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Talk:Saturnalia

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Reviving the GA review from four years ago
On the review page for this article in 2014 you stated: "I'm sorry to have to close this GA but with no response from nom (and no editing for a while) there seems no hope of getting this done, and the normal time-out period has now elapsed. If anyone (including the original nominator) would like to resume this review to take the article through to GA, then please relist it under GAN and ping me." I believe I have now addressed all or almost all of the criticisms you mentioned on the review page and I have re-nominated this article for GA. I was wondering if your promise was still good? If so, would you mind starting a new review for it? I saw this article and thought it would be an excellent and easy article to bring up to GA and I am willing to put in some work to do so. --Katolophyromai (talk) 01:01, 4 February 2018 (UTC)

Greenery?
In various places (Including the online version of the Encyclopedia Britannica, managed by its own editors), it is suggested that the decoration of houses of greenery was a common practice of the Roman pagans either in relation to Saturnalia, or in relation to the kalends of January. I would ask if anyone is aware of a single source which describes such a practice in relation to either. Zusty001 (talk) 19:48, 26 December 2022 (UTC)

Saturnalia
Can I subjugate this word into an adverb, such as saturnalia? Jashenk7088 (talk) 02:36, 24 January 2023 (UTC)

Dates
Date was recently expanded to include December 25th, with the edit change claiming this "Fixed a typo where people changed a date to lie to us"

However, the source, specifically Macrobius: Saturnalia, says:

''I think that we have now given abundant proof that the festival of the Saturnalia used to be celebrated on only one day, the fourteenth before the Kalends of January, but that it was afterward prolonged to last three days: first, in consequence of the days which Caesar added to the month of December, and then in pursuance of an edict of Augustus which prescribed a series of three rest days for the Saturnalia. The festival therefore begins on the sixteenth day before the Kalends of January and ends on the fourteenth, which used to be the only day of its celebration.’ However, the addition of the feast of the Sigillaria has extended the time of general excitement and religious rejoicing to seven days.''

Assuming the accepted start date of 17 December, the maximum duration would have been 17-23 December (inclusive).

All the other sources I could find said the same, so I'm wondering why it was changed and what source exists to support the change. 173.24.67.226 (talk) 15:49, 25 December 2023 (UTC)

 * I also couldn't find anything supporting the 25th of December. The person who changed it probably confused it with Sol Invictus which was moved to the 25th of December by Emperor Aurelian. Aleksandras Salenga (talk) 23:26, 25 December 2023 (UTC)
 * You just said you “assume” if you did your research instead of looking in the internet but actually look in books you’ll find it 2603:6080:4E04:FD72:6DAF:136F:68C2:37BC (talk) 02:16, 27 December 2023 (UTC)

 * I think we need a secondary source here. While does say that the Saturnalia plus the Sigillaria make for seven days of celebration, it is not clear to me that Macrobius is saying that the Saturnalia was ever considered to include the Sigillaria. Paul August ☎ 16:29, 27 December 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Saturnalia


text:
Brill, Buckinghamshire

Brill is a village and civil parish in west Buckinghamshire, England, close to the border with Oxfordshire. It is about 4 mi north-west of Long Crendon and 7 mi south-east of Bicester. At the 2011 Census, the population of the civil parish was 1,141. Brill has a royal charter to hold a weekly market, but has not done so for many years.

Toponymy
Brill's name is tautological, being a combination of Brythonic and Anglo Saxon words for 'hill' (Brythonic breg and Anglo Saxon hyll). The name attracted the attention of J. R. R. Tolkien, who based the Middle-earth village of Bree upon it.

Manor
The manor of Brill was the administration centre for the royal hunting Forest of Bernwood and was for a long time a property of the Crown. King Edward the Confessor had a palace here. There is evidence that Henry II, John, Henry III and Stephen all held court at the palace. It remained in place until the time of Charles I, who turned the building into a Royalist garrison in the English Civil War. This led the Parliamentarian John Hampden to destroy it in 1643.

Church and priory
The Church of England parish church of All Saints was built early in the 12th century, and its nave and chancel remain essentially Norman structures. The chancel's north wall has a blocked lancet window from that period. The pointed chancel arch is 13th century. The Perpendicular Gothic west tower was built early in the 15th century. The present chancel roof dates from the 17th century.

The north aisle was built in 1839 but its east window dates from about 1275. In 1888 All Saints' was largely rebuilt under the direction of John Oldrid Scott. Scott extended the chancel eastwards by about 6 ft and added a new Gothic Revival east window. He added the south aisle and porch at the same time but its east and west windows are re-used Perpendicular Gothic ones, probably dating from early in the 16th century.

All Saints was a chapel of ease to the nearby parish of Oakley from the 12th until the 16th century. It belonged to the Priory of St Frideswide, Oxford until the Dissolution of the Monasteries.

Brill had a hermitage or priory dedicated to St. Werburgh that was annexed to Chetwode Priory from 1251. Chetwode Priory surrendered the advowson of the hermitage to the Bishop of Lincoln in 1460.

Brill windmill
Brill is also known for its windmill, last owned and used by the Pointer and Nixie family who also baked bread in their house in the village. With timbers dating from 1685, Brill Windmill provides one of the earliest and best preserved examples of a post mill (the earliest type of European windmill) in the UK. Management and ownership of the Grade II* listed mill was passed to Buckinghamshire County Council in 1947 who, through a number of major interventions, have ensured that the mill still stands today. In 1967 the Council installed a structural steel framework that helps to support the mill's ancient timber frame but means that the mill is static and can no longer turn to face the wind.

Restoration project
By the 2000s water ingress and weathering had caused timber decay to the extent that the structure's integrity was described as "At risk". The Brill Windmill Management Group was established in 2007 to help plan a restoration project and to seek the necessary funds. With funding from English Heritage and WREN, full repair and preservation work was completed by July 2009. The mill is now structurally sound and once again open to the public, once a week, between March and September.

Brill tramway
Brill railway station was once a north-western terminus of the London Underground system.

After the completion in 1868 of the Aylesbury and Buckingham Railway, the Duke of Buckingham built the light railway to provide freight access by rail to his estates at Wotton Underwood. The extension to Brill gave access to a brickworks there. The line was opened in 1871, and following public demand passenger facilities were provided early in 1872. Originally known as the Brill Tramway, the line's name changed to "Oxford and Aylesbury Tramroad" when a company was formed in an abortive attempt to extend the line to Oxford; the biggest hindering expense was the cost of tunnelling under Brill Hill.

The original Quainton Road station was north of the Quainton–Waddesdon road, and wagons from the Brill line reached it by means of a wagon turntable; there was no direct access. When the Metropolitan Railway took over the line in 1896, it doubled the main line from Aylesbury and re-sited the station to its present position, replacing a level crossing with the present road over bridge; a running connection between the Brill line and the main line was constructed at that time. In 1935, on the creation of the LPTB, control was transferred to it from the Metropolitan and Great Central Joint Committee which had taken it over in 1906; the whole branch was closed on 30 November 1935.

Little London
The hamlet of Little London to the south was part of Brill parish until 1934, when Buckinghamshire County Council moved the parish boundary and transferred the hamlet to Oakley. When the Metropolitan railway built Brill station, it has been said that in honour of the metropolitan ambience the planners were trying to evoke, another Little London was founded to the north of the village.

Amenities
Brill Church of England Combined School is a mixed, voluntary controlled, Church of England primary school. It takes children from the age of four through to the age of eleven. The school has about 175 pupils.

Notable people

 * Thomas Edwards, recipient of the Victoria Cross for actions at the Battle of Tamai during the Mahdist War, was born in the village.
 * James Govier (1910–1974), a British painter, etcher, and engraver, produced images of Brill church and windmill, along with images of Buckinghamshire. Govier's family originated from Brill and the adjoining parish of Oakley, and he was born in Oakley. Examples of Govier's work can be seen at the County Museum in Aylesbury and at the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford.
 * The perpetrators of the Great Train Robbery of 1963 hid at the remote Leatherslade Farm on Brill's boundary with the village of Oakley.
 * Mick Pointer, drummer and founding member of the progressive rock bands Marillion and Arena, was born on 22 July 1956 in Brill.
 * Thomas Belson, one of the Oxford Martyrs, was born in Brill on an unknown date (circa 1560). He was found guilty of assisting Roman Catholic priests, and was executed with his companions at Oxford on 5 July 1589. He was beatified in 1987.
 * Gavin Free, a slow-motion cinematographer, is from Brill. He is a producer of content for popular Internet group Rooster Teeth as a member of the Achievement Hunter cast, and founded the successful YouTube channel "The Slow Mo Guys", which has over 1 billion views.

References in literature

 * Referring to the Otmoor riots:

 * There is a rhyme about "Brill on the hill":

 * Another rhyme ran: "Brill on the hill, Oakley in the hole, dirty Ickford and stinking Worminghall".
 * Edward Lear makes reference to Brill in More Nonsense Pictures, Rhymes, Botany, etc. (1872) '':

"There was an old person of Brill, Who purchased a shirt with a frill; But they said, 'Don't you wish, You mayn't look like a fish, You obsequious old person of Brill?'"

 * The name and various other features of Brill were used by J. R. R. Tolkien as the basis for the village of Bree in The Lord of the Rings.  He also used other nearby places in Oxfordshire as part of the Shire, sometimes using the same names, such as Buckland.
 * John Betjeman rejoiced that the long arm of Metro-land was halted before impinging on "the remote hilltop village of Brill".

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Brill, Buckinghamshire


text:
Talk:Epimetheus

Ivan Illich and "The Rebirth of Epimethean Man"
Here are some links to sources that address Illich's retelling of the myth: Ivan Illich in Conversation: The Testament of Ivan Illich, The Challenges of Ivan Illich: A Collective Reflection, and The Prophet of Cuernavaca: Ivan Illich and the Crisis of the West. —Sangdeboeuf (talk) 15:19, 6 January 2017 (UTC) (edited 22:36, 18 April 2018 (UTC))

Requested move 18 April 2018

 * The following is a closed discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. Editors desiring to contest the closing decision should consider a move review. No further edits should be made to this section.

The result of the move request was: consensus to move the pages at this time, per the discussion below. Dekimasu よ! 19:10, 24 April 2018 (UTC)

– The clear WP:PRIMARYTOPIC with respect to long-term significance and importance. The namesake of the moon. ZXCVBNM (TALK) 01:23, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Epimetheus (mythology) → Epimetheus
 * Epimetheus → Epimetheus (disambiguation)
 * Support. The Titan gets |Epimetheus_(moon)|1810_Epimetheus 85 percent of relevant pageviews. Nine Zulu queens (talk) 03:14, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Support - being the namesake to something else is a prime indication of its long-term significance. -- Netoholic @ 04:34, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Support. Generally deities should be primary, as compared with moons, asteroids, craters, or flecks of dust named after them.  P Aculeius (talk) 12:19, 18 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Support per above power~enwiki ( π, ν ) 01:45, 23 April 2018 (UTC)
 * Support per nom. -- Iazyges   Consermonor   Opus meum  09:37, 23 April 2018 (UTC)

 * The above discussion is preserved as an archive of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on this talk page or in a move review. No further edits should be made to this section.

Moved paragraph here
Epimetheus plays a key role in the philosophy of Bernard Stiegler, and in particular in terms of his understanding of the relation between technogenesis and anthropogenesis; according to Stiegler, it is significant that Epimetheus is entirely forgotten in the philosophy of Martin Heidegger.

The above should not be readded into the article without a more comprehensible explanation of what it means. -- Cimon Avaro; on a pogostick. (talk) 17:34, 31 May 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Epimetheus


text:
Talk:Anti-globalization movement/Archive 1

Questions
What have:

 * politicians
 * business leaders
 * the general public
 * older pressure groups

done in response? Ordered crackdowns (in the case of politicians)? Told the protesters to get a haircut and a real job (some of the business leaders)? Pointed out that some of the meetings the protesters have blockaded were to discuss some of the concerns they are raising, as far as any clear ideology of the protestors can be figured out? What's the deal? --Robert Merkel

This sentence is needs editing:

 * police use tear gas, rubber bullets, pepper spray, night sticks, and water cannons to repel the protestors, as is common when policing large demonstrations.

Earlier, the article describes 3 distinct groups of demonstrators: law-abiding, frivolous, and law-breaking. Surely the police are aware of this distinction and treat the 3 groups differently.

If there is evidence that police violently disperse law-abiding demonstrators, this evidence should be in the article. Otherwise, we should state clearly that the police violence is directed only at the (deliberate) law-breakers.

Disclaimer: I favor free speech and the right of assembly to protest grievances, and oppose both those who incite riots and those who use excessive force to disperse unruly demonstrations. I hope my bias will not infect my comments or contributions.

User:Ed Poor

Lack of differentiation

 * Based on the comments of both protesters and residents of the area, the police did not differentiate. In fact, the police were so reckless with the tear gas that buildings had to be evacuated.

 * Generally speaking, the police don't differentiate. However, this is a simplification; a common tactic is to herd the protesters together so that they can use the (more socially acceptable) violence against the law-breaking as an excuse to disperse everyone.  I'm speaking here from first-hand accounts of protesters and non-protester journalists, as well as knowledge of police tactics gleaned from reading the released COINTELPRO documents.  I'll try to dig up some quotes if nobody beats me to it.

 * This brings me to a topic I was planning on writing a meta essay on: when is evidence required on wikipedia? It seems to me the general rule is "Evidence is only required when you disagree with the authorities."  I think it would be silly if all of us had to give cites for a stub article on monkeys, but I've seen some pretty blatant propaganda that I don't have evidence to dispute, while common wisdom of protesters is apparently (and rightly, if this is to be at all scholarly) not enough to have an article stand up here. DanKeshet

 * In case anyone asks, the material I added to the Quebec City segment isn't "common wisdom," but things that either I or my father witnessed personally. - montréalais

You raise a good general question, Dan. I don't think the Wikipedia has an evidence rule per se.

About police vs. protestors, I've been in several demonstrations (sometimes as a counter-demonstrator) and read countless articles about them. I'd like to see some encyclopedia-quality distinctions made about the tactics of both police and demonstrators. I daresay police in various times and places differ in their sensitivity to protestors' rights. On the other hand, sometimes agitators deliberately stir up trouble for propaganda purposes: "See how brutal those police are? We were just minding our own business when..." On the still other hand (hm, do I have 3 hands?), at Kent State on May 5, 1970 (if I recall correctly) National Guardsmen shot and killed four protestors who were doing nothing more violent than throwing stones.

-

Good grief. How long would it take to research this on the web, 20 minutes? less? 4 dead in Ohio doesn't rate /20 minutes of your time/? (I'm astonished I hung in as an activist for 28 years ... the degree of brain-dead behaviour is /shocking/.

"... shot and killed four protestors who were doing nothing more violent than throwing stones". This seems to say that those who were shot were throwing stones. If a newspaper wrote this, you'd be indignant. If a politician said this, you'd howl him down. But an "engaged activist" writes this ... from profound sloth. No, I'm not questionning your motives, I'm just pointing to the evidence that you are typically brain-damaged ... the four dead don't compell you to get the facts straight.

There were many shots fired, and many students struck. Few if any were actually involved in the action. Look it up ... I won't spoon feed you. You've been spoon fed too much as it is, by those who seek nothing more than to hold center stage.

 * brain damaged beyond hope ... Lemmings for Peace*

-

The issue we're discussing now transcends the current article. Maybe we need an article on police tactics or police-civilian relations or riot control or demonstrations and violence. Sometimes the fault is more on the police side, sometimes more on the demonstrators' side. Often it's hard to tell. For now, let's try to avoid blanket statements. User:Ed Poor

 * Excellent idea! We can factor out all the general talk of crowd control and repeat only the specifics on the appropriate pages (like here or Kent State).  I like crowd control because police tactics are massively different during demonstrations vs. walking a beat, and because "riot control" only applies to riots, and not non-riot demonstrations. DanKeshet

How about making separate pages about some of the major mobilizations? A page about what happened in Seattle, one about Genoa ... this would make it possible to provide more detailed information about what happened at each place rather then making a big simplification of the whole thing. -- Peter Winnberg, Thursday, March 28, 2002

 * I've seperated out Seattle from the rest so if you want to pull that out and write a longer article on it, you can. There are also paragraphs on Quebec City and Genoa that could easily be seperated out. DanKeshet, Friday, March 29, 2002
 * One possibility for dividing the material in this article could be anti-globalization movement and anti-globalization protests. The former would be limited to describing the philosophy that underlies, the reasons for and against, and the variety of its sb-groups.  The latter would deal with the events where members of the movement have demonstrated, and the police treatment of those demonstrations.  "Crowd control" is much broader in a different direction, and covers the application of such measures not only at events like Kent State, but also the Haymarket riots of 1886, and the Winnipeg general strike of 1919. Eclecticology

Talking about mass demonstration and protest tactics is really only interesting in the context of a general analysis of how they affect the strategy of "anti-globalization". Else it might as well be a soccer riot.

For instance the Barcelona riots recently had 250,000 people rioting for a week and no one on either (police or protest) side was seriously injured... so, why are these violents considerably less violent than say soccer riots?

There's an angle to this, which is often ignored, which is the crowd proving it can control itself better than the police can control it... the first step in proving you're a viable political movement, pikcing your confrontations...

Not everyone involved is a Gandhian, trying to get hurt without hitting back, of course, but some are, and that strategy is spreading, and it's maturing the political side of this from the bottom...

... while the critique from the top is that the people who claim to be trustworthy to run the world engage in a "War on Drugs", "War on Terror", etc., which escalate the point of disaster in all cases, at great human cost.

These movements are interlinked pretty intensely - I don't think the article gives justice to that...

Frankly, without understanding the terms consensus process and basis of unity, there's just no chance whatsoever that anyone can understand why the movement is dis/organized the way it is... how it 'learns' by moving around via these mobilizations.

I'd appreciate someone from India expanding on the relation to Shiva, Sen, Roy and their village movements...

and ending or reforming capitalism  or just corporate capitalism.

 * What's the difference between "capitalism" and "corporate capitalism"? Is the claim that some people are ok with capitalism, as long as the players are individuals and very small organizations, not huge firms?

I think, regardless of whatever respect I may have for Nader, that he is not, first and foremost, an "economic theorist".
 * certainly not. --KQ

This article looks like one of 24's contributions. And, as much as I may agree with much of "The Movement"'s ;-) goals, I think this article is far from NPOV. --KQ

 * Yup. A fair amount of the article was written by 24. DanKeshet

There's a whole big article here. Please do not replace it with a mere redirect. Or were you tring to "move" the article to a new name? --Ed Poor

Someone tried to move this to Alternative globalization movement using the following justification and alleging that it was more NPOV:
 * The alternative globalization movement is referred to by the mainstream media as the anti-globalization movement. However, since

 * * the movement has been active for decades in the third world
 * * the "media-worthy" demonstrations in rich countries almost always involve solidarity for people in poor countries
 * * many of the networks involved are international
 * * recent protests are starting to concentrate on eliminating border controls against people (the noborder network, ref. below)

 * it is clear that the term "anti-globalization" does not represent the political viewpoint of the participants.

 * The term "alternative globalization" is more neutral since the participants wish globalization to happen in a different way to the way it is presently happening, for example with less secrecy in decision-making, and with more of "one-voice one-vote" democracy as opposed to "one-dollar one-vote" democracy.

The present name is used by people on both sides of the issue, with some understanding of what subject they are talking about. Changing the name of this article is not NPOV because it puts a completely different perspective on the topic that may not reflect what previous contributors on either side of the issue had intended to say. Eclecticology 16:14 Sep 27, 2002 (UTC)

Clarity needed
There is something at stake in these naming issues, and rather than go back and forth over what to call the movmement or the article, the article simply has to clarify the point of confusion. I have looked over it and am not sure where or how to do this, so I invite others who have been working on it to see if they can figure out an elegant way to do this.

The Confusion over what people mean by AGM lies in confusion over what people mean by "globalization." In both the popular and social science literature, "globalization" refers most broadly to the increasing scale and density of global connections, especially through the flow of labor and capital. But this is not what the AGM is opposed to. For another feature of globalization (also discussed in the social science litarutre, but less so in the popular media) is that these connections and flows are regulated by non-democratic, non-transparent institutions such as the IMF and the WTO. It is the institutional control over globalization, and the hierarchy that such institutions seem to represent and reproduce, that the AGM is opposed to. One can understand then why people within the AGM seek other names for their movement -- they are opposed to something more specific than globalization, and to characterize them as oppsed to "globalization" often leads mepople to misunderstant and misrepresent them (Thomas Freidman is an axample).

I think the article is very clear about what the AGM really is -- but it isn't really clear about why some people misunderstand the AGM, and others want to call the movement something else. I think that putting in something like the above paragraph would help, but I really am not sure where to put it. Slrubenstein

 * Well, not an inconsiderable number of people in the AGM are against all forms of globalization. But I agree that it's more true to say "anti-neoliberalism" and "pro-democracy" than "anti-globalization". --The Cunctator

 * Well, I think it really depends on what you mean by globalization. I have not met a single member of the AGM who thinks it is wrong that a Kenyan move to the United States to work, or that something made in China is sold in Brazil -- examples of globalization, broadly defined.  What they seem to be opposed to is very specific.

 * Unfortunately I do not agree that your changes add specificity in a meaningful way. I almost cut your changes, because many members of the AGM would question whether the world economy really is a "free" market.  I did not cut it because I do know that this is how opponents of the AGM in the IMF and WTO characterize their beliefs and practices.

 * I think it is safe to say that all parties would agree that they are divided over their stance towards neoliberalism. But I still think the article would be better if we took out "free market," at least in the first paragraph.  Or can you figure out a way to rewrite your most recent change, so that it is clear that not everyone uses this term or thinks it accurately characterizes what it is that the AGM objects to?  Perhaps that they "object to global capitalism, especially neoloberalist claims about the "free market""  Would this saitsfy you?  I think it is closer to the truth than what we currently have, Slrubenstein
 * I too considered removing "free market" as at best ambiguous.

One of the problems in economics is that discussions descend into jargon more easily than in some of our other controversial issues. Anti-globalization may not be a perfect name, but if a nucleus of understanding can be built around it so much the better. Slr's second explanation seems to be more in line with the way I see the movement.

Introducing terms like "neoliberalism" isn't helpful; I find it completely meaningless. Even if I can figure out through my reading the precise meaning of the term, I have absolutely no confidence that the person using it in the same way that I visualize. "Democracy" is a problem for exactly the opposite reason. While people will often admit that they don't know what "neoliberalism" is, most have a vision of what democracy means but these visions are highly variable. It's fine to be "pro-democracy" and both streams in our debate will see themselves as pro-democracy while considering their opponents as anti-democracy. Eclecticology 18:45 Sep 27, 2002 (UTC)

 * I think "neoliberalism" is a fairly precise term, and is perfectly helpful in describing the concept and the attendant movements. If they don't know what neoliberalism is, they can look it up - this is an encyclopedia, after all. Part of our job should be introducing jargon and explaining what it means. Terms get defined largely by the elites - "globalization" was their chosen moniker for neoliberalism, specifically because it is NOT as precise as the term neoliberalism. Continuing to use the term "globalization", and "anti-globalization", which means different things to different people, is confusing. The basis of this movement (the Zapatistas, third-world anti-IMF/WB movements, anarchist movements in the first world) all agree that they are opposed to neoliberalism, and usually specifically use the term in their language. This is the ONE thing that the movement can be clearly said to consense upon - we should use the term. Graft

The problem with neoliberalism is that it seems to only be used by opponents to it; I couldn't find anyone who classifies themselves as neoliberals, since neoliberalism is essentially code for "extremist free-market capitalism".

 * This is not my experience -- I know many economics professors and consultants who actively promote "neoloberal reforms" in developing countries. This involves few if any protections and subsidies, to promote free-trade, and a balanced budget.  If anything, opponents only started to use the term "neoliberal" because economists promoting it used it (before then, I think they usually just railed against "capitalism.")  I agree with Graft on this.

 * Please improve the neoliberalism entry, then. If you can point to some neutral/positive neoliberalism references, that would be great.

I don't think we need to worry too much about jargon, because all the terms we use are internally defined. For example, with free market--I included it because if you look at the entries for free market and for capitalism, you see that they are properly used in this entry.

The anti-globalization movement encapsulates or at least overlaps people who are against globalization itself-- protectionists, nativists, anti-technologists, isolationists, etc.--who think that it's bad that Kenyans can move to the U.S., or Chinese stuff can be sold in Brazil, believe me.

 * I believe you, but nevertheless in my own experience (which is limited, as all our experiences are, but I do not thing especially limited) this is simply not representative of most people in the AGM movement. Perhaps the larger point is that the AGM movement itself is heterogenous and not clearly bounded -- then, the article needs to clearly distinguish between very different kinds of anti-globalisms.  This is especially important when the political stakes are high.  If one segment of the AGM movement has very well-thought out ant intelligent criticisms to offer (criticisms echoed by some economists like J. Steiglitz), it would be a real shame if these people and their views were ignored becuse they were lumped together with nativists and anti-technologists. Slrubenstein

 * There should indeed be entries separating the different submovements, but it's fair if e.g. we define the anti-globalization movement at least in part by who participates in rallies protesting the WTO/IMF etc. (and I think we should), then you get them lumped together. This article seems to do a pretty good job of showing the fuzzy boundaries as well as the specific differences (and can do better). One good strategy is to break up entries when they seem to be covering too much ground. The Cunctator

Ec: if as you read this entry, you don't understand what free market or neoliberalism mean in this context you should just read their entries. You don't have to try to puzzle it out from the context.

But please continue to make things clearer--the trick for all of us is to recognize that each of us is right, and we have to all figure out how to properly communicate our ideas. So edit away! --The Cunctator

 * The article on neoliberalism as it now stands depends on understanding Adam Smith, neo-classical economic theory, Friedrich Hayek, University of Chicago and dependency theory. This isn't a simple matter of going to that article to look up a straightforward definition.  It requires a fairly sophisticated understanding of certain concepts in economics.  A person who looks up an encyclopedia article so as to have a basic understanding of the anti-globalization movement that he has heard mentioned in the popular media may be willing to look up one or two explanatory references.  If in turn he must track down anothr five concepts, he is unlikely to go away enlightened.

 * The definition in the free market article does better, and perhaps enough of it can be copied to this article so that linking will only be required by those who want a more expanded view of "free market".

 * I take even greater exception to the comment Part of our job should be introducing jargon and explaining what it means. Terms get defined largely by the elites. This suggests that we should concede that role to the elites.  I expect that that should be followed by a comment that the failure of the public to understand these terms reflects a problem of marketing rather than any kind of fundamental flaw in the term.  Jargon often carries some implicit POV.  Explaining how some of these terms are used or misused is fine, but that does not justify using the jargon.

Slrubenstein, any particular reason you label Luddism as a right-wing movement? From what I know about it they were quite left-wing... Graft 20:59 Sep 27, 2002 (UTC)
 * Yikes! You are right of course.  I need coffee...Slrubenstein

Removed sentence
I removed this sentence for two reasons:
 * One of the most fundamental criticisms of the movement is simply that it lacks coherent goals.

First, I do not believe it belongs in the introduction. I certainly believe criticisms of the AGM, such as it is, are appropriate in the article, I just think they should come later and in their own section.

Second, if Ed or anyone wants to put this back in (later in the article) I would urge them to wait until they can develop it into something more meaningful. It is absolutely not true that thee movement lacks coherent goals -- various factions of the moevement have coherent goals, although these factions themselves disagree. In other words, it is not that the "movement" lacks "coherent goals," it is that the movement itself is not coherent. Some people see this as a flaw, but others see it is a great strength, a sign of its inclusiveness and transparency. The fact that the "movement" is not very coherent may make it less effective -- or more effective. Who knows?

So I think that any section that discusses criticisms of "the movement" -- and to repeat, I think there should be such a section -- has to avoid such sweeping and bland generalizations. Specific people have criticized specific elements of the movement. What we need first is an article that details the various elements, then a section that reviews criticisms of the various elements and their programs, and finally, a thoughtful discussion of -- neither criticising nor praising -- the incoherent nature of the movement (for example, I believe that the lack of coherence is itself an expression of the movements visionary goals -- a globalization that is not centralized or hierarchical) Slrubenstein

 * Ironically, the sentence I "inserted" is a verbatim copy of a sentence buried toward the end of the article. In other words, the article itself is the source of the disputed sentence. I don't plan to put it back, because it's already in. It never left. :-) Ed Poor

I reverted to the previous first paragraph for two reasons. First, it is simply false and misleading to define the AGM as an effort to counter "the current process of globalization," because globalization is not a uniform process, and there is much debvate over what it is, and many members of the AGM embrace certain aspects of globalization. I am not saying the first paragraph cannot be improved upon -- but at the very least I would insist on saying that the movement counters "some aspects" of globalization.

 * Broadly defined, the movement counters globalization; the nuances were explained in the next sentence. But let's see how your version looks.

Second, to say that the anti-globalization movement is a movement opposed to globalization doesn't say much. The first sentence needs to say something about what globalization is. I think that the earlier (now current) first sentence does a fair job of providing a description that everyone -- members of the AGM, people in the IMF, academics, cultural critics -- would all agree to.

 * My opinion is that the definition of globalization should be in the globalization entry, not here, just as the anti-globalization movement should be here, not at globalization. This is a hypertext, not paper reference. But obviousl we can work to some happy mean.

Third, I simply did not understand why the following information requires two sentences:
 * Some participants refer to the movement as the global justice, or fair trade movement. Some refer to it as the Movement of Movements or simply The Movement.

In both cases the structure is the same: some people refer to the movement as... So two sentences sounds awfully awkward to me.Slrubenstein

 * Yes.

 * Finally, about the terminology: Anti-corporate globalization, anti-capitalist globalization, and alternative globalization are not terms used just by participants; they're more value-neutral than "global justice" or "fair trade" or "The Movement", and that should be clear. That's why I separated them. --The Cunctator

 * Yes, I think the recent changes you made to the first paragraph are a real improvement, I understnad your points better now. Thanks, Slrubenstein

The following is from globalization; if it gets fully incorporated into the entry, it doesn't need to stick around.
 * No, the thing called 'globalization' is much more specific and economic than the larger social and organizational and ideological response of the AGM. It is totally appropriate to include only this limited summary in globalization, covering only the major themes, without exposing the reader to the whole thing as covered in the main AGM article (which has way too many examples in it now and too much tactical detail):

The Anti-Globalization movement
Various aspects of globalization are seen as harmful by the Anti-globalization movement, a loose conglomeration of various protest movements.

There are common themes in the protests of many of these groups, opposing:
 * the globalization of capitalism in the name of free trade
 * what they see as the United States' economic and military domination of the world
 * global corporatism displacing the power of national governments
 * what they see as environmental catastrophe as a consequence of the above

Few of them seem to oppose the creation of a more interconnected world as such. However, many resent what they see as the imposition of a neo-liberal agenda by powerful western governments allied to multinational corporations and international institutions such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The aims of this agenda are alleged to include:

 * Governmental Reforms (aka Structural adjustment)
 * Privatization of social services, such as health care or water supplies.
 * Imposition of "user fees" on remaining un-privatized services
 * Reductions in non-military governmental spending (e.g. pensions, welfare programs)
 * In poor countries (aka Third World Countries, Newly Industrializing Countries, or Developing Economies):
 * Encouragement of export crops over subsistence crops
 * Elimination of labor and environmental restrictions

Members of the anti-globalization movement argue that this form of globalization leads to a "race to the bottom" as countries compete with one another on eliminating environmental and labor standards, and argue further that poor countries get caught in an ever-increasing debt trap, worsened by structural adjustment policies. Members of this movement tend to advocate for "globalization from below," which emphasizes elimination of restrictions on movement of humans, cross-border solidarity between workers, and world minimum standards on labor and environmental conditions.

- Dec. 21, 2001: I made a few changes; as an eyewitness to Genoa, I updated a few paragraphs and links for accuracy. I also included a few links and sentences on human migration politics, which represent an emerging aspect of the antiglobalization movement.

-- Right now this article has two problems: 1. coherent answers to each and every one of the points raised in globalization, which may be best left in that article and NOT added here. 2. too much stuff on tactics, too long an example, and incorporating material specific to street protest as opposed to ideologies and strategies. There is much more to this movement than just street protest, and that phase of things seems to have largely passed anyway. At the very least there must be separate articles on N30, Genoa, Quebec, etc., etc... both the issues raised at the official event, and the answers from the street.

As it stands, the article has grown a lot of tumors...

___________________________________________________________--- Feb. 3 2003. Hear, hear! I'm still too much of a newbie to be brave enough to divide this into several sub-articles, but I think you're right. How about an article on the history of the movement in general, a sub-article on the institutions and processes it opposes, a sub-article on the groups represented within the movement, a sub-article on ideologies, a sub-article on strategies, with references to the day-to-day process of antiglobalization (such as alternative economic practices, direct democracy, and alternative community and social structures), and a sub-article on street protest and tactics? The sub-article on street protest and tactics could have its own sub-article on Quebec City, Genoa, etc...

Since when is George Soros a "leading economic theorist"? He is an investor and currency speculator, no? -- Viajero 11:31 30 Jun 2003 (UTC)

I propose, as a start, breaking the article into two parts: Does anyone object? -- Viajero 11:41 30 Jun 2003 (UTC)
 * Anti-globalization movement
 * Anti-globalization protests

 * I think splitting the relevant material into a separate article on anti-globalization protests would be an excellent step. I find Globalisation a challenging subject, and I've clarified a lot of my own thinking just by reading what is here already. Valuable stuff, not perfect but still refreshingly different to the ultra-polarised propaganda you hear and read elsewhere. Inherently tricky regarding both clarity and NPOV issues, and a probable target for trolls, but worth it IMO. Hang in there! Andrewa 21:53 10 Jul 2003 (UTC)

Most successful?
From the first paragraph in the article, is it fair to say that the anti-globalization_movement is the most successful globalization movement? -- Wshun

 * Interesting observation! Not sure exactly which first paragraph you mean, as your comment is undated. Andrewa 21:35 10 Jul 2003 (UTC)

 * I disagree. The conventional "globalization" is wildly successful in terms of actual concrete achievements. Many of the countries in both the South and North have realigned their economies to accomodate it, which is far more than can be said for the "anti-globalization" movement, whose influence is limited to a small crowd of young neohippie protestors who, as far as I can tell, seem to be losing at every step. Graft 00:25 11 Jul 2003 (UTC)

 * If you'd been in Quebec City during the time of the demonstration, you'd know that an overwhelming number of the protesters weren't "young neohippie" types but were fairly "normal" folks with jobs, kids, etc. The mass media consistently misrepresents the numbers and the "types" of people who show up at these events.

 * Yes, and they keep doing it. After the recent events in Montreal, where hundreds of people were arrested in a park simply for being in an area that the authorities considered "off limits", four were also arrested for breaking som windows - this was reported in the press as "violent protest, with hundreds arrested".  They knew damn well what the facts were:  no violence, minor property damage, almost everyone arrested for some curfew-type violation.

The references to protests against the war on Iraq, whatever one's opinion on the matter, are not relevant here and should be removed. ☮ Eclecticology 16:51, 29 Jul 2003 (UTC)

 * Absolutely not. It was the same groups, the same leaders, the same people, the same technologies and organizing tactics - although not the same street tactics.  Also it segues nicely into second superpower which is the successor article.

 * Also, it seems unreasonable to split "protest" and "movement" as the movement's only coherence *is* the protests. Also they all seem to share the idea of "Active Creation of Truth" and so would themselves reject splitting these questions of action and intent.


text:
Book of Moroni

The Book of Moroni is the last of the books that make up the Book of Mormon. According to the text it was written by the prophet Moroni sometime between 400 and 421 CE. Moroni consists of ten chapters.

Narrative
Moroni's people had been destroyed by the Lamanites down to the very last person. They were hunting Moroni so they could make the genocide complete. But when he was not fleeing for his life, he took the time to write a few things that might be edifying to those same Lamanites.

The first thing he wrote down was the procedure that Jesus used to make apostles, priests, and teachers. Then he described the procedure for administering the ordinances of the Last Supper and baptism. If a member of the church committed sin, and three witnesses condemned them before the church elders and they still did not repent, then their names were blotted out of the church rolls.

Moroni chapter 8 is an epistle from Mormon to his son Moroni written soon after his son was elevated to the ministry, and it focuses almost solely on the doctrine of baptism. Specifically, it calls infant baptism extreme error.

Mormon says that Jesus came to call sinners to repentance, but children are not capable of committing sin. Mormon denies the dogma of original sin.

In Moroni chapter 9, his father Mormon reports that he is still alive, but the Lamanites were victorious in battle, and a number of leading Nephites have been slain. Mormon fears that the Lamanites will utterly destroy his people. Nevertheless, he is still preaching the Word of God to them, but when he uses harsh words they get angry, and when he uses soft words they harden their hearts against it.

The Lamanites took many prisoners in the battle. They slew all the men. They fed to the women the flesh of their husbands and they fed the children the flesh of their fathers, and gave them almost no water.

Still, these atrocities pale in comparison to those of the Nephites in Mariantum, who availed themselves of the daughters of the Lamanites, tortured them to death, and ate their flesh. Mormon asks his son, rhetorically, how God could be expected to withhold judgment from such a people. He especially grieves for the widows and their daughters in Sherrizah, who are starving because both armies have carried away most of the food. And Mormon can do nothing for them, because the army of the Lamanites is between him and that city.

In 421 CE, Moroni wrote a few more things before adding his plates to the ones his father sealed up in the hill Cumorah. He asks anyone who reads these records in the latter days to ponder them in his heart and ask God in prayer, in the name of Jesus Christ, if the things are true. And if they ask with a sincere heart, the truth of them will be made manifest through the power of the Holy Spirit.

Analysis
Chapter 1 is a short introduction. Chapters 2–6 contain some direction as to how the church was organized. The ordinances of baptism, the Gift of the Holy Ghost, and the sacrament are detailed. Also, some general instruction on the laws in the church are given.

Chapter 7 is a sermon that Mormon gave to the Nephites. This sermon focuses on the essence of good and evil.

Mormon finishes by talking about miracles, faith, hope, and charity.

Chapters 8 and 9 contain two epistles to Moroni from his father, Mormon. The first talks about the beginnings of apostasy among the Nephites, focusing particularly on the practice of infant baptism. The second details the awful state of the Nephites and foreshadows their destruction.

Chapter 10 contains Moroni's Promise and some advice for people in the present day. He writes about spiritual gifts, faith, hope and charity. Moroni declares that his words are the words of one "speaking out of the dust" which alludes to a prophecy of Isaiah (see Isaiah 29:4).

title: Book of Moroni


text:
St Joseph's College, Hong Kong

St. Joseph's College also referred to by its acronym SJC is an elite Catholic all-boys secondary education institution run by the Institute of the Brothers of the Christian Schools in Central Mid-Levels district, Hong Kong. It was established by the French De La Salle Christian Brothers on 7 November 1875. It is the oldest Catholic boys' secondary school and one of the leading boys' schools in Hong Kong. It typically has about 1,000 students. Subjects are taught in English, except for Chinese-related subjects and French and Japanese language studies.

The sponsoring body of the College is the Institute of the Brothers of the Christian Schools, incorporated in Hong Kong under the St Joseph's College Incorporation Ordinance, Cap. 1048 of the Laws of Hong Kong. The stated mission of the College is "to educate students in areas of intellectual, physical, social, moral and emotional development" and "to impart a human and Christian education...and to do so with faith and zeal".

The north and west blocks of the College are declared monuments of Hong Kong. The extension of the campus at 26 Kennedy Road is also a Grade I historic building.

The school has educated Olympians, local public figures and a Nobel laureate (Professor Charles Kao, Father of fibre optics), and members of Hong Kong's most prominent families.

Founding of the College (1875-1880)
The College was previously a Portuguese commercial school named St Saviour's College, located on Pottinger Street in 1860. Father Timoleon Raimondi, the bishop of the Colony, convinced Rome to send the Lasallian Brothers to the British Colony.

On 7 November 1875, six Lasallian Brothers arrived in Hong Kong: Brothers Hidulphe Marie (Director), Hidulphe de Jesus, and Hebertus from the Boarding school of Marseilles, Brother Adrian Edmund and Aldolphus Marie from the Novitiate of London and Brother Isfrid from Paris. They renamed the school after Saint Joseph, the patron saint of workers and of the Universal Church.

At the time of the takeover, the school had just 75 students. Later that year, however, hundreds of Portuguese families had taken refuge in Hong Kong after a disastrous typhoon had swept over Macau causing the school's enrolment to double after just a few weeks. As a result, Brother Hidulphe had to suspend the intake of Chinese students. To accommodate the increased number of students, Buxley Lodge, a house at 99 Caine Road, was purchased in 1876.

Robinson Road (1881-1917)
In April 1880, Brother Cyprian was appointed director. He had been a teacher in New York and Quebec, had held the directorship of several schools in his native land, Canada, and had taught in London and Paris. In order to cater to the needs of the fast-growing school, a piece of land in Glenealy below Robinson Road was bought, and a two-story Victorian building became home to the College in 1881.

In January 1884, Brother Ivarch Louis took over the directorship and was succeeded in 1889 by Brother Abban. Enrolment had then increased to 409, and two Chinese were employed as staff members by the college; in the same year, a third floor was added to the school building to accommodate boarders. The additional wings were added in 1901.

The Kennedy Road campus (1918- )

On 13 February 1918, the Robinson Road campus was severely damaged by an earthquake. The Club Germania at 7 Kennedy Road was purchased on 3 September. Because pupils living on the Kowloon side had to cross both ways by ferry every day, a branch school was set up on Chatham Road, Kowloon, which became the La Salle College in 1932.

During the Japanese Occupation of Hong Kong from 1941 to 1945, the College was used as a clinical depot by the Imperial Japanese Army. Some Brothers fled to Vietnam and became guests of the Dominicans and the Jesuits, while others were kept as prisoners of war in the local concentration camps. The campus was kept in shape by a minor staffer called Ah Yiu, who also smuggled essentials into the camps for the Brothers.

The College resumed classes after the war. In 1962, Club Germania was demolished and the modern eight-storey New Building was erected under Principal Brother Brenden Dunne.

Campus
The College is near the central business district of Hong Kong. Its architecture is a combination of typical colonial European (British Imperialist) and modern styles. The Charles Kao Block (Old Building, north block), constructed in 1920, houses most of the classrooms. The Chapel Block (west block) houses the Old Hall, music room, laboratories, lecture room and the school chapel. These buildings were built in a Colonial style reflecting European influences. The two blocks are declared monuments of Hong Kong since August 2000.

The modern New Building (south block), which replaced the original Club Germania on the site, houses the New Hall, senior laboratories, a library, computer rooms and a basketball court.

In 2016, the College successfully acquired the former St. Paul's Co-educational Primary School at 26 Kennedy Road, a Grade 1 Historical Building, from the Education Bureau. This block houses F4 and F6 classrooms, and the music hall.

A plan called "Vision 22" was in place to renovate the New Building (south block) in 2021. New student facilities including a student facility hub, a faculty hub, a heritage and appreciation hub, and a learning hub are to be renovated from the current library, staff rooms and previous senior classrooms. In the long term, the New Hall block will be rebuilt, featuring a multipurpose basketball court, a swimming pool and other sports facilities. The triangular playground will have a performance hub built-in, along with a new entrance at St Joseph's Path. A life experience hub will also be built under the atrium, providing short term accommodation for junior students. The project is expected to progress gradually, with the long term plans expected to be complete in more than 20 years time.

Staff
The College is governed by the School Management Committee. Members of the committee include the supervisor, the principal, two vice-principals, a teachers' representative, a Parent-Teacher Association representative, an Old Boys' Association representative and three Lasallian Brothers.

The faculty includes 67 classroom teachers, a careers mistress, a discipline mistress, a counselling mistress, a sports master, a librarian, one Native English Speaking (NET) teacher, and a French teacher. Laboratory technicians, IT technicians and a library assistant are also employed. A part-time social worker is accessible to the students. The current school supervisor is Brother Chan Jeffrey.

Class structure and curriculum
There are 33 classes in the school.

Form 1: 5 classes (A, B, C, D, E)

Form 2: 5 classes (A, B, C, D, E)

Form 3: 5 classes (A, B, C, D, E)

Form 4: 6 classes (A, B, C, D, E, F) (NSS Curriculum)

Form 5: 6 classes (A, B, C, D, E, F) (NSS Curriculum)

Form 6: 6 classes (A, B, C, D, E, F) (NSS Curriculum)

In junior secondary, the school offers languages, arts, humanities, business, technology subjects, as well as religious education and physical education.

In secondary four to six, students can choose three elective subjects from 12 offered, besides the four core subjects. In secondary four, students are required to have aesthetic education as well as religious education in secondary four to five.

As an English medium of instruction school, it adopts English as the teaching medium in most subjects except Chinese, Chinese history and putonghua. Events and activities such as the open day and the Green and White concert are also held in English.

Extra-curricular activities such as music ensembles and uniform groups are mostly held during lunchtime, after school or on Saturdays.

Sports
In 1877, two years after its establishment, the College held the first local inter-school sports competition with St. Paul's College, and in 1880 it established one of the first modern football teams in China.

The first local inter-school athletic meet with Queen's College and Diocesan Boys' School was held in 1899, and in 1903 the first local inter-school football league was formed with the two schools.

Scouting, Red Cross and St. John Ambulance
The College established a Scout troop in 1913, which was the first within the Catholic Church community in Hong Kong. As other Boy Scouts in Hong Kong were connected with the Protestant Boys' Brigade and British Boy Scouts, the St Joseph's College troop registered with The Boy Scouts Association of the United Kingdom as its first Hong Kong Boy Scout Troop, two years before The Boy Scouts Association established a branch in Hong Kong.

On 1 November 1967, an ambulance cadet division of the St. John Ambulance Brigade was established at the College and was the first ambulance cadet division after the first re-organization in the 1950s.

Music
Since 1974, the College has taken part in the champion title in Male Voice Quartet, Folk music, Solos and Duets, the Dorothy Smith Trophy (Boys Junior: Treble Choir), the Music Society Shield (Mixed Voice Choir), the Dr. Karl Hohner Shield (Melodica Band) and the Moutrie Challenge Trophy (Piano Solos: Final) in the Hong Kong Schools Music Festival.

The school has set up different music groups so as to enhance student's interest in music through various performances and joint-school events. The School Orchestra was established in 2000 and has performed in different public events and concerts. In March 2013, the School Orchestra performed with Tonbridge School Orchestra from the UK during its overseas Tour to Hong Kong.

The school has established various music groups such as the Chamber Boys' Choir, Chamber Orchestra, Junior Choir, Senior Choir, Melodica Band, Symphonic Band, String Orchestra and Chinese Drum Band. Each year, the school organises the "Green and White Concert" in early July. The 10th G&W Concert was organised at City Hall in 2012 with various special features.

Information technology
St Joseph's College developed an Apache web server in the 1990s, and launched Green & White Online, one of the first secondary school websites in Hong Kong.

Motto, badge, and rally
The school motto Labore et Virtute (Latin); "勤勞與美德" (Chinese); Labour and Virtue (English) — is meant to summarise the life of Saint Joseph.

The badge of the College displays a shield divided into three divisions. The top division shows the Signum Fidei (a sign of faith) - a five-pointed, radiant star, which is taken from the insignia of the Institute of the Brothers of the Christian Schools. It reminds people of the spirit of faith in the Institute. The right lower division shows three chevrons symbolizing broken bones, reminding students of the bravery and zeal the Saint promoted.

The left lower division shows the book of knowledge on top (with the Alpha and Omega inscribed) and a lamp below; together they symbolise the importance of education, something which Jean-Baptiste de la Salle emphasised. The shield stands with a compartment with supporters each of the French lily, as the Lasallian family originates in Rheims, France. The top features a ribbon with the name of the College, and a crest with a cross and a crown (used to symbolise Hong Kong as a British Crown Colony before 1997). Below the shield are three shells symbolising baptism. The motto of the college is displayed at the bottom of the badge.

The combination of green and white has become the College's official colours over the years. Green represents Ireland's shamrock, while white represents France's fleur-de-lis. The Lasallian Brothers of the College mostly come from Ireland and France. The school rally is based on a traditional Irish song O'Donnell Abú. Brother Marcian James Cullen (1868–1938), an Irish brother and director of St. Joseph's College in 1921, adapted the song and wrote the lyrics for the rally. Brother Marcian James was posted to other Lasallian schools in Malaya and Singapore and brought the same song into use at a few of those schools.

Notable alumni
St Joseph's College has produced eminent men in a number of fields.

Government

 * Manuel Acuña Roxas (羅哈斯), Fifth President of the Philippines
 * Eric Peter Ho (何鴻鑾), Former Secretary for Trade and Industry
 * Donald Liao Poon Huai (廖本懷), Former Secretary for Housing
 * Peter Tsao Kwang Yung (曹廣榮), Former Secretary of Home Affairs
 * Chau Tak Hay (周德熙), Former Secretary for Trade and Industry
 * Paul Tang Kwok Wai (鄧國威), Former Secretary for the Civil Service

Academic and education

 * Charles Kuen Kao (高錕), Nobel Laureate of Physics 2009
 * Dennis Lo Yuk Ming (盧煜明), Director of the Li Ka Shing Institute of Health Sciences, Chinese University of Hong Kong

Medical

 * Jehangir Hormusjee Ruttonjee (律敦治), Founder of Ruttonjee Hospital and the Hong Kong Anti-Tuberculosis Association
 * Dhun Jehangir Ruttonjee (律敦治), Former Chairman of Hong Kong Anti-Tuberculosis and Thoracic Diseases Association
 * Albert M Rodrigues (羅理基), Founding President of The Federation of Medical Societies of Hong Kong
 * Woo Pak Foo (胡百富), Former Medical Practitioner and Member of the Urban Couvncil of Hong Kong
 * Leong Che Hung (梁智鴻), Former Chairman of the Hospital Authority of Hong Kong

Legal

 * Leo d'Almada e Castro (廖亞孖打), Former President of the Hong Kong Bar Association
 * Woo Po-Shing (胡寶星), Founder of Woo Kwan Lee & Lo
 * Woo Pak-chuen (胡百全), Former President of the Law Society of Hong Kong
 * John Joseph Swaine (施偉賢), Former President of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, Former Chairman of the Hong Kong Jockey Club
 * Peter Nguyen Van-tu (阮雲道), Judge of the Court of First Instance of the High Court
 * Peter Cheung Chak Yau (張澤祐), Justice of Appeal of the Court of Appeal of the High Court
 * David Leung Cheuk-yin (梁卓然), Former Director of Public Prosecutions

Business

 * José Pedro Braga (布力架), Former Chairman of China Light and Power Company
 * Lee Quo Wei (利國偉), Former Chairman of Hang Seng Bank Ltd and The Stock Exchange of Hong Kong Limited
 * Simon Lee Kwok Yin (李國賢), Former Chairman of the Sun Hing Group of Companies
 * David Li Kwok Po (李國寶), Chairman & Chief Executive of The Bank of East Asia, Limited
 * Ronald Arculli (夏佳理), Former Chairman of The Hong Kong Jockey Club
 * Abraham Razack (石禮謙), Member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong (primary school)
 * Vincent Lo Hong Shui (羅康瑞), Founder and Chairman of Shui On Group
 * Jeffrey Lam Kin Fung (林健鋒), Member of the Executive Council and Legislative Council of Hong Kong
 * Dickson Poon (潘迪生), Chairman of Dickson Concepts (International) Limited
 * Martin Lee Ka-shing (李家誠), Vice Chairman and Managing Director of Henderson Land Development and Henderson Investment Limited

Other professional industries

 * Li Fook Shu (李福樹), Co-founder of the Hong Kong Society of Accountants
 * Li Fook-Wo (李福和), Former Chief Manager of Bank of East Asia
 * Luke Him Sau (陸謙受), Founder of the Hong Kong Institute of Architects
 * Edward Ho Sing Tin (何承天), Group Chairman of the Wong Tung Group of Companies
 * Dennis Lau Wing Kwong (劉榮廣), Chairman of the Association of Architectural Practices

Sports

 * Peter Wong (黃興桂), Former coach of HK First Division football teams including Eastern A.A. Football Team, South China and Tsuen Wan
 * Leslie Santos (山度士), Former Hong Kong National Football Team member

Performing arts

 * Joe Junior (羅利期), Actor
 * Jan Lamb (林海峰), DJ of Commercial Radio Hong Kong
 * Alex Fong Lik Sun (方力申), Singer, actor and TV game show host
 * Wilfred Lau Ho-lung (劉浩龍), Actor and Singer
 * Andy Leung (梁釗峰), Singer
 * Alfred Hui Ting Hang (許廷鏗), Dentist and Cantopop singer
 * Terence Lam (林家謙), Singer

title: St Joseph's College, Hong Kong


text:
Jarom

In the Book of Mormon, Jarom is a Nephite prophet, the son of the prophet Enos. Jarom narrates the Book of Jarom, which comprises 15 verses in the Book of Mormon.

Writings
Jarom relates that he received "revelations" and prophesied, and that there were many wars between the two Book of Mormon peoples the Nephites and the Lamanites. Before his death, record keeping was handed over to his son Omni.

title: Jarom


text:
Moral reasoning

Moral reasoning is the study of how people think about right and wrong and how they acquire and apply moral rules. It is a subdiscipline of moral psychology that overlaps with moral philosophy, and is the foundation of descriptive ethics.

Description
Starting from a young age, people can make moral decisions about what is right and wrong. Moral reasoning, however, is a part of morality that occurs both within and between individuals. Prominent contributors to this theory include Lawrence Kohlberg and Elliot Turiel. The term is sometimes used in a different sense: reasoning under conditions of uncertainty, such as those commonly obtained in a court of law. It is this sense that gave rise to the phrase, "To a moral certainty;" however, this idea is now seldom used outside of charges to juries.

Moral reasoning is an important and often daily process that people use when trying to do the right thing. For instance, every day people are faced with the dilemma of whether to lie in a given situation or not. People make this decision by reasoning the morality of their potential actions, and through weighing their actions against potential consequences.

A moral choice can be a personal, economic, or ethical one; as described by some ethical code, or regulated by ethical relationships with others. This branch of psychology is concerned with how these issues are perceived by ordinary people, and so is the foundation of descriptive ethics. There are many different forms of moral reasoning which often are dictated by culture. Cultural differences in the high-levels of cognitive function associated with moral reasoning can be observed through the association of brain networks from various cultures and their moral decision making. These cultural differences demonstrate the neural basis that cultural influences can have on an individual's moral reasoning and decision making.

Distinctions between theories of moral reasoning can be accounted for by evaluating inferences (which tend to be either deductive or inductive) based on a given set of premises. Deductive inference reaches a conclusion that is true based on whether a given set of premises preceding the conclusion are also true, whereas, inductive inference goes beyond information given in a set of premises to base the conclusion on provoked reflection.

In philosophy
Philosopher David Hume claims that morality is based more on perceptions than on logical reasoning. This means that people's morality is based more on their emotions and feelings than on a logical analysis of any given situation. Hume regards morals as linked to passion, love, happiness, and other emotions and therefore not based on reason. Jonathan Haidt agrees, arguing in his social intuitionist model that reasoning concerning a moral situation or idea follows an initial intuition. Haidt's fundamental stance on moral reasoning is that "moral intuitions (including moral emotions) come first and directly cause moral judgments"; he characterizes moral intuition as "the sudden appearance in consciousness of a moral judgment, including an affective valence (good-bad, like-dislike), without any conscious awareness of having gone through steps of searching, weighing evidence, or inferring a conclusion".

Immanuel Kant had a radically different view of morality. In his view, there are universal laws of morality that one should never break regardless of emotions. He proposes a four-step system to determine whether or not a given action was moral based on logic and reason. The first step of this method involves formulating "a maxim capturing your reason for an action". In the second step, one "frame[s] it as a universal principle for all rational agents". The third step is assessing "whether a world based on this universal principle is conceivable". If it is, then the fourth step is asking oneself "whether [one] would will the maxim to be a principle in this world". In essence, an action is moral if the maxim by which it is justified is one which could be universalized. For instance, when deciding whether or not to lie to someone for one's own advantage, one is meant to imagine what the world would be like if everyone always lied, and successfully so. In such a world, there would be no purpose in lying, for everybody would expect deceit, rendering the universal maxim of lying whenever it is to your advantage absurd. Thus, Kant argues that one should not lie under any circumstance. Another example would be if trying to decide whether suicide is moral or immoral; imagine if everyone committed suicide. Since mass international suicide would not be a good thing, the act of suicide is immoral. Kant's moral framework, however, operates under the overarching maxim that you should treat each person as an end in themselves, not as a means to an end. This overarching maxim must be considered when applying the four aforementioned steps.

Reasoning based on analogy is one form of moral reasoning. When using this form of moral reasoning the morality of one situation can be applied to another based on whether this situation is relevantly similar: similar enough that the same moral reasoning applies. A similar type of reasoning is used in common law when arguing based upon legal precedent.

In consequentialism (often distinguished from deontology) actions are based as right on wrong based upon the consequences of action as opposed to a property intrinsic to the action itself.

In developmental psychology
Moral reasoning first attracted a broad attention from developmental psychologists in the mid-to-late 20th century. Their main theorization involved elucidating the stages of development of moral reasoning capacity.

Jean Piaget
Jean Piaget developed two phases of moral development, one common among children and the other common among adults. The first is known as the Heteronomous Phase. This phase, more common among children, is characterized by the idea that rules come from authority figures in one's life such as parents, teachers, and God. It also involves the idea that rules are permanent no matter what. Thirdly, this phase of moral development includes the belief that "naughty" behavior must always be punished and that the punishment will be proportional.

The second phase in Piaget's theory of moral development is referred to as the Autonomous Phase. This phase is more common after one has matured and is no longer a child. In this phase people begin to view the intentions behind actions as more important than their consequences. For instance, if a person who is driving swerves in order to not hit a dog and then knocks over a road sign, adults are likely to be less angry at the person than if he or she had done it on purpose just for fun. Even though the outcome is the same, people are more forgiving because of the good intention of saving the dog. This phase also includes the idea that people have different morals and that morality is not necessarily universal. People in the Autonomous Phase also believe rules may be broken under certain circumstances. For instance, Rosa Parks broke the law by refusing to give up her seat on a bus, which was against the law but something many people consider moral nonetheless. In this phase people also stop believing in the idea of immanent justice.

Lawrence Kohlberg
Inspired by Piaget, Lawrence Kohlberg made significant contributions to the field of moral reasoning by creating a theory of moral development. His theory is a "widely accepted theory that provides the basis for empirical evidence on the influence of human decision making on ethical behavior." In Lawrence Kohlberg's view, moral development consists of the growth of less egocentric and more impartial modes of reasoning on more complicated matters. He believed that the objective of moral education is the reinforcement of children to grow from one stage to an upper stage. Dilemma was a critical tool that he emphasized that children should be presented with; yet also, the knowledge for children to cooperate. According to his theory, people pass through three main stages of moral development as they grow from early childhood to adulthood. These are pre-conventional morality, conventional morality, and post-conventional morality. Each of these is subdivided into two levels.

The stages that are presented by Lawrence Kohlberg can be varied into three which are pre-conventional, conventional, and post-conventional where each contains two stages varying in ages. The first stage in the pre-conventional level is obedience and punishment. In this stage people, usually young children where they age from 5 to 7 years old, avoid certain behaviors only because of the fear of punishment, not because they see them as wrong. They believe that the rules are mandatory, and they like avoiding harms. The second stage in the pre-conventional level is called individualism and exchange: in this stage people make moral decisions based on what best serves their needs. It happens usually during ages of 8 to 10 years old where they have some understandings that some rules are arbitrary but not consistent.

The third stage is part of the conventional morality level and is called interpersonal relationships. This stage ages from 10 to 12 years old where they concern about living up to expectations and reciprocity. For example, their actings are mostly motivated by their parent's praises or reactions. In this stage one tries to conform to what is considered moral by the society that they live in, attempting to be seen by peers as a good person. The fourth stage is also in the conventional morality level and is called maintaining social order. Kids around this stage age between 12 and 14 where they believe conventions are arbitrary social expectations. Also, they believe moral decisions are based on fairness not rules. This stage focuses on a view of society as a whole and following the laws and rules of that society.

The fifth stage is a part of the post-conventional level and is called social contract and individual rights. People in this age vary from 17 to 20 which not much people are in it. They believe morality is relative to systems of laws, and they don't think any system is necessarily superior. In this stage people begin to consider differing ideas about morality in other people and feel that rules and laws should be agreed on by the members of a society. The sixth and final stage of moral development, the second in the post-conventional level, is called universal principles. They usually age between 21 or older where they think what is moral are values and rights that exist prior to social attachment and contracts. At this stage people begin to develop their ideas of universal moral principles and will consider them the right thing to do regardless of what the laws of a society are.

James Rest
In 1983, James Rest developed the four component Model of Morality, which addresses the ways that moral motivation and behavior occurs. The first of these is moral sensitivity, which is "the ability to see an ethical dilemma, including how our actions will affect others". The second is moral judgment, which is "the ability to reason correctly about what 'ought' to be done in a specific situation". The third is moral motivation, which is "a personal commitment to moral action, accepting responsibility for the outcome". The fourth and final component of moral behavior is moral character, which is a "courageous persistence in spite of fatigue or temptations to take the easy way out".

In social cognition
Based on empirical results from behavioral and neuroscientific studies, social and cognitive psychologists attempted to develop a more accurate descriptive (rather than normative) theory of moral reasoning. That is, the emphasis of research was on how real-world individuals made moral judgments, inferences, decisions, and actions, rather than what should be considered as moral.

Dual-process theory and social intuitionism
Developmental theories of moral reasoning were critiqued as prioritizing on the maturation of cognitive aspect of moral reasoning. From Kohlberg's perspective, one is considered as more advanced in moral reasoning as she is more efficient in using deductive reasoning and abstract moral principles to make moral judgments about particular instances. For instance, an advanced reasoner may reason syllogistically with the Kantian principle of 'treat individuals as ends and never merely as means' and a situation where kidnappers are demanding a ransom for a hostage, to conclude that the kidnappers have violated a moral principle and should be condemned. In this process, reasoners are assumed to be rational and have conscious control over how they arrive at judgments and decisions.

In contrast with such view, however, Joshua Greene and colleagues argued that laypeople's moral judgments are significantly influenced, if not shaped, by intuition and emotion as opposed to rational application of rules. In their fMRI studies in the early 2000s, participants were shown three types of decision scenarios: one type included moral dilemmas that elicited emotional reaction (moral-personal condition), the second type included moral dilemmas that did not elicit emotional reaction (moral-impersonal condition), and the third type had no moral content (non-moral condition). Brain regions such as posterior cingulate gyrus and angular gyrus, whose activation is known to correlate with experience of emotion, showed activations in moral-personal condition but not in moral-impersonal condition. Meanwhile, regions known to correlate with working memory, including right middle frontal gyrus and bilateral parietal lobe, were less active in moral-personal condition than in moral-impersonal condition. Moreover, participants' neural activity in response to moral-impersonal scenarios was similar to their activity in response to non-moral decision scenarios.

Another study used variants of trolley problem that differed in the 'personal/impersonal' dimension and surveyed people's permissibility judgment (Scenarios 1 and 2). Across scenarios, participants were presented with the option of sacrificing a person to save five people. However, depending on the scenario, the sacrifice involved pushing a person off a footbridge to block the trolley (footbridge dilemma condition; personal) or simply throwing a switch to redirect the trolley (trolley dilemma condition; impersonal). The proportions of participants who judged the sacrifice as permissible differed drastically: 11% (footbridge dilemma) vs. 89% (trolley dilemma). This difference was attributed to the emotional reaction evoked from having to apply personal force on the victim, rather than simply throwing a switch without physical contact with the victim. Focusing on participants who judged the sacrifice in trolley dilemma as permissible but the sacrifice in footbridge dilemma as impermissible, the majority of them failed to provide a plausible justification for their differing judgments. Several philosophers have written critical responses on this matter to Joshua Greene and colleagues.

Based on these results, social psychologists proposed the dual process theory of morality. They suggested that our emotional intuition and deliberate reasoning are not only qualitatively distinctive, but they also compete in making moral judgments and decisions. When making an emotionally-salient moral judgment, automatic, unconscious, and immediate response is produced by our intuition first. More careful, deliberate, and formal reasoning then follows to produce a response that is either consistent or inconsistent with the earlier response produced by intuition, in parallel with more general form of dual process theory of thinking. But in contrast with the previous rational view on moral reasoning, the dominance of the emotional process over the rational process was proposed. Haidt highlighted the aspect of morality not directly accessible by our conscious search in memory, weighing of evidence, or inference. He describes moral judgment as akin to aesthetic judgment, where an instant approval or disapproval of an event or object is produced upon perception. Hence, once produced, the immediate intuitive response toward a situation or person cannot easily be overridden by the rational consideration that follows. The theory explained that in many cases, people resolve inconsistency between the intuitive and rational processes by using the latter for post-hoc justification of the former. Haidt, using the metaphor "the emotional dog and its rational tail", applied such nature of our reasoning to the contexts ranging from person perception to politics.

A notable illustration of the influence of intuition involved feeling of disgust. According to Haidt's moral foundations theory, political liberals rely on two dimensions (harm/care and fairness/reciprocity) of evaluation to make moral judgments, but conservatives utilize three additional dimensions (ingroup/loyalty, authority/respect, and purity/sanctity). Among these, studies have revealed the link between moral evaluations based on purity/sanctity dimension and reasoner's experience of disgust. That is, people with higher sensitivity to disgust were more likely to be conservative toward political issues such as gay marriage and abortion. Moreover, when the researchers reminded participants of keeping the lab clean and washing their hands with antiseptics (thereby priming the purity/sanctity dimension), participants' attitudes were more conservative than in the control condition. In turn, Helzer and Pizarro's findings have been rebutted by two failed attempts of replications.

Other studies raised criticism toward Haidt's interpretation of his data. Augusto Blasi also rebuts the theories of Jonathan Haidt on moral intuition and reasoning. He agrees with Haidt that moral intuition plays a significant role in the way humans operate. However, Blasi suggests that people use moral reasoning more than Haidt and other cognitive scientists claim. Blasi advocates moral reasoning and reflection as the foundation of moral functioning. Reasoning and reflection play a key role in the growth of an individual and the progress of societies.

Alternatives to these dual-process/intuitionist models have been proposed, with several theorists proposing that moral judgment and moral reasoning involves domain general cognitive processes, e.g., mental models, social learning  or categorization processes.

Motivated reasoning
A theorization of moral reasoning similar to dual-process theory was put forward with emphasis on our motivations to arrive at certain conclusions. Ditto and colleagues likened moral reasoners in everyday situations to lay attorneys than lay judges; people do not reason in the direction from assessment of individual evidence to moral conclusion (bottom-up), but from a preferred moral conclusion to assessment of evidence (top-down). The former resembles the thought process of a judge who is motivated to be accurate, unbiased, and impartial in her decisions; the latter resembles that of an attorney whose goal is to win a dispute using partial and selective arguments.

Kunda proposed motivated reasoning as a general framework for understanding human reasoning. She emphasized the broad influence of physiological arousal, affect, and preference (which constitute the essence of motivation and cherished beliefs) on our general cognitive processes including memory search and belief construction. Importantly, biases in memory search, hypothesis formation and evaluation result in confirmation bias, making it difficult for reasoners to critically assess their beliefs and conclusions. It is reasonable to state that individuals and groups will manipulate and confuse reasoning for belief depending on the lack of self control to allow for their confirmation bias to be the driving force of their reasoning. This tactic is used by media, government, extremist groups, cults, etc. Those with a hold on information may dull out certain variables that propagate their agenda and then leave out specific context to push an opinion into the form of something reasonable to control individual, groups, and entire populations. This allows the use of alternative specific context with fringe content to further veer from any form of dependability in their reasoning. Leaving a fictional narrative in the place of real evidence for a logical outlook to form a proper, honest, and logical assessment.

Applied to moral domain, our strong motivation to favor people we like leads us to recollect beliefs and interpret facts in ways that favor them. In Alicke (1992, Study 1), participants made responsibility judgments about an agent who drove over the speed limit and caused an accident. When the motive for speeding was described as moral (to hide a gift for his parents' anniversary), participants assigned less responsibility to the agent than when the motive was immoral (to hide a vial of cocaine). Even though the causal attribution of the accident may technically fall under the domain of objective, factual understanding of the event, it was nevertheless significantly affected by the perceived intention of the agent (which was presumed to have determined the participants' motivation to praise or blame him).

Another paper by Simon, Stenstrom, and Read (2015, Studies 3 and 4) used a more comprehensive paradigm that measures various aspects of participants' interpretation of a moral event, including factual inferences, emotional attitude toward agents, and motivations toward the outcome of decision. Participants read about a case involving a purported academic misconduct and were asked to role-play as a judicial officer who must provide a verdict. A student named Debbie had been accused of cheating in an exam, but the overall situation of the incident was kept ambiguous to allow participants to reason in a desired direction. Then, the researchers attempted to manipulate participants' motivation to support either the university (conclude that she cheated) or Debbie (she did not cheat) in the case. In one condition, the scenario stressed that through previous incidents of cheating, the efforts of honest students have not been honored and the reputation of the university suffered (Study 4, Pro-University condition); in another condition, the scenario stated that Debbie's brother died from a tragic accident a few months ago, eliciting participants' motivation to support and sympathize with Debbie (Study 3, Pro-Debbie condition). Behavioral and computer simulation results showed an overall shift in reasoning—factual inference, emotional attitude, and moral decision—depending on the manipulated motivation. That is, when the motivation to favor the university/Debbie was elicited, participants' holistic understanding and interpretation of the incident shifted in the way that favored the university/Debbie. In these reasoning processes, situational ambiguity was shown to be critical for reasoners to arrive at their preferred conclusion.

From a broader perspective, Holyoak and Powell interpreted motivated reasoning in the moral domain as a special pattern of reasoning predicted by coherence-based reasoning framework. This general framework of cognition, initially theorized by the philosopher Paul Thagard, argues that many complex, higher-order cognitive functions are made possible by computing the coherence (or satisfying the constraints) between psychological representations such as concepts, beliefs, and emotions. Coherence-based reasoning framework draws symmetrical links between consistent (things that co-occur) and inconsistent (things that do not co-occur) psychological representations and use them as constraints, thereby providing a natural way to represent conflicts between irreconcilable motivations, observations, behaviors, beliefs, and attitudes, as well as moral obligations. Importantly, Thagard's framework was highly comprehensive in that it provided a computational basis for modeling reasoning processes using moral and non-moral facts and beliefs as well as variables related to both 'hot' and 'cold' cognitions.

Causality and intentionality
Classical theories of social perception had been offered by psychologists including Fritz Heider (model of intentional action) and Harold Kelley (attribution theory). These theories highlighted how laypeople understand another person's action based on their causal knowledge of internal (intention and ability of actor) and external (environment) factors surrounding that action. That is, people assume a causal relationship between an actor's disposition or mental states (personality, intention, desire, belief, ability; internal cause), environment (external cause), and the resulting action (effect). In later studies, psychologists discovered that moral judgment toward an action or actor is critically linked with these causal understanding and knowledge about the mental state of the actor.

Bertram Malle and Joshua Knobe conducted survey studies to investigate laypeople's understanding and use (the folk concept) of the word 'intentionality' and its relation to action. His data suggested that people think of intentionality of an action in terms of several psychological constituents: desire for outcome, belief about the expected outcome, intention to act (combination of desire and belief), skill to bring about the outcome, and awareness of action while performing that action. Consistent with this view as well as with our moral intuitions, studies found significant effects of the agent's intention, desire, and beliefs on various types of moral judgments, Using factorial designs to manipulate the content in the scenarios, Cushman showed that the agent's belief and desire regarding a harmful action significantly influenced judgments of wrongness, permissibility, punishment, and blame. However, whether the action actually brought about negative consequence or not only affected blame and punishment judgments, but not wrongness and permissibility judgments. Another study also provided neuroscientific evidence for the interplay between theory of mind and moral judgment.

Through another set of studies, Knobe showed a significant effect in the opposite direction: Intentionality judgments are significantly affected by the reasoner's moral evaluation of the actor and action. In one of his scenarios, a CEO of a corporation hears about a new programme designed to increase profit. However, the program is also expected to benefit or harm the environment as a side effect, to which he responds by saying 'I don't care'. The side effect was judged as intentional by the majority of participants in the harm condition, but the response pattern was reversed in the benefit condition.

Many studies on moral reasoning have used fictitious scenarios involving anonymous strangers (e.g., trolley problem) so that external factors irrelevant to researcher's hypothesis can be ruled out. However, criticisms have been raised about the external validity of the experiments in which the reasoners (participants) and the agent (target of judgment) are not associated in any way. As opposed to the previous emphasis on evaluation of acts, Pizarro and Tannenbaum stressed our inherent motivation to evaluate the moral characters of agents (e.g., whether an actor is good or bad), citing the Aristotelian virtue ethics. According to their view, learning the moral character of agents around us must have been a primary concern for primates and humans beginning from their early stages of evolution, because the ability to decide whom to cooperate with in a group was crucial to survival. Furthermore, observed acts are no longer interpreted separately from the context, as reasoners are now viewed as simultaneously engaging in two tasks: evaluation (inference) of moral character of agent and evaluation of her moral act. The person-centered approach to moral judgment seems to be consistent with results from some of the previous studies that involved implicit character judgment. For instance, in Alicke's (1992) study, participants may have immediately judged the moral character of the driver who sped home to hide cocaine as negative, and such inference led the participants to assess the causality surrounding the incident in a nuanced way (e.g., a person as immoral as him could have been speeding as well).

In order to account for laypeople's understanding and use of causal relations between psychological variables, Sloman, Fernbach, and Ewing proposed a causal model of intentionality judgment based on Bayesian network. Their model formally postulates that character of agent is a cause for the agent's desire for outcome and belief that action will result in consequence, desire and belief are causes for intention toward action, and the agent's action is caused by both that intention and the skill to produce consequence. Combining computational modeling with the ideas from theory of mind research, this model can provide predictions for inferences in bottom-up direction (from action to intentionality, desire, and character) as well as in top-down direction (from character, desire, and intentionality to action).

Gender difference
At one time psychologists believed that men and women have different moral values and reasoning. This was based on the idea that men and women often think differently and would react to moral dilemmas in different ways. Some researchers hypothesized that women would favor care reasoning, meaning that they would consider issues of need and sacrifice, while men would be more inclined to favor fairness and rights, which is known as justice reasoning. However, some also knew that men and women simply face different moral dilemmas on a day-to-day basis and that might be the reason for the perceived difference in their moral reasoning. With these two ideas in mind, researchers decided to do their experiments based on moral dilemmas that both men and women face regularly. To reduce situational differences and discern how both genders use reason in their moral judgments, they therefore ran the tests on parenting situations, since both genders can be involved in child rearing. The research showed that women and men use the same form of moral reasoning as one another and the only difference is the moral dilemmas they find themselves in on a day-to-day basis. When it came to moral decisions both men and women would be faced with, they often chose the same solution as being the moral choice. At least this research shows that a division in terms of morality does not actually exist, and that reasoning between genders is the same in moral decisions.

title: Moral reasoning


text:
Mosiah

Mosiah may refer to:

 * King Mosiah I, in Mormon literature, king of a tribe of Nephites before 130 BC
 * King Mosiah II, in Mormon literature, king of the Nephite nation from about 124 BC to 91 BC
 * Book of Mosiah, a book of Book of Mormon, named after King Mosiah II
 * Mosiah priority, a theory about the creation of the Book of Mormon
 * Sons of Mosiah, the collective name used in the Book of Mormon for the four sons of King Mosiah

title: Mosiah