundreds among these were permanently evacuated. Before leaving his home for the last time, Dionisio Pulido placed a sign on the cornfield that read in Spanish: "This volcano is owned and operated by Dionisio Pulido." The populations of the two destroyed towns were initially moved to camps on either side of the city of Uruapan. The population of the other three towns mostly stayed in place, but made adaptations to survive during the eruption. People of Angahuan and Zacan mostly stayed where they were. The population of Zirosto divided into three: those that stayed in the original location, now known as Zirosto Viejo; those who moved a few miles away to a ranch which is now officially called Zirosto Nuevo but locally called Barranca Seca; and a third group who founded a completely new settlement called Miguel Silva near Ario de Rosales.

The town of San Juan Parangaricutiro was the seat of the municipality of the same name, and its destruction prompted a political reorganization and a new seat at Parangaricutiro (today generally called San Juan Nuevo), where much of the population of the old seat had been relocated, with some going to Angahuan.

The economy of the area was then and is now mostly agricultural, with a mostly Purépecha population, rural and poor. However, the eruption did cause a number of changes both social and economic to the affected areas, both to adapt to the changed landscape but also because the fame of the eruption has brought greater contact from the rest of Mexico and beyond.

The volcano has become a tourist attraction, with the main access in Angahuan, from which the volcano is clearly visible. The town offers guides and horses, both to visit the ruins of the San Juan Parangaricutiro Church as well as to climb the volcano itself. The volcano is part of the Pico de Tancítaro National Park and is mostly accessible on horseback, with only the last few hundred, very steep, meters to be climbed on foot. The trek requires a guide even if horses are not used, as the path is not well-marked and passes through forest, agave fields and avocado groves. Many simply visit the ruins of the church, which are easier to access and still a pilgrimage site, the old altar regularly adorned with fresh candles and flowers. Nearby is a group of stands selling local food and souvenirs.

The story of the formation of Parícutin is the subject of the children's book Hill of Fire by Thomas P. Lewis, published in 1983. The book was featured in an episode of Reading Rainbow in 1985.

title: Parícutin