text:
Subobject classifier

In category theory, a subobject classifier is a special object Ω of a category such that, intuitively, the subobjects of any object X in the category correspond to the morphisms from X to Ω. In typical examples, that morphism assigns "true" to the elements of the subobject and "false" to the other elements of X. Therefore, a subobject classifier is also known as a "truth value object" and the concept is widely used in the categorical description of logic. Note however that subobject classifiers are often much more complicated than the simple binary logic truth values {true, false}.

Introductory example
As an example, the set Ω = {0,1} is a subobject classifier in the category of sets and functions: to every subset A of S defined by the inclusion function  j  : A → S we can assign the function χA from S to Ω that maps precisely the elements of A to 1 (see characteristic function). Every function from S to Ω arises in this fashion from precisely one subset A.

To be clearer, consider a subset A of S (A ⊆ S), where S is a set. The notion of being a subset can be expressed mathematically using the so-called characteristic function χA : S → {0,1}, which is defined as follows:
 * $$\chi_A(x) =

\begin{cases} 0, & \mbox{if }x\notin A \\ 1, & \mbox{if }x\in A \end{cases}$$

(Here we interpret 1 as true and 0 as false.) The role of the characteristic function is to determine which elements belong to the subset A. In fact, χA is true precisely on the elements of A.

In this way, the collection of all subsets of S and the collection of all maps from S to Ω = {0,1} are isomorphic.

To categorize this notion, recall that, in category theory, a subobject is actually a pair consisting of an object and a monic arrow (interpreted as the inclusion into another object). Accordingly, true refers to the element 1, which is selected by the arrow: true: {0} → {0, 1} that maps 0 to 1. The subset A of S can now be defined as the pullback of true along the characteristic function χA, shown on the following diagram: Defined that way, χ is a morphism SubC(S) → HomC(S, Ω). By definition, Ω is a subobject classifier if this morphism is an isomorphism.

Definition
For the general definition, we start with a category C that has a terminal object, which we denote by 1. The object Ω of C is a subobject classifier for C if there exists a morphism
 * 1 → Ω

with the following property:
 * For each monomorphism j: U → X there is a unique morphism χj: X → Ω such that the following commutative diagram

 * is a pullback diagram—that is, U is the limit of the diagram:

The morphism χj is then called the classifying morphism for the subobject represented by j.

Sheaves of sets
The category of sheaves of sets on a topological space X has a subobject classifier Ω which can be described as follows: For any open set U of X, Ω(U) is the set of all open subsets of U. The terminal object is the sheaf 1 which assigns the singleton {*} to every open set U of X. The morphism η:1 → Ω is given by the family of maps ηU : 1(U) → Ω(U) defined by ηU(*)=U for every open set U of X. Given a sheaf F on X and a sub-sheaf j: G → F, the classifying morphism χj : F → Ω is given by the family of maps χj,U : F(U) → Ω(U), where χj,U(x) is the union of all open sets V of U such that the restriction of x to V (in the sense of sheaves) is contained in jV(G(V)).

Roughly speaking an assertion inside this topos is variably true or false, and its truth value from the viewpoint of an open subset U is the open subset of U where the assertion is true.

Presheaves
Given a small category $$C$$, the category of presheaves $$\mathrm{Set}^{C^{op}}$$ (i.e. the functor category consisting of all contravariant functors from $$C$$ to $$\mathrm{Set}$$) has a subobject classifer given by the functor sending any $$c \in C$$ to the set of sieves on $$c$$. The classifying morphisms are constructed quite similarly to the ones in the sheaves-of-sets example above.

Elementary topoi
Both examples above are subsumed by the following general fact: every elementary topos, defined as a category with finite limits and power objects, necessarily has a subobject classifier. The two examples above are Grothendieck topoi, and every Grothendieck topos is an elementary topos.

Related concepts
A quasitopos has an object that is almost a subobject classifier; it only classifies strong subobjects.

title: Subobject classifier


text:
Talk:List of ambassadors and high commissioners to Canada

Untitled
Amadou Diallo, the Ambassador for Senegal currently links to the wrong person. Apparently, there are two people named Amadou Diallo. Someone with far more experiance than I have should fix this.

Untitled
Done. -- Cyan 03:37, 15 Nov 2003 (UTC)

For some reason, nations such as the United Kingdom are shown as sending Ambassadors to Canada, which is innacurate. Commonwealth countries send High Commissioners. Is it therefore in order to make a note of the same, or to create a separate page for High Commissioners to Canada? Lord Emsworth 00:18, Nov 16, 2003 (UTC)

 * The intro paragraph should briefly explain what the difference is and why it exists, and the article should have two sections. The first list should give ambassadors, and the second high commissioners.  And List of High Commissioners to Canada should redirect here. Tuf-Kat 00:20, Nov 16, 2003 (UTC)

Couldn't this page be move to "List of Ambassadors and High Commissioners to Canada" like the page List of Ambassadors and High Commissioners to the United Kingdom. -- AxSkov 11:10, 18 Dec 2004 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/


text:
Javanese language

Javanese (, ,  ; basa Jawa, Javanese script: ꦧꦱꦗꦮ, Pegon: , IPA: ) is a Malayo-Polynesian language spoken by the Javanese people from the central and eastern parts of the island of Java, Indonesia. There are also pockets of Javanese speakers on the northern coast of western Java. It is the native language of more than 68 million people.

Javanese is the largest of the Austronesian languages in number of native speakers. It has several regional dialects and a number of clearly distinct status styles. Its closest relatives are the neighboring languages such as Sundanese, Madurese, and Balinese. Most speakers of Javanese also speak Indonesian for official and commercial purposes as well as a means to communicate with non-Javanese-speaking Indonesians.

There are speakers of Javanese in Malaysia (concentrated in the West Coast part of the states of Selangor and Johor) and Singapore. Javanese is also spoken by traditional immigrant communities of Javanese descent in Suriname, Sri Lanka and New Caledonia.

Along with Indonesian, Javanese is an official language in the Special Region of Yogyakarta, Indonesia.

Classification
Javanese is part of the Malayo-Polynesian branch of the Austronesian language family, although its precise relationship to other Malayo-Polynesian languages is hard to determine. Using the lexicostatistical method, Isidore Dyen classified Javanese as part of the "Javo-Sumatra Hesion", which also includes the Sundanese and "Malayic" languages. This grouping is also called "Malayo-Javanic" by linguist Berndt Nothofer, who was the first to attempt a reconstruction of it based on only four languages with the best attestation at the time (Javanese, Sundanese, Madurese, and Malay).

Malayo-Javanic has been criticized and rejected by various linguists. Alexander Adelaar does not include Javanese in his proposed Malayo-Sumbawan grouping (which also covers Malayic, Sundanese, and Madurese languages). Robert Blust also does not include Javanese in the Greater North Borneo subgroup, which he proposes as an alternative to Malayo-Sumbawan grouping. However, Blust also expresses the possibility that Greater North Borneo languages are closely related to many other western Indonesian languages, including Javanese. Blust's suggestion has been further elaborated by Alexander Smith, who includes Javanese in the Western Indonesian grouping (which also includes GNB and several other subgroups), which Smith considers as one of Malayo-Polynesian's primary branches.

History
In general, the history of the Javanese language can be divided into two distinct phases: 1) Old Javanese and 2) New Javanese.

Old Javanese
The earliest attested form of Old Javanese can be found on the Sukabumi inscription, which dates from 804 CE. Between the 8th and the 15th century, this form of Javanese flourished in the island of Java. Old Javanese is commonly written in the form of verses. This language variety is also called kawi or 'of poets, poetical's, although this term could also be used to refer to the archaic elements of New Javanese literature. The writing system used to write Old Javanese is a descendant of the Pallava script from India. Almost half of the entire vocabularies found in Old Javanese literature are Sanskrit loanwords, although Old Javanese also borrowed terms from other languages in the Maritime Southeast Asia.

The form of Old Javanese found in several texts from 14th century onward (mostly written in Bali) is sometimes referred to as "Middle Javanese". Both Old and Middle Javanese written forms have not been widely used in Java since early 16th century. However, Old Javanese works and poetic tradition continue to be preserved in the Javanese-influenced Bali, and the variety is also used for religious purposes.

Modern Javanese
Modern Javanese emerged as the main literary form of the language in the 16th century. The change in the literary system happened as Islam started to gain influence in Java. In its early form, Modern Javanese literary form was based on the variety spoken in the north coast of Java, where Islam had already gained foothold among the local people. Many of the written works in this variety were Islamic in nature, and several of them were translation from works in Malay. The Arabic abjad was also adopted (as Pegon) to write Javanese.

The rise of Mataram in the 17th century shifted the main literary form of Javanese to be based on the inland variety. This written tradition was preserved by writers of Surakarta and Yogyakarta, and later became the basis of the modern written standard of the language. Another linguistic development associated with the rise of Mataram is the stratification of Javanese into speech levels such as ngoko and krama, which were unknown in Old Javanese.

Books in Javanese have been printed since 1830s, at first using the Javanese script, although the Latin alphabet started to be used later. Since mid-19th century, Javanese has been used in newspapers and travelogues, and later, also novels, short stories, as well as free verses. Today, it is used in media, ranging from books to TV programs, and the language is also taught at schools in primarily Javanese areas.

Although Javanese is not a national language, it has recognized status as a regional language in the three Indonesian provinces with the biggest concentrations of Javanese people: Central Java, Yogyakarta, and East Java. Javanese is designated as the official language of the Special Region of Yogyakarta under Yogyakarta Special Region Regulation Number 2 of 2021. Previously, Central Java promulgated a similar regulation—Regional Regulation 9/2012 —but this did not imply an official status for the language.

Javanese is taught at schools and is used in some mass media, both electronically and in print. There is, however, no longer a daily newspaper in Javanese. Javanese-language magazines include Panjebar Semangat, Jaka Lodhang, Jaya Baya, Damar Jati, and Mekar Sari. Damar Jati, a new Javanese language magazine, appeared in 2005 is not published in the Javanese heartlands, but in Jakarta.

Since 2003, an East Java local television station (JTV) has broadcast some of its programmes in the Surabayan (Suroboyoan) dialect, including Pojok Kampung ("Village Corner", main newscast), Kuis RT/RW ("RT/RW Quiz"), and Pojok Perkoro ("Case Corner", a crime newscast). In later broadcasts, JTV offers programmes in the Central Javanese dialect (called by them basa kulonan, "the western language") and Madurese. The speakers of Suroboyoan dialect are well known for being proud of their distinctive dialect and consistently maintain it wherever they go.

Geographical distribution
Javanese is spoken throughout Indonesia, neighboring Southeast Asian countries, the Netherlands, Suriname, New Caledonia, and other countries. The largest populations of speakers are found in the six provinces of Java itself, and in the neighboring Sumatran province of Lampung.

The language is spoken in Yogyakarta, Central and East Java, as well as on the north coast of West Java and Banten. It is also spoken elsewhere by the Javanese people in other provinces of Indonesia, who are numerous due to the government-sanctioned transmigration program in the late 20th century, including Lampung, Jambi, and North Sumatra provinces. In Suriname, Javanese is spoken among descendants of plantation migrants brought by the Dutch during the 19th century. In Madura, Bali, Lombok, and the Sunda region of West Java, it is also used as a literary language. It was the court language in Palembang, South Sumatra, until the palace was sacked by the Dutch in the late 18th century.

Javanese is written with the Latin script, Javanese script, and Arabic script. In the present day, the Latin script dominates writings, although the Javanese script is still taught as part of the compulsory Javanese language subject in elementary up to high school levels in Yogyakarta, Central and East Java.

Javanese is the twenty-second largest language by native speakers and the seventh largest language without official status at the national level. It is spoken or understood by approximately 100 million people. At least 45% of the total population of Indonesia are of Javanese descent or live in an area where Javanese is the dominant language. All seven Indonesian presidents since 1945 have been of Javanese descent. It is therefore not surprising that Javanese has had a deep influence on the development of Indonesian, the national language of Indonesia.

There are three main dialects of the modern language: Central Javanese, Eastern Javanese, and Western Javanese. These three dialects form a dialect continuum from northern Banten in the extreme west of Java to Banyuwangi Regency in the eastern corner of the island. All Javanese dialects are more or less mutually intelligible.

A table showing the number of native speakers in 1980, for the 22 Indonesian provinces (from the total of 27) in which more than 1% of the population spoke Javanese:

According to the 1980 census, Javanese was used daily in approximately 43% of Indonesian households. By this reckoning there were well over 60 million Javanese speakers, from a national population of 147,490,298.

In Banten, the descendants of the Central Javanese conquerors who founded the Islamic Sultanate there in the 16th century still speak an archaic form of Javanese. The rest of the population mainly speaks Sundanese and Indonesian, since this province borders directly on Jakarta.

At least one third of the population of Jakarta are of Javanese descent, so they speak Javanese or have knowledge of it. In the province of West Java, many people speak Javanese, especially those living in the areas bordering Central Java, the cultural homeland of the Javanese.

Almost a quarter of the population of East Java province are Madurese (mostly on the Isle of Madura); many Madurese have some knowledge of colloquial Javanese. Since the 19th century, Madurese was also written in the Javanese script.

The original inhabitants of Lampung, the Lampungese, make up only 15% of the provincial population. The rest are the so-called "transmigrants", settlers from other parts of Indonesia, many as a result of past government transmigration programs. Most of these transmigrants are Javanese who have settled there since the 19th century.

In Suriname (the former Dutch colony of Surinam), South America, approximately 15% of the population of some 500,000 are of Javanese descent, among whom 75,000 speak Javanese. A local variant evolved: the Tyoro Jowo-Suriname or Suriname Javanese.

Phonology
The phonemes of Modern Standard Javanese as shown below.

Vowels
In closed syllables the vowels are pronounced  respectively. In open syllables, are also  when the following vowel is  in an open syllable; otherwise they are, or identical. In the standard dialect of Surakarta, is pronounced  in word-final open syllables, and in any open penultimate syllable before such an.

Consonants
The Javanese "voiced" phonemes are not in fact voiced but voiceless, with breathy voice on the following vowel. The relevant distinction in phonation of the plosives is described as stiff voice versus slack voice.

A Javanese syllable can have the following form: CSVC, where C = consonant, S = sonorant (, or any nasal consonant), and V = vowel. As with other Austronesian languages, native Javanese roots consist of two syllables; words consisting of more than three syllables are broken up into groups of disyllabic words for pronunciation. In Modern Javanese, a disyllabic root is of the following type: nCsvVnCsvVC.

Apart from Madurese, Javanese is the only language of Western Indonesia to possess a distinction between dental and retroflex phonemes. The latter sounds are transcribed as "th" and "dh" in the modern Roman script, but previously by the use of an underdot: "ṭ" and "ḍ".

Morphology
Javanese, like many other Austronesian languages, is an agglutinative language, where base words are modified through extensive use of affixes.

Personal pronoun
Javanese has no specific personal pronoun to express plural except for the word kita which is probably absorbed from Indonesian or Malay. Pronoun pluralization can be ignored or expressed by using phrases such as aku kabèh 'we', awaké dhéwé 'us', dhèwèké kabèh 'them' and so on. Personal pronoun in Javanese, especially for the second and third person, are more often replaced by certain nouns or titles. In addition to the pronoun described in the table below, Javanese still has a variety of other pronoun whose use varies depending on the dialect or level of speech.

Syntax
Modern Javanese usually employs SVO word order. However, Old Javanese sometimes had VSO and sometimes VOS word order. Even in Modern Javanese, archaic sentences using VSO structure can still be made.

Examples:
 * Modern Javanese: "Dhèwèké (S) teka (V) ing (pp.) karaton (O)".
 * Old Javanese: "Teka (V) ta (part.) sira (S) ri (pp.) -ng (def. art.) kadhatwan (O)".

Both sentences mean: "He (S) comes (V) into (pp.) the (def. art.) palace (O)". In the Old Javanese sentence, the verb is placed at the beginning and is separated by the particle ta from the rest of the sentence. In Modern Javanese the definite article is lost, and definiteness is expressed by other means if necessary.

Verbs are not inflected for person or number. There is no grammatical tense; time is expressed by auxiliary words meaning "yesterday", "already", etc. There is a complex system of verb affixes to express differences of status in subject and object. However, in general the structure of Javanese sentences both Old and Modern can be described using the topic–comment model, without having to refer to conventional grammatical categories. The topic is the head of the sentence; the comment is the modifier. So the example sentence has a simpler description: Dhèwèké = topic; teka = comment; ing karaton = setting.

Vocabulary
Javanese has many loanwords supplementing those from the native Austronesian base. Sanskrit has had a deep and lasting impact. The Old Javanese–English Dictionary contains approximately 25,500 entries, over 12,600 of which are borrowings from Sanskrit. Such a high number is no measure of usage, but it does suggest the extent to which the language adopted Sanskrit words for formal purposes. In a typical Old Javanese literary work about 25% of the vocabulary is from Sanskrit. Many Javanese personal names also have clearly recognisable Sanskrit roots.

Sanskrit words are still very much in use. Modern speakers may describe Old Javanese and Sanskrit words as kawi (roughly meaning "literary"); but kawi words may also be from Arabic. Dutch and Malay are influential as well; but none of these rivals the position of Sanskrit.

There are far fewer Arabic loanwords in Javanese than in Malay, and they are usually concerned with Islamic religion. Nevertheless, some words have entered the basic vocabulary, such as pikir ("to think", from the Arabic fikr), badan ("body"), mripat ("eye", thought to be derived from the Arabic ma'rifah, meaning "knowledge" or "vision"). However, these Arabic words typically have native Austronesian or Sanskrit alternatives: pikir = galih, idhep (Austronesian) and manah, cipta, or cita (from Sanskrit); badan = awak (Austronesian) and slira, sarira, or angga (from Sanskrit); and mripat = mata (Austronesian) and soca or nétra (from Sanskrit).

Dutch loanwords usually have the same form and meaning as in Indonesian, with a few exceptions such as:

The word sepur also exists in Indonesian, but there it has preserved the literal Dutch meaning of "railway tracks", while the Javanese word follows Dutch figurative use, and "spoor" (lit. "rail") is used as metonymy for "trein" (lit. "train"). (Compare a similar metonymic use in English: "to travel by rail" may be used for "to travel by train".)

Malay was the lingua franca of the Indonesian archipelago before the proclamation of Indonesian independence in 1945; and Indonesian, which was based on Malay, is now the official language of Indonesia. As a consequence, there has been an influx of Malay and Indonesian vocabulary into Javanese. Many of these words are concerned with bureaucracy or politics.

Numbers
[Javanese Ngoko is on the left, and Javanese Krama is on the right.]

Registers
In common with other Austronesian languages, Javanese is spoken differently depending on the social context. In Austronesian there are often three distinct styles or registers. Each employs its own vocabulary, grammatical rules, and even prosody. In Javanese these styles are called:
 * 1) Ngoko : Vernacular or informal speech, used between friends and close relatives. It is also used by persons of higher status (such as elders, or bosses) addressing those of lower status (young people, or subordinates in the workplace).
 * 2) Madya : Intermediate between ngoko and krama. Strangers on the street would use it, where status differences may be unknown and one wants to be neither too formal nor too informal. The term is from Sanskrit madhya ("middle").
 * 3) Krama : The polite, high-register, or formal style. It is used between those of the same status when they do not wish to be informal. It is used by persons of lower status to persons of higher status, such as young people to their elders, or subordinates to bosses; and it is the official style for public speeches, announcements, etc. The term is from Sanskrit krama ("in order").

There are also "meta-style" honorific words, and their converse "humilifics". Speakers use "humble" words concerning themselves, but honorific words concerning anyone of greater age of higher social status. The humilific words are called krama andhap, while the honorifics are called krama inggil. This honorific system is very similar to that of the Japanese keigo, and was likely influenced by it during the Japanese Empire's occupation of Java in World War II. Children typically use the ngoko style, but in talking to the parents they must be competent with both krama inggil and krama andhap.

The most polite word meaning "eat" is dhahar. But it is forbidden to use these most polite words for oneself, except when talking with someone of lower status; and in this case, ngoko style is used. Such most polite words are reserved for addressing people of higher status:
 * Mixed usages
 * (honorific – addressing someone of high status) Bapak kersa dhahar? ("Do you want to eat?"; literally "Does father want to eat?")
 * (reply to a person of lower status, expressing speaker's superiority) Iya, aku kersa dhahar. ("Yes, I want to eat.")
 * (reply to a person of lower status, but without expressing superiority) Iya, aku arep mangan.
 * (reply to a person of equal status) Inggih, kula badhé nedha.

The use of these different styles is complicated and requires thorough knowledge of Javanese culture, which adds to the difficulty of Javanese for foreigners. The full system is not usually mastered by most Javanese themselves, who might use only the ngoko and a rudimentary form of the krama. People who can correctly use the different styles are held in high esteem.

Dialects
There are three main groups of Javanese dialects, based on sub-regions: Western Javanese, Central Javanese, and Eastern Javanese. The differences are primarily in pronunciation, but with vocabulary differences also. Javanese dialects are all mutually intelligible.

A preliminary general classification of Javanese dialects given by the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology's Department of Linguistics is as follows. Pesisir (Tegalan), Banyumas and Tengger are considered to be among the most conservative dialects. The Banten, Pesisir Lor, Banyumas and Tengger dialect do not have the vowel raising and vowel harmony features that are innovations of the "standard" Solo and Yogyakarta dialects.
 * West Java (Geographically) :
 * Banten
 * Cirebon
 * Central Java (Geographically) :
 * Pesisir Lor dialects
 * Tegal
 * Pemalang
 * Pekalongan
 * Yogyakarta
 * Surakarta/Solo
 * Semarang
 * Banyumas
 * Cilacap
 * Purwokerto
 * Kebumen
 * East Java (Geographically)
 * Surabaya
 * Malang
 * Madiun-Kediri-Nganjuk
 * Lumajang
 * Osing
 * Tengger

Standard Javanese
Standard Javanese is the variety of the Javanese language that was developed at the Yogyakarta and Surakarta courts (the heirs to the Mataram Sultanate that once dominated the whole of Java and beyond), based on the Central Javanese dialect, and becomes the basis for the Javanese modern writings. It is marked with the strict usage of two speech levels for politeness, i.e. vernacular level called ngoko and high-register level called krama. Other dialects do not contrast the usage of the speech levels.

Central Javanese
Central Javanese (Jawa Tengahan) is founded on the speech of Surakarta and to a lesser extent of Yogyakarta. It is considered the most "refined" of the regional variants, and serves as a model for the standard language. This variant is used throughout eastern part of Central Java, the Special Region of Yogyakarta, and the western part of East Java provinces. There are many lower-level dialects such as Muria and Semarangan, as well as Surakarta and Yogyakarta themselves. Javanese spoken in the Madiun region (along with Javanese spoken in Blitar, Ponorogo, Pacitan, and Tulungagung, and central parts of Kediri) bears a strong influence of Surakarta Javanese. The variations in Central Java are said to be so plentiful that almost every administrative region (or kabupatèn) has its own local slang; but those minor dialects are not seen as distinct by most Javanese speakers.

 * 1) Mataram dialect, Kewu dialect, or Standard dialect is spoken commonly in Yogyakarta, Surakarta, Klaten, Karanganyar, Wonogiri, Sukoharjo, Sragen, and Boyolali.
 * 2) Pekalongan dialect is spoken in Pekalongan, Pekalongan regency, Batang and also in Pemalang.
 * 3) Kedu dialect is spoken in the former Kedu residency, including: Temanggung, eastern part of Kebumen, Magelang, and Wonosobo.
 * 4) Bagelen dialect is sub-dialect of Kedu spoken in Purworejo.
 * 5) Semarang dialect is spoken in Semarang, Semarang regency, and also Salatiga, Grobogan, Demak and Kendal.
 * 6) Muria (Agung) dialect or Eastern North-Coast dialect is spoken in Jepara, Rembang, Kudus, Pati, and also in Tuban and Bojonegoro.
 * 7) Blora dialect is sub-dialect of Muria, spoken in Blora, the eastern part of Grobogan, and the western part of Ngawi.
 * 8) Madiunan dialect or Mataraman dialect is spoken mainly in western part of East Java province, including Madiun, Ngawi, Pacitan, Ponorogo, Magetan, Kediri, Nganjuk, Trenggalek, Tulungagung, and Blitar.

Western Javanese
Western Javanese (Jawa Kulonan), spoken in the western part of the Central Java province and throughout the West Java and Banten province (particularly on the north coast), includes dialects that are distinct for their Sundanese influences. It retains many archaic words and original pronunciation from Old Javanese.

 * 1) North Banten dialect (Jawa Sérang) is spoken in Serang, Cilegon, and the western part of Tangerang regency.
 * 2) Cirebon dialect (Cirebonan or basa Cerbon) is spoken in Cirebon, Indramayu, and Losari.
 * 3) Tegal dialect, known as Tegalan or dhialèk Pantura (North-Coast dialect), is spoken in Tegal, Brebes, and the western part of Pemalang regency.
 * 4) Banyumas dialect, known as Banyumasan, is spoken in Banyumas, Cilacap, Purbalingga, Banjarnegara, and Bumiayu.

Some Western Javanese dialects such as Banyumasan dialects and Tegal dialect are sometimes referred to as basa ngapak by other Javanese because of the dialectal pronunciation of word apa (what).

Eastern Javanese
Eastern Javanese (Jawa Wétanan) speakers range from the eastern banks of Brantas River in Kertosono, and from Jombang to Banyuwangi, comprising the second majority of the East Java province excluding Madura island, Situbondo and Bondowoso. However, some variant like Pedalungan has been influenced by Madurese.

The most outlying Eastern Javanese dialect is spoken in Balambangan (or Banyuwangi). It is generally known as basa Using. Using, a local negation word, is a cognate of tusing in Balinese.

 * 1) Arekan dialect is commonly spoken in Surabaya, Malang, Gresik, Mojokerto, Pasuruan, Lumajang, central and south-western part of Jember, eastern part of Lamongan, and Sidoarjo. Many Madurese people also use this dialect as their second language.
 * 2) Pasisir Lor Wétan (Northeastern Coast) dialect is spoken in Mojokerto, eastern part of Lamongan, Sidoarjo, Gresik, and Surabaya.
 * 3) Malang-Pasuruhan dialect is spoken in Malang and Pasuruan.
 * 4) Lumajangan dialect is sub-dialect of arekan spoken in most part of Lumajang (except in north-east which base of madurese people's) and also spoken in southwestern part of Jember like Kencong, Jombang, Umbulsari, Gumukmas, Puger
 * 5) Jombang dialect
 * 6) Tengger dialect used by Tengger people, which is centered in thirty villages in the isolated Tengger mountains (Mount Bromo) within the Bromo Tengger Semeru National Park in East-Central Java.
 * 7) Osing dialect spoken in central part of Banyuwangi.

Surinamese-Javanese
Surinamese-Javanese is mainly based on Central Javanese, especially from Kedu residency. The number of speakers of Suriname-Javanese in Suriname was estimated at 60,000 as of 2012. Most Surinamese-Javanese are bi- or trilingual. According to the 2004 census, Surinamese-Javanese was the first or second language in 11 percent of households. In a 2012 study of multilingualism in Surinamese education by the Dutch Language Union, 3,497 out of 22,643 pupils (15 percent) in primary education indicated Surinamese-Javanese as a language spoken at home. Most of them were living in Wanica and Paramaribo districts.

Not all immigrants from Indonesia to Suriname were speakers of Javanese. Immigration records show that 90 percent of immigrants were Javanese, with 5 percent Sundanese, 0.5 percent Madurese and 2.5 percent from Batavia. The ethnic composition of this last group was not determinable. Probably Sundanese, Madurese or Malay speaking immigrants were forced to learn Javanese during their stay in Suriname to adapt. In view of the language policies in Netherlands Indies at the time of immigration, it is unlikely the immigrants had knowledge of the Dutch language prior to immigration to Suriname. Dutch today is the official language of Suriname.

Surinamese Javanese is somewhat different from Indonesian Javanese. In Surinamese-Javanese there is a difference between formal and informal speech. Surinamese-Javanese took many loanwords from languages like Dutch, Sranantongo, Sarnami and Indonesian. The influence of the latter language, which is not spoken in Suriname, can be attributed to the Indonesian embassy and Islamic teachers from Indonesia. Indonesian movies are popular, and usually shown without subtitles on Surinamese-Javanese television channels.

In 1986, the Surinamese government adopted an official spelling for Surinamese-Javanese. It is seldom used as a written language, however.

In the 2012 survey, pupils who indicated Surinamese-Javanese as a language spoken at home, reported Dutch (97.9 percent) and Sranantongo (76.9 percent) also being spoken in the household.

Surinamese-Javanese speaking pupils report high proficiency in speaking and understanding, but very low literacy in the language. They report a low preference for the language in interaction with family members, including their parents, with the exception of their grandparents. Pupils where Surinamese-Javanese is spoken at tend at home to speak Dutch (77 percent) rather than Surinamese-Javanese (12 percent).

New Caledonian Javanese
As expected, New Caledonian Javanese is somewhat different from Indonesian Javanese. New Caledonian Javanese took many loanwords from French. New Caledonian society, in addition to their mastery of the language according to their ethnicity (New Caledonian Javanese), is obliged to be fluent in French that is a medium that is used in all the affairs of the state, economy, and education. French is regarded as a prestigious language because it is the language of the government, an official language in France include New Caledonia, one of the major languages in Europe, and one of the official languages of the United Nations.

Phonetic differences
Phoneme /i/ at closed ultima is pronounced as [ɪ] in Central Javanese (Surakarta–Yogyakarta dialect), as [i] in Western Javanese (Banyumasan dialect), and as [ɛ] in Eastern Javanese.

Phoneme /u/ at closed ultima is pronounced as [ʊ] in Central Javanese, as [u] in Western Javanese, and as [ɔ] in Eastern Javanese.

Phoneme /a/ at closed ultima in Central Javanese is pronounced as [a] and at open ultima as [ɔ]. Regardless of position, it tends toward [a] in Western Javanese and as [ɔ] in Eastern Javanese.

Western Javanese tends to add a glottal stop at the end of word-final vowels, e.g.: Ana apa? [anaʔ apaʔ] "What happened?", Aja kaya kuwè! [adʒaʔ kajaʔ kuwɛʔ] "Don't be like that!".

Final consonant devoicing occurs in the standard Central Javanese dialect, but not in Banyumasan. For example, endhog (egg) is pronounced [əɳɖ̥ɔk] in standard Central Javanese, but [əɳɖ̥ɔg] in Banyumasan. The latter is closer to Old Javanese.

Vocabulary differences
The vocabulary of standard Javanese is enriched by dialectal words. For example, to get the meaning of "you", Western Javanese speakers say rika, Eastern Javanese use kon or koen , and Central Javanese speakers say kowé. Another example is the expression of "how": the Tegal dialect of Western Javanese uses keprimèn, the Banyumasan dialect of Western Javanese employs kepriwé or kepribèn , Eastern Javanese speakers say ya' apa  – originally meaning "like what" (kaya apa in standard Javanese) or kepiyé  – and Central Javanese speakers say piye  or kepriyé.

The Madiun–Kediri dialect has some idiosyncratic vocabulary, such as panggah 'still' (standard Javanese: pancet), lagèk 'progressive modal' (standard Javanese: lagi), and emphatic particles nda, pèh, and lé.

Endangerment
Several linguists has voiced concerns about the status of Javanese. It is believed that Ngoko Javanese enjoys a stable diglossic status, while Krama Javanese is under more serious threat. The number of Javanese native speakers has significantly dwindled over the years. In a research in Yogyakarta, it was revealed that a significant number of parents do not transmit Javanese to their children. Instead, Javanese speakers typically acquire Javanese through extrafamilial sources, like friend groups. Although Javanese enjoys a large quantity of speaker base, it is not immune from pressures from other languages like Indonesian and English.

Writing system

Javanese has been traditionally written with Javanese script. Javanese and the related Balinese script are modern variants of the old Kawi script, a Brahmic script introduced to Java along with Hinduism and Buddhism. Kawi is first attested in a legal document from 804 AD. It was widely used in literature and translations from Sanskrit from the 10th century; by the 17th, the script is identified as carakan.

The Javanese script is an abugida. Each of the twenty letters represents a syllable with a consonant (or a "zero consonant") and the inherent vowel 'a' that is pronounced as /ɔ/ in open position. Various diacritics placed around the letter indicate a different vowel than [ɔ], a final consonant, or a foreign pronunciation.

Letters have subscript forms used to transcribe consonant clusters, though the shape are relatively straightforward, and not as distinct as conjunct forms of Devanagari. Some letters are only present in old Javanese and became obsolete in modern Javanese. Some of these letters became "capital" forms used in proper names. Punctuation includes a comma; period; a mark that covers the colon, quotations, and indicates numerals; and marks to introduce a chapter, poem, song, or letter.

However, Javanese can also be written with the Arabic script (known as the Pegon script) and today generally uses Latin script instead of Javanese script for practical purposes. A Latin orthography based on Dutch was introduced in 1926, revised in 1972–1973; it has largely supplanted the carakan. The current Latin-based forms:

The italic letters are used in loanwords from European languages and Arabic.

Javanese script:

Sample text
The following is a sample text in Javanese of Article 1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

title: Javanese language


text:
Tokugawa Yorifusa

Tokugawa Yorifusa (徳川 頼房), also known as Mito Yorifusa, was a Japanese daimyō of the early Edo period.

Biography
Known in his childhood as Tsuruchiyomaru (鶴千代丸), he was the eleventh son of Tokugawa Ieyasu, the first Tokugawa shogun with his concubine, Kageyama-dono later adopted as Okaji no Kata's son after his younger sister, Ichihime died. Yorifusa was first enfeoffed in the Shimotsuma domain (100,000 koku) from 1606 to 1609, before being transferred to Mito (Hitachi Province, 350,000 koku) in 1610, thereby founding the Mito branch of the Tokugawa house (the junior branch of the gosanke). A holder of the junior 3rd court rank (jusanmi), Yorifusa held the title of chūnagon (middle counselor), both of which he received in 1627.

Family

 * Father: Tokugawa Ieyasu
 * Mother: Kageyama-dono (1580–1653) later Yoju-in
 * Adopted Mother: Okaji no Kata
 * Wife, Concubine, Children:
 * Concubine: Hisa later Kyushoin (1604-1662), daughter of Tani Shigenori
 * Matsudaira Yorishige
 * Tokugawa Mitsukuni
 * Concubine: Okatsu no Kata later Enrin-in, daughter of Sasaki Masakatsu
 * Michiko (1624-1664) betrothed to Matsudono Michiaki
 * Kamemaru (1625-1628)
 * Man (1627-1689) married Ota Sukemasa
 * Kiku (1628-1706) married Matsudaira Yasuhiro
 * Matsudaira Yoritomo (1629-1693)
 * Sen (1635-1681) married Maki Kagenobu
 * Matsu
 * Matsudaira Yorikatsu (1630-1697)
 * Concubine: Oya no Kata later Jokoin
 * Kiihime (1627-1631)
 * Kohime (1628-1717)
 * Matsudaira Yoritaka (1629-1707)
 * Matsudaira Yoriyuki (1631-1717)
 * Ritsu (1632-1711) married Yamanobe Yoshikata
 * Suzuki Shigeyoshi (1634-1668)
 * Concubine: Kitsuke later Gyokuho-in
 * Oohime (1627-1656) married Maeda Mitsutaka
 * Concubine: Tama later Shonshin'in daughter of Banzo Sokenjikyozen
 * Matsudaira Yoritoshi (1630-1674)
 * Concubine: Aii later Tsuji'in daughter of Tanya Yorifusa
 * Matsudaira Yoriyuki (1631-1664)
 * Matsudaira Fusaji (1633-1682)
 * Concubine: Toshi later Choshoin
 * Furi (1633-1667) married Honda Masatoshi
 * Take (1636-1637)
 * Ume (1638-1697) married Utsunomiya Takatsuna
 * Concubine: Nana later Shinje-in daughter of Oida Yasunao
 * Inu (1634-1675) married Hosokawa Tsunatoshi
 * Ichi (1639-1690) married Sakai Tadaharu
 * Concubine: Iku later Kashin-in daughter of Takano Kiyohyou
 * Kuma (1649-1709) married Ito Tomotsugu

title: Tokugawa Yorifusa


text:
Tokugawa Yorinobu

Tokugawa Yorinobu (徳川 頼宣) was a Japanese daimyō of the early Edo period.

Born under the name Nagatomimaru (長福丸), he was the 10th son of Tokugawa Ieyasu, by his concubine Kageyama-dono. On December 8, 1603, Yorinobu received the fief of Mito, then rated at 200,000 koku, as his fief. Mito had formerly belonged to his older brother, Takeda Nobuyoshi. Following his stipend increase to 250,000 koku in October 1604, he came of age on September 12, 1606, taking the name Yorimasa, and receiving the court rank of junior 4th, lower grade (ju-shi-i-ge) and the title of Hitachi no Suke. On January 6, 1610, he was transferred to a 500,000 koku fief in Suruga and Tōtōmi Provinces (thereby founding Sunpu Domain centered on Sunpu Castle), and took the name Yorinobu. However, after a little under a decade in Suruga, he was transferred to the 550,000 koku Wakayama Domain on August 27, 1619, following the transfer of the previous rulers, the Asano clan, to Hiroshima, in Aki Province. Yorinobu thus became the founder of the Kii branch of the Tokugawa family. Yorinobu's wife, Yorin-in (1601-1666) was the daughter of Katō Kiyomasa. By the end of his life, Yorinobu had achieved junior 2nd court rank (ju-ni-i), as well as holding the title of dainagon ("major counselor").

Yorinobu had four children: his successor Tokugawa Mitsusada, Yorizumi, the founder of the Iyo-Saijo Domain, Inaba-hime, who married Ikeda Mitsunaka of the Tottori Domain, and Matsuhime, who married Matsudaira Nobuhira of the Yoshii Domain. Following his death, he was referred to by the title Nanryū-in.

In 1915, Yorinobu was posthumously promoted to senior 2nd court rank (shō-ni-i).

Family

 * Father: Tokugawa Ieyasu
 * Mother: Kageyama-dono (1580–1653) later Yoju-in
 * Wife: Yasohime later Yorin-in (1601-1666)
 * Concubines:
 * Yamada-dono
 * Nakagawa-dono
 * Ochi no Kata
 * Children:
 * Tokugawa Mitsusada by Nakagawa-dono
 * Shuri by Yamada-dono
 * Matsudaira Yorizumi (1641-1711) by Ochi no Kata
 * Inabahime married Ikeda Mitsunaka by Ochi no Kata
 * Matsuhime married Matsudaira Nobuhira by Ochi no Kata

title: Tokugawa Yorinobu


text:
Talk:Friction

Article merged: See old talk-page here

Semi-protected edit request on 20 February 2021
The reference to the NASA document: Barrett, Richard T. (1 March 1990). "(NASA-RP-1228) Fastener Design Manual" This is used as a source for the static and dynamic friction of wood and other materials. This document has absolutely nothing to do with friction and includes no such reference data. 149.167.140.87 (talk) 03:31, 20 February 2021 (UTC)

 * Red information icon with gradient background.svg Not done: Have a look at Table IV on page 20. It seems the data the document is used as a source for is present. Volteer1 (talk) 03:48, 20 February 2021 (UTC)

Semi-protected edit request on 17 June 2021
The description of normal reaction N is completely wrong. N is NOT the the force that compresses the two surfaces together. N is a pair of electrostatic repulsion when the surfaces are brought in contact. The statement that N=mg is also partially incorrect since it is only true on a horizontal flat surface. On an incline plane N=mg cos(theta) where theta is the angle of incline. One should also explain that the statement N=mg does NOT mean that these the normal reaction is the same as gravity. The ambiguity must be explained; the magnitude of normal reaction is equal to the magnitude of gravity (on flat horizontal plane) but N and mg are two forces acting on two different points of action (mg acts at center of mass and N acts at a point of surface of contact), the direction of gravity is opposite of direction of N AND the nature of gravity and N are different (gravity & electrostatic force). These big mistakes must be corrected. They mis-inform physics students Pari-sterzinger (talk) 02:13, 17 June 2021 (UTC)
 * Red information icon with gradient background.svg Not done: It's not clear what exactly you want to be changed (please state it in the suggested "x to y" format), and what would actually be helpful would be finding some sources to cite for this information (which you have provided exactly zero examples of) RandomCanadian (talk / contribs) 03:36, 17 June 2021 (UTC)

Proposed merge of Friction Acoustics into Friction
I don't see any particular reason for "Friction Acoustics" to be an independent article at this time. I recommend merging into the section under "Energy of friction" Polyamorph (talk) 13:17, 3 February 2022 (UTC)
 * Weak oppose: while I agree that the current article is weak, the topic has sufficient scope to be developed. Hence, I think that ímprove rather than merge, would be the better action. Klbrain (talk) 19:59, 23 August 2022 (UTC)
 * Closing, given the uncontested objection and no support. Klbrain (talk) 10:08, 27 December 2022 (UTC)

Edit request
Plinius the elder and Vitruvius are Romans not Greeks and not even remotely contemporary. 151.35.217.119 (talk) 14:29, 6 July 2023 (UTC)

 * Done by removing the "Greek" as is was superfluous. Ldm1954 (talk) 20:20, 31 August 2023 (UTC)

Wiki Education assignment: 4A Wikipedia Assignment
— Assignment last updated by Kmijares (talk) 22:40, 15 November 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Friction


text:
Tokugawa Yoshinao

Tokugawa Yoshinao (徳川 義直) was a Japanese daimyō of the early Edo period.

Biography
Born the ninth son of Tokugawa Ieyasu with his concubine, Okame no Kata. His childhood name was Gorōtamaru (五郎太丸). While still a young child, he was appointed leader of first the fief of Kofu in Kai Province and later the fief of Kiyosu in Owari Province. In 1610, he was appointed leader of the Owari Domain (present-day Nagoya), one of the most important regions in the country, thus founding the Owari-Tokugawa house. A holder of the 2nd court rank, junior grade (ju-ni-i), he had the title of dainagon (major counselor).

During the Kan'ei era (1624-44) he had a kiln constructed at the corner of the Ofuke enceinte (Ofukemaru) of Nagoya Castle and invited potters from Seto to make pottery there. This became known as Ofukei ware.

Yoshinao began learning Shinkage-ryū from Yagyū Hyōgonosuke at age 16, and was named the 4th sōke at age 21. His remains were cremated and laid to rest at his mausoleum in Jōkō-ji (Seto).

Family
Yoshinao's principal wife was Haruhime, the daughter of Asano Yoshinaga of Kii (whose family was later transferred to Hiroshima), and his concubines included Osai and Ojō no Kata. He had two children: Mitsutomo, who succeeded him as daimyō of Owari, and Shiko or Kyōhime who married Hirohata Tadayuki, a court noble.

 * Father: Tokugawa Ieyasu
 * Mother: Okame no Kata (1573–1642) later Sōōin
 * Wife: Asano Haruhime (1593–1637) later Kōgen-in, daughter of Asano Yoshinaga of Kishū Domain
 * Concubines:
 * Osai no Kata later Sadashin-in
 * Ojō no Kata later Kankiin
 * Children:
 * Tokugawa Mitsutomo by Ojō
 * Kyōhime (1626–1674) by Osai and married Hirohata Tadayuki

title: Tokugawa Yoshinao


text:
Torii Naritsugu

Torii Naritsugu (鳥居 成次) was the son of Torii Mototada. He was lord of Yamura fief in Kai province (worth 35,000 koku), but was dispossessed in 1632 and banished to his nephew Torii Tadatsune's domain in Yamagata.

title: Torii Naritsugu


text:
Torii Tadaharu

Torii Tadaharu (鳥居 忠春) was a Japanese daimyō of the early Edo period who ruled the Takatō Domain in Shinano Province (modern-day Nagano Prefecture). Tadaharu was the 3rd son of Torii Tadamasa, the lord of the Yamagata Domain. As his father died before a successor was named from among his sons, the Torii family's holdings were confiscated. However, because of his grandfather Torii Mototada's distinguished service, the family name was restored, and Tadaharu was made lord of the Takatō fief, with an income of 32,000 koku.

Tadaharu was first famed for his wise rulership of Takatō; however, his rule soon became oppressive, especially after he killed seven of his senior retainers who admonished him. Many of the peasants from Takatō fled to Tokugawa-controlled tenryō territory in 1654. In 1663, while serving at Osaka Castle, Tadaharu was murdered by his doctor Matsui Jukaku.

The family headship was passed to Tadaharu's eldest son Tadanori.

title: Torii Tadaharu


text:
Torii Tadamasa

Torii Tadamasa (鳥居 忠政) was a Japanese Samurai and Daimyo of the Edo period, who served Tokugawa Shogunate. He was a son of Torii Mototada, a retainer of Tokugawa Ieyasu.

In 1603, following the Battle of Sekigahara, he become the first lord (daimyō) of Iwakitaira Domain in Japan's Mutsu Province, worth 100,000 koku.

In 1622, he was moved to the larger fief of Yamagata in Dewa Province, worth 260,000 koku.

title: Torii Tadamasa


text:
Torii Tadatsune

Torii Tadatsune (鳥居 忠恒) was the son of the daimyō Torii Tadamasa; his fief reverted to the control of the shogunate when Tadatsune died without an heir.

title: Torii Tadatsune


text:
Torii Tadayoshi

Torii Tadayoshi (鳥居 忠吉) was a Japanese samurai of the mid-Sengoku period. Longtime retainer of Matsudaira Hirotada and later, his son Tokugawa Ieyasu. When Ieyasu was sent to Sunpu Castle to be a hostage to the Imagawa clan, Tadayoshi served alongside Matsudaira Shigeyoshi as castle warden of Okazaki Castle. He was renowned as a model of frugality, eventually saving up enough money by the time Ieyasu returned, in order to rearm the Matsudaira (Tokugawa) clan.

Tadayoshi was a father in law of Honda Shigetsugu. In later years, he was held up as the model Mikawa-era Tokugawa vassal. After he died, his son, Torii Mototada succeeded the Torii family headship.

title: Torii Tadayoshi


text:
Battle of Uchidehama

The Battle of Uchidehama (打出浜の戦い) took place in 1582, near Kyoto, Japan, following the Battle of Yamazaki.

The forces of Toyotomi Hideyoshi pursued the defeated Akechi clan to Uchidehama and engaged the clan again there. Akechi Mitsuharu led the Akechi, as his cousin, Mitsuhide, died at Yamazaki. Hori Hidemasa led the Toyotomi forces at Uchidehama, and defeated Akechi Mitsuharu.

Uchidehama was near present-day Ōtsu city, Shiga prefecture outside Kyoto.

title: Battle of Uchidehama


text:
Wikipedia talk:Changing username

Duration to wait for an usurpation
I noticed that, as of this writing, every pending request on WP:CHUU is set for a one month waiting period, same as on Meta. However, to my understanding (and per the heading below each section), on enwiki we only need to wait one week after informing the target user before renaming. I'm not sure if there was a consensus elsewhere to extend the waiting period to one month.

As far as I'm aware, the current convention is due to the fact that WP:CHUU predates the global rename tool, so some of its procedures were grandfathered in. WP:CHUU is only for usurping accounts whose home wikis are the English Wikipedia; accounts whose home wikis are on other wikis need to be usurped via Meta, and go through the one month waiting period.

If there's consensus to extend the waiting period to one month here, I'm curious to know, but if not, all of those requests can currently be processed, as they're all past the one week waiting period. — k6ka  🍁 ( Talk ·  Contributions ) 00:45, 30 March 2024 (UTC)

 * I think a seven-day hold should be enough. We've recently introduced the 30-day hold from Meta, but I don't see any issue with going back to a seven-day hold for future requests. Since the processing time for old requests was also seven days, I'll go ahead and process pending requests for now. – DreamRimmer (talk) 12:06, 30 March 2024 (UTC)
 * Sounds good! — k6ka  🍁 ( Talk ·  Contributions ) 22:57, 1 April 2024 (UTC)

Redirect from old user talk page
So... I've been telling a user who was recently renamed that we generally don't delete the redirect from the old user talk page to the new one that is automatically created during the rename. That's based on what I've observed in other renames, and another admin confirmed that was their understanding. Old user talk page redirects seemed to only be suppressed when someone is vanishing. The user was annoyed but eventually accepted that. Different than user pages, which are deleted on user request.

However, yesterday I saw someone on my watchlist was renamed, who wasn't vanishing, where the redirect from the user talk page was suppressed as part of the page move.

So first, is there a rule? And second, if there is a rule against it, how important is it? I'd like to just IAR and delete the redirect even if there is a rule, just because the user wants it and I can't see any giant problem. I don't know if this is just a personal choice by the global renamer, and I've been insisting on a rule that doesn't exist. I generally only like to follow rules that make sense, and (if it exists) I'm not sure this one does. Floquenbeam (talk) 18:43, 7 June 2024 (UTC)
 * When renaming an account, there is a tick box to suppress the creation of redirects, but not particular pages. As far as the rule of thumb or policy, I don't know. -  FlightTime  ( open channel ) 18:55, 7 June 2024 (UTC)
 * @Floquenbeam here's my hot take: WP:DELTALK is primarily because that is a page that likely has multiple authors and may be useful to others. This type of redirect doesn't suffer from that condition. So should these go to RFD or MFD? No, that's a waste of time. If it seems like a reasonable deletion request from an editor in good standing, I'd likely just delete it. And if the redirect wasn't made, I wouldn't go making it (but certainly wouldn't care if the user made it themselves). The redirects are often very useful, but in certain cases someone has a good reason from distancing themselves from their old username a bit. Users asking about this in side channels should be cautioned that renames are absolutely not secret (only the "reason" may be if submitted though the queues).
 * The global renamers are not always consistent in their processes, and we're not going to fix that upstream situation here on enwiki. — xaosflux  Talk 19:16, 7 June 2024 (UTC)
 * Thank you,, I'll do that. It appears I took half a dozen observed data points and called them a policy. Floquenbeam (talk) 19:23, 7 June 2024 (UTC)

title: Wikipedia talk:Changing username


text:
Talk:Veronica (search engine)

De-Stub
I'm not sure if anyone will come upon this, but I wonder: is Veronica still running anywhere? At the very least, I doubt there are "thousands" of Gopher menus for it to index any more. Or maybe I'm wrong, it would be interesting to de-stub this article... IMSoP

There are at least two Veronica servers running in addition to V2. And it's millions, not thousands. :) Newmanbe 13:18, 23 December 2005 (UTC)

title: Talk:Veronica (search engine)


text:
Old Javanese

Old Javanese or Kawi (lit. 'poet', कवि) is the oldest attested phase of the Javanese language. It was spoken in the eastern part of what is now Central Java and the whole of East Java, Indonesia. As a literary language, Kawi was used across Java and on the islands of Madura, Bali, and Lombok. It had a sizable vocabulary of Sanskrit loanwords but had not yet developed the formal krama language register, to be used with one's social superiors that is characteristic of modern Javanese.

History
While evidence of writing in Java dates to the Sanskrit Tarumanegara inscription of 450 AD, the oldest example written entirely in Javanese, called the Sukabumi inscription, is dated 25 March 804 AD. This inscription, located in the district of Pare in the Kediri Regency of East Java, is a copy of the original, dated some 120 years earlier; only this copy has been preserved. Its contents concern the construction of a dam for an irrigation canal near the river Śrī Hariñjing (now shortened to Srinjing). This inscription is the last of its kind to be written using Pallava script; all consequent examples of Old Javanese are written using Kawi script.

Development
Old Javanese was not static, and its usage covered approximately 500 years – from the Sukabumi (Kediri, East Java) inscription until the founding of the Majapahit empire in 1292. The Javanese language which was spoken and written in the Majapahit era already underwent some changes and is therefore already closer to the Modern Javanese language.

Austronesian origins
The most important shaping force on Old Javanese was its Austronesian heritage in vocabulary, sentence structure, and grammar that it shared with its sister languages in Southeast Asia.

Sanskrit influence
The Indian linguistic influence in the Old Javanese language was almost exclusively Sanskrit influence. There is no evidence of Indian linguistic elements in Old Javanese other than Sanskrit. This is different from, for example, the influence of Indian linguistics in the (Old) Malay language.

Sanskrit has had a deep and lasting impact on the vocabulary of the Javanese language. The Old Javanese–English Dictionary, written by Professor P.J. Zoetmulder in 1982, contains approximately 25,500 entries, no fewer than 12,500 of which are borrowed from Sanskrit. This large number is not an indication of usage, but it is an indication that the Ancient Javanese knew and employed these Sanskrit words in their literary works. In any given Old Javanese literary work, approximately 25% of the vocabulary is derived from Sanskrit.

Phonology
Sanskrit has also influenced both the phonology and the vocabulary of Old Javanese. Old Javanese also contains retroflex consonants, which might have been derived from Sanskrit. That is disputed by several linguists, who hold the view that it is also possible that the occurrence of these retroflex consonants was an independent development within the Austronesian language family.

Vocabulary
A related question is the form in which Sanskrit words were loaned in Old Javanese. The borrowed Sanskrit words in Old Javanese are almost without exceptions nouns and adjectives in their undeclined form (Sanskrit lingga). Old Javanese texts contain many more characters with similar phonology values to represent distinct vowels and consonants in Sanskrit such as unadapted loanwords. Wherever these diacritics occur in Old Javanese texts, they are neglected in pronunciation: bhaṭāra is the same as baṭara (loss of vowel length and aspiration is also shared by Elu Prakrit, the ancestor of Sinhala). Nor do they influence the order of the words in the dictionary: the variants s, ṣ, and ś, for example, are all treated like s.

Influences
Medieval poems written in Old Javanese using the Kawi script continued to be circulated within the courts of Kartasura, Surakarta, and Yogyakarta. The poems were called layang kawi (Kawi books) or kakawin and were held in high regard. Starting in the 18th century, literature inspired by Old Javanese was written using the modern Javanese language and verse.

Vowels
Old Javanese has six vowels. Those vowels are "a", "ĕ" /ə/, "e" /e/, i, u, and o in Latin transliteration. Little can be said about the pronunciation of Old Javanese. It is believed that it has not been much different from the pronunciation of modern Javanese. However, the major difference is the pronunciation of /a/ in open syllables: now å, then /a/, such as in wana (forest). Although, Old Javanese made a distinction between those "short vowels" and "long vowels" in writing such as ā, ö, e, ī, ū, and o, however, these "long vowels" have no distinction in phonology with those "short vowels". This distinction is generally happened with unadapted loanwords from Sanskrit which differentiates the short and long vowels.

Consonants
There are twenty consonants in Old Javanese which are written as b, c, d, ḍ, g, h, j, k, l, m, n, ñ, ŋ, p, r, s, t, ṭ, w, and y in Latin transliteration. The consonant ñ sometimes is written as the digraph ny and IPA ɲ, while the consonant ŋ sometimes is written as the digraph ng.

Sandhi
Sandhi is a cover term for a wide variety of sound changes that occur at morpheme or word boundaries.

 * If a word ends in a vowel and the next word in the same sentence begins with a vowel, both words may merge into one, with one vowel instead of two vowels, such as dewatādi instead of dewata + adi.
 * A merger of ĕ with the preceding vowel results in assimilated ĕ to the preceding vowel, such as wawan (load, cargo; vessel, carrier, container, setting) from wawa (to carry, to bring) + ĕn.
 * Similar vowels without short-long vowels consideration are assimilated as "long vowels". For example, rĕngön (hearing) is constructed from rĕngö (hearing, listening) + ĕn.
 * The open vowel /a/ followed by close-front vowels of /e/ or /i/ are assimilated as /e/, such as bhinna ika become bhinneka (those are different). Meanwhile, the open vowel /a/ followed by close-back vowels of /o/ or /u/ is assimilated as /o/, such as mantra oṣadha becomes mantroṣadha.
 * The semi-vowel y or w will replace the corresponding vowel i, u, or ö, when followed by a dissimilar vowel. For example, kadi amṛta become kadyamṛta (i + a → ya), ri ubhaya become ryubhaya (i + u → yu), milu āśā become milwāśā (u + a → wa), māsku ibu become māskwibu (u + i → wi), and angangsö agawe become angangswagawe (ö + a → wa).

Verb
Old Javanese verbs are morphologically complex and are conjugated by taking on a variety of affixes reflecting focus/trigger, aspect, voice, and other categories.

Voice/Focus/Trigger

 * The active voice is derived through either prefix (m)aN- or infix -um-.
 * The prefix (m)aN-, which is realised as maN- and aN-, is the prefix to make transitive verbs, for example, amati (to kill) from pati (death) and mangan (to eat) from pangan (food), if the base word is a verb. However, if the base word is a noun, the derivation can result in both transitive and intransitive verbs, such as angjanma (to be born, incarnate) from janma (man), whether the result will be either transitive or intransitive can not be predicted. In the base word is an adjective, the derived verbs are causative, such as anghilang (to cause something to disappear) from hilang (disappeared). The derivation can undergo denasalization in particular situations such as pamangan instead of mamangan (to eat) and panginum instead of manginum (to drink).
 * The infix -um- is the prefix to show active verb which generally shows no difference in meaning with the derivation with prefix (m)aN-. Sometimes, there is a difference in meaning between the prefixed (m)aN- and infixed -um-, such as anahur (to repay) and sumahur (to answer) from sahur (answer, return).
 * Passive voices are derived through either the prefix ka- or infix -in-. It is not necessary to express the actor in a passive sentence. If the actor is explicitly mentioned, the actor is introduced by de and put after the subject, such as "Katon pwa ta de sang Śrutasena".
 * The prefix ka- refers to passive voice. If it is put before the consonant of the stem, it shows no change. However, if it is put before vowels, the sandhi is applicable, such as in kālap (taken) from ka- + alap. Other than ā from a + a, the other sandhi is ā from a + ĕ /ə/, e from a + either i or e, and o from a + u (there is no example with a + o exist).
 * The other passive voice derivation is through infix -in-, such as inalap (taken) from alap.

Case

 * The beneficiary-orientedness or plurality can be indicated with the suffix -i and -an. The suffix -i is used for active transitive verbs (with prefix (m)aN- or infix -um-) which harmonised into either -i (amatī, to slay, from pati) and -ani (amatyani, to slay, from pati) after a vowel. However, passive transitive verbs use the suffix -an (with the prefix ka- or infix -in-). In case of a final vowel -a, -an is attached, not -anan, for example, kapaḍan.
 * Causative can be indicated by the suffix -akĕn from verbal and nominal bases (either prefix (m)aN- or infix -um-). The verb with -akĕn is object-oriented. There is no combination between the passive ka- and with suffix -akĕn.
 * Applicative can be indicated by prefix maka- and pinaka- with sandhi rules applied. Prefix maka- is used for active voice (with (m)aN- and -um- integrated), while passive voice uses the prefix pinaka- (with -in- and ka- integrated). The denasalisation phenomenon can happen.

Mood

 * Irrealis mood can be indicated by suffix -a to the verbs. The active irrealis verb can be constructed as active affixes (prefix (m)aN- or infix -um-) with suffix -a (such as manghuripa from manghurip). However, passive irrealis can be constructed with suppression of infix -in- and addition of the suffix -ĕn (such as huripĕn), while the addition of suffix -a to prefixed ka- passive verbs. The presence of sandhi sometimes made it impossible to see whether -a of irrealis mood. In the case of pronominal suffix presence, the irrealis suffix is prioritized.
 * There are three ways to put a verb in the imperative mood.
 * ...by bare form without any affix, such as mijil (please come out) and anunggangi (please mount), which is the polite form. This form is just recognized by the context.
 * ...drop the verbal prefix, such as wijil and tunggangi.
 * ...place either t(a) or p(a) before the unchanged or reduced form, such as ta mijil, ta wijil, pamijil or pawijil and tānunggangi, ta tunggangi, pānunggangi or patunggangi.
 * Prohibition is expressed by the word haywa (do not), such as "haywa ta kita malara!" (Don't be sad!).

Particle
There are various particles in Old Javanese. Particle ta is the most common one. The other particles that occur regularly are pwa, ya, and sira. These ya and sira as particles must be differentiated from the personal pronouns ya and sira, ‘he, she’. Sometimes they are combined such as ta pwa and ta ya. It is not compulsory to use them; they are often left out.

Personal pronouns and pronominal suffixes
Old Javanese have several personal pronouns for the first, second, and third person. The pronoun is not differentiated by singular and plural and social status in general. Sira may be used as an honorific particle, similar to sang. The personal pronoun has corresponding pronominal suffixes which serve to express either the possessive relationship or an agent. The suffixes exhibit sandhi features, such as

 * The suffix -ku has no change after a consonant, such as in tanganku (my hand). However, the suffix will change into -ngku after a vowel.
 * The suffix -ta has no change after consonant, but will change into -nta after vowel.
 * The suffix -nya will change into -ya after n.
 * The suffix -nira will change into -ira after n.

The third person pronominal suffixes can express a possessive relationship between two words, such as in "Wĕtunira sang Suyodhana" (the birth of Suyodhana).

The third person pronominal suffixes can be used to nominalise verbs and adjectives such as widagdhanya (his skills) from adjective widagdha and pinintanira (his being asked) from the verb pininta.

In Old Javanese, a large number of other words than personal pronouns are used by way of personal pronouns for the first and second person. They consist of fixed expressions in which the original meaning of the words involved does not play a role and a virtually boundless list of words referring to functions and family relations. Proper names do not play a role in this respect. For example, first person pronouns can be manifested as nghulun (hulun, slave) and ngwang (wwang, man).

Demonstrative pronouns
Old Javanese has four sets of demonstrative pronouns. The members of each set represent different degrees of distance seen from the speaker, while the four sets at least in theory express different shades of stress.

Determiner
Old Javanese does not have an indefinite article. A noun without an article is indefinite. Old Javanese has three sorts of articles to express definiteness: a definite article, several honorific articles, and ika (there are still other ways of expressing definiteness in Old Javanese, for example, the possessive suffix). Both definite articles and honorific articles are placed before the noun and cannot stand by themselves. The definite article is (a)ng and it is written combined with particles. Examples of honorific articles that express a certain amount of respect are si, pun, sang, sang hyang, ḍang hyang, śrī, and ra.

Besides the definite article and the articles of respect, ika can be used to express definiteness. The word ika has two functions, those are definite article and demonstrative pronoun. The word ika as a demonstrative pronoun means 'that' which is used to differentiate from 'this'. If there is no such contrast, its function is that of a definite article, meaning ‘the’. Ika is put in front of the word to which it belongs and always combined with the definite article.

Possessive suffixes
Expression of possessiveness in Old Javanese is done with the help of possessive suffixes, such as suffix -(n)ing and -(n)ika. The suffix -ning is constructed from clitic -(n)i and the definite article (a)ng. The clitic -(n)i have no meaning and cannot self-standing, although it is required in the construction. It is generally written as -ning, while it is written as -ing after base word ending in n. The suffix -(n)ika is constructed from clitic -(n)i and definite article ika and is written as -nika generally, while it is written as -ika after base word ending in n. The possessiveness can be expressed with pronominal suffixes, in which no definite article is added in a such case. Honorific articles can also express possessiveness and definiteness, such as ujar sang guru (the word of the teacher), by placing the honorific article after the possessed noun and followed by the possessor.

Adjective
Old Javanese have two types of adjectives. The first one is an adjective-class base word, such as urip (alive). The second one is an adjective-class-derived word that uses affixation with the prefix (m)a- from noun base words, such as adoh (far away) from doh (distance), ahayu (beautiful) from hayu (beauty) and mastrī (married) from strī (wife). In case of derivation with the prefix (m)a-, the sandhi law is observed especially when the base word starts with a vowel, such as mānak (having a child) from anak (child), enak (at ease) from inak (ease), and mojar (having speech) from ujar (speech), while there is no change if the word begins with a consonant. Nouns can be qualified by adjectives.

Adverb
Verbs and adjectives, and also adverbs, can be qualified by adverbs. Adverbs are placed before of the words they qualify, except dahat (very, very much) is placed after the word. The word tan is used to express 'not' and have several forms as tatan, tātan, ndatan, and ndātan.

Preposition
There are several prepositions in Old Javanese, in which the noun preceded by the preposition is definite, such as:

 * Preposition (r)i has the meaning of ‘in’, ‘on’, ‘at’, and ‘to’, but also ‘for’, ‘towards’, and even ‘by’, and ‘through’.
 * Preposition sa(ng)ka has the meaning of ‘from’, ‘compared to’ (‘than’ in comparisons), ‘because of’.
 * Combination of both prepositions

However, there are particularities in the expression of 'inside' or 'from inside' in Old Javanese. Old Javanese use a combination of either jĕro or dalĕm (inner part, depth) followed by clitic -ni, such as dalĕmnikang to express the idea of 'inside' or 'from inside'. The preposition of the inside is expressed by placing either (r)i or sake before either jĕro or dalĕm (inner part, depth) without placement of both clitic -ni and definite articles.

It is important to remember that (r)i can be used as an object marker of transitive verb and proper noun maker.

Conjunction
There are several conjunctions in Old Javanese; the most common ones are an, yan, apan, and yarapwan. The order of elements in sub-clauses headed by an is the same as in main clauses: the subject follows the predicate. However, different from main clauses, in sub-clauses headed by an no separating particle is used.

 * Conjunction an can be interpreted as either 'that', 'so that, in order to' and 'while, as'. The use of an may cause the suppression of -um- and denasalization.
 * Conjunction yan means 'that' or 'if, when'.
 * Conjunction apan means 'because'.

Syntax
In a basic clause, predicate and subject are separated from each other by a particle (ta) marking the border between both parts of the sentence. For example, "lunghā ta sira" means "he leaves" as leave (lunghā), particle (ta), and the third person pronoun (sira). The predicate comes first in the sentence, the subject follows the predicate, which is the normal order. However, the reversed order also occurs which it signals of some particularity such as stress intended by the writer. These sentences lack an indication of time.

Subject in Old Javanese can be personal pronoun, noun, and proper names. The predicate can be a verbal predicate where the predicate is a verb. The predicate can also be a nominal predicate, where the predicate can be an adjective and nouns, including proper names, and pronouns. Old Javanese verbs are not conjugated and do not formally distinguish between present and past time.

Writing system
Old Javanese was written with Kawi or Old Javanese script in 8th–16th century. The Kawi script is a Brahmic script found primarily in Java and used across much of Maritime Southeast Asia. The Kawi script is related to the Pallava script and Kadamba script in South India. Nowadays, Old Javanese can be written with Balinese script and Javanese script in modern literatures which are descendants of Kawi script.

Oral expression
Kawi is not truly extinct as a spoken language. It is commonly used in some Javanese traditional events such as wayang golek, wayang wong and wayang kulit, in addition to high activities such as a Javanese wedding, especially for the stylised meeting ritual of bride's parents with groom's parents in the ceremonies of Peningsetan and Panggih. Archaically or for certain nobles very strongly attached to tradition, it is used for the Midodareni, Siraman and Sungkeman ceremonies of the Javanese wedding.

The island of Lombok has adopted Kawi as its regional language, reflecting the very strong influence of East Java. Today, it is taught in primary school education as part of the compulsory secondary language unit of National curriculum. Traditionally, Kawi is written on lontar prepared palm leaves.

Literature
Kawi remains in occasional use as an archaic prose and literary language, in a similar fashion to Shakespeare-era English.

There are many important literary works written in Kawi, most notably Empu Tantular's epic poem, "Kakawin Sutasoma", from which is taken the National motto of Indonesia: "Bhinneka Tunggal Ika". Although often glibly translated as "Unity in Diversity", it is more correctly rendered as "[although] scattered, remaining [as] one"— referring to the scattered islands of the archipelago nation, not as an expression of multicultural solidarity as may be perceived in modern times.

A more modern work is the poem "Susila Budhi Dharma", by Muhammad Subuh Sumohadiwidjojo, the founder of Subud. In this work, he provides a framework for understanding the experience of the latihan kejiwaan.

List of famous poems, epics and other literature
Famous poems, epics and other literature include:
 * Shivagrha inscription, 856
 * Kakawin Ramayana ~ 870
 * Kakawin Arjunawiwaha, mpu Kanwa, ~ 1030
 * Kakawin Kresnayana
 * Kakawin Sumanasantaka
 * Kakawin Smaradhana
 * Kakawin Bhomakawya
 * Kakawin Bharatayuddha, mpu Sedah and mpu Panuluh, 1157
 * Kakawin Hariwangsa
 * Kakawin Gatotkacasraya
 * Kakawin Wrettasañcaya
 * Kakawin Wrettayana
 * Kakawin Brahmandapurana
 * Kakawin Kunjarakarna, mpu "Dusun"
 * Kakawin Nagarakertagama, mpu Prapanca, 1365
 * Kakawin Arjunawijaya, mpu Tantular
 * Kakawin Sutasoma, mpu Tantular
 * Kakawin Siwaratrikalpa, Kakawin Lubdhaka
 * Kakawin Parthayajna
 * Kakawin Nitisastra
 * Kakawin Nirarthaprakreta
 * Kakawin Dharmasunya
 * Kakawin Harisraya
 * Kakawin Banawa Sekar Tanakung

Prominent authors
The following are notable authors of literary works in Kawi.
 * Mpu Kanwa (11th century)
 * Mpu Sedah (12th century)
 * Mpu Panuluh (12th century)
 * Mpu Dharmaja (12th century)
 * Mpu Monaguna (12th century)
 * Mpu Triguna (12th century)
 * Mpu Tantular (14th century)
 * Mpu Prapanca (14th century)
 * Mpu Tanakung (15th century)

Inscription
The earliest written records in an indigenous language found in Java are indeed in (Old) Javanese.

 * Karangtengah inscription (824 CE)
 * Tri Tepusan inscription (842 CE)
 * Shivagrha inscription (856 CE)
 * Mantyasih inscription (907 CE)
 * Turyyan inscription (929)
 * Anjuk Ladang inscription (935/937)
 * Terep inscription (1032)
 * Turun Hyang II inscription (1044)
 * Kambang Putih inscription (1050)
 * Banjaran inscription (1052)
 * Malenga inscription (1052)
 * Garaman inscription (1053)
 * Sumengka inscription (1059)
 * Hantang/Ngantang inscription (1135)
 * Mula Malurung inscription (1255)
 * Kudadu inscription (1294)
 * Tuhañaru/Jayanagara II inscription (1323)
 * Waringin Pitu inscription (1447)

Nevertheless, there are exceptions to this pattern of language distribution in the epigraphical record. There are several inscription using Old Javanese language on the island of Sumatra, by editing three short epigraphs.

 * Inscription of Kapalo Bukit Gombak II
 * Inscribed Makara from the Northern Gopura, Candi Kedaton, Muara Jambi Temple Complex
 * Inscribed Golden Bowl of Rokan Hilir, Riau

Scholars
The first scholar to address Kawi in a serious academic manner was Wilhelm von Humboldt, who considered it the father of all Malay-Polynesian languages. Furthermore, he deprecated misconceptions about Kawi being wholly influenced by Sanskrit, finding that Kawi did not use verb inflexion, thus differing from Sanskrit's highly developed inflectional system. Kawi might have come from a very ancient settlement in the pacific side of Asia. In Kawi language, the meaning of a sentence must be grasped through word order and context. Humboldt further noted that Kawi utilizes tense distinctions, with past, present, and future, and differentiated moods via the imperative and subjunctive.

Numerous scholars have studied the language, including the Dutch expatriate Indonesian Prof. Dr. Petrus Josephus Zoetmulder S.J., who contributed an enormous quantity of original texts and serious scholarly study to the language, and his pupil and associate, Father Dr. Ignatius Kuntara Wiryamartana. Other eminent Indonesian scholars of the language include Poedjawijatna, Sumarti Suprayitna, Poerbatjaraka and Tardjan Hadiwidjaja.

title: Old Javanese


text:
Talk:Closure (psychology)

Satirical and bitter?
Is it just me, or is this page extremely satirical and bitter?

Derrick Coetzee 03:26, 15 Nov 2003 (UTC)

Yea, it seems pretty silly --Taak 23:51, 26 May 2004 (UTC)

And it is under a ridiculous title. Whatever it ought to be under (if anything), it certainly shouldn't be "sociology". "Social psychology" just maybe, "psychobabble" would be better. Tannin 00:25, 27 May 2004 (UTC)

It would be just regular psych, not social psych. --Taak 01:20, 27 May 2004 (UTC)

I agree; the way it's written is silly. Michael Hardy 22:08, 26 Dec 2004 (UTC)

It's not silly -- it's really just a part of heuristics and biases (article "Need for Closure"), and belongs in all sciences. It's a legitimate and observable error in decision making. —Preceding unsigned comment added by SheetWise (talk • contribs) 18:08, 10 November 2008 (UTC)

Closure (science and technology studies)
The addition on closure in STS doesn't really seem to belong in a page Closure (Psychology).... perhaps we need a disambiguation page and a new article for the STS stuff?Bryan 16:15, 1 February 2006 (UTC)
 * Agreed taken out.--Dwarf Kirlston 00:50, 30 October 2007 (UTC)
 * The term is also used in social construction of technology (SCOT) as described by Wiebe Bijker, Trevor Pinch and John Law, among others. The focus of SCOT-studies is to examine the ways in which technological artifacts, which are part of broader technological systems, are socially constructed by so-called relevant social groups or actors. This in essence often means explaining why an artifact looks the way it does. Closure here refers to the end of the process of social construction, meaning that the artifact no longer goes through dramatic changes. Bijker has exemplified this with the development of the bicycle.
 * References (closure in technological change)
 * Pinch, T. J., & Bijker, W. E. (1984). The Social Construction of Facts and Artefacts: or How the Sociology of Science and the Sociology of Technology might Benefit Each Other. Social Studies of Science, 14, 388–441.
 * Misa, T. J. (1992). Controversy and Closure in Technological Change: Constructing "Steel". In W. E. Bijker & J. Law (Eds.), Shaping Technology/Building Society: Studies in Sociotechnical Change (pp. 109–139). Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press.

Old Harry's Game
To quote satan in Old Harry's Game: "Did someone just use the word 'closure' - where's that sledgehammer?"

Merger proposal
It looks like Cognitive closure (psychology) is a stub which just means the same thing as this. Merge? C RETOG 8(t/c) 20:00, 13 November 2008 (UTC)
 * Merged. Cogiati (talk) 14:52, 7 July 2011 (UTC)

Cognitive closure
Cognitive closure should be split off into a separate article. Its definition in the article is not consistent with IR theory, for example, as discussed by Lebow in the below article.

Richard Ned Lebow, “Cognitive Closure and Crisis Politics,” in Between Peace and War (1957) pp. 101-119

Cognitive closure is an important phenomenon to consider in examining crisis situtations. I believe Graham Allison discusses this in Essense of Decision—examining the Cuban Missile Crisis. Lebow analyses this concept using the July Crisis in 1918 (the events leading to WWI). The sentence in this article covers none of that, and is set within an article that is unrelated. Airborne84 (talk) 07:00, 3 April 2010 (UTC)

Cognitive closure
Cognitive closure should be split off into a separate article. Its definition in the article is not consistent with IR theory, for example, as discussed by Lebow in the below article.

Richard Ned Lebow, “Cognitive Closure and Crisis Politics,” in Between Peace and War (1957) pp. 101-119

Cognitive closure is an important phenomenon to consider in examining crisis situtations. I believe Graham Allison discusses this in Essense of Decision—examining the Cuban Missile Crisis. Lebow analyses this concept using the July Crisis in 1918 (the events leading to WWI). The sentence in this article covers none of that, and is set within an article that is unrelated. Airborne84 (talk) 07:00, 3 April 2010 (UTC) — Preceding unsigned comment added by 220.237.89.125 (talk)

Opaque statement
The article says:  Does "high scorers" mean high scorers on need-for-closure or high scorers on creativity? If the former, the first sentence contradicts the second sentence. If the latter, the second sentence seems to have nothing to do with closure. Perhaps "high scorers" should be changed to "individuals with low need for-closure ratings"? Herbsttag (talk) 05:41, 28 February 2013 (UTC)
 * Good point! I don't have access to the article so I don't know either. I guess "high scorers" means high scorers on creativity, because in the sentence before the term "creativity scores" is used, compared to "need-for-closure ratings". Anyway, changing the text in the way you propose without having access to the source, doesn't feel quite right. Hopefully someone comes around who does have access to the source!  Lova Falk     talk   11:31, 1 March 2013 (UTC)

title: Talk:Closure (psychology)


text:
Killing of Amadou Diallo

In the early hours of February 4, 1999, an unarmed 23-year-old Guinean student named Amadou Diallo (born September 2, 1975) was fired upon with 41 rounds and shot a total of 19 times by four New York City Police Department plainclothes officers: Sean Carroll, Richard Murphy, Edward McMellon, and Kenneth Boss. Carroll later claimed to have mistaken Diallo for a rape suspect from one year earlier.

The four officers, who were part of the Street Crime Unit, were charged with second-degree murder and acquitted at trial in Albany, New York. A firestorm of controversy erupted after the event, as the circumstances of the shooting prompted outrage both within and beyond New York City. Issues such as police brutality, racial profiling, and contagious shooting were central to the ensuing controversy.

Early life
Diallo was one of four children born to Saikou and Kadiatou Diallo, and part of a historic Fulbe trading family in Guinea. He was born in Sinoe County in Liberia on September 2, 1975, while his father was working there, and while growing up followed his family to Togo, Singapore, Thailand, and back to Guinea. In September 1996, he followed other family members to New York City and started a business with a cousin. According to his family's lawyer, he sought to remain in the United States by filing a political asylum application, falsely claiming that he was from Mauritania and that his parents had been killed in fighting. He sold video cassettes, gloves, and socks on the sidewalk along 14th Street during the day.

Death
In the early morning of February 4, 1999, Diallo was standing near his building of residence after returning from a meal. At about 12:40 a.m., officers Edward McMellon, Sean Carroll, Kenneth Boss, and Richard Murphy were looking for a serial rapist in the Soundview section of the Bronx. While driving down Wheeler Avenue, the police officers observed Diallo standing in front of his building entrance looking up and down the street. They stopped their unmarked car intending to question Diallo. When they ordered Diallo to show his hands, he ran up into the building entrance and reached into his pocket to produce what turned out to be his wallet. Assuming Diallo was drawing a firearm, one officer fired as he was walking up the stairs. The recoil of the gun caused the officer to fall backwards. The other three officers, believing their partner was shot, fired their weapons. The four officers fired 41 shots with semi-automatic pistols, hitting Diallo 19 times, fatally wounding him. Eyewitness Sherrie Elliott stated that the police continued to shoot even though Diallo was already down.

The investigation found no weapons on or near Diallo; what he had pulled out of his jacket was a wallet. The internal NYPD investigation ruled that the officers had acted within policy, based on what a reasonable police officer would have done in the same circumstances. Nonetheless, the Diallo shooting led to a review of police training policy and switching away from the use of full metal jacket (FMJ) bullets.

On March 25, 1999, a Bronx grand jury indicted the four officers on charges of second-degree murder and reckless endangerment. On December 16, a court ordered a change of venue to Albany, New York because of pretrial publicity. On February 25, 2000, after three days of deliberation, a jury composed of four black and eight white jurors acquitted the officers of all charges.

Aftermath
In April 2000, Diallo's mother and father filed a $61million lawsuit against the city and the officers, charging gross negligence, wrongful death, racial profiling, and other violations of Diallo's civil rights. In March 2004, they accepted a $3 million settlement, one of the largest in the City of New York for a single man with no dependents under New York State's "wrongful death law", which limits damages to financial loss by the deceased person's next of kin. Anthony H. Gair, representing the Diallo family, argued that federal common law should apply.

In April 2002, as a result of the killing of Diallo and other controversial actions, the Street Crime Unit was disbanded. In 2003, Diallo's mother published a memoir, My Heart Will Cross This Ocean: My Story, My Son, Amadou, with the help of author Craig Wolff.

Diallo's death became an issue in the 2005 New York City mayoral election. Bronx borough president and mayoral candidate Fernando Ferrer, who had protested against the circumstances of the killing at the time, was criticized by the Diallo family and many others for telling a meeting of police sergeants that although the shooting had been a tragedy, the officers had been "over-indicted".

Officer Kenneth Boss had previously been involved in an incident in which an unarmed black man was shot. After the trial, Boss was reassigned to desk duty, but in October 2012, Commissioner Raymond W. Kelly restored Boss's ability to carry a firearm. As of 2012, he was the only one of the four officers still working for the NYPD. In 2015, he was promoted to sergeant in accordance with state civil service law, which is not subject to review by top department officials. The next year, he was named "sergeant of the year" by his union. He retired from law enforcement in 2019.

A report from Capital New York reported that 85 IP addresses belonging to the New York Police Department had made changes to Wikipedia pages about NYPD misconduct and also to articles about people killed in police interventions, including this article. One of these edits changed the statement "Officer Kenneth Boss had previously been involved in an incident in which an unarmed man was shot, but continued to work as a police officer" to "Officer Kenneth Boss was previously involved in an incident in which a man armed was shot." Two policemen associated with these edits were reported to receive only "minor reprimands".

In April 2021, Diallo's mother was interviewed about her reaction to the conviction of Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin for the murder of George Floyd. She said it was hard to tell if a corner had been turned in police accountability but it was "a right step in the right direction."

Music

 * Bruce Springsteen's song "American Skin (41 Shots)"
 * "Diallo" by Wyclef Jean;
 * "New York City Cops" off The Strokes' debut album Is This It had the incident as the inspiration. Singer Julian Casablancas revealed that this was a political song influenced by the shooting of Amadou Diallo in a March 2018 Vulture interview.
 * "I Find It Hard to Say (Rebel)" by Lauryn Hill;
 * "Lament for the Late AD" by Terry Callier.
 * The Public Enemy album There's a Poison Goin' On has a song titled "41:19" based on the number of rounds fired at and striking Diallo and contains lyrics concerning police harassment and violence.
 * Electro pop band Le Tigre lamented the Diallo shooting in their song "Bang! Bang!", which ends with a vocal chorus counting numbers that ends with 41, the number of shots fired.
 * The piece "Amadou Diallo", included in the album Ethnic Stew and Brew by jazz trumpeter Roy Campbell, Jr., was inspired by the shooting, ending with a rapid burst of notes replicating the 41 gunshots.
 * The incident also served as the basis for Erykah Badu's track "A.D. 2000" (the abbreviation standing for Diallo's initials), from the album Mama's Gun.
 * In the CD version of their album Let's Get Free, Dead Prez pays tribute to Amadou Diallo by putting a 41-track moment of silence between tracks 16 ("It's Bigger Than Hip-Hop") and 17 ("Propaganda").
 * In his album The Beautiful Struggle, Talib Kweli speaks of "Brother Amadou as [...] a modern day martyr." Kweli makes further reference to the shooting in his song "The Proud": "It's in they job description to terminate the threat/So 41 shots to the body is what he can expect".
 * The phrase "Mom, I'm going to college" is attributed as Amadou Diallo's last words, featured in the third movement of Joel Thompson's seven-movement cantata Seven Last Words of the Unarmed.
 * The song "DPA (As Seen On T.V.)" by Company Flow (2000) makes a direct reference to Diallo and to the acquittal of the officers accused of his murder. In the lyrics, El-P raps “…or rock that polo vest with forty one magnets / and see if it metastasize when cornered by dragnet”.
 * The song "FATHER FIGURE" by Tobe Nwigwe featuring Black Thought and Royce da 5'9 includes a reference to the shooting, as well as the killing of Breonna Taylor. In the lyrics, Royce da 5'9 raps "Probably pop a cop or two to honor Breonna or Amadou Diallo"
 * The song "Thanks, Bastards!" by Mischief Brew includes the line: "So when there's 41 bullets, there's 41 thousand thorns in your side", referring to the number of bullets fired at Diallo, and observing the outrage which ensued.
 * American metal band Trivium also made a track about the murder of Amadou, called "Contempt Breeds Contamination". It was released on their The Crusade album.
 * The song "Welcome To The Terrordome" by Pharoahe Monch, a cover of the Public Enemy song of the same name, includes the line "They murdered Amadou Diallo" in its intro.

Film

 * In 2000, a group of human rights organizations completed The Day After Diallo, a short video about police violence against people of color in the context of the killing of Amadou Diallo. The video was co-produced by WITNESS, New York City Police Watch and The Ella Baker Center for Human Rights.
 * The 2002 movie 25th Hour references "corrupt cops" with their "41 shots, standing behind a blue wall of silence" in reference to the killing of Amadou Diallo.

Television

 * The case is explored in the third episode of the Netflix miniseries Trial by Media titled "41 Shots".
 * BBC Production: Louis Theroux's Weird Weekends Season 2 Episode 3. Louis Theroux visits New York City to explore various pro-black movements. The episode is filmed in the aftermath of Diallo's murder.
 * In NYPD Blue, Season 6 Episode 20, they bring in 2 suspects who references the 41 shots that Diallo had received.

Visual arts

 * A drawing by Art Spiegelman showing a police officer at a shooting gallery with a banner reading "41 shots 10¢" was featured on the cover of The New Yorker on March 8, 1999. 250 police officers picketed the magazine's headquarters in response.

title: Killing of Amadou Diallo