text:
Talk:Charlotte of Mecklenburg-Strelitz

British Colonies & American Revolution
Its amazing there is zero mention of the American Revolution 1775–83 or other British colonies e.g. Canada, Austraila, Barbados etc. Did Charlotte have any captured thoughts or interactions with any of this history?

NPOV Dispute
The whole section on Charlotte's ancestry sounds like someone arguing she must be white because I say so. It's not NPOV. It was, until I changed the source to say what it actually said then a bunch of racists came in and tried to argue her to be white and then discount the source, when they left it alone when they thought it argued she was white. But that's not the point of wikipedia. It's too hardline on the fact she was white, skipping over the fact that her doctor and her actual official painter, she PREFERRED thought she was part black. That's quite a miss there. Most of the citations pondering her race as white, also are quite after the fact after she died, not contemporary to her or had a personal relationship with her. This is worth fixing and mentioning. I would do it, but every time I fix this page and try to make it more NPOV, some racist comes along and tries to argue she's white and delete the NPOV-ness. Please reconsider. Also, I think it's worth changing her portrait to her preferred painter, not trying to make further arguments about how she was really white and all the sources about her thinking she was black MUST be wrong. The mentioned portrait as the reference point, I noticed was removed. The scrubbing on this page is coming off really racist, honestly. Putting more weight on non--contemporary scholars and putting down PoC scholars, really doesn't look good for wikipedia. Looks kinda like white supremacy. Keep it NPOV, not racist. If people of her time period and her since she kept that company caring for her were of the opinion she was black, then maybe, just maybe she thought she was? Is that such a terrible thing? Let people ponder and draw their own conclusions, not cram down an opinion. Deletion of information to argue a person's race is wrong.

Historians are split on this, BTW. It's not hardlined one way or the other. But people are using selective bias because they hate the idea.

--KimYunmi (talk) 00:35, 24 July 2021 (UTC)

 * BTW, edited to be more NPOV, but I'm sure it'll backslide again because racists like to discount POC scholars. Also noted that all of the books citing that she was not Moor have no page numbers and cannot be verified. And one of the citations did not say as the person edited it claimed it did and was referring to a title, not an ancestry or dispute. Someone said that the Guardian article claimed that Charlotte's ancestor was related to George III, her husband, but the Guardian article never claimed that. This is shady. Don't add sources unless you know the page numbers and what they actually said. And if they didn't actually say it, don't add it. This is the second time I've gone to verify sources about her being white, and then finding out that the sources are fabricated to support the POV, when they never said such a thing. Please do not do this. It's misrepresenting the truth. The Guardian article also did not 100% back that she was white, unlike the representation here. I worked to NPOV it and show what it really said. I'm sure someone wants to delete that too. Because why not racism?

 * The point is, adding unsubstatiated claims to the page without reliable references just to back one PoV, and deleting what articles and scholars actually said is crossing NPOV. Also being of the opinion that black scholars are somehow extremist and less than is also racist. I check sources on all sides. And the side that hardline says she's white, needs serious work, like translating the exact pages of what was said with page numbers. Let's make this NPOV, and verifiable. Not falsely claiming a source says it says something it doesn't. Also having opinions on scholars does not belong on wikipedia. Especially saying that all of the PoC scholars are terrible is really racist. So, I'm taking that away from you too. Deal with it.

 * Personally, if she was or wasn't of black ancestry isn't the point here (though some of you want to make it to be). The point is that the scholarship on this page is failing miserably in a desperate attempt to prove she was white. That's a bias you need to check. Why did you add sources no one could verify and fabricate the truth? How was that better than what you claimed was a myth? You could have used Kate Williams, whom I added. BTW, I would read every single book if I knew Spanish to see if the books say what you claim they say, but given the track record so far, I have my doubts, so I would appreciate it if someone else with also a neutral PoV actually read said books and verified the contents and found the page numbers. 'cause I doubt you after all of that repeated bad behavior. This is shady behavior. Stop that, it debases your entire side and argument when you fabricate the truth. We can do better. --KimYunmi (talk) 02:04, 24 July 2021 (UTC)

 * I removed the part where it claimed she and George shared the same ancestor (Madragana) as that is not what The Guardian source said. In other instances where The Guardian source is used the text appears to be supporting what the article says. Regarding the Spanish/Portuguese sources, one appears to be online but self-published so I will remove it. The others need to be investigated by someone who's fluent in the languages and can trace them down. Hopefully someone will check the messages on this talk page. Keivan.f  Talk 03:57, 2 March 2022 (UTC)

 * claimed? Queen Charlotte was 6th cousin with King George III through "George III Graf von Erbach" Queen Charlotte descended from George Albert I of Erbach-Erbach (his son), King George III descended from Margherita von Erbach (his daughter by 2nd marriage).
 * "George III Graf von Erbach" was the one claimed to be the direct descendant of Madragana.
 * George III Graf von Erbach > Margherita von Erbach > Joaquim Ernest d’Oettingen-Oettingen > Sophie Margarete of Oettingen-Oettingen > John Frederick, Margrave of Brandenburg-Ansbach > Princess Caroline of Brandenburg-Ansbach > Frederick, Prince of Wales > King George III
 * this is just from one branch of the family, they were connected from several German noble family saxe gotta, Brunswick, Holstein, etc Wentwort12 (talk) 06:04, 3 March 2023 (UTC)
 * actually they were 4th cousin twice removed.
 * "George III Graf von Erbach" was Queen Charlotte's 3rd Great Grandfather.
 * "George III Graf von Erbach" was King George III's 5th Great Grandfather.
 * the difference in Great Grandfather just meant the other branch matriculate faster and marry younger then the other branch. other example Louis XIII of France was Louis XVI's 4th Great Grandfather and Marie Antoinette's 2nd Great Grandfather. Wentwort12 (talk) 06:24, 3 March 2023 (UTC)
 * And what is your source? You probably don't expect me or anyone else to accept this blindly. A secondary reliable source must be provided to show that Madragana was indeed George and Charlotte's common ancestor. Keivan.f  Talk 07:33, 8 March 2023 (UTC)
 * source? it's public record from wikipedia
 * George III Graf von Erbach > Margherita von Erbach > Joaquim Ernest d’Oettingen-Oettingen > Sophie Margarete of Oettingen-Oettingen > John Frederick, Margrave of Brandenburg-Ansbach > Princess Caroline of Brandenburg-Ansbach > Frederick, Prince of Wales > King George III
 * you seem hellhound to erase actual fact that they were cousins like most Royalties and nobilities.
 * you and anyone else seem to accept blindly the myth that she was biracial or mixed, because an afrocentrist author wrote in his book that Queen Charlotte has 1 North African ancestor from 15 generations ago, but not the actual fact that George and Charlotte were 4th cousin twice removed based on public record. Hilarious
 * so I need to find secondary source to state the obvious? no source ever mentioned that Marie Antoinette and Louis XVI was in fact cousins through Marie's grandmother Elisabeth d'orleans daughter of Duke of Orleans which in turned son of Louis XIII, because they were probably more intelligent and knew most Royalties were related. Wentwort12 (talk) 01:30, 9 March 2023 (UTC)
 * https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joachim-Ernest_d%27Oettingen-Oettingen
 * source from wikipedia I suppose stating Joaquim Ernest d’Oettingen-Oettingen was the son of Margherita von Erbach which in turn daughter of George III Graf von Erbach.
 * "Joachim-Ernest d'Oettingen-Oettingen (in GermanJoachim Ernst zu Oettingen-Oettingen) was born in Oettingen (Germany) on March 31, 1612 and died in Harbourg on August 8, 1658. He is a German nobleman, son of Count Louis-Évrard of Oettingen-Oettingen (1577-1634) and Countess Marguerite of Erbach (1576-1635), daughter of George III of Erbach"
 * he had daughter Sophie Margarete of Oettingen-Oettingen and then she had a son John Frederick, Margrave of Brandenburg-Ansbach > Princess Caroline of Brandenburg-Ansbach > Frederick, Prince of Wales > King George III Wentwort12 (talk) 01:36, 9 March 2023 (UTC)
 * i have added this to the article! Merzostin (talk) 22:48, 26 March 2023 (UTC)
 * You will find very few sources that claim that Queen Charlotte was white. Why is that? Because all historians took that for granted and did not think that was something that had to be said. After all, she was a German princess, was pale skinned, had reddish-blonde hair and blue eyes, and had over 99.9% of European ancestry.
 * Also, I am a native Portuguese speaker, so I will put some Portuguese sources in the article. Knoterification (talk) 03:37, 29 April 2022 (UTC)
 * Exactly, in fact, the question of her being "black" should not be addressed here at all, because it is WP:FRINGE; a speculation based on a single record from the period, reproduced by modern historical scandalists. Besides, if everyone who had a Moorish ancestor in the 15th generation is considered black, then probably all of Europe, not to mention the Iberian peninsula, should be considered black. Marcelus (talk) 23:06, 26 March 2023 (UTC)
 * interesting, someone above mentioned the connection between King George III and Charlotte, which should be addressed here i mean all of them are German nobles, to further showed how can they be remotely black based on pure speculation Merzostin (talk) 23:48, 26 March 2023 (UTC)

Section "in popular culture"?
I was thinking of adding this, but since it is a Good Article I'm now reluctant, since I'm not confident enough it is appropriate. That is, I wanted to write about how queen Charlotte has become popular in recent years due to the Bridgerton novels and tv series, including the series around her persona Queen Charlotte: A Bridgerton Story. Would this section make sense? Cozyenby (talk) 16:49, 4 May 2023 (UTC)

 * I think it would be relevant as the Bridgerton series has led to a renewed interest in the life of Queen Charlotte. 92.18.27.180 (talk) 13:42, 8 May 2023 (UTC)
 * See MOS:POPCULT for guidance. DrKay (talk) 13:44, 8 May 2023 (UTC)

Maiden heraldry
The page has illustrations for her arms as queen consort in three stages, but do we know how her arms were displayed prior to marriage. Robin S. Taylor (talk) 18:30, 4 June 2023 (UTC)

I fact checked the article's Ancestry part
Someone is mad at me for lining up the article with what the sources actually say. Including moving the quotes to the correct location.

First of all, there were added weasel quotes that the cited thesis never used. The quotes were in the wrong location and attributed to the wrong author–somehow they drifted from Springer to Rogers. If the thesis didn't say it, and I couldn't find backing, then I changed it to neutral language.

By moving the Springer quotes to Rogers, it makes Rogers look like he's not Jamaican-American. Which is true. It's said in his own book, and in the thesis, which I also fact checked as I read it by adding the correct dates. "Mid-20th century" no. It's exactly 1929. And why cut the first person to claim it? Springer. Literally the first citation in that section of the thesis. The thesis doesn't say it appeared in the mid-20th century. (The thesis focuses mainly on the identity of Charlotte, the city, in relation to the identity of the Queen Charlotte and how both shifted over time in relation to mainly class and race secondary--it doesn't focus on the race issue as the central thesis. Someone is going to doubt I actually read it and then scrolled to page 27).

Then Rogers was made out to be a "writer" in this article but the thesis went out of its way to say the Rogers was an amateur historian who could not get a college education at the time and that he was discounted by the White community because he was Black. But because of him, the idea caught in the Black community. Downplaying both is disingenuous, so I went back and said what the thesis actually said, paraphrasing it.

Also, the Valdes article may have shown up in Huffpost in 1999, but the Frontline article specifically has been changed at the top to say that it was first published in 1997. They dont't cite it, but I changed the date based on Frontline's claim. Some sources falsely say that Valdes "teamed up" with Frontline, so I ignored that given the update.

There were added sources along the way that were attributing things they never said to them, or saying the article took an overall position of, which were not correct. So I changed it to what the article said or added specific attribution according to the article. If the article said nothing of the sort, I cut it entirely.

You really need to fact check and make sure this stays NPOV. Just because it doesn't line up with your POV, you should properly show what the sources say and not add things it doesn't say, don't downplay credentials just because you don't like the author. Also check the sources when new sources are added. That's the whole point of NPOV.

I try my best with people I disagree with to present their entire worldview. I don't agree with Freytag, but I'll still add things like he was a champion of the Lower and Middle Class, along side with his, "I want to genocide all Polish people."

I fact checked the diagram created for Freytag too... and then the Kishotenketsu diagram which some white person decided to make up out of the blue. So this isn't the first time people claim something a source says as true, but it turns out to be false because they are counting on people not fact checking.

I fact checked this article before with Valdes too, where someone said he claimed that Charlotte was White, which is exactly opposite of what he said. I didn't add the original citation, so, I lined it up, with the article and added quotes,(BTW, long, long before Bridgerton). People tried character assassination of Valdes, which is not NPOV. So was invalid. And again, when people added entire Portuguese books, but failed to add a page number or quotes, I asked for page numbers and quotes to back up the claim, so the books got deleted as counter proof. You can't make up what you think the source "should" say and instead should point out what it really said. And you shouldn't be falsely adding sources to the end of a line just because you want the claim to look better. All of these things are against basic academia, even ignoring Wikipedia rules. Present the spirit of the sources cited and let the reader judge on their own. 'cause if reader fact check as I did, then it looks bad, doesn't it? Are you counting on people not fact checking?

So don't get mad at me for fact checking and making sure the sources and article line up. Not my fault some people like to make up whatever they like and drift quotes to wrong attributions without checking if what's stated is true before pushing "Publish".--KimYunmi (talk) 12:49, 6 June 2023 (UTC)

 * Added back the cut sentence, which was established on page 27-28 of the thesis (you have to scroll as inputting the page number does not work). Technically the thesis doesn't need to be cited again under wikipedia rules since it is the frame of the entire first paragraph which is a summary of 2 pages of the thesis with added support, but because other person didn't bother to read the thesis and it's unlikely anyone else will, I went ahead and added back the source anyway. The transition to Valdes makes more sense under those conditions–showing that the majority of the idea comes from the Black community, how and why which is also why I added the credential that Valdes looks at the Black diaspora so there is a more solid history. No additional citations were needed since it was a rewrite to check sources.--KimYunmi (talk) 12:50, 7 June 2023 (UTC)
 * See Reliable sources: "Masters dissertations and theses are considered reliable only if they can be shown to have had significant scholarly influence." Celia Homeford (talk) 13:08, 7 June 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Charlotte of Mecklenburg-Strelitz


text:
Baburam Bhattarai

Baburam Bhattarai (बाबुराम भट्टराई, ; born 18 June 1954), also known by his nom de guerre Laaldhwoj, is a Nepalese politician, architect and former Prime Minister who presently serves as leader of the Nepal Socialist Party.

Bhattarai was a long-time leading member and deputy chairman of the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) prior to founding a new party, Naya Shakti Party, Nepal. He subsequently embraced democratic socialism.

Political career
In 1996 the Maoists started the Nepalese Civil War, which had a huge impact on the political system in Nepal. The decade-long civil war, in which more than 17,000 Nepalese died, had a major role in the transformation of Nepal from a monarchy into a republic. Bhattarai was elected to the Constituent Assembly from Gorkha 1 as a Maoist candidate in 2008 and became Minister of Finance in the cabinet formed after the election.

Bhattarai became Prime Minister in 2011. As a way out of the political deadlock since the dissolution of the first Nepalese Constituent Assembly in May 2012, he was replaced by Chief Justice Khil Raj Regmi as head of an interim government that was to hold elections by 21 June 2013. He was a senior Standing Committee member and vice chairperson of the Maoist party until his resignation from his post and all party responsibilities on 26 September 2015. He was until recently the Coordinator of the Naya Shakti. As of 2019, he was the Chairman of the Federal Council of the newly formed Samajbadi Party, Nepal, a party formed by the merger of the Naya Shakti Party, Nepal and the Federal Socialist Forum, Nepal. Later Samajbadi Party, Nepal merged with Rastriya Janata Party Nepal to form People's Socialist Party, Nepal.

Maoist insurrection
On 4 February 1996, Bhattarai gave the government, led by Nepali Congress Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba, a list of 40 demands, threatening civil war if they were not met. The demands related to "nationalism, democracy, and livelihood" and included such line items as the "domination of foreign capital in Nepali industries, business and finance should be stopped", and "discriminatory treaties, including the 1950 Nepal-India Treaty, should be abrogated" (referring here to the 1950 Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship), and "land under the control of the feudal system should be confiscated and distributed to the landless and the homeless." They started armed movement before the deadline to fulfill the demand given by themselves to the government. After that, and until 26 April 2006, the guerrilla leader Prachanda directed the military efforts of the CPN (M) towards establishing areas of control, particularly in the mountainous regions and western Nepal.

The 40 demands were whittled down to 24 in subsequent political negotiations.

In late 2004 or early 2005, the relations between Prachanda and Bhattarai cooled down. This was reportedly due to disagreement on power sharing inside the party. Bhattarai was unhappy with the consolidation of power under Prachanda. At one point, Prachanda expelled Bhattarai from the party, though he was later reinstated. They later reconciled at least some of their differences.

On 22 November 2005, Prachanda and the Seven Party Alliance released a "twelve-point agreement" that expressed areas of agreement between the CPN(M) and the parties that won a large majority in the last parliamentary election in 1999. Among other points, this document stated that a dictatorial monarchy of King Gyanendra is the chief impediment to progress in Nepal. It claimed further that the Maoists are committed to human rights and press freedoms and a multi-party system of government. It pledged self-criticism and the intention of the Maoists and the Seven Parties to not repeat past mistakes.

Ceasefires
Several ceasefires have occurred over the course of the Nepalese civil war. Most recently, on 26 April 2006, Prachanda announced a ceasefire with a stated duration of 90 days. The move followed weeks of massive protests—the April 2006 Nepalese general strike— in Kathmandu and elsewhere that had forced King Gyanendra to give up the personal dictatorship he had established on 1 February 2005 and restore the parliament that was dissolved in May 2002.

After that, a new government was established by the Seven-Party Alliance. The Parliament and the new government supported the ceasefire and started negotiations with the Maoists on the basis of the twelve-point agreement. The two sides agreed that a new constituent assembly will be elected to write a new constitution, and decide the fate of the monarchy. The Maoists wanted this process to end with Nepal becoming a republic of Nepal.

Premiership, 2011-2013
Bhattarai was elected 36th Prime minister of Nepal. Having been elected from UCPN (Maoist). He was elected in support small parties including MJF (Loktantrik), MJF (Republican), TMLP, TMSP and Nepal Sadbhawana Party splinter groups. Bhattarai led the country from 29 August 2011 to 14 March 2013. He did some exemplary works during his tenure including the expansion of ring road.

Naya Shakti
On 12 July 2016, Baburam Bhattarai announced the establishment of the Naya Shakti Nepal (New Force Nepal) as a new political party under his leadership. On 24 January, he had announced to establish a new political force. The leaders of Major Parties attended the ceremony. Ashok Sharma, Karishma Manandhar and other 33 new members were announced in that ceremony. He took part in a ceremony announcing an alliance with CPN UML and CPN Maoist centre but left the alliance after two weeks as he was not guaranteed an election ticket.

Personal life
Bhattarai was born in Gorkha Belbas in Khoplang VDC. He was born in a low-middle class peasant family. He has three siblings: one elder sister, one younger sister and one younger brother. He belongs to Brahmin group.

He completed his secondary school education from Amar Jyoti High School in Luintel, Gorkha. He was a classmate of Upendra Devkota. He went to high school at Amrit Science College. After that under the Colombo plan scholarship, he studied Bachelor of Architecture in 1977 from Chandigarh. "He had been an outstanding student," says Lieut-Col Bakshi (retd), Principal of the college. It was during this time he became the founding President of All India Nepalese Student's Association. This organization ended up becoming his first step towards building his academic interests outside the field of architecture.

Bhattarai went to the Delhi School of Planning and Architecture for an M.Tech. degree. He is married to Hisila Yami, a fellow Maoist leader. They have a daughter, Manushi.

He completed his PhD degree from Jawaharlal Nehru University in 1986. His thesis was published in 2003 as "The Nature of Underdevelopment and Regional Structure of Nepal - A Marxist Analysis".

Publications
Bhattarai has contributed a number of published works, including The Nature of Underdevelopment and Regional Structure of Nepal: A Marxist Analysis (Adroit Publishers, Delhi, 2003) which is a cursory rewriting of his PhD thesis. Other works include Politico-Economic Rationale of People's War in Nepal (Utprerak Publications, Kathmandu, 1998), and ''Nepal! krantika aadharharu'' (in Nepali) (Janadisha Publications, 2004). His books and articles have had some impact on Nepalis both at home and abroad, though primarily only on those who share his political beliefs. Among his many well read newspaper articles is "Let’s Give No Legitimacy to the Beneficiaries of the New Kot Massacre" written in the aftermath of Palace Massacre of 2001. Similarly, it is widely believed that he is the principal author of the most successful Election Manifesto brought out by Communist Party of Nepal (Maoists) in March 2008 in preparation of the Constituent Assembly Election held in April 2008.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Baburam Bhattarai


text:
Talk:New France

Flag
I see that the flag here changes all the time. So did some simple research. Moxy - 04:39, 28 February 2021 (UTC)
 * Officially recognized by the British monarch. fun facts... history of... with a nice image from 1665.  research based off of the Éditeur officiel du Québec.

Old maps
I added the 1703 map of New France, removed earlier in favor of an image of the intendant, to the section on Louisiana. I really value images of the maps made at the time, showing how those early settlers and explorers understood North America. The maps are almost shown in order of the year drawn or year represented, through the article. --Prairieplant (talk) 21:24, 1 May 2021 (UTC)

A Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for speedy deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for speedy deletion: You can see the reason for deletion at the file description page linked above. —Community Tech bot (talk) 18:54, 11 April 2023 (UTC)
 * Kingdom of France (Bourbon Restoration) Le Retour des Princes français à Paris.ogg

title: Talk:New France


text:
Talk:State Anthem of Turkmenistan

Transwiki
Has been copied to Wikisource -Smack 00:07, 8 Dec 2003 (UTC)

how about translating this...
It's nice that the text is here in the original, but can somebody translate it into English too? My Turkmen is a little rusty. :) K. Lastochka 20:05, 31 May 2006 (UTC)
 * The most official translation is at . User:Zscout370 (Return Fire) 00:08, 29 September 2006 (UTC)
 * official or not translationis really bad. too free of you wish..--Calm 23:14, 28 November 2006 (UTC)

music by Niyazov?
really? - mishelmp (talk) 10:59, 9 September 2008 (UTC)

Inclusion of lyrics?
Please join discussion at Talk:Anthem of the Tajik Soviet Socialist Republic.--Nø (talk) 14:09, 21 June 2018 (UTC)

Conflicting info
I'm getting conflicting info as to when it started being used. Was it 1996 or 1997? – Illegitimate Barrister (talk • contribs), 03:28, 26 November 2018 (UTC)

Updating information about the leader
The history section of the article mentions the 'current' leader Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedow, but, because he is no longer the current leader, I think this needs to be changed. I propose we could change it to "the second leader". Does anyone have any other proposals on how to change this? 77.219.14.19 (talk) 21:09, 22 March 2022 (UTC)

A Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion: Participate in the deletion discussion at the nomination page. —Community Tech bot (talk) 13:29, 12 December 2022 (UTC)
 * National anthem of the Turkmenistan.ogg

title: Talk:State Anthem of Turkmenistan


text:
Hilbert's seventh problem

Hilbert's seventh problem is one of David Hilbert's list of open mathematical problems posed in 1900. It concerns the irrationality and transcendence of certain numbers (Irrationalität und Transzendenz bestimmter Zahlen).

Statement of the problem
Two specific equivalent questions are asked:
 * 1) In an isosceles triangle, if the ratio of the base angle to the angle at the vertex is algebraic but not rational, is then the ratio between base and side always transcendental?
 * 2) Is $$a^b$$ always transcendental, for algebraic $$a \not\in \{0,1\}$$ and irrational algebraic $$b$$?

Solution
The question (in the second form) was answered in the affirmative by Aleksandr Gelfond in 1934, and refined by Theodor Schneider in 1935. This result is known as Gelfond's theorem or the Gelfond–Schneider theorem. (The restriction to irrational b is important, since it is easy to see that $$a^b$$ is algebraic for algebraic a and rational b.)

From the point of view of generalizations, this is the case

 * $$b \ln{\alpha} + \ln{\beta} = 0$$

of the general linear form in logarithms, which was studied by Gelfond and then solved by Alan Baker. It is called the Gelfond conjecture or Baker's theorem. Baker was awarded a Fields Medal in 1970 for this achievement.

title: Hilbert's seventh problem


text:
Giovanni Angelo Montorsoli

Giovanni Angelo Montorsoli (1507 – 31 August 1563), also known as Giovann'Agnolo Montorsoli, was a Florentine sculptor and Servite friar. He is today as often remembered for his restorations of famous classical works as his original creations.

Early life
Giovanni Montorsoli was born in 1507 at Montorsoli, now in the comune of Vaglia, north of Florence, the son of Michele d'Angelo da Poggibonsi. From 1521 to 1534 he was employed as an assistant to Michelangelo Buonarroti at the Medici Chapel (Sacrestia Nuova) and in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana at the Basilica of San Lorenzo in Florence. Montorsoli is known to have sculpted St. Cosmas with another of Michelangelo's assistants, Raffaello da Montelupo, after a model by the master. He became a friar of the Servite Order, but continued to work as a sculptor.

Work
In 1532-1533 he produced his Drunken Satyr. This sculpture was probably intended for a wall fountain, possibly situated in a niche where the water would have flown from the open neck of the satyr's wineskin. This would have been in a style very popular at the time in Rome. Due to the large number of ancient sculptures in Rome, these tended to be utilised rather than commissioning a new figure. However, in Florence ancient statuary was much less common. Montorsoli's Satyr, with its classical theme and distinctly classical style, was intended to fill the void.

In 1532 he was summoned by Pope Clement VII to the Belvedere courtyard to restore many of the antique sculptures there. This included the Laocoön and his Sons group and the Belvedere Apollo. Restoration methods in that era entailed reworking sculptures in accordance with contemporary principles which often were at odds with the aesthetics of antiquity. For instance, Montorsoli included a new right arm in the central figure of the Laocoön group, upraised in a gesture of defiance, adding much to the fame of the sculpture and himself. However, when the original limb was found in 1905 in Rome and reattached to the Laocoön sculpture, replacing Montorsoli's work, the original was revealed to be folded at the elbow with considerably less flourish.

In 1547 he left Florence, and went to Messina where he procured a commission for the Fountain of Orion, the mythical founder of that city. When erected, the Orion Fountain was the tallest and largest of its day and was much admired by Vasari. It is a candelabrum type, like the fountains at the Medici villa at Castello by Tribolo, but it has evolved. The receiving basin is polygonal, contrasting with the circular basins above. The sculpted creatures supporting the second basin are carved in deep relief, but the female nudes above them appear to be carved in the round. They have become sculptures in their own right, and are not just there to decorate the shaft, or to draw the eye upwards to the figure at the summit. This is the candelabrum type at its pinnacle. On polygonal basin's rim are the statues of four river gods (Tiber, Nile, Camaro and Ebro) with Latin inscriptions by the scientist-humanist Francesco Maurolico who, probably, was also the creator of most of the Neoplatonic-alchemical program for the fountain. On the perimeter are eight oval reliefs, all with subjects taken from Ovid's Metamorphoses. In 1553 this fountain was finished, and he was commissioned for another fountain - the Fountain of Neptune. This was a complete break with tradition with regards to fountain design. Previously fountains had mainly been either a basin with a small figure, such as Donatello's winged infant and Rustici's Mercury of 1515, or a wall fountain, or a candelabrum type. The Fountain of Neptune (whose original is now in the Interdisciplinary Regional Museum of Messina) is completely different. It is a fountain type with one main raised central figure, and this type had never been done before. The only precedent for it was a design by Benvenuto Cellini for the French King at Fontainebleau. In the middle of the fountain Cellini wanted to erect a "pedestal, projecting somewhat above the margin of the basin, and upon this a nude male figure" which was to represent the King himself as Mars. This never came into being though, and therefore the Neptune at Messina is the first of its type.

The Fountain of Neptune makes good use of contrasts. The God of the Sea is arranged in a classical, static pose. Yet below him the figures of the sea monsters Scylla and Charybdis writhe around and draw back in terror. Scylla and Charybdis were the names of rocks near the harbour of Messina; as they had wrecked so many ships, they came to be personified by sea monsters. Neptune's act of warding off these destructive forces demonstrates his power and his protection of the city. This work was especially influential in Florence, which had an affection of colossal statuary, and it likely influenced designs for Ammanati's Neptune Fountain in the Piazza della Signoria. Florentine fountains excelled in designing fountains with many small thin elegant jets of water, even when there was enough water to have a large geyser. Montorsoli carried this Florentine tradition of having smaller, elegant jets, and judging from a design of his in the Uffizi he used eight of them for his design for the Neptune fountain. The Fountain of Neptune was finished in 1557. In Messina he also realized the church of San Lorenzo (from 1552; destroyed in the earthquake of 1783), the Lantern Tower (1555) and the Apostolate within the Cathedral (completed in 1555, was destroyed several times by fires and earthquakes, and then was rebuilt).

Montorsoli left some of his works in Genoa in the church of San Matteo, commissioned by Andrea Doria, for his tomb and some sculptures. Among his pupils were Giovanni Angelo Lottini and Giovanni Vincenzo Casali.

The Accademia delle Arti del Disegno
Montorsoli was instrumental in the foundation in 1562–1563 of the Accademia delle Arti del Disegno, which was the academy of art and of artists in Florence until 1784, and which at first met in the Servite church of the Santissima Annunziata where Montorsoli had worked on the decorations of the Cappella dei Pittori, in which the order had given permission for artists to be buried. The Accademia was formed under the patronage of Cosimo I de' Medici, Grand Duke of Tuscany, and with the support of Giorgio Vasari. The first meeting was held on 13 January 1563. Montorsoli died on 31 August of the same year.

title: Giovanni Angelo Montorsoli


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Plutarco Elías Calles

Plutarco Elías Calles (born Francisco Plutarco Elías Campuzano; 25 September 1877 – 19 October 1945) was a Mexican soldier and politician who served as President of Mexico from 1924 to 1928. After the assassination of Álvaro Obregón, Elías Calles founded the Institutional Revolutionary Party and held unofficial power as Mexico's de facto leader from 1929 to 1934, a period known as the Maximato. Previously, he served as a general in the Constitutional Army, as Governor of Sonora, Secretary of War, and Secretary of the Interior. During the Maximato, he served as Secretariat of Public Education, Secretary of War again, and Secretary of the Economy. During his presidency, he implemented many left-wing populist and secularist reforms, opposition to which sparked the Cristero War.

Born on 25 September 1877 in Sonora, Elías Calles fought in Venustiano Carranza's Constitutional Army during the Mexican Revolution, which allowed him to rise in politics, joining the cabinets of Presidents Carranza, Adolfo de la Huerta, and Álvaro Obregón. Obregón selected him as the Laborist Party's candidate in the 1924 election. His campaign was the first populist presidential campaign in Mexico's history, as he called for land redistribution and promised equal justice, further labor rights, and democratic governance. He won the election, and expanded education, implemented infrastructure projects, and improved public health. After this populist phase (1924–1926) he was committed to separating church from state (1926–1928), passing several anticlerical laws that resulted in the Cristero War. He allowed CROM's Luis N. Morones to consolidate unions under the Laborist Party, and launched a failed attempted to cancel the Bucareli Treaty. Obregón still held significant political sway and was Elías Calles's main base of support.

Obregón won the 1928 election, but was assassinated as president-elect. Elías Calles prevented political instability by founding the Institutional Revolutionary Party in 1929. During the presidencies of Emilio Portes Gil, Pascual Ortiz Rubio, and Abelardo Rodríguez, Elías Calles served as the kingmaker of Mexican politics, with only Rodríguez able to assert much true influence. During this period, Elías Calles became more ideologically conservative. In 1934, Elías Calles supported Lázaro Cárdenas for president, but Cárdenas exiled him and many of his allies to implement more socialist reforms. Elías Calles was allowed to return to Mexico in 1941, where he died in 1945. His remains are buried in the Monument to the Revolution in Mexico City.

Elías Calles is a controversial figure in Mexican history. Supporters have praised his reforms in areas such as health, infrastructure, and public education, as well as his attempts to separate church and state, and for preventing political instability in the wake of Obregón's assassination. Detractors have criticized the escalation of the Cristero War, his crackdowns on labor unions, and for continuing to hold onto power after his presidency. The party he founded, including its two subsequent incarnations, held power continuously from 1929 to 1997, and held the presidency continuously from 1929 to 2000.

Early life and career

Born Francisco Plutarco Elías Campuzano, he was one of two natural children of his bureaucrat father, Plutarco Elías Lucero, and his mother, María Jesús Campuzano Noriega. He adopted the Calles surname from his mother's sister's husband, Juan Bautista Calles, as he and his wife, María Josefa Campuzano, raised Plutarco after the death of his mother. His uncle was from a family of school teachers but was himself a small-scale dealer in groceries and alcoholic beverages. Plutarco's uncle was an atheist, and he instilled in his nephew a strong commitment to secular education and an attitude of disdain toward the Roman Catholic Church, which was separated from the state during this time. This was later reflected in his social agenda, which included the expansion of public education and the removal of church influence from education, politics, and unions.

Plutarco's father's family was descended from a prominent family in the Provincias Internas, most often recorded as Elías González. The first of this line to settle in Mexico was Francisco Elías González (1707–1790), who emigrated from La Rioja, Spain, to Zacatecas, Mexico in 1729. Eventually, Francisco Elías González moved north to Chihuahua, where, as commander of the presidio of Terrenate, he played a role in the wars against the Yaqui and Apache. Plutarco Elías Calles's father, Plutarco Elías Lucero, lost his own father, José Juan Elías Pérez, in 1865 to battle wounds sustained during the resistance to the French Intervention, leaving his widow with eight children, of which Plutarco was the oldest. The family's fortunes declined precipitously; it lost or sold much of its land, some of it to the Cananea Copper Company, whose labor practices resulted in a major strike at the turn of the twentieth century.

Scholars review that his hardships in his upbringing; like his social status as a natural or "illegitimate" child, being an orphan, and financial and familial troubles; have all influenced his path, and made him hardworking and determined to overcome such challenges as the eldest to care for his family. "To society at large, Plutarco Elías Calles was illegitimate because his parents never married, but he was even more so in the eyes of religion. Denying the authority of religion would at least in part be an attempt to negate his own illegitimacy."

As a young man, Calles worked in many different jobs, from bartender to schoolteacher, and always had an affinity for political opportunities.

Participation in the Mexican Revolution, 1910–1917

Calles was a supporter of Francisco I. Madero, under whom he became a police commissioner, and his ability to align himself with the Constitutionalists led by Venustiano Carranza (the political winners of the Mexican Revolution) allowed him to move up the ranks quickly, allowing him to attain the rank of general by 1915. He led the Constitutional Army in his home state of Sonora from this point on. In 1915 his forces repelled the Conventionalist faction in Sonora under José María Maytorena and Pancho Villa in the Battle of Agua Prieta.

Governor of Sonora
Calles became governor of his home state of Sonora in 1915, building a pragmatic reformist political record, which was to promote the rapid growth of the Mexican national economy, the infrastructure of which he helped to establish. In particular, he attempted to make Sonora a dry state (a state in which alcohol is heavily regulated), promoted education, legislation giving social security and collective bargaining to workers; organized an economic ground for Mexico.

Service in the Carranza administration
In 1919, Calles travelled to Mexico City to take up the post of Secretary of Industry, Commerce, and Labor in the government of President Venustiano Carranza, the leader of the Constitutionalist faction that had won the Mexican Revolution. Calles's position put him in charge of the Mexican economy, which had been devastated by the fighting during the civil war. The two main sources of production, mining, and agriculture, had been severely affected by the fighting. The key infrastructure of Mexican railways, which had linked many cities and production sites in Mexico to the national market and to the United States, had been damaged. The national currency in Mexico had been replaced by paper money issued by revolutionary factions without backing by specie. In response to this, many people used the more stable U.S. paper dollars. The lack of currency meant that in agriculture there was no incentive to produce for the market, which led to food shortages. In addition, malnourished populations are more vulnerable to disease, and Mexico suffered from the Spanish flu pandemic. Calles gained political experience in his months serving in Carranza's government, and his attempt to settle a labor dispute in Orizaba gained him the support of workers there.

Revolt of the Sonoran generals, 1920
In 1920, he aligned himself with fellow Sonoran revolutionary generals Adolfo de la Huerta and Álvaro Obregón to overthrow Carranza under the Plan of Agua Prieta. Carranza had attempted to choose an unknown civilian, Ignacio Bonillas, the Mexican ambassador to the U.S. as his successor. Carranza was forced out of power and died escaping, leaving De la Huerta as interim president. De la Huerta then named Calles to the important post of Minister of War.

Obregón administration, De la Huerta revolt, election of 1924
Obregón was elected president in 1920 and he named Calles as Secretary of the Interior. During the Obregón presidency (1920–24), Calles aligned himself with organized labor, particularly the Regional Confederation of Mexican Workers (CROM), headed by Luis N. Morones and the Laborist Party, as well as agraristas, radical agrarians.

The serious military conflict was resolved in favor of Obregón when the U.S. threw its support to him. Obregón's government had acceded to concessions to U.S. business interests, particularly oil, in the August 1923 Bucareli Treaty. Obregón pushed through ratification in the Mexican congress, and the U.S. then moved decisively. President Calvin Coolidge sent naval ships to blockade the Gulf Coast to both prevent the rebels from obtaining arms and deliver arms to Obregón's government. Obregón went to war once again and won a decisive victory against his former comrades-in-arms, 14 of whom were summarily executed.

Calles's candidacy was supported by labor and peasant unions. The Laborist Party which supported his government in reality functioned as the political-electoral branch of the powerful Regional Confederation of Mexican Workers (CROM), led by Luis N. Morones. Morones had a national reputation as a labor leader and had forged an alliance with Samuel Gompers, head of the American Federation of Labor, a moderate craft union organization. In 1916 Gompers and Morones put pressure on the Mexican and U.S. governments, which were heading toward war. In Mexico, Morones was credited with aiding the withdrawal of U.S. troops in Mexico sent by U.S. President Woodrow Wilson. CROM's support for Calles was important for his election. Although the labor movement in Mexico was factionalized, CROM was a staunch supporter of Obregón and Calles.

In 1924, Calles won the election.

Shortly before his inauguration, Calles had traveled to Germany and France to study social democracy and the labor movement, and he drew comparisons to Mexico. His international travel gave him a perspective beyond the Mexican context. He particularly admired the infrastructure and industry in Germany, as well as the strides that a strong organized labor movement had made. He also observed the power of populist rhetoric to build support.

Presidency, 1924–1928

Calles's inauguration was a great state occasion, with some 50,000 spectators. His predecessor, Obregón, was present for the first peaceful transfer of presidential power since 1884 when Porfirio Díaz succeeded Manuel González. Workers from the CROM, headed by Luis Morones and the Laborist Party of Mexico displayed banners. The release of balloons and doves figured in the spectacle. The De la Huerta rebellion had thinned the ranks of the military.

Although Calles was president, he remained in the shadow of Obregón, who had powerful allies in the military and among state governors and the Congress. The contrast between Calles and Obregón was in personality and level of power. "To many, Calles appeared Obregón's creation, a caretaker president who would return power to the caudillo upon the conclusion of his term." Calles sought to build his own power base. He launched a reform program that was modeled on the one in Sonora. Its intent was to promote economic development, professionalize the army, and promote social and educational welfare. He relied on worker and peasant organizations to support his consolidation of power, particularly Luis N. Morones of the CROM.

Labor

Morones was appointed to a cabinet position as Secretary of Industry, Commerce, and Labor at the same time that he retained leadership in the CROM. In that position, Morones was able to advance his organization at the expense of rivals. Some independent unions and more radical were forced into the umbrella of the moderate CROM. Wage increases and betterment of working conditions were evidence that Calles sought to implement Article 123 of the Mexican Constitution, embedding labor rights. The number of labor strikes decreased precipitously during the Calles administration. When railway workers struck in 1926, Morones sent scabs to break the strike.

Finance
During the Calles presidency, he relied on the financial acumen of his Secretary of the Treasury, Alberto J. Pani, a loyalist of Obregón and served in his cabinet. Pani's classical liberal policies of a balanced budget and stable currency helped restore foreign investors' confidence in Mexico. Pani advised the founding of several banks in support of campesinos, but more importantly, the Banco de México, Mexico's national bank. Pani also managed to achieve relief of part of Mexico's foreign debt. After coming into conflict with Calles, Pani resigned in 1927.

Military

The military continued to be very top-heavy with revolutionary generals and the army allocated a third of the national budget. Generals had participated in the De la Huerta rebellion in 1923, which cleared the way for Calles's candidacy. Obregón awarded loyalists following that revolt. The military continued to be a potential interventionist force in Mexican politics, with generals presuming that they could rise to the presidency. Calles sought to professionalize the army and decrease its share of the national budget, putting Joaquín Amaro in charge of implementing major changes. Many generals had achieved their status as battlefield promotions. The Calles administration called for a change in the law regulating the military, mandating that officers must have professional training to rise in rank. The administration also aimed at decreasing corruption by severely penalizing it. Further control was a mandatory retirement age for officers. The most powerful generals were not reined in by such provisions, but Amaro managed to get some cooperation with their enforcement of regulations on subordinates. The Colegio Militar was reformed under Amaro and remained a hope for the improvement of officers.

Infrastructure

Since the Porfiriato, railroads had been important to economic development and exerting political control over more remote areas. Fighting during the Revolution damaged railways, so rebuilding had been ongoing since the end of the military phase. Calles privatized the railways and a line was built to connect Sonora, Calles's home state, and Mexico City. Even more important, during his presidency, Calles began what became a major infrastructure project to build a road network in Mexico that linked major cities and small villages to the network. He established the National Road Commission as a government agency, envisioning it as a way to increase economic activity by getting crops to market more efficiently, but also as a means to increase the presence of the state in remote communities. Unlike the nineteenth-century railway network, funded by foreign capital and foreign firms, Mexican road construction depended on federal government support and had limited dependence on foreign technology. Mexicans formed road-building companies, most prominently in northern Mexico with revolutionary general Juan Andreu Almazán, in 1920s charge of the military in Nuevo León, forming the Anáhuac Construction Company, making him a wealthy man. This extensive infrastructure project "connected the country, increasingly linking people from different regions and towns to national political, economic, and cultural life." Work began on the Mexican section of the Pan-American Highway, linking Nuevo Laredo at the U.S.-Mexico border to Tapachula on the Mexico-Guatemala border. Road building was financed internally with a gasoline tax.

Education
Education had been an important part of Obregón's administration, particularly under José Vasconcelos. Calles was able to devote more government funding to rural education and added two thousand schools to the thousand that his predecessor had established. A key aim of rural education was to integrate Mexico's indigenous population into the nation-state, so Spanish-language instruction was an integral aspect of public education. Along with turning rural indigenous into Spanish speakers, education aimed to create a loyal and patriotic citizenry. Secretary of Education José Manuel Puig Cassauranc developed education materials lauding the accomplishments of Sonorans Obregón and Calles as heirs to the Revolution. The Secretariat of Public Education, based in the capital and controlled by urban intellectuals, could not command rural residents and public school teachers to adhere to the program, so on-site, there was a kind of negotiation about how education was shaped.

Public health

After the Revolution, public health in Mexico was not in a good state, but it had not been particularly good even during the Porfiriato. The Calles administration sought to improve health and hygiene since the health of citizens was considered important to economic development. He gave the issue prominence by creating a cabinet-level position of public health. The ministry was in charge of promoting vaccination against communicable diseases, improving potable water access, sewage and drainage systems, and inspecting restaurants, markets, and other food providers. A new 1926 sanitary code ordered mandatory vaccination and empowered the government to implement other measures for sanitation and hygiene. Also part of the program was the mandatory registration of prostitutes.

Civil law
Calles changed Mexico's civil code to give natural (illegitimate) children the same rights as those born of married parents, partly as a reaction against the problems he himself often had encountered being a child of unmarried parents. According to false rumors, his parents had been Syrians or Turks, giving him the nickname El Turco (The Turk). His detractors drew comparisons between Calles and the "Grand Turk", the anti-Christian leaders from the era of the Crusades. In order not to draw too much attention to his unhappy childhood, Calles chose to ignore those rumors rather than to fight them.

Another important legal innovation in Calles's presidency was the Law of Electrical Communications (1926), which asserted the radio airwaves as being under government regulation. Radio stations had to comply with government regulations, which included constraints on religious or political messages, and had to broadcast government announcements without cost. Although in the 1920s, there were relatively few people owning radios, the regulations were an important assertion of state power. During the Lázaro Cárdenas presidency (1934–40), state control over broadcasts expanded further.

Petroleum and U.S.-Mexico relations

One of the major points of contention with the U.S. was oil. Calles quickly rejected the Bucareli Agreements of 1923 between the U.S. and Mexico, when Álvaro Obregón was president, and began drafting a new oil law that would strictly enforce article 27 of the Mexican constitution. The oil problem stemmed from Article 27 of the Mexican Constitution of 1917, which re-stated a law of Spanish origin that made everything under the soil property of the state. The language of Article 27 threatened the oil possession of U.S. and European oil companies, especially if the article was applied retroactively. A Mexican Supreme Court decision had ruled that foreign-owned fields could not be seized as long as they were already in operation before the constitution went into effect. The Bucareli Agreements stated that Mexico would agree to respect the Mexican Supreme Court decision in exchange for official recognition from Washington of the presidency of Álvaro Obregón.

The reaction of the U.S. government to Calles's intention to enforce Article 27 was swift. The American ambassador to Mexico branded Calles a communist, and Secretary of State Frank B. Kellogg issued a threat against Mexico on 12 June 1925. Calles never considered himself a communist; he considered revolution a way of governing rather than an ideological position. Public opinion in the United States turned particularly anti-Mexican when the first embassy of the Soviet Union in any country was opened in Mexico. On that occasion, the Soviet ambassador remarked that "no other two countries show more similarities than the Soviet Union and Mexico." After this, some in the United States government, considering Calles's regime Bolshevik, started to refer to Mexico as "Soviet Mexico".

The debate on the new oil law occurred in 1925, with U.S. interests opposing all initiatives. By 1926, the new law was enacted. In January 1927 the Mexican government canceled the permits of oil companies that would not comply with the law. Talks of war circulated by the U.S. president and in the editorial pages of the New York Times. Mexico managed to avoid war through a series of diplomatic maneuvers. Soon afterward, a direct telephone link was established between Calles and President Calvin Coolidge, and the U.S. ambassador to Mexico, James R. Sheffield, was replaced with Dwight Morrow. Morrow won the Calles government over to the United States position and helped negotiate an agreement between the government and the oil companies.

Another source of conflict with the United States was Mexico's support for the liberals in the civil war in Nicaragua, as the United States supported the conservatives. This conflict ended when both countries signed a treaty in which they allowed each other to support the side they considered to be the most democratic.

Church-state conflict
According to historian Robert Weis: "Against claims that revolutionaries sought to destroy the church, officials insisted that they pursued the rule of law. During his presidential campaign, Calles clarified that he was not an 'enemy of religion'; he approved of 'all religious beliefs because [he] consider[ed] them beneficial for the moral progress that they encompass.' He was, however, an enemy of 'the political priest, the scheming priest, the priest as exploiter.' This position of lauding religion while inveighing against earthly ecclesiastic machinations was central...to the justification of the anticlerical campaign in general. As president, Calles expressed determination to enforce the laws of the 1917 constitution that mandated secular education, banned foreign priests as well as confessional political parties and newspapers, nationalized all church properties, and granted local governments the authority to limit the number of priests."

Calles had implemented a number of reforms in the first two years of his presidency (1924–26) benefiting workers and peasants. In this he followed in the pattern of his predecessor, Obregón. However, in the second two years of his presidency and into his post-presidency, Calles precipitated a major conflict between the Mexican government, the Roman Catholic Church in Mexico as an institution, and Mexican Catholics. Calles did not recognize the freedom to join the church.

During his term as president, he moved to enforce the anticlerical articles of the Constitution of 1917, which led to a violent and lengthy conflict known as the Cristero Rebellion or the Cristero War, which was characterized by reprisals and counter-reprisals. The Mexican government violently persecuted the clergy, massacring suspected Cristeros and their supporters. The conflict ended in 1929 with the mediation of the U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, Dwight Morrow with the Mexican government and the Vatican.

On 14 June 1926, President Calles enacted anticlerical legislation known formally as The Law Reforming the Penal Code and unofficially as the Calles Law. Calles's anti-Catholic actions included outlawing religious orders, preventing corruption from the Church. However, Catholic antipathy towards Calles was enhanced because of his vociferous anti-Catholicism. In response to the government's enforcement of anticlerical laws, the Catholic Church called for a clerical strike, which entailed ceasing to celebrate Mass, baptize children, sanctify marriage, and perform rituals for the dead. The clerical strike went on for three years.

Due to Calles's strict enforcement of anti-clerical laws, people in strongly Catholic areas, especially the states of Jalisco, Zacatecas, Guanajuato, Colima and Michoacán, began to oppose him, and on 1 January 1927, a war cry went up from the faithful Catholics, "¡Viva Cristo Rey!", long live Christ the King!

Almost 100,000 people on both sides died in the war. A truce was negotiated with the assistance of U.S. Ambassador Dwight Morrow in which the Cristeros agreed to lay down their arms. Particularly offensive to Catholics after the truce was Calles's insistence on a complete state monopoly on education, taking away focus from the Catholic education and introducing secular education in its place, saying: "We must enter and take possession of the consciences of the children, of the consciences of the young, because they do belong, and should belong to the revolution."

The effects of Calles's policy on the Church were between 1926 and 1934. At least 4,000 priests were killed or expelled; one of the most famous was the Jesuit Miguel Pro. Where there had been 4,500 priests in Mexico before the rebellion, in 1934 there were only 334 priests licensed by the government to serve fifteen million people, the rest having been eliminated by emigration, expulsion, execution, and assassination. By 1935, seventeen states had no priests at all.

The conflict weakened Calles politically, and that weakness paved the way for Alvaro Obregón to return to the presidency in the 1928 election.

1928 election
Obregón ran unopposed in the 1928 presidential election. He was able to stand as a candidate despite having served as president before. Under Calles's administration in 1926, a constitutional change was passed that allowed for a non-consecutive re-election, and in 1928 Obregón was elected as Calles's successor; this amendment was later repealed in 1934. In addition, Mexico passed an amendment to the constitution in 1927 that expanded a presidential term from four years to six years.

Attempted arrest in Texas
In December of 1929, District Attorney John Valls of Laredo, Texas sent a telegraph to US Secretary of State Henry Stimson notifying the federal government of Valls's intent to arrest Calles on a warrant for the 1922 murder of Lucio Blanco. Stimson replied that the government would take any steps necessary to guarantee Calles's diplomatic protections, including armed force; Calles was escorted across the border back into Mexico by US marines without incident, though Valls promised that "the day of reckoning was only postponed."

In protest of this treatment, the Mexican consulate in Laredo was closed, restricting the flow of tourists and merchandise during the holiday season. The consulate was reopened in January after pressure from President Hoover and the Chamber of Commerce led Texas governor Moody and Laredo city officials to offer assurances that Mexican citizens would not be unlawfully molested.

Founding a new party and the Maximato 1929–1934

President-elect Obregón was murdered by José de León Toral, a Catholic militant, before he could assume power. Calles was ineligible to return to the presidency, but he took steps to avoid a political vacuum. Emilio Portes Gil was appointed temporary president, while Calles created a new political party, the National Revolutionary Party (Partido Nacional Revolucionario, PNR), the predecessor of today's Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional, PRI).

The period that Obregón had been elected to serve, between 1928 and 1934, was when Calles was requested to come in as an advisor but was instead considered the Jefe Máximo, the "maximum chief," and the power behind the presidency; and was a title he never used for himself. The period is known as the Maximato (1928–1934), with many regarding Emilio Portes Gil, Pascual Ortiz Rubio, and Abelardo Rodríguez as puppets of Calles. Officially, after 1929, Calles served as minister of war as he continued to suppress corruption. Still, a few months later, after the intervention of the United States ambassador Dwight Morrow, the Mexican government and the Cristeros signed a peace treaty. During the Maximato, Calles served as Minister of Industry and Commerce.

After a large demonstration in 1930, the Mexican Communist Party was banned, Mexico stopped its support for the rebels of César Sandino in Nicaragua, strikes were no longer tolerated, and the government ceased re-distributing lands to poorer peasants. Calles was the candidate of the workers and all for helping those in need of work, campaigning against competing labor organizers, but still opposed and suppressed Communism.

By the summer of 1933, two of Calles's former wartime subordinates had risen to the top of the party: Manuel Pérez Treviño and Lázaro Cárdenas. Calles mentored Treviño and supported him to be the party's nominee at the time, teaching his experiences and policies, but soon yielded to pressure from party officials and agreed to support Cárdenas—a former revolutionary general, governor of Michoacán, and popular land reformer—as the PNR's presidential candidate in the 1934 Mexican Presidential election. By this time, the PNR had become so entrenched that Cárdenas' victory was a foregone conclusion; he won with almost 98 percent of the vote.

End of the Maximato and exile

Cárdenas had been associated with Calles for over two decades; he had joined Calles's army in Sonora in 1915. For that reason, Calles and his allies trusted Cárdenas, and Calles believed he could work with Cárdenas as he had with his predecessors. Cárdenas soon asserted himself as an independent. Conflicts between Calles and Cárdenas arose not long after Cárdenas was sworn in. Calles opposed Cárdenas's support for labor unions, especially his tolerance and support for strikes, while Cárdenas opposed Calles's view.

Cárdenas started to isolate Calles politically, removing the callistas from political posts and exiling many of his political allies: Tomás Garrido Canabal, Fauto Topete, Emilio Portes Gil, Saturnino Cedillo, Aarón Sáenz, Nicolás Rodríguez Carrasco, Pascual Ortiz Rubio and finally Calles himself. Calles and head of the labor organization CROM, Luis N. Morones, one of the last remaining influential callistas and one-time Minister of Agriculture, were charged with conspiring to blow up a railroad and placed under arrest under the order of President Cárdenas. These were false accusations, framing Calles to exile him. Calles was deported to the United States on 9 April 1936 along with the three last highly-influential callistas in Mexico—Morones, Luis León (leader of the Radical Civic Union in Mexico), and General Rafael Melchor Ortega (one-time Governor of Guanajuato). His son Alfredo and his secretary were also exiled.

In exile in the United States, Calles was with family and lived in San Diego. During this time, he also befriended José Vasconcelos, the Mexican philosopher who had previously been a political enemy.

Return from exile and final years
With the Institutional Revolutionary Party now firmly in control and in the spirit of national unity, President Manuel Ávila Camacho (1940–1946) allowed Calles to return to Mexico under the reconciliation policy of Cárdenas's successor in 1941. He spent his last years quietly in Mexico City and Cuernavaca.

Back in Mexico, Calles's political position became more moderate; in 1942, he supported Mexico's declaration of war upon the Axis powers. Upon his return to Mexico he became interested in spiritualism, attending weekly sessions at the Mexican Circle of Metapsychic Investigations, and coming to profess belief "in a Supreme Being".

He died in Mexico City at 14:20 CST (20:20 GMT) on 19 October 1945, at age 68, of a hemorrhage after surviving surgery earlier that week.

Personal life

Calles married Natalia Chacón (1879–1927) and the marriage produced 12 children. Rodolfo Elías Calles (1900–1965), governor of Sonora 1931–34; Plutarco Elías Calles Chacón("Aco"), (1901–1976), governor of Nuevo León 1929; Berndardina (died in infancy); Natalia (1904–1998); Hortensia ("Tencha") (1905–1996); Ernestina ("Tinina") (1906–1984); Elodia (1908), died in infancy; María Josefina (1910), died in infancy; Alicia (1911–1988); Alfredo (1913–1988); Artemisa (1915–1998); and Gustavo (1918–1990). After his first wife's death in 1927, he married a young woman from Yucatan, Leonor Llorente, who died of a brain tumor in 1932 at age 29. Calles's own health was not good over his lifetime, and in his later years deteriorated. His problems date from the winter of 1915 when he came down with a rheumatic ailment, likely from extended periods outdoors in sub-freezing temperatures. He also experienced stomach problems and insomnia. The death of his wife Natalia in 1927 was a severe blow personally. Although he remarried in 1930, his second wife Leonor died soon afterwards.

Legacy

Calles's main legacy was the pacification of Mexico, ending the violent era of the Mexican Revolution through the creation of the Partido Nacional Revolucionario (PNR)—known today as the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI)—which governed Mexico until 2000 and returned to power for one term in the elections of 2012.

Calles's legacy remains controversial today, but within the PRI it has undergone a re-appraisal. His remains were moved from their original resting place to be interred in the Monument to the Revolution, joining other major figures, Madero, along with Carranza, Villa, and Cárdenas who in life were his political opponents. For many years, the presidency of Cárdenas was touted as the revival of the ideals of the Revolution, but increasingly the importance of Calles as the founder of the party that brought political stability to Mexico has been recognized. When the son of Lázaro Cárdenas broke with the PRI in 1988, the party leadership began to acknowledge Calles' contributions and leadership as the party's founder. In 1990, a monument to Calles was erected that commemorated his September 1928 speech declaring the end of the age of caudillos. His speech was made in the aftermath of Obregón's assassination and as the political solution to violence at presidential successions was being resolved by the party he brought into being.

He is honored with statues in Sonoyta, Hermosillo, and his hometown of Guaymas. The official name of the municipality of Sonoyta is called Plutarco Elías Calles Municipality in his honor.

For his actions that portray him as anti-clerical, Calles was denounced by Pope Pius XI (r. 1922–1939) in the encyclical Iniquis afflictisque (On the Persecution of the Church in Mexico) as being "unjust", for a "hateful" attitude and for the "ferocity" of the war which he waged against the Church.

In Spanish

 * Buchenau, Jürgen. Calles y el movimiento liberal en Nicaragua. Boletín 9. Mexico: Fideicomiso Archivos Plutarco ElíasCalles y Fernando Torreblanca 1992.
 * Castro Martínez, Pedro. De la Buerta y Calles: Los límites politicos de la Amistad, Boletín 23. Mexico City: FAPEC 1996.

 * Horn, James. "El embajador Sheffield contra el presidente Calles." Historia Mexicana 20, no. 2 (oct 1970): 265–84.
 * José Valenzuela, Georgette E. La campaña presidencial de 1923–1924 en México, Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de Estudios Históricos de la Revolución Mexicana, 1998.
 * José Valenzuela, Georgette E. El relevo del caudillo: De cómo y por qué Calles fue candidato presidencial. Mexico City: El Caballito 1982.
 * José Valenzuela, Georgette E. "El viaje de Plutarco Elías Calles como president electo por Europa y Estados Unidos." Revista Mexicana de Sociología 57, no. 3 (1995): 191–210.
 * Krauze, Enrique. Reformar desde el origen: Plutarco Elias Calles. Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica 1987.
 * Kubli, Luciano. Calles y su gobierno: Ensayo biográfico. Mexico City 1931.
 * Loyo Camacho, Martha Beatriz. Plutarco Elias Calles desde su exilio. Boletín 45. Mexico City: Archivo Fideicomiso Plutarco Elias Calles y Fernando Torreblanca 2004.
 * Macías, Carlos. Plutarco Elías Calles; Pensamiento Político y Social. Antología (1913-1936). Fondo de Cultura Económica, 1988.
 * Richard, Macías Carlos. Vida y Temperamento: Plutarco Elías Calles, 1877-1920. Instituto Sonorense de Cultura, 1995.
 * Plutarco Elías Calles: Correspondencia Personal 1919-1945. Ed. FCE, Miguel Ángel Porrúa, Instituto Sonorense de Cultura, Fideicomiso Archivos Plutarco Elías Calles y Fernando Torreblanca, LXI Legislatura Cámara de Diputados, 2010.

title: Plutarco Elías Calles


text:
Degenerate conic

In geometry, a degenerate conic is a conic (a second-degree plane curve, defined by a polynomial equation of degree two) that fails to be an irreducible curve. This means that the defining equation is factorable over the complex numbers (or more generally over an algebraically closed field) as the product of two linear polynomials.

Using the alternative definition of the conic as the intersection in three-dimensional space of a plane and a double cone, a conic is degenerate if the plane goes through the vertex of the cones.

In the real plane, a degenerate conic can be two lines that may or may not be parallel, a single line (either two coinciding lines or the union of a line and the line at infinity), a single point (in fact, two complex conjugate lines), or the null set (twice the line at infinity or two parallel complex conjugate lines).

All these degenerate conics may occur in pencils of conics. That is, if two real non-degenerated conics are defined by quadratic polynomial equations $f = 0$ and $g = 0$, the conics of equations $af + bg = 0$ form a pencil, which contains one or three degenerate conics. For any degenerate conic in the real plane, one may choose $f$ and $g$ so that the given degenerate conic belongs to the pencil they determine.

Examples
The conic section with equation $$x^2-y^2 = 0$$ is degenerate as its equation can be written as $$(x-y)(x+y)= 0$$, and corresponds to two intersecting lines forming an "X". This degenerate conic occurs as the limit case $$a=1, b=0$$ in the pencil of hyperbolas of equations $$a(x^2-y^2) - b=0.$$ The limiting case $$a=0, b=1$$ is an example of a degenerate conic consisting of twice the line at infinity.

Similarly, the conic section with equation $$x^2 + y^2 = 0$$, which has only one real point, is degenerate, as $$x^2+y^2$$ is factorable as $$(x+iy)(x-iy)$$ over the complex numbers. The conic consists thus of two complex conjugate lines that intersect in the unique real point, $$(0,0)$$, of the conic.

The pencil of ellipses of equations $$ax^2+b(y^2-1)=0$$ degenerates, for $$a=0, b=1$$, into two parallel lines and, for $$a=1, b=0$$, into a double line.

The pencil of circles of equations $$a(x^2+y^2-1) - bx =0$$ degenerates for $$a=0$$ into two lines, the line at infinity and the line of equation $$x=0$$.

Classification
Over the complex projective plane there are only two types of degenerate conics – two different lines, which necessarily intersect in one point, or one double line. Any degenerate conic may be transformed by a projective transformation into any other degenerate conic of the same type.

Over the real affine plane the situation is more complicated. A degenerate real conic may be:

 * Two intersecting lines, such as $$x^2-y^2 = 0 \Leftrightarrow (x+y)(x-y) = 0$$
 * Two parallel lines, such as $$x^2-1 = 0 \Leftrightarrow (x+1)(x-1) = 0$$
 * A double line (multiplicity 2), such as $$x^2 = 0$$
 * Two intersecting complex conjugate lines (only one real point), such as $$x^2+y^2 = 0 \Leftrightarrow (x+iy)(x-iy) = 0$$
 * Two parallel complex conjugate lines (no real point), such as $$x^2+1 = 0 \Leftrightarrow (x+i)(x-i) = 0$$
 * A single line and the line at infinity
 * Twice the line at infinity (no real point in the affine plane)

For any two degenerate conics of the same class, there are affine transformations mapping the first conic to the second one.

Discriminant

Non-degenerate real conics can be classified as ellipses, parabolas, or hyperbolas by the discriminant of the non-homogeneous form $$Ax^2 + 2Bxy + Cy^2 + 2Dx + 2Ey + F$$, which is the determinant of the matrix

 * $$M=\begin{bmatrix} A & B \\ B & C \\ \end{bmatrix}, $$

the matrix of the quadratic form in $$(x,y)$$. This determinant is positive, zero, or negative as the conic is, respectively, an ellipse, a parabola, or a hyperbola.

Analogously, a conic can be classified as non-degenerate or degenerate according to the discriminant of the homogeneous quadratic form in $$(x,y,z)$$. Here the affine form is homogenized to
 * $$Ax^2 + 2Bxy + Cy^2 +2Dxz + 2Eyz + Fz^2;$$

the discriminant of this form is the determinant of the matrix
 * $$Q=\begin{bmatrix} A & B & D \\ B & C & E \\ D & E & F \\ \end{bmatrix}.$$

The conic is degenerate if and only if the determinant of this matrix equals zero. In this case, we have the following possibilities:

 * Two intersecting lines (a hyperbola degenerated to its two asymptotes) if and only if $$\det M< 0$$ (see first diagram).
 * Two parallel straight lines (a degenerate parabola) if and only if $$\det M= 0$$. These lines are distinct and real if $$D^2+E^2>(A+C)F$$ (see second diagram), coincident if $$D^2+E^2=(A+C)F$$, and non-existent in the real plane if $$D^2+E^2<(A+C)F$$.
 * A single point (a degenerate ellipse) if and only if $$\det M> 0$$.
 * A single line (and the line at infinity) if and only if $$A=B=C=0, $$ and $$D$$ and $$E$$ are not both zero. This case always occurs as a degenerate conic in a pencil of circles. However, in other contexts it is not considered as a degenerate conic, as its equation is not of degree 2.

The case of coincident lines occurs if and only if the rank of the 3×3 matrix $$Q$$ is 1; in all other degenerate cases its rank is 2.

Relation to intersection of a plane and a cone
Conics, also known as conic sections to emphasize their three-dimensional geometry, arise as the intersection of a plane with a cone. Degeneracy occurs when the plane contains the apex of the cone or when the cone degenerates to a cylinder and the plane is parallel to the axis of the cylinder. See Conic section for details.

Applications
Degenerate conics, as with degenerate algebraic varieties generally, arise as limits of non-degenerate conics, and are important in compactification of moduli spaces of curves.

For example, the pencil of curves (1-dimensional linear system of conics) defined by $$x^2 + ay^2 = 1$$ is non-degenerate for $$a\neq 0$$ but is degenerate for $$a=0;$$ concretely, it is an ellipse for $$a>0,$$ two parallel lines for $$a=0,$$ and a hyperbola with $$a<0$$ – throughout, one axis has length 2 and the other has length $1/\sqrt{|a|},$ which is infinity for $$a=0.$$

Such families arise naturally – given four points in general linear position (no three on a line), there is a pencil of conics through them (five points determine a conic, four points leave one parameter free), of which three are degenerate, each consisting of a pair of lines, corresponding to the $$\textstyle{\binom{4}{2,2}=3}$$ ways of choosing 2 pairs of points from 4 points (counting via the multinomial coefficient).

For example, given the four points $$(\pm 1, \pm 1),$$ the pencil of conics through them can be parameterized as $$(1+a)x^2+(1-a)y^2=2,$$ yielding the following pencil; in all cases the center is at the origin:
 * $$a>1:$$ hyperbolae opening left and right;
 * $$a=1:$$ the parallel vertical lines $$x=-1,\ x=1;$$
 * $$0 < a < 1:$$ ellipses with a vertical major axis;
 * $$a=0:$$ a circle (with radius $$\sqrt{2}$$);
 * $$-1 < a < 0:$$ ellipses with a horizontal major axis;
 * $$a=-1:$$ the parallel horizontal lines $$y=-1,\ y=1;$$
 * $$a<-1:$$ hyperbolae opening up and down,
 * $$a=\infty:$$ the diagonal lines $$y=x,\ y=-x;$$
 * (dividing by $$a$$ and taking the limit as $$a \to \infty$$ yields $$x^2-y^2=0$$)

Note that this parametrization has a symmetry, where inverting the sign of a reverses x and y. In the terminology of, this is a Type I linear system of conics, and is animated in the linked video.
 * This then loops around to $$a>1,$$ since pencils are a projective line.

A striking application of such a family is in which gives a geometric solution to a quartic equation by considering the pencil of conics through the four roots of the quartic, and identifying the three degenerate conics with the three roots of the resolvent cubic.

Pappus's hexagon theorem is the special case of Pascal's theorem, when a conic degenerates to two lines.

Degeneration
In the complex projective plane, all conics are equivalent, and can degenerate to either two different lines or one double line.

In the real affine plane:
 * Hyperbolas can degenerate to two intersecting lines (the asymptotes), as in $$x^2-y^2=a^2,$$ or to two parallel lines: $$x^2-a^2y^2=1,$$ or to the double line $$x^2-a^2y^2=a^2,$$ as a goes to 0.
 * Parabolas can degenerate to two parallel lines: $$x^2-ay-1=0$$ or the double line $$x^2-ay=0,$$ as a goes to 0; but, because parabolae have a double point at infinity, cannot degenerate to two intersecting lines.
 * Ellipses can degenerate to two parallel lines: $$x^2+a^2y^2-1=0$$ or the double line $$x^2+a^2y^2-a^2=0,$$ as a goes to 0; but, because they have conjugate complex points at infinity which become a double point on degeneration, cannot degenerate to two intersecting lines.

Degenerate conics can degenerate further to more special degenerate conics, as indicated by the dimensions of the spaces and points at infinity.
 * Two intersecting lines can degenerate to two parallel lines, by rotating until parallel, as in $$x^2-ay^2-1=0,$$ or to a double line by rotating into each other about a point, as in $$x^2-ay^2=0,$$ in each case as a goes to 0.
 * Two parallel lines can degenerate to a double line by moving into each other, as in $$x^2-a^2=0$$ as a goes to 0, but cannot degenerate to non-parallel lines.
 * A double line cannot degenerate to the other types.
 * Another type of degeneration occurs for an ellipse when the sum of the distances to the foci is mandated to equal the interfocal distance; thus it has semi-minor axis equal to zero and has eccentricity equal to one. The result is a line segment (degenerate because the ellipse is not differentiable at the endpoints) with its foci at the endpoints. As an orbit, this is a radial elliptic trajectory.

Points to define
A general conic is defined by five points: given five points in general position, there is a unique conic passing through them. If three of these points lie on a line, then the conic is reducible, and may or may not be unique. If no four points are collinear, then five points define a unique conic (degenerate if three points are collinear, but the other two points determine the unique other line). If four points are collinear, however, then there is not a unique conic passing through them – one line passing through the four points, and the remaining line passes through the other point, but the angle is undefined, leaving 1 parameter free. If all five points are collinear, then the remaining line is free, which leaves 2 parameters free.

Given four points in general linear position (no three collinear; in particular, no two coincident), there are exactly three pairs of lines (degenerate conics) passing through them, which will in general be intersecting, unless the points form a trapezoid (one pair is parallel) or a parallelogram (two pairs are parallel).

Given three points, if they are non-collinear, there are three pairs of parallel lines passing through them – choose two to define one line, and the third for the parallel line to pass through, by the parallel postulate.

Given two distinct points, there is a unique double line through them.

title: Degenerate conic


text:
Haddenham, Buckinghamshire

Haddenham is a village and civil parish in west Buckinghamshire, England. It is about 5 mi south-west of Aylesbury and 4 mi north-east of Thame in neighbouring Oxfordshire. At the 2011 Census, the population of the civil parish was 4,502.

History
The place-name "Haddenham" is derived from the Old English Hǣdanhām, "Hǣda's Homestead" or, perhaps Hǣdingahām, "the home of the Hadding tribe". It is possible that the first villagers were members of the Hadding tribe from Haddenham in Cambridgeshire. It may be that the first Anglo-Saxons to settle in the Vale of Aylesbury were followers of Cuthwulf, from Cottenham in Cambridgeshire, who, according to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, marched southwest to the Thames after routing the British at the Battle of Bedcanford in 571. The Domesday Book of 1086 records the manor as Hedreham. In 1142 it was recorded as Hedenham.

From the Norman conquest of England until the Dissolution of the Monasteries the Convent of St Andrew in Rochester, Kent held the manor. The Crown held the manor for the remainder of the reign of Henry VIII. Thereafter it passed to his daughter Elizabeth I.

The village had a Royal charter as a market town between 1294 and 1301. The market was short-lived because the influential manor of Thame objected to losing trade to Haddenham.

Haddenham was long a stronghold of radicalism and in particular of the Buckinghamshire Farm Labourers Union established in 1872 by Edward Richardson of Dinton.

Haddenham used to have several more pubs than today. The Anchor and the Eight Bells at Church End are now private houses. The Waggon and Horses in High Street was converted into the Peking Rendezvous Chinese restaurant, but closed in 2013. The Red Lion in Church End also closed in 2013. A developer applied for planning permission to demolish the Red Lion and replace it with housing, but in 2014 Aylesbury Vale District Council rejected the application. The Green Dragon on Churchway, more recently converted into restaurant Twist at the Green Dragon, was officially closed when planning permission was granted to make it a private residence. The Rose and Thistle also permanently closed in 2019.

In 1906 the Great Western Railway opened the railway through the parish, with Haddenham railway station to serve the village. In 1963 British Railways closed the station but kept the line open. In 1987 BR opened Haddenham & Thame Parkway station at a new site, a few hundred yards west of the old one. The railway is part of what is now the Chiltern Main Line.

Architecture
Haddenham is one of only three "wychert (or whitchet) villages" in England. Wychert is a method of building with a white clay mixed with straw to make walls and buildings, which are then thatched or topped with red clay tiles.

Haddenham War Memorial, situated near the village pond at Church End, is a Grade II Listed Building.

Churches

The Church of England parish church of St Mary the Virgin is of 12th-century Norman origin but parts of may still remain from its first building, which was Saxon. William II granted the parish to the Benedictine abbey of Rochester, Kent.

There is also a Roman Catholic church, and Baptist and Methodist chapels.

The Haddenham Methodist Church is built of wychert. One of the walls of the church collapsed on July 4, 2001, but was rebuilt, amid a call from the vicar to demolish the existing church and rebuild it with new materials due to the high cost of maintaining wychert buildings. Haddenham Museum, which opened in 1998, is in the Methodist Chapel schoolroom.

Turn End
Turn End is a listed garden and group of houses designed by architect and resident Peter Aldington and built in the 1960s. The group of three houses was awarded the Royal Institute of British Architects award for Architecture in 1970. In 1998 the houses were listed at Grade II by English Heritage; the listing was upgraded to II* in 2006.

In 1999, the book A Garden and Three Houses about Turn End was published – in the foreword, Peter Shepheard writes that "these houses and their gardens stand mature as a rare example of how to add modern houses to an ancient village without a hint of suburbia".

Turn End Trust, formerly Turn End Charitable Trust, is a registered charity that operates an educational programme comprising greater public access to both Turn End house and garden; garden workshops, walks and tours; architectural visits and talks.

Economy and amenities
Haddenham is known for its ponds which were used to breed Aylesbury ducks. Breeding has been revived recently on the pond in front of the parish church.

Haddenham has two pubs: the Kings Head and the Rising Sun. One former pub, House of Spice (Indian, formerly The Crown), is now a restaurant. There are three cafés: Little Italy at the station, Norsk at Fort End and Tickety Brew on the Parade.

Haddenham has a baker, a greengrocer, a barber shop, three hairdresser's and some smaller retailers. Haddenham has also a garden centre and a farm shop, further hosting amenities such as a florist, pet shops, a charity shop, and a tattoo parlour. Haddenham has two gyms: FitLife and The Garage, also at Bradmoor.

Haddenham has an industrial estate next to the small grass-strip airfield, a commercial district, and Haddenham and Thame Parkway railway station on the Chiltern Main Line that links Birmingham Snow Hill, Oxford railway station and London Marylebone.

Haddenham has a community Infant School, Haddenham Junior School and the voluntary aided Haddenham St Mary's Church of England School. Haddenham is in the catchment area for Prince Risborough upper school and grammar schools: Aylesbury Grammar School, Aylesbury High School and Sir Henry Floyd Grammar School in Aylesbury.

Also in Haddenham is Tiggywinkles, the animal welfare charity and veterinary hospital, and the village hosts a biannual charity beer festival.

Haddenham NAG
Haddenham is policed by the Haddenham and District Neighbourhood Policing team based at the police station in Waddesdon. They work with the community via the Haddenham Neighbourhood action group. Representatives from the various villages in the area meet every six weeks to discuss neighbourhood priorities and to put forward plans to reduce crime.

Haddenham in transition
The village has a transition group, part of the Transition network that organises activities to improve the community's resilience and awareness of the changes to living standards, energy and resource security. The group was founded as Transition Thame and District but in autumn 2010 refocussed on Haddenham and in February 2011 became officially recognised as a transition initiative.

Notable people
Haddenham is the birthplace of British composer Doreen Carwithen (1922–2003).

The astronomer William Rutter Dawes (1799–1868) had his home and private observatory in the village from 1857 to 1868.

The architect Peter Aldington (1933–present) and his wife Margaret have their home in Turn End. He is one of a very select group of architects branded by English Heritage as the "living listed" and together with John Craig founded his own practice in the village in 1970.

Peter Parrott, an RAF pilot who fought in the Battle of Britain, was born in Haddenham.

Media
Haddenham has been the setting for a number of television programmes including Jeeves and Wooster, Rosemary & Thyme and eight episodes of Midsomer Murders.

The village appears in the second Muppet film, The Great Muppet Caper. Having been forced to fly in an aeroplane's baggage hold, Kermit the Frog, Fozzie Bear and Gonzo are thrown out of the plane and land in Haddenham's Church End pond.

The duck pond has recently been used as a backdrop for a Halifax advert featuring the Thunderbirds.

The duck pond area in Haddenham was recently used to film episodes of Pennyworth which tells the story of Alfred Pennyworth, Bruce Wayne's Butler from DC's Batman Universe.

title: Haddenham, Buckinghamshire


text:
Nadi

Nadi (pronounced ; ) is the third-largest conurbation in Fiji. It is located on the western side of the main island of Viti Levu, and had a population of 42,284 at the most recent census, in 2007. A 2012 estimate showed that the population had grown to over 50,000. Nadi is multiracial with many of its inhabitants Asians, Indian or Indigenous Fijians, along with a large transient population of foreign tourists. Along with sugar cane production, tourism is a mainstay of the local economy.

The Nadi region has Fiji's highest concentration of hotels and motels. With its large Indo-Fijian population, Nadi is a centre for Hinduism in Fiji. It has the largest Hindu temple in the Southern hemisphere, a site for pilgrims called Sri Siva Subramaniya temple. Nadi International Airport, located 9 kilometres from Nadi, is the largest airport in Fiji. Thus, Nadi is the principal port of entry for air travelers to Fiji, even though it is on the opposite (western) side of the island of Viti Levu from the nation's capital and largest city, Suva.

History
During World War II the US Navy built a base at Nadi as part of Naval Base Fiji. Nadi Township was established in 1947. About that time the colonial government of Fiji established offices on the higher grounds of Nadi. A few businesses were then established around the government offices to service them, and other business organisations from other parts of Fiji followed suit. Some concerned citizens of Nadi attempted to move the town centre to Martintar because the existing centre was prone to flooding, but this did not eventuate because the move Nadi Township had already developed strong roots in its existing location.

Elective local government was introduced in 1967. Dr A. H. Sahu Khan was the first elected Chairman of the Nadi Township Board. With the introduction of the Local Government Act in 1972, the status of the Board was changed to a Town Council. H. M. Lodhia became the first Mayor of Nadi in 1972 and remained in office until December 1973. The most recent Mayor of Nadi was Councillor S. Sami. At present, elected municipal government in Nadi (and also throughout Fiji) is suspended, and government-appointed Administrators are carrying out the functions normally fulfilled by the City Council.

Government and infrastructure
The Civil Aviation Authority of Fiji (CAAFI) head office is at Nadi Airport in Nadi.

Economy
Fiji Airways, formerly Air Pacific has its head office at the Air Pacific Maintenance & Administration Centre at Nadi International Airport in Nadi. Fiji Airlines Limited, operating as Pacific Sun, is headquartered in the Pacific Sun building in the Civil Aviation Authority of Fiji (CAAFI) compound at Nadi International Airport.

Nadi's economy is driven by tourism, transportation and real estate sectors. Within these formal industries, the informal sector plays a relatively small role, mainly consisting of tourism and agricultural businesses, including handicrafts.

Education

 * Korovuto College

Local government
Nadi Town is governed by the Nadi Town Council (NTC). The council is headed by a Special Administrator, appointed by the central government, and managed by a Chief Executive Officer (CEO). Both posts answer to the Ministry of Local Government, Urban Development, Housing and Environment. The performance of the Special Administrator is evaluated often, and the position has clear objectives such as improving rates collection and shifting from cash to accrual accounting in council operations. Nevertheless, overlap between the CEO and the Special Administrator posts is leading to confusion, resulting in high staff turnover – there have been three CEOs appointed since 2008.

Housing
Housing development in Nadi largely takes the form of either medium-density complexes or lower-density social housing. Of this latter, the Housing Authority is actively seeking to increase the supply of affordable housing. The number of housing estates in Nadi has grown quickly, especially on the town periphery, such that housing estates now comprise 20 per cent of the total housing stock in Nadi.

Climate
Nadi has a tropical monsoon climate according to the Köppen climate classification, with hot temperatures year round. The city features a short dry season during the months of July and August, and a lengthy wet season covering the remaining months of the year. It receives substantially less precipitation than Suva on the windward side of Fiji.

Notable residents

 * Semi Kunatani (born 1990), rugby union player for the Tel Aviv Heat

title: Nadi


text:
Haddenham

Haddenham may refer to:
 * Haddenham, Buckinghamshire, a village in England
 * Haddenham Junior School
 * Haddenham St Mary's Church of England School
 * Haddenham and Thame Parkway railway station
 * Haddenham (Bucks) railway station, a former station in Buckinghamshire, England
 * Haddenham, Cambridgeshire, a village in England
 * Haddenham railway station, a former station in Cambridgeshire, England

title: Haddenham