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Torsion bar suspension

A torsion bar suspension, also known as a torsion spring suspension, is any vehicle suspension that uses a torsion bar as its main weight-bearing spring. One end of a long metal bar is attached firmly to the vehicle chassis; the opposite end terminates in a lever, the torsion key, mounted perpendicular to the bar, that is attached to a suspension arm, a spindle, or the axle. Vertical motion of the wheel causes the bar to twist around its axis and is resisted by the bar's torsion resistance. The effective spring rate of the bar is determined by its length, cross section, shape, material, and manufacturing process.

Usage
Torsion bar suspensions are used on combat vehicles and tanks like the T-72, Leopard 1, Leopard 2, M26 Pershing, M18 Hellcat, M48 Patton, M60 Patton and the M1 Abrams (many tanks from World War II used this suspension), and on modern trucks and SUVs from Ford, Chrysler, GM, Mitsubishi, Mazda, Nissan, Isuzu, LuAZ, and Toyota. Class 8 truck manufacturer Kenworth also offered a torsion bar suspension for its K100C and W900A models, up to about 1981.

Manufacturers change the torsion bar or key to adjust the ride height, usually to compensate for engine weight.

Advantages and disadvantages
The main advantages of a torsion bar suspension are soft ride due to elasticity of the bar, durability, easy adjustability of ride height, and small profile along the width of the vehicle. It takes up less of the vehicle's interior volume than coil springs.

Torsion bars reached the height of their popularity on mass-production road cars in the middle of the 20th century at the same time that unitary construction was being adopted. At a time when the mechanics of stress and metal fatigue in unitary body frames was poorly understood, torsion bars were very attractive to vehicle designers as the bars could be mounted to reinforced parts of the central structure, typically the bulkhead. Using MacPherson struts to achieve independent front suspension with coil springs meant providing strong turrets in the frontal structure of the car.

A disadvantage is that torsion bars, unlike coil springs, usually cannot provide a progressive spring rate. In most torsion bar systems, ride height (and therefore many handling features) may be changed by simply adjusting bolts that connect the torsion bars to the frame cross member. In most cars with this type of suspension, swapping torsion bars for a different spring rate is usually an easy task. Longitudinal torsion bars extend under the passenger compartment, cutting into interior space by raising the floor, while in transverse systems, torsion bar length is limited by vehicle width.

Leveling
Some vehicles use torsion bars to provide automatic leveling, using a motor to pre-stress the bars to provide greater resistance to load and, in some cases (depending on the speed with which the motors can act), to respond to changes in road conditions. Height adjustable suspension has been used to implement a wheel-change mode where the vehicle is raised on three wheels so that the remaining wheel is lifted off the ground without the aid of a jack. This example is of a vehicle that uses oleopneumatic suspension where a high pressure pump primes a pressure reservoir that feeds terminating spheres with hydraulic oil (LHM) to achieve suspension. The ride height is maintained by cross-linking front and rear suspension spheres using hydraulic connecting pipes. (The two previous sentences refer to two different oleo-pneumatic suspension systems and are best ignored in the context of torsion bars. The principle of wheel change by suspension height adjustments has already been explained earlier in the paragraph).

History
The first vehicle to use torsion bars was Leyland Eight designed by J. G. Parry-Thomas and produced from 1920 to 1923, however its rear suspension, patented in 1919, was retrospectively named "torsion bar assisted" by Leyland in a 1966 publication because the bars only complemented the leaf springs. Less than two dozen cars (including racing variants) were produced, and the suspension was only ever used again on Marlborough-Thomas racing cars few years later.

In 1923 Parry-Thomas patented an updated design featuring a true torsion bar design with no leaf springs, however the inventor's death in a car crash in 1927 prevented its further development. Therefore the invention is often credited to the Porsche GmbH, which patented it in 1931 and later used in a lot of designs.

The front wheel drive Citroën Traction Avant from 1934 was the first to implement the idea in a serially produced car, featuring independent front torsion bar suspension and a flexible trailing dead axle, also sprung by torsion bars. The flexibility of the axle beam provided wheel location features like a twist beam axle. Also in the 1930s, Porsche's prototypes of the first Volkswagen Beetle incorporated torsion bars—especially their transverse mounting style. Czechoslovakian Tatra's 1948 T600 Tatraplan employed rear torsion bar suspension, the only Tatra to do so.

The system first saw military use in the Swedish Stridsvagn L-60 tank of 1934. Its suspension was developed by German engineers, including Porsche employee Karl Rabe who also held patents on torsion bar suspensions personally.

It was used extensively in European cars like Renault, Citroën and Porsche/Volkswagen, by less known producers like Mathis and Röhr in the 1930s, as well as by American Packard in the 1950s. The Packard used torsion bars at both front and rear, and interconnected the front and rear systems to improve ride quality. Morris Minor and Oxford from the late 1940s onwards used a front torsion bar system very similar to the Citroën, as did the Riley RM models. The revolutionary Jaguar E-Type introduced in 1961 had a torsion bar front suspension very similar to the Citroën and Morris Minor, and an independent coil spring rear suspension using four shock absorbers with concentric springs (coilover).

An early application of a torsion bar in an American car was by Hudson Motor Car Company of Detroit who had introduced the innovative front axle flex suspension in 1934 Hudson and Terraplane cars and realized for 1935 that a transverse torsion bar linked to the rear axle was needed as an anti-roll bar to stabilize the cars. The single torsion bar was mounted through the frame sides behind the rear axle and then attached by arms and links to the front side of the spring U-bolt plates. Axle flex was discontinued for the 1936 model year.

Gladeon M. Barnes and Warren E. Preston filed a US patent application for a torsion bar suspension in 1934, which was approved two years later. The original feature of the patent was what is now called tube-over-bar (TOB) design which only saw limited use in the 1960s (for example, on LVTP-7). Even though Barnes was employed by the US Army Ordnance Department, torsion bars were not used in American armor designs until the T70 GMC in 1943, which suspension was derived from Pz. III by GM engineer Robert Schilling.

Post-war the use of torsion bar front suspension was a defining feature of British Morris cars, starting with the Morris Minor of 1948, its larger Morris Oxford MO counterpart and the upmarket Morris Six MS, plus the Wolseley-badged upmarket variants of the latter two models. The designer of these cars, Alec Issigonis, was inspired by the Traction Avant's suspension, although the Morris cars were rear-wheel drive and used conventional leaf springs for their rear axles. The Minor used lever arm dampers with its torsion bars while the Oxford and the Six used innovative telescopic dampers. The Minor remained in production largely unchanged until 1972 and was replaced by the Morris Marina which also used the torsion bar-lever arm damper system for its front suspension—one of the last new cars worldwide to be introduced with the system and which remained in production until 1984. The Oxford/Six platform was developed through several revised series which used Issigonis' torsion bar system until 1959 when the new Farina Oxford was introduced using front suspension with coil springs, lower wishbones and lever arm dampers.

The most famous American passenger car application of the torsion bar, was the Chrysler system used beginning with all Chrysler products starting with the 1957 model year in cars such as the Imperial Crown series, Chrysler Windsor, DeSoto Firedome, Dodge Coronet and Plymouth Belevedere although Chrysler's "Torsion-Air" suspension was only for the front axle; the same basic system (longitudinal mounting) was maintained until the 1981 introduction of the K-car. A reengineered torsion bar suspension, introduced with the 1976 Dodge Aspen, introduced transverse-mounted torsion bars (possibly based on the Volkswagen Type 3 passenger car) until production ended in 1989 (with Chrysler's M platform). Some generations of the Dodge Dakota and Durango used torsion bars on the front suspension.

General Motors first used torsion bars on their light-duty pickup trucks in 1960 until it was phased out in 1963 where traditional coil springs are used up front for their 2WD trucks. Its first use in a passenger car was in 1966, starting with the E-platform vehicles (Oldsmobile Toronado, Cadillac Eldorado), 4WD S-10 pickups and Astro vans with optional AWD, and since 1988, full size trucks and SUVs with 4WD (GMT400, GMT800, and GMT900 series).

Porsche used four-wheel torsion bar suspension for their 356 and 911 series from 1948 until 1989 with the introduction of the 964. They are also used in the front suspension of the 914 as well as the rear suspension of the 924, 944, and 968. Honda also used front torsion bars on the third generation Civic and other variants built on the same platform including the Ballade and first generation CRX.

Variations
The German World War II Panther tank had double torsion bars. Needing bars longer than the width of the tank to get the required spring rate and maximum elastic bend angle from available steel alloys, designer Ernst Lehr created a suspension that effectively folded the bars in half. For each wheel, one rod was attached to the suspension arm, while another was mounted to a nearby point on the frame. On the opposite side of the tank, the two rods were attached to each other and fitted into a pivot. Deflection of the suspension arm caused both halves of the double torsion bar to twist. A disadvantage of the torsion bar suspension used in Tiger and Panther tanks (and many other WWII-era tanks and other AFVs) was the inability to incorporate an escape hatch through the bottom of the hull, a common feature of WWII-era tanks, as the torsion bar arrangement would have blocked crew access to such a hatch; however, the absence of leaf, coil or volute springs often left a large expanse of the side of the hull clear to include a side-escape hatch, and it was rare for a tank to be flipped over in such a way that all top-side hatches were unable to open, which is the purpose of ventral hatches.

Many contemporary main battle tanks use torsion bar suspension, including the American M1 Abrams, German Leopard 2, and Chinese MBT-3000, though the newest generation of tanks such as the Russian T-14 Armata utilize an adjustable hydraulic suspension. Due to their small size, tremendous load capacity, and relative ease of service, torsion bar suspension has been ideal for tanks, though it is not without disadvantage. The large travel and high elasticity of the torsion bars results in a "rocking" motion when the tank is moving or coming to a sudden stop. A gun stabilizer must be used to compensate for the rocking motion. Due to the massive weight of a main battle tank, compared to an automobile, there is a much greater risk of breaking a torsion bar on sudden bumps or maneuvers, and if it is not replaced in short order the reduced suspension can affect the maneuverability of the vehicle, and in extreme cases risk immobilizing the vehicle as the reduced capacity of the suspension causes additional torsion bars to break.

Other uses
Torsion bars were sometimes used instead of conventional coil valve springs in some older motorcycles, such as the Honda CB450, and also on the Panhard Dyna X and Panhard Dyna Z cars of the 1950s. They were also used in the door mechanism of the DMC DeLorean automobile and trunk lids of some Toyota Corolla (E30) models.

title: Torsion bar suspension


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Positron emission

Positron emission, beta plus decay, or β+ decay is a subtype of radioactive decay called beta decay, in which a proton inside a radionuclide nucleus is converted into a neutron while releasing a positron and an electron neutrino ($ν_{e}$). Positron emission is mediated by the weak force. The positron is a type of beta particle (β+), the other beta particle being the electron (β−) emitted from the β− decay of a nucleus.

An example of positron emission (β+ decay) is shown with magnesium-23 decaying into sodium-23:

Because positron emission decreases proton number relative to neutron number, positron decay happens typically in large "proton-rich" radionuclides. Positron decay results in nuclear transmutation, changing an atom of one chemical element into an atom of an element with an atomic number that is less by one unit.

Positron emission occurs only very rarely naturally on earth, when induced by a cosmic ray or from one in a hundred thousand decays of potassium-40, a rare isotope, 0.012% of that element on earth.

Positron emission should not be confused with electron emission or beta minus decay (β− decay), which occurs when a neutron turns into a proton and the nucleus emits an electron and an antineutrino.

Positron emission is different from proton decay, the hypothetical decay of protons, not necessarily those bound with neutrons, not necessarily through the emission of a positron, and not as part of nuclear physics, but rather of particle physics.

Discovery of positron emission
In 1934 Frédéric and Irène Joliot-Curie bombarded aluminium with alpha particles (emitted by polonium) to effect the nuclear reaction +  →  +, and observed that the product isotope  emits a positron identical to those found in cosmic rays by Carl David Anderson in 1932. This was the first example of Beta+ decay (positron emission). The Curies termed the phenomenon "artificial radioactivity", because is a short-lived nuclide which does not exist in nature. The discovery of artificial radioactivity would be cited when the husband-and-wife team won the Nobel Prize.

Positron-emitting isotopes
Isotopes which undergo this decay and thereby emit positrons include, but are not limited to: carbon-11, nitrogen-13, oxygen-15, fluorine-18, copper-64, gallium-68, bromine-78, rubidium-82, yttrium-86, zirconium-89, sodium-22, aluminium-26, potassium-40, strontium-83, and iodine-124. As an example, the following equation describes the beta plus decay of carbon-11 to boron-11, emitting a positron and a neutrino:

 * {| border="0"
 * - style="height:2em;"
 * }
 * }

Emission mechanism
Inside protons and neutrons, there are fundamental particles called quarks. The two most common types of quarks are up quarks, which have a charge of +2⁄3, and down quarks, with a −1⁄3 charge. Quarks arrange themselves in sets of three such that they make protons and neutrons. In a proton, whose charge is +1, there are two up quarks and one down quark (2⁄3 + 2⁄3 − 1⁄3 = 1). Neutrons, with no charge, have one up quark and two down quarks (2⁄3 − 1⁄3 − 1⁄3 = 0). Via the weak interaction, quarks can change flavor from down to up, resulting in electron emission. Positron emission happens when an up quark changes into a down quark, effectively converting a proton to a neutron.

Nuclei which decay by positron emission may also decay by electron capture. For low-energy decays, electron capture is energetically favored by 2mec2 = $0.96 MeV$, since the final state has an electron removed rather than a positron added. As the energy of the decay goes up, so does the branching fraction of positron emission. However, if the energy difference is less than 2mec2, then positron emission cannot occur and electron capture is the sole decay mode. Certain otherwise electron-capturing isotopes (for instance, 7Beryllium) are stable in galactic cosmic rays, because the electrons are stripped away and the decay energy is too small for positron emission.

Energy conservation
A positron is ejected from the parent nucleus, but the daughter (Z−1) atom still has Z atomic electrons from the parent, i.e. the daughter is a negative ion (at least immediately after the positron emission). Since tables of masses are for atomic masses, $$ _Z^A \textrm {X} \rightarrow _{Z-1}^A \textrm {Y} +_{+1}^0 \textrm e^{+}+_{-1}^0 \textrm e^{-} $$, and, since the mass of the positron is identical to that of the electron, the overall result is that the mass-energy of two electrons is required, and the β+ decay is energetically possible if and only if the mass of the parent atom exceeds the mass of the daughter atom by at least two electron masses (2me c2 = 1.022 MeV).

Isotopes which increase in mass under the conversion of a proton to a neutron, or which decrease in mass by less than 2me, cannot spontaneously decay by positron emission.

Application
These isotopes are used in positron emission tomography, a technique used for medical imaging. The energy emitted depends on the isotope that is decaying; the figure of $1.022 MeV$ applies only to the decay of carbon-11.

The short-lived positron emitting isotopes 11C (T1⁄2 = $0.96 MeV$), 13N (T1⁄2 = $20.4 min$), 15O (T1⁄2 = $10 min$), and 18F (T1⁄2 = $2 min$) used for positron emission tomography are typically produced by proton irradiation of natural or enriched targets.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Positron emission


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Talk:Vladimir Ivashko

Old talk
The Soviet Union was not dissolved on August 29, 1991. Andres 00:58, 7 Dec 2003 (UTC)

Formatting
Why are there no spaces between some of the links and the text? vLaDsINgEr 02:56, 8 March 2007 (UTC)
 * It turned out to be a template problem, which arose after an anon user blanked half of the Template:Communist Party of the Soviet Union. I have fixed it, —dima/s-ko/ 03:07, 8 March 2007 (UTC)

Valentyna Shevchenko
It seems Valentyna Shevchenko was changed into Valentina Shevchenko which is a skier. 83.134.74.228 (talk) 06:31, 17 July 2011 (UTC)

Request for Comments
There is an RfC on the question of using "Religion: None" vs. "Religion: None (atheist)" in the infobox on this and other similar pages.

The RfC is at Template talk:Infobox person.

Please help us determine consensus on this issue. --Guy Macon (talk) 15:17, 21 April 2015 (UTC)

title: Talk:Vladimir Ivashko


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Demons & Wizards (Demons & Wizards album)

Demons & Wizards is the debut album by Demons & Wizards, a side-project by Hansi Kürsch of Blind Guardian and Jon Schaffer of Iced Earth. Released in February 2000, the album was recorded with the help of Jim Morris, who plays lead guitar on almost all tracks, and by Mark Prator on drums.

Standard issue
Distributed in Europe and North America by SPV and in Japan by Victor Entertainment.

Argentinian release
Distributed in Argentina by NEMS Enterprises.

Lyrical content

 * "Heaven Denies" is based on Milton's Paradise Lost, about the downfall of Lucifer.
 * "Poor Man's Crusade" is about the Crusades in a mocking tone, in particular the popular crusades and the Crusade of the Poor.
 * "Fiddler on the Green" is about two car accidents which Kürsch witnessed.
 * "Winter of Souls" is about King Arthur and Mordred.
 * "Blood on My Hands" is based on Wagner's version of Siegfried's story, as told in the Ring cycle.
 * "The Whistler" is based on the legend of the Pied Piper of Hamelin.

Personnel

 * Demons & Wizards
 * Hansi Kürsch – vocals
 * Jon Schaffer – lead and rhythm guitar, bass

 * Guest musicians
 * Jim Morris – additional lead guitars
 * Mark Prator – drums


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Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism

The Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism is located in Pulitzer Hall on the university's Morningside Heights campus in New York City. Founded in 1912 by Joseph Pulitzer, Columbia Journalism School is one of the oldest journalism schools in the world and the only journalism school in the Ivy League. It offers four graduate degree programs.

The school shares facilities with the Pulitzer Prizes. It directly administers several other prizes, including the Alfred I. duPont–Columbia University Award, honoring excellence in broadcast and digital journalism in the public service. It co-sponsors the National Magazine Awards, also known as the Ellie Awards, and publishes the Columbia Journalism Review.

In addition to offering professional development programs, fellowships and workshops, the school is home to the Tow Center for Digital Journalism, the Brown Institute for Media Innovation, and the Dart Center for Journalism and Trauma.

Admission to the school is highly selective and has traditionally drawn a very international student body. A Board of Visitors meets periodically to advise the dean's office and support the school's initiatives.

Pulitzer School of Journalism
In 1892, Joseph Pulitzer, a Hungarian-born newspaper magnate, offered Columbia University President Seth Low funding to establish the world's first school of journalism. He sought to elevate a profession viewed more often as a common trade learned through an apprenticeship. His idea was for a center of enlightened journalism in pursuit of knowledge as well as skills in the service of democracy. "It will impart knowledge—not for its own sake, but to be used for the public service," Pulitzer wrote in a now landmark, lead essay of the May 1904 issue of the North American Review. The university was resistant to the idea. But Low's successor, Nicholas Murray Butler, was more receptive to the plan.

Pulitzer was set on creating his vision at Columbia and offered it a $2 million gift, one-quarter of which was to be used to establish prizes in journalism and the arts. It took years of negotiations and Pulitzer's death in October 1911 to finalize plans. On September 30, 1912, classes began with 79 undergraduate and postgraduate students, including a dozen women. Veteran journalist Talcott Williams was installed as the school's director. When not attending classes and lectures, students scoured the city for news. Their more advanced classmates were assigned to cover a visit by U.S. President William Howard Taft, a sensational police murder trial and a women's suffrage march. A student from China went undercover to report on a downtown cocaine den. A journalism building was constructed the following year at 2950 Broadway and 116th Street on the western end of the campus. A statue of Thomas Jefferson was installed in June 1914 as a symbol of "free inquiry" exemplified by the debates between him and fellow American founder and Columbia alumnus, Alexander Hamilton, a statute of whom was unveiled directly across campus in front of Hamilton Hall six years earlier.

First journalism graduate school
In 1935, Dean Carl Ackerman, a 1913 alumnus, led the school's transition to become the first graduate school of journalism in the United States. As the school's reach and reputation spread (due in part to an adjunct faculty of working New York journalists and a tenured full-time faculty that included Pulitzer winners Douglas Southall Freeman and Henry F. Pringle and Life Begins at Forty author Walter B. Pitkin), it began offering coursework in television news and documentary filmmaking in addition to its focus on newspapers and radio. The Maria Moors Cabot Prizes, the oldest international awards in journalism, were founded in 1938, honoring reporting in Latin America and the Caribbean. The Alfred I. duPont-Columbia Awards for excellence in broadcast journalism moved to the school in 1968. In 1958, the Columbia Journalism Award, the school's highest honor, was established to recognize a person of overarching accomplishment and distinguished service to journalism. Three years later, the school began publishing the Columbia Journalism Review. After joining the tenured faculty in 1950, veteran United Nations correspondent John Hohenberg became the inaugural administrator of the Pulitzer Prizes in 1954, a secondary appointment that he would hold until 1976. Ackerman was succeeded as dean in 1954 by former Assistant Secretary of State for Public Affairs Edward W. Barrett, who served until 1968. In 1966, the school began awarding the National Magazine Awards in association with the American Society of Magazine Editors. Former CBS News president Fred W. Friendly was appointed the same year to the tenured faculty and enhanced the broadcast journalism program alongside former NBC News correspondent Elie Abel, who served as dean from 1970 to 1979. Abel was succeeded by former Newsweek editor and prominent New York socialite Osborn Elliott (1979–1986), who in turn was succeeded by longtime Bill Moyers collaborator Joan Konner (1988–1996), the school's only female dean to date. By the 1970s, the Reporting and Writing 1 (RW1) course had become the cornerstone of the school's basic curriculum. The Knight‐Bagehot Fellowship was created in 1975 to enrich economics and business journalism. In 1985, the Delacorte Center for Magazine Journalism was founded. While serving as Pulitzer administrator, former The New York Times managing editor Seymour Topping joined the tenured faculty in 1994. A doctoral program was established in 1998 by communications theorist James W. Carey, who emerged as an "editor of and contributor to many scholarly publications at a time when Columbia was urging journalism professors to do more academic research." In 2005, Nicholas Lemann, two years into his tenure as dean, created a second more specialized master's program leading to a master of arts degree, prompting the hiring of political journalist Thomas B. Edsall and music critic David Hajdu. As a result of industry changes forced by digital media, the school in 2013 erased distinctions between types of media, such as newspaper, broadcast, magazine and new media, as specializations in its master of science curriculum. The Toni Stabile Center for Investigative Journalism, dedicated to training select students interested in pursuing careers in investigative journalism, opened in 2006. A year later, the Spencer Fellowship was created to focus on long-form reporting. The Dart Center for Journalism and Trauma relocated to Columbia in 2009 to focus on media coverage of trauma, conflict and tragedy. In 2010, the Tow Center for Digital Journalism was created. The Brown Institute for Media Innovation was launched under the aegis of former Bell Labs statistician and data scientist Mark Henry Hansen in 2012.

Academic programs
The school's ten-month Master of Science (M.S.) program offers aspiring and experienced journalists the opportunity to study the skills, art and ethics of journalism by reporting and writing stories that range from short news pieces to complex narrative features. Some students interested in investigative reporting are selected to study at the Stabile Center for Investigative Journalism, a specialization of the M.S. program. Documentary and data journalism specialization programs are offered as well. The M.S. program is also offered on a part-time basis.

A year-long M.S. program in data journalism teaches the skills for finding, collecting and analyzing data for storytelling, presentation and investigative reporting.

The school offers several dual-degree programs in collaboration with other schools at Columbia: journalism and computer science, journalism and international affairs, journalism and law, journalism and business, and journalism and religion. The school also offers international dual-degree programs with Sciences Po in Paris, France and the University of Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, South Africa.

The smaller and more specialized, nine-month Master of Arts (M.A.) program is for experienced journalists interested in focusing on a particular subject area: politics, science, business and economics or arts and culture. M.A. students work closely with journalism professors and take courses in other academic departments and schools at the university. The program is full-time.

The doctoral program draws upon the resources of Columbia in a multidisciplinary approach to the study of communications. Ph.D. students craft individual courses of study to acquire deep knowledge in an area of concentration through research and coursework in disciplines ranging from history, sociology or religion to business or international affairs.

A six-week graduate-level course on book, magazine, and digital publishing, known as the Columbia Publishing Course, has been offered since 2000, when the program transferred from Radcliffe College.

The Bronx Beat
The Bronx Beat, established in 1981 and published Mondays, is the weekly student publication of Columbia Journalism School. It serves readers in the South and Central Bronx and covers education, jobs and unemployment, health care, crime, mass transportation, religion and the arts. Students' stories are edited by colleagues, and by professional journalists from The New York Times and other New York dailies who line-edit copy and help with the paper's layout.

Uptown Radio
Uptown Radio is a weekly news magazine and podcast modeled after NPR's All Things Considered. It is produced by the students of the Radio Workshop, an advanced audio course at Columbia Journalism School. Uptown Radio is the school's longest-running continuous webcast, broadcasting each Thursday at 4 P.M., from February through May, since 1996. Uptown Radio contains original feature reports as well as interviews and newscasts in service of the listeners in New York City and the world beyond.

Journalism awards
The Columbia Journalism School directly administers the Alfred I. duPont–Columbia University Award, the Maria Moors Cabot Prizes, the John Chancellor Award for Excellence in Journalism, the Lukas Prizes, the Oakes Prizes, the Meyer Berger Award, the Paul Tobenkin Memorial Award and the Dart Awards for Excellence in Coverage of Trauma. It also co-sponsors the National Magazine Awards with the American Society of Magazine Editors, which administers the program.

Accreditation
Columbia Journalism School is accredited by the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication.

Faculty

 * Daniel Alarcón, assistant professor
 * Emily Bell, Leonard Tow Professor of Professional Practice in Journalism
 * Helen Benedict, professor
 * Nina Berman, professor
 * Walt Bogdanich, adjunct professor
 * Jelani Cobb, Ira A. Lipman Professor of Journalism, Dean
 * Steve Coll, Henry R. Luce Professor of Journalism
 * Sheila Coronel, Toni Stabile Professor of Professional Practice in Investigative Journalism
 * John Dinges, Godfrey Lowell Cabot Professor Emeritus of Journalism
 * Thomas B. Edsall, adjunct professor (not active as of fall 2020)
 * Samuel G. Freedman, professor
 * Howard W. French, professor
 * Keith Gessen, George T. Delacorte Assistant Professor of Magazine Journalism
 * Ari L. Goldman, professor
 * Sig Gissler, adjunct professor; former administrator of the Pulitzer Prizes (not active as of fall 2020)
 * Todd Gitlin, professor and chair, PhD program
 * David Hajdu, professor
 * LynNell Hancock, H. Gordon Garbedian Professor of Journalism
 * Mark Henry Hansen, David and Helen Gurley Brown Professor of Journalism
 * Richard R. John, professor
 * Nicholas Lemann, dean emeritus; Joseph Pulitzer II and Edith Pulitzer Moore Professor of Journalism
 * Dale Maharidge, professor
 * Sylvia Nasar, John S. and James L. Knight Professor Emerita of Business Journalism
 * Victor Navasky, George T. Delacorte, Jr. Professor Emeritus of Professional Practice in Magazine Journalism
 * Charles Ornstein, adjunct associate professor
 * Michael Schudson, professor
 * Choire Sicha, adjunct assistant professor (not active as of fall 2020)
 * Katya Soldak, journalist and documentary filmmaker (documentary The Long Breakup, 2020)
 * James B. Stewart, Bloomberg Professor of Business Journalism
 * Alexander Stille, San Paolo Professor of International Journalism
 * Jonathan Weiner, Maxwell M. Geffen Professor of Medical and Scientific Journalism


text:
Talk:Demons & Wizards (band)

Untitled
I commented out the last bit because it seemed irrelevant, definitely to the page about the band, and maybe even to the album page. -leigh

I changed the typo that said that their frist album was in 2005 to agree with http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Demons_and_Wizards_%28album%29 -anonymous dude

Influences... part
"Influences in these albums vary a lot but they are worth the listen as Hansi's voice works very well with Jon's guitar and the pair make for a very interesting side-project."

This is not neutral. It should be removed. Anzuhan 17:21, 11 November 2005 (UTC)

Hansis wife
i replaced this because it was actually jon scaffers wife who suggested this. :)

sophomore album
I don't think 'Touched by the crimson king' was less then 'Demons & Wizards'. It took a while to create, but I believe that Tbtck was received just as well or even better as 'Demons & Wizards'. 80.200.81.36 12:30, 6 January 2007 (UTC)

Uriah Heep reference
I don't agree with the line "Hansi always corrected her that it is more properly stated "Demons and Wizards", in reference to Uriah Heep's album of the same name" being in here..... I can not find any evidence from the sources listed to support this. 24.210.216.24

Supergroup
Would this band be considered as a super group? I think so because there's the guitarist from Iced Earth and the vocalist from blind guardian. Sheish

Not really, a supergroup is composed of the 'star musician' from other bands. While two of them could be considered the 'star' the others I doubt would be. Mavrick (talk) 15:07, 24 July 2009 (UTC)

Flag Icon
I've removed the flag icons from this page per Manual of Style guidelines (specifically, emphasizing nationality in a band that doesn't represent any nation and using too many flags) as well as the clear rule on Template:Infobox Musical artist that flag icons are not necessary. Managerpants has pointed out in his edit summary that there was "no consensus for removal" on the Wikipedia:MOSFLAG Talk page, but official Manual of Style and template guidelines trump any discussions on Talk pages, especially when those discussions were meant to change the official policy. (People can argue as much as they want on a Talk page, but it's only a proposal until the official guidelines get changed.) That's how I see it, at least, and I think that guidelines back me up. Wyatt Riot (talk) 12:00, 31 December 2007 (UTC)
 * The manual of style does not refer to bands, only to individuals. Believe me, we have covered this in depth on the talk page over there. It's not a proposal to change the official guidelines, it's that the official guidelines DON'T cover this. Hope that makes sense! --Managerpants (talk) 18:23, 31 December 2007 (UTC)
 * I don't see how a Manual of Style guideline like this can only apply to certain types of articles, but I'll take your word on it. The standards for the the artist template itself, however, states that we shouldn't be using flagicon. That applies to both individuals and groups. Wyatt Riot (talk) 23:02, 31 December 2007 (UTC)

External links modified
Hello fellow Wikipedians,

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Question about a possible change to the page
I would like to know whether Jon Schaffer should be considered a former member at this point? — Preceding unsigned comment added by James12183 (talk • contribs) 21:31, 12 January 2021 (UTC)
 * Obviously not as long as there isn't official news about him leaving the project/being fired or whatever. Xiamatt (talk) 23:17, 12 January 2021 (UTC)

title: Talk:Demons & Wizards (band)


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Proton emission

Proton emission (also known as proton radioactivity) is a rare type of radioactive decay in which a proton is ejected from a nucleus. Proton emission can occur from high-lying excited states in a nucleus following a beta decay, in which case the process is known as beta-delayed proton emission, or can occur from the ground state (or a low-lying isomer) of very proton-rich nuclei, in which case the process is very similar to alpha decay. For a proton to escape a nucleus, the proton separation energy must be negative (Sp < 0)—the proton is therefore unbound, and tunnels out of the nucleus in a finite time. The rate of proton emission is governed by the nuclear, Coulomb, and centrifugal potentials of the nucleus, where centrifugal potential affects a large part of the rate of proton emission. The half-life of a nucleus with respect to proton emission is affected by the proton energy and its orbital angular momentum. Proton emission is not seen in naturally occurring isotopes; proton emitters can be produced via nuclear reactions, usually using linear particle accelerators.

Although prompt (i.e. not beta-delayed) proton emission was observed from an isomer in cobalt-53 as early as 1969, no other proton-emitting states were found until 1981, when the proton radioactive ground states of lutetium-151 and thulium-147 were observed at experiments at the GSI in West Germany. Research in the field flourished after this breakthrough, and to date more than 25 isotopes have been found to exhibit proton emission. The study of proton emission has aided the understanding of nuclear deformation, masses, and structure, and it is a pure example of quantum tunneling.

In 2002, the simultaneous emission of two protons was observed from the nucleus iron-45 in experiments at GSI and GANIL (Grand Accélérateur National d'Ions Lourds at Caen). In 2005 it was experimentally determined (at the same facility) that zinc-54 can also undergo double proton decay.

title: Proton emission


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National American Woman Suffrage Association

The National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) was an organization formed on February 18, 1890, to advocate in favor of women's suffrage in the United States. It was created by the merger of two existing organizations, the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) and the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA). Its membership, which was about seven thousand at the time it was formed, eventually increased to two million, making it the largest voluntary organization in the nation. It played a pivotal role in the passing of the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which in 1920 guaranteed women's right to vote.

Susan B. Anthony, a long-time leader in the suffrage movement, was the dominant figure in the newly formed NAWSA. Carrie Chapman Catt, who became president after Anthony retired in 1900, implemented a strategy of recruiting wealthy members of the rapidly growing women's club movement, whose time, money and experience could help build the suffrage movement. Anna Howard Shaw's term in office, which began in 1904, saw strong growth in the organization's membership and public approval.

After the Senate decisively rejected the proposed women's suffrage amendment to the U.S. Constitution in 1887, the suffrage movement had concentrated most of its efforts on state suffrage campaigns. In 1910 Alice Paul joined the NAWSA and played a major role in reviving interest in the national amendment. After continuing conflicts with the NAWSA leadership over tactics, Paul created a rival organization, the National Woman's Party.

When Catt again became president in 1915, the NAWSA adopted her plan to centralize the organization, and work toward the suffrage amendment as its primary goal. This was done despite opposition from Southern members who believed that a federal amendment would erode states' rights. With its large membership and the increasing number of women voters in states where suffrage had already been achieved, the NAWSA began to operate more as a political pressure group than an educational group. It won additional sympathy for the suffrage cause by actively cooperating with the war effort during World War I. On February 14, 1920, several months prior to the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, the NAWSA transformed itself into the League of Women Voters, which is still active.

Background
The demand for women's suffrage in the United States was controversial even among women's rights activists in the early days of the movement. In 1848, a resolution in favor of women's right to vote was approved only after vigorous debate at the Seneca Falls Convention, the first women's rights convention. By the time of the National Women's Rights Conventions in the 1850s, the situation had changed, and women's suffrage had become a preeminent goal of the movement. Three leaders of the women's movement during this period, Lucy Stone, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and Susan B. Anthony, played prominent roles in the creation of the NAWSA many years later.

In 1866, just after the American Civil War, the Eleventh National Women's Rights Convention transformed itself into the American Equal Rights Association (AERA), which worked for equal rights for both African Americans and white women, especially suffrage. The AERA essentially collapsed in 1869, partly because of disagreement over the proposed Fifteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which would enfranchise African American men. Leaders of the women's movement were dismayed that it would not also enfranchise women. Stanton and Anthony opposed its ratification unless it was accompanied by another amendment that would enfranchise women. Stone supported the amendment. She believed that its ratification would spur politicians to support a similar amendment for women. She said that even though the right to vote was more important for women than for black men, "I will be thankful in my soul if any body can get out of the terrible pit."

In May 1869, two days after the acrimonious debates at what turned out to be the final AERA annual meeting, Anthony, Stanton and their allies formed the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA). In November 1869, the American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA) was formed by Lucy Stone, her husband Henry Blackwell, Julia Ward Howe and their allies, many of whom had helped to create the New England Woman Suffrage Association a year earlier as part of the developing split. The bitter rivalry between the two organizations created a partisan atmosphere that endured for decades.

Even after the Fifteenth Amendment was ratified in 1870, differences between the two organizations remained. The AWSA worked almost exclusively for women's suffrage while the NWSA initially worked on a wide range of issues, including divorce reform and equal pay for women. The AWSA included both men and women among its leadership while the NWSA was led by women. The AWSA worked for suffrage mostly at the state level while the NWSA worked more at the national level. The AWSA cultivated an image of respectability while the NWSA sometimes used confrontational tactics. Anthony, for example, interrupted the official ceremonies at the 100th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence to present NWSA's Declaration of Rights for Women. Anthony was arrested in 1872 for voting, which was still illegal for women, and was found guilty in a highly publicized trial.

Progress toward women's suffrage was slow in the period after the split, but advancement in other areas strengthened the underpinnings of the movement. By 1890, tens of thousands of women were attending colleges and universities, up from zero a few decades earlier. There was a decline in public support for the idea of "woman's sphere", the belief that a woman's place was in the home and that she should not be involved in politics. Laws that had allowed husbands to control their wives' activities had been significantly revised. There was a dramatic growth in all-female social reform organizations, such as the Woman's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU), the largest women's organization in the country. In a major boost for the suffrage movement, the WCTU endorsed women's suffrage in the late 1870s on the grounds that women needed the vote to protect their families from alcohol and other vices.

Anthony increasingly began to emphasize suffrage over other women's rights issues. Her aim was to unite the growing number of women's organizations in the demand for suffrage even if they did not support other women's rights issues. She and the NWSA also began placing less emphasis on confrontational actions and more on respectability. The NWSA was no longer seen as an organization that challenged traditional family arrangements by supporting, for example, what its opponents called "easy divorce". All this had the effect of moving it into closer alignment with the AWSA. The Senate's rejection in 1887 of the proposed women's suffrage amendment to the U.S. Constitution also brought the two organizations closer together. The NWSA had worked for years to convince Congress to bring the proposed amendment to a vote. After it was voted on and decisively rejected, the NWSA began to put less energy into campaigning at the federal level and more at the state level, as the AWSA was already doing.

Stanton continued to promote all aspects of women's rights. She advocated a coalition of radical social reform groups, including Populists and Socialists, who would support women's suffrage as part of a joint list of demands. In a letter to a friend, Stanton said the NWSA "has been growing politic and conservative for some time. Lucy [Stone] and Susan [Anthony] alike see suffrage only. They do not see woman's religious and social bondage, neither do the young women in either association, hence they may as well combine". Stanton, however, had largely withdrawn from the day-to-day activity of the suffrage movement. She spent much of her time with her daughter in England during this period. Despite their different approaches, Stanton and Anthony remained friends and co-workers, continuing a collaboration that had begun in the early 1850s.

Stone devoted most of her life after the split to the Woman's Journal, a weekly newspaper she launched in 1870 to serve as voice of the AWSA. By the 1880s, the Woman's Journal had broadened its coverage and was seen by many as the newspaper of the entire movement.

The suffrage movement was attracting younger members who were impatient with the continuing division, seeing the obstacle more as a matter of personalities than principles. Alice Stone Blackwell, daughter of Lucy Stone, said, "When I began to work for a union, the elders were not keen for it, on either side, but the younger women on both sides were. Nothing really stood in the way except the unpleasant feelings engendered during the long separation".

Merger of rival organizations
Several attempts had been made to bring the two sides together, but without success. The situation changed in 1887 when Stone, who was approaching her 70th birthday and in declining health, began to seek ways of overcoming the split. In a letter to suffragist Antoinette Brown Blackwell, she suggested the creation of an umbrella organization of which the AWSA and the NWSA would become auxiliaries, but that idea did not gain supporters. In November 1887, the AWSA annual meeting passed a resolution authorizing Stone to confer with Anthony about the possibility of a merger. The resolution said the differences between the two associations had "been largely removed by the adoption of common principles and methods." Stone forwarded the resolution to Anthony along with an invitation to meet with her.

Anthony and Rachel Foster, a young leader of the NWSA, traveled to Boston in December 1887, to meet with Stone. Accompanying Stone at this meeting was her daughter Alice Stone Blackwell, who also was an officer of the AWSA. Stanton, who was in England at the time, did not attend. The meeting explored several aspects of a possible merger, including the name of the new organization and its structure. Stone had second thoughts soon afterwards, telling a friend she wished they had never offered to unite, but the merger process slowly continued.

An early public sign of improving relations between the two organizations occurred three months later at the founding congress of the International Council of Women, which the NWSA organized and hosted in Washington in conjunction with the fortieth anniversary of the Seneca Falls Convention. It received favorable publicity, and its delegates, who came from fifty-three women's organizations in nine countries, were invited to a reception at the White House. Representatives from the AWSA were invited to sit on the platform during the meetings along with representatives from the NWSA, signaling a new atmosphere of cooperation.

The proposed merger did not generate significant controversy within the AWSA. The call to its annual meeting in 1887, the one that authorized Stone to explore the possibility of merger, did not even mention that this issue would be on the agenda. This proposal was treated in a routine manner during the meeting and was approved unanimously without debate.

The situation was different within the NWSA, where there was strong opposition from Matilda Joslyn Gage, Olympia Brown and others. Ida Husted Harper, Anthony's co-worker and biographer, said the NWSA meetings that dealt with this issue "were the most stormy in the history of the association." Charging that Anthony had used underhanded tactics to thwart opposition to the merger, Gage formed a competing organization in 1890 called the Woman's National Liberal Union, but it did not develop a significant following.

The AWSA and NWSA committees that negotiated the terms of merger signed a basis for agreement in January, 1889. In February, Stone, Stanton, Anthony and other leaders of both organizations issued an "Open Letter to the Women of America" declaring their intention to work together. When Anthony and Stone first discussed the possibility of merger in 1887, Stone had proposed that she, Stanton and Anthony should all decline the presidency of the united organization. Anthony initially agreed, but other NWSA members objected strongly. The basis for agreement did not include that stipulation.

The AWSA initially was the larger of the two organizations, but it had declined in strength during the 1880s. The NWSA was perceived as the main representative of the suffrage movement, partly because of Anthony's ability to find dramatic ways of bringing suffrage to the nation's attention. Anthony and Stanton had also published their massive History of Woman Suffrage, which placed them at the center of the movement's history and marginalized the role of Stone and the AWSA. Stone's public visibility had declined significantly, contrasting sharply with the attention she had attracted in her younger days as a speaker on the national lecture circuit.

Anthony was increasingly recognized as a person of political importance. In 1890, prominent members of the House and Senate were among the two hundred people who attended her seventieth birthday celebration, a national event that took place in Washington three days before the convention that united the two suffrage organizations. Anthony and Stanton pointedly reaffirmed their friendship at this event, frustrating opponents of merger who had hoped to set them against one another.

Founding convention
The National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) was created on February 18, 1890, in Washington by a convention that merged the NWSA and the AWSA. The question of who would lead the new organization had been left to the convention delegates. Stone, from the AWSA, was too ill to attend this convention and was not a candidate. Anthony and Stanton, both from the NWSA, each had supporters.

The AWSA and NWSA executive committees met separately beforehand to discuss their choices for president of the united organization. At the AWSA meeting, Henry Blackwell, Stone's husband, said the NWSA had agreed to avoid mixing in side issues (the approach associated with Stanton) and to focus exclusively on suffrage (the approach of the AWSA and increasingly of Anthony). The executive committee recommended that AWSA delegates vote for Anthony. At the NWSA meeting, Anthony strongly urged its members not to vote for her but for Stanton, saying that a defeat of Stanton would be viewed as a repudiation of her role in the movement.

Elections were held at the convention's opening. Stanton received 131 votes for president, Anthony received 90, and 2 votes were cast for other candidates. Anthony was elected vice president at large with 213 votes, with 9 votes for other candidates. Stone was unanimously elected chair of the executive committee.

As president, Stanton delivered the convention's opening address. She urged the new organization to concern itself with a broad range of reforms, saying, "When any principle or question is up for discussion, let us seize on it and show its connection, whether nearly or remotely, with woman's disfranchisement." She introduced controversial resolutions, including one that called for women to be included at all levels of leadership within religious organizations and one that described liberal divorce laws as a married woman's "door of escape from bondage." Her speech had little lasting impact on the organization, however, because most of the younger suffragists did not agree with her approach.

Stanton and Anthony presidencies
Stanton's election as president was largely symbolic. Before the convention was over, she left for another extended stay with her daughter in England, leaving Anthony in charge. Stanton retired from the presidency in 1892, after which Anthony was elected to the position that she had in practice been occupying all along. Stone, who died in 1893, did not play a major role in the NAWSA.

The movement's vigor declined in the years immediately after the merger. The new organization was small, having only about 7000 dues-paying members in 1893. It also suffered from organizational problems, not having a clear idea of, for example, how many local suffrage clubs there were or who their officers were.

In 1893, NAWSA members May Wright Sewall, former chair of NWSA's executive committee, and Rachel Foster Avery, NAWSA's corresponding secretary, played key roles in the World's Congress of Representative Women at the World's Columbian Exposition, which was also known as the Chicago World's Fair. Sewall served as chair and Avery as secretary of the organizing committee for the women's congress.

In 1893, the NAWSA voted over Anthony's objection to alternate the site of its annual conventions between Washington and other parts of the country. Anthony's pre-merger NWSA had always held its conventions in Washington to help maintain focus on a national suffrage amendment. Anthony said she feared, accurately as it turned out, that the NAWSA would engage in suffrage work at the state level at the expense of national work. The NAWSA routinely allocated no funding at all for congressional work, which at this stage consisted only of one day of testimony before Congress each year.

Woman's Bible
Stanton's radicalism did not sit well with the new organization. In 1895 she published The Woman's Bible, a controversial best-seller that attacked the use of the Bible to relegate women to an inferior status. Her opponents within the NAWSA reacted strongly. They felt that the book would harm the drive for women's suffrage. Rachel Foster Avery, the organization's corresponding secretary, sharply denounced Stanton's book in her annual report to the 1896 convention. The NAWSA voted to disavow any connection with the book despite Anthony's strong objection that such a move was unnecessary and hurtful.

The negative reaction to the book contributed to a sharp decline in Stanton's influence in the suffrage movement and to her increasing alienation from it. She sent letters to each NAWSA convention, however, and Anthony insisted that they be read even when their topics were controversial. Stanton died in 1902.

Southern strategy
The South had traditionally shown little interest in women's suffrage. When the proposed suffrage amendment to the Constitution was rejected by the Senate in 1887, it received no votes at all from southern senators. This indicated a problem for the future because it was almost impossible for any amendment to be ratified by the required number of states without at least some support from the South.

In 1867, Henry Blackwell proposed a solution: convince southern political leaders that they could ensure white supremacy in their region by enfranchising educated women, who would predominantly be white. Blackwell presented his plan to politicians from Mississippi, who gave it serious consideration, a development that drew the interest of many suffragists. Blackwell's ally in this effort was Laura Clay, who convinced the NAWSA to launch a campaign in the South based on Blackwell's strategy. Clay was one of several southern NAWSA members who objected to the proposed national women's suffrage amendment on the grounds that it would impinge on states' rights.

Susan B. Anthony and Carrie Chapman Catt traveled through the South en route to the NAWSA convention in Atlanta. Anthony asked her old friend Frederick Douglass, a former slave, not to attend the NAWSA convention in Atlanta in 1895, the first to be held in a southern city. Black NAWSA members were excluded from 1903 convention in the southern city of New Orleans. The NAWSA executive board issued a statement during the convention that said, "The doctrine of State's rights is recognized in the national body, and each auxiliary State association arranges its own affairs in accordance with its own ideas and in harmony with the customs of its own section." As NAWSA turned its attention to a Constitutional Amendment, many Southern suffragists remained opposed because a federal amendment would enfranchise Black women. In response, in 1914, Kate Gordon founded the Southern States Woman Suffrage Conference, which opposed the 19th Amendment.

First Catt presidency
Carrie Chapman Catt joined the suffrage movement in Iowa in the mid-1880s. and soon became part of the leadership of the state suffrage association. Married to a wealthy engineer who encouraged her suffrage work, she was able to devote much of her energy to the movement. She led some smaller NAWSA committees, for example serving as Chairman of the Literature Committee in 1893 with the help of Mary Hutcheson Page, another active NAWSA member. In 1895, she was placed in charge of NAWSA's Organizational Committee, where she raised money to put a team of fourteen organizers in the field. By 1899, suffrage organizations had been established in every state. When Anthony retired as NAWSA president in 1900, she chose Catt to succeed her. Anthony remained an influential figure in the organization, however, until she died in 1906.

One of Catt's first actions as president was to implement the "society plan," a campaign to recruit wealthy members of the rapidly growing women's club movement, whose time, money and experience could help build the suffrage movement. Primarily composed of middle-class women, the targeted clubs often engaged in civic improvement projects. They generally avoided controversial issues, but women's suffrage increasingly found acceptance among their membership. In 1914, suffrage was endorsed by the General Federation of Women's Clubs, the national body for the club movement.

To make the suffrage movement more attractive to middle- and upper-class women, the NAWSA began to popularize a version of the movement's history that downplayed the earlier involvement of many of its members with such controversial issues as racial equality, divorce reform, working women's rights and critiques of organized religion. Stanton's role in the movement was obscured by this process, as were the roles of black and working women. Anthony, who in her younger days was often treated as a dangerous fanatic, was given a grandmotherly image and honored as a "suffrage saint." The reform energy of the Progressive Era strengthened the suffrage movement during this period. Beginning around 1900, this broad movement began at the grassroots level with such goals as combating corruption in government, eliminating child labor, and protecting workers and consumers. Many of its participants saw women's suffrage as yet another progressive goal, and they believed that the addition of women to the electorate would help the movement achieve its other goals.

Catt resigned her position after four years, partly because of her husband's declining health and partly to help organize the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, which was created in Berlin in 1904 in coordination with the NAWSA and with Catt as president.

Shaw presidency
In 1904, Anna Howard Shaw, another Anthony protégé, was elected president of the NAWSA, serving more years in that office than any other person. Shaw was an energetic worker and a talented orator. Her administrative and interpersonal skills did not match those that Catt would display during her second term in office, but the organization made striking gains under Shaw's leadership.

In 1906, southern NAWSA members formed the Southern Woman Suffrage Conference with Blackwell's encouragement. Although it had a frankly racist program, it asked for NAWSA's endorsement. Shaw refused, setting a limit on how far the organization was willing to go to accommodate southerners with overtly racist views. Shaw said the organization would not adopt policies that "advocated the exclusion of any race or class from the right of suffrage."

In 1907, partly in reaction to NAWSA's "society plan", which was designed to appeal to upper-class women, Harriet Stanton Blatch, daughter of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, formed a competing organization called the Equality League of Self-Supporting Women. Later known as the Women's Political Union, its membership was based on working women, both professional and industrial. Blatch had recently returned to the United States after several years in England, where she had worked with suffrage groups in the early phases of employing militant tactics as part of their campaign. The Equality League gained a following by engaging in activities that many members of the NAWSA initially considered too daring, such as suffrage parades and open air rallies. Blatch said that when she joined the suffrage movement in the U.S., "The only method suggested for furthering the cause was the slow process of education. We were told to organize, organize, organize, to the end of educating, educating, educating public opinion."

In 1908, the National College Equal Suffrage League was formed as an affiliate of the NAWSA. It had its origins in the College Equal Suffrage League, which was formed in Boston in 1900 at a time when there were relatively few college students in the NAWSA. It was established by Maud Wood Park, who later helped create similar groups in 30 states. Park later became a prominent leader of the NAWSA.

By 1908, Catt was once again at the forefront of activity. She and her co-workers developed a detailed plan to unite the various suffrage associations in New York City (and later in the entire state) in an organization modeled on political machines like Tammany Hall. In 1909, they founded the Woman Suffrage Party (WSP) at a convention attended by over a thousand delegates and alternates. By 1910, the WSP had 20,000 members and a four-room headquarters. Shaw was not entirely comfortable with the independent initiatives of the WSP, but Catt and other of its leaders remained loyal to the NAWSA, its parent organization.

In 1909, Frances Squires Potter, a NAWSA member from Chicago, proposed the creation of suffrage community centers called "political settlements." Reminiscent of the social settlement houses, such as Hull House in Chicago, their purpose was to educate the public about suffrage and the practical details of political activity at the local level. The political settlements established by the WSP included suffrage schools that provided training in public speaking to suffrage organizers.

Public sentiment toward the suffrage movement improved dramatically during this period. Working for suffrage came to be seen as a respectable activity for middle-class women. By 1910, NAWSA membership had jumped to 117,000. The NAWSA established its first permanent headquarters that year in New York City, previously having operated mainly out of the homes of its officers. Maud Wood Park, who had been away in Europe for two years, received a letter that year from one of her co-workers in the College Equal Suffrage League who described the new atmosphere by saying, "the movement which when we got into it had about as much energy as a dying kitten, is now a big, virile, threatening thing" and is "actually fashionable now."

The change in public sentiment was reflected in efforts to win suffrage at the state level. In 1896, only four states, all of them in the West, allowed women to vote. From 1896 to 1910, there were six state campaigns for suffrage, and they all failed. The tide began to turn in 1910 when suffrage was won in the state of Washington, followed by California in 1911, Oregon, Kansas and Arizona in 1912, and others afterwards.

In 1912, W. E. B. Du Bois, president of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), publicly challenged NAWSA's reluctance to accept black women. The NAWSA responded in a cordial way, inviting him to speak at its next convention and publishing his speech as a pamphlet. Nonetheless the NAWSA continued to minimize the role of black suffragists. It accepted some black women as members and some black societies as auxiliaries, but its general practice was to turn such requests politely away. This was partly because attitudes of racial superiority were the norm among white Americans of that era, and partly because the NAWSA believed it had little hope of achieving a national amendment without at least some support from southern states that practiced racial segregation.

NAWSA's strategy at that point was to gain suffrage for women on a state-by-state basis until it achieved a critical mass of voters that could push through a suffrage amendment at the national level. In 1913, the Southern States Woman Suffrage Committee was formed in an attempt to stop that process from moving past the state level. It was led by Kate Gordon, who had been the NAWSA's corresponding secretary from 1901 to 1909. Gordon, who was from the southern state of Louisiana, supported women's suffrage, but opposed the idea of a federal suffrage amendment, charging that it would violate states' rights. She said that empowering federal authorities to enforce a constitutional right for women to vote in the South could lead to similar enforcement of the constitutional right of African Americans to vote there, a right that was being evaded, and, in her opinion, rightly so. Her committee was too small to seriously affect the NAWSA's direction, but her public condemnation of the proposed amendment, expressed in terms of vehement racism, deepened fissures within the organization.

Despite the rapid growth in NAWSA membership, discontent with Shaw grew. Her tendency to overreact to those who differed with her had the effect of increasing organizational friction. Several members resigned from executive board in 1910, and the board saw significant changes in its composition every year after that through 1915.

In 1914, Senator John Shafroth introduced a federal amendment that would require state legislatures to put women's suffrage on the state ballot if eight percent of the voters signed a petition to that effect. The NAWSA endorsed the proposed amendment, whereupon the CU accused it of abandoning the drive for a national suffrage amendment. Amid confusion among the membership, delegates at the 1914 convention directed their dissatisfaction at Shaw. Shaw had considered declining the presidency in 1914, but decided to run again. In 1915, she announced that she would not be running for reelection.

Relocation to Warren, Ohio
For several years, Harriet Taylor Upton led the woman suffragist movement in Trumbull County, Ohio. In 1880, Upton's father was elected as a member of the United States Congress as a Republican from Ohio. This connection provided Upton the opportunity to meet Susan B. Anthony, who brought Upton into the suffragist movement.

In 1894, Upton was elected as the NAWSA's treasurer. In addition, Upton served as president of the Ohio association of the national association, from 1899-1908 and 1911–1920. Upton helped relocate the national headquarters for the NAWSA to her home in Warren, Ohio, in 1903. According to the Tribune Chronicle, "it was only supposed to be a temporary move, but it lasted six years. Susan B. Anthony, noted leader of the women's movement, visited Warren many times, including a 1904 trip to attend a national women's rights meeting here."

During this period, the nation's attention regarding women's rights was focused on Warren. The association's offices were located on the ground level of the Trumbull Court House, a building currently occupied by the Probate Court. While the headquarters left the Upton House around 1910, Warren remained active in the suffrage movement. The people of Warren were active in various programs of the national movement for years, until the 19th Amendment was ratified by a sufficient number of states, and authorized by President Wilson in 1920.

In 1993, the Upton House joined the list of historic landmarks.

Split in the movement
A serious challenge to the NAWSA leadership began to develop after a young activist named Alice Paul returned to the U.S. from England in 1910, where she had been part of the militant wing of the suffrage movement. She had been jailed there and had endured forced feedings after going on a hunger strike. Joining the NAWSA, she became the person most responsible for reviving interest within the suffrage movement for a national amendment, which for years had been overshadowed by campaigns for suffrage at the state level.

From Shaw's point of view, the time was right for a renewed emphasis on a suffrage amendment. Gordon and Clay, the most persistent adversaries of a federal suffrage amendment within NAWSA, had been out-maneuvered by their opponents and no longer held national posts. In 1912, Alice Paul was appointed chair of NAWSA's Congressional Committee and charged with reviving the drive for a women's suffrage amendment. In 1913, she and her coworker Lucy Burns organized the Woman Suffrage Procession, a suffrage parade in Washington on the day before Woodrow Wilson's inauguration as president. Onlookers who opposed the march turned the event into a near riot, which ended only when a cavalry unit of the army was brought in to restore order. Public outrage over the incident, which cost the chief of police his job, brought publicity to the movement and gave it fresh momentum.

Paul troubled NAWSA leaders by arguing that because Democrats would not act to enfranchise women even though they controlled the presidency and both houses of Congress, the suffrage movement should work for the defeat of all Democrats regardless of an individual candidate's position on suffrage. NAWSA's policy was to follow the opposite approach, supporting any candidate who endorsed suffrage, regardless of political party. In 1913, Paul and Burns formed the Congressional Union (CU) to work solely for a national amendment and sent organizers into states that already had NAWSA organizations. The relationship between the CU and the NAWSA became unclear and troubled over time.

At the NAWSA convention in 1913, Paul and her allies demanded that the organization focus its efforts on a federal suffrage amendment. The convention instead empowered the executive board to limit the CU's ability to contravene NAWSA policies. After negotiations failed to resolve their differences, the NAWSA removed Paul as head of its Congressional Committee. By February, 1914, the NAWSA and the CU had effectively separated into two independent organizations.

Blatch merged her Women's Political Union into the CU. That organization in turn became the basis for the National Woman's Party (NWP), which Paul formed in 1916. Once again there were two competing national women's suffrage organizations, but the result this time was something like a division of labor. The NAWSA burnished its image of respectability and engaged in highly organized lobbying at both the national and state levels. The smaller NWP also engaged in lobbying but became increasingly known for activities that were dramatic and confrontational, most often in the national capital.

Second Catt presidency, 1915-1920

Carrie Chapman Catt, the NAWSA's previous president, was the obvious choice to replace Anna Howard Shaw, but Catt was leading the New York State Woman Suffrage Party, which was in the early stages of a crucial suffrage campaign in that state. The prevailing belief in the NAWSA was that success in a large eastern state would be the tipping point for the national campaign. New York was the largest state in the union, and victory there was a real possibility. Catt agreed to turn the New York work over to others and to accept the NAWSA presidency in December, 1915 on the condition that she could name her own executive board, which previously had always been elected by the annual convention. She appointed to the board women of independent means who could work for the movement full-time.

Backed by an increased level of commitment and unity in the national office, Catt sent its officers into the field to assess the state of the organization and start the process of reorganizing it into a more centralized and efficient operation. Catt described the NAWSA as a camel with a hundred humps, each with a blind driver trying to lead the way. She provided a new sense of direction by sending out a stream of communications to state and local affiliates with policy directives, organizational initiatives and detailed plans of work.

The NAWSA previously had devoted much of its effort to educating the public about suffrage, and it had made a significant impact. Women's suffrage had become a major national issue, and the NAWSA was in the process of becoming the nation's largest voluntary organization, with two million members. Catt built on that foundation to convert the NAWSA into an organization that operated primarily as a political pressure group.

1916
At an executive board meeting in March, 1916, Catt described the organization's dilemma by saying, "The Congressional Union is drawing off from the National Association those women who feel it is possible to work for suffrage by the Federal route only. Certain workers in the south are being antagonized because the National is continuing to work for the Federal Amendment. The combination has produced a great muddle". Catt believed that NAWSA's policy of working primarily on state-by-state campaigns was nearing its limits. Some states appeared unlikely ever to approve women's suffrage, in some cases because state laws made constitutional revision extremely difficult, and in others, especially in the Deep South, because opposition was simply too strong. Catt refocused the organization on a national suffrage amendment while continuing to conduct state campaigns where success was a realistic possibility.

When the conventions of the Democratic and Republican parties met in June, 1916, suffragists applied pressure to both. Catt was invited to express her views in a speech to the Republican convention in Chicago. An anti-suffragist spoke after Catt, and as she was telling the convention that women did not want to vote, a crowd of suffragists burst into the hall and filled the aisles. They were soaking wet, having marched in heavy rain for several blocks in a parade led by two elephants. When the flustered anti-suffragist concluded her remarks, the suffragists led a cheer for their cause. At the Democratic convention a week later in St. Louis, suffragists packed the galleries and made their views known during the debate on suffrage.

Both party conventions endorsed women's suffrage but only at the state level, which meant that different states might implement it in different ways and in some cases not at all. Having expected more, Catt called an Emergency Convention, moving the date of the 1916 convention from December to September to begin organizing a renewed push for the federal amendment. The convention initiated a strategic shift by adopting Catt's "Winning Plan". This plan mandated work toward the national suffrage amendment as the priority for the entire organization and authorized the creation of a professional lobbying team to support this goal in Washington. It authorized the executive board to specify a plan of work toward this goal for each state and to take over that work if the state organization refused to comply. It agreed to fund state suffrage campaigns only if they met strict requirements that were designed to eliminate efforts with little chance of succeeding. Catt's plan included milestones for achieving a women's suffrage amendment by 1922. Gordon, whose states' rights approach had been decisively defeated, exclaimed to a friend, "A well-oiled steam roller has ironed this convention flat!"

President Wilson, whose attitude toward women's suffrage was evolving, spoke at the 1916 NAWSA convention. He had been considered an opponent of suffrage when he was governor of New Jersey, but in 1915 he announced that he was traveling from the White House back to his home state to vote in favor of it in New Jersey's state referendum. He spoke favorably of suffrage at the NAWSA convention but stopped short of supporting the suffrage amendment. Charles Evans Hughes, his opponent in the presidential election that year, declined to speak at the convention, but he went farther than Wilson by endorsing the suffrage amendment.

NAWSA's Congressional Committee had been in disarray ever since Alice Paul was removed from it in 1913. Catt reorganized the committee and appointed Maud Wood Park as its head in December, 1916. Park and her lieutenant Helen Hamilton Gardener created what became known as the "Front Door Lobby", so named by a journalist because it operated openly, avoiding the traditional lobbying methods of "backstairs" dealing. A headquarters for the lobbying effort was established in a dilapidated mansion known as Suffrage House. NAWSA lobbyists lodged there and coordinated their activities with daily conferences in its meeting rooms.

In 1916 the NAWSA purchased the Woman's Journal from Alice Stone Blackwell. The newspaper had been established in 1870 by Blackwell's mother, Lucy Stone, and had served as the primary voice of the suffrage movement most of the time since then. It had significant limitations, however. It was a small operation, with Blackwell herself doing most of the work, and with much of its reporting centered on the eastern part of the country at a time when a national newspaper was needed. After the transfer, it was renamed Woman Citizen and merged with The Woman Voter, the journal of the Woman Suffrage Party of New York City, and with National Suffrage News, the former journal of the NAWSA. The newspaper's masthead declared itself to be the NAWSA's official organ.

1917
In 1917 Catt received a bequest of $900,000 from Mrs. Frank (Miriam) Leslie to be used as she thought best for the women's suffrage movement. Catt allocated most of the funds to the NAWSA, with $400,000 applied toward upgrading the Woman Citizen.

In January 1917, Alice Paul's NWP began picketing the White House with banners that demanded women's suffrage. The police eventually arrested over 200 of the Silent Sentinels, many of whom went on hunger strike after being imprisoned. The prison authorities force fed them, creating an uproar that fueled public debate on women's suffrage.

When the U.S. entered World War I in April 1917, the NAWSA cooperated with the war effort. Shaw was appointed as head of the Women's Committee for the Council of National Defense, which was established by the federal government to coordinate resources for the war and to promote public morale. Catt and two other NAWSA members were appointed to its executive committee. The NWP, by contrast, took no part in the war effort and charged that the NAWSA did so at the expense of suffrage work.

In April 1917, Jeannette Rankin of Montana took her seat as the first woman in Congress, having previously served as lobbyist and field secretary for the NAWSA. Rankin voted against the declaration of war.

In November 1917, the suffrage movement achieved a major victory when a referendum to enfranchise women passed by a large margin in New York, the most populous state in the country. The powerful Tammany Hall political machine, which had previously opposed suffrage, took a neutral stance on this referendum, partly because the wives of several Tammany Hall leaders played prominent roles in the suffrage campaign.

1918–19
The House passed the suffrage amendment for the first time in January, 1918, but the Senate delayed its debate on the measure until September. President Wilson took the unusual step of appearing before the Senate to speak on the issue, asking for passage of the amendment as a war measure. The Senate, however, defeated the measure by two votes. The NAWSA launched a campaign to unseat four senators who had voted against the amendment, assembling a coalition of forces that included labor unions and prohibitionists. Two of those four senators were defeated in the federal elections in November.

NAWSA held its Golden Jubilee Convention at the Statler Hotel in St. Louis, Missouri in March 1919. President Catt gave the opening address, in which she urged the delegates to create a league of women voters. A resolution was passed to form this league as a separate unit of NAWSA, with membership coming from states who allowed women to vote. The league was charged with achieving full suffrage and consideration of legislation that affected women in states where they were able to vote. On the last day of the convention, the Missouri senate passed legislation giving women the right to vote in presidential elections in Missouri and a resolution to submit a constitutional amendment for full suffrage. In June of that year, the Nineteenth Amendment was passed.

Passage of the Nineteenth Amendment
After the elections, Wilson called a special session of Congress, which passed the suffrage amendment on June 4, 1919. The struggle now passed to the state legislatures, three-fourths of which would need to ratify the amendment before it would become law.

Catt and the NAWSA executive board had been planning their work in support of the ratification effort since April 1918, over a year before Congress passed the amendment. Ratification committees had already been established in state capitals, each with its own budget and plan of work. Immediately after Congress passed the amendment, Suffrage House and the federal lobbying operation were shut down and resources were diverted to the ratification drive. Catt had a sense of urgency, expecting a slowdown in reform energy after the war, which had ended seven months earlier. Many local suffrage societies had disbanded in states where women could already vote, making it more difficult to organize a quick ratification.

By the end of 1919, women effectively could vote for president in states that had a majority of electoral votes. Political leaders who were convinced that women's suffrage was inevitable began to pressure local and national legislators to support it so their party could claim credit for it in future elections. The conventions of both the Democratic and Republican Parties endorsed the amendment in June, 1920.

Former NAWSA members Kate Gordon and Laura Clay organized opposition to the amendment's ratification in the South. They had resigned from the NAWSA in the fall of 1918 at the executive board's request because of their public statements in opposition to a federal amendment. Only three Southern or border states, Arkansas, Texas, and Tennessee, ratified the 19th Amendment, with Tennessee being the crucial 36th state to ratify.

The Nineteenth Amendment, the women's suffrage amendment, became the law of the land on August 26, 1920, when it was certified by the United States Secretary of State.

Transition into the League of Women Voters
Six months before the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified, the NAWSA held its last convention. That convention created the League of Women Voters as the NAWSA's successor on February 14, 1920, with Maud Wood Park, former head of the NAWSA's Congressional Committee, as its president. The League of Women Voters was formed to help women play a larger part in public affairs as they won the right to vote. It was meant to help women exercise their right to vote. Before 1973 only women could join the league.

State Organizations working with the NAWSA

 * Alabama - Alabama Equal Suffrage Association.
 * Arizona - Arizona Equal Suffrage Campaign Committee
 * Arkansas - Arkansas Woman Suffrage Association; and, Political Equality League
 * Delaware - Delaware Equal Suffrage Association.
 * Hawaii - National Women's Equal Suffrage Association of Hawai'i.
 * Indiana - Women's Franchise League of Indiana
 * Kentucky - Kentucky Equal Rights Association
 * Maine - Maine Women's Suffrage Association.
 * Nevada - Nevada Equal Franchise Society.
 * New Mexico - Santa Fe chapter of NAWSA.
 * North Dakota - North Dakota Votes for Women League.
 * Texas - Texas Equal Suffrage Association.
 * Virginia - Equal Suffrage League of Virginia
 * West Virginia - West Virginia Equal Suffrage Association


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Neutron emission

Neutron emission is a mode of radioactive decay in which one or more neutrons are ejected from a nucleus. It occurs in the most neutron-rich/proton-deficient nuclides, and also from excited states of other nuclides as in photoneutron emission and beta-delayed neutron emission. As only a neutron is lost by this process the number of protons remains unchanged, and an atom does not become an atom of a different element, but a different isotope of the same element.

Neutrons are also produced in the spontaneous and induced fission of certain heavy nuclides.

Spontaneous neutron emission
As a consequence of the Pauli exclusion principle, nuclei with an excess of protons or neutrons have a higher average energy per nucleon. Nuclei with a sufficient excess of neutrons have a greater energy than the combination of a free neutron and a nucleus with one less neutron, and therefore can decay by neutron emission. Nuclei which can decay by this process are described as lying beyond the neutron drip line.

Two examples of isotopes that emit neutrons are beryllium-13 (decaying to beryllium-12 with a mean life $2.7 s$) and helium-5 (helium-4, $7 s$).

In tables of nuclear decay modes, neutron emission is commonly denoted by the abbreviation n.

 * {| class="wikitable" align="left"

 * + Neutron emitters to the left of lower dashed line (see also: Table of nuclides)

 * }

Double neutron emission
Some neutron-rich isotopes decay by the emission of two or more neutrons. For example, hydrogen-5 and helium-10 decay by the emission of two neutrons, hydrogen-6 by the emission of 3 or 4 neutrons, and hydrogen-7 by emission of 4 neutrons.

Photoneutron emission
Some nuclides can be induced to eject a neutron by gamma radiation. One such nuclide is 9Be; its photodisintegration is significant in nuclear astrophysics, pertaining to the abundance of beryllium and the consequences of the instability of 8Be. This also makes this isotope useful as a neutron source in nuclear reactors. Another nuclide, 181Ta, is also known to be readily capable of photodisintegration; this process is thought to be responsible for the creation of 180mTa, the only primordial nuclear isomer and the rarest primordial nuclide.

Beta-delayed neutron emission
Neutron emission usually happens from nuclei that are in an excited state, such as the excited 17O* produced from the beta decay of 17N. The neutron emission process itself is controlled by the nuclear force and therefore is extremely fast, sometimes referred to as "nearly instantaneous". This process allows unstable atoms to become more stable. The ejection of the neutron may be as a product of the movement of many nucleons, but it is ultimately mediated by the repulsive action of the nuclear force that exists at extremely short-range distances between nucleons.

Delayed neutrons in reactor control
Most neutron emission outside prompt neutron production associated with fission (either induced or spontaneous), is from neutron-heavy isotopes produced as fission products. These neutrons are sometimes emitted with a delay, giving them the term delayed neutrons, but the actual delay in their production is a delay waiting for the beta decay of fission products to produce the excited-state nuclear precursors that immediately undergo prompt neutron emission. Thus, the delay in neutron emission is not from the neutron-production process, but rather its precursor beta decay, which is controlled by the weak force, and thus requires a far longer time. The beta decay half lives for the precursors to delayed neutron-emitter radioisotopes, are typically fractions of a second to tens of seconds.

Nevertheless, the delayed neutrons emitted by neutron-rich fission products aid control of nuclear reactors by making reactivity change far more slowly than it would if it were controlled by prompt neutrons alone. About 0.65% of neutrons are released in a nuclear chain reaction in a delayed way due to the mechanism of neutron emission, and it is this fraction of neutrons that allows a nuclear reactor to be controlled on human reaction time-scales, without proceeding to a prompt critical state, and runaway melt down.

Induced fission
A synonym for such neutron emission is "prompt neutron" production, of the type that is best known to occur simultaneously with induced nuclear fission. Induced fission happens only when a nucleus is bombarded with neutrons, gamma rays, or other carriers of energy. Many heavy isotopes, most notably californium-252, also emit prompt neutrons among the products of a similar spontaneous radioactive decay process, spontaneous fission.

Spontaneous fission
Spontaneous fission happens when a nucleus splits into two (occasionally three) smaller nuclei and generally one or more neutrons.

title: Neutron emission