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Talk:List of communist parties

split
I think we need to split these into official communist parties and those that are 'unoffical' such as the revolutionary communists etc. Of course what constitutes offical post 1991 is an interesting point.

We then need to think about what constitutes a communist party - is it anything with communist in its name? Some of the 57 varieties of leftist have communist in their name and some don't. Should there be a separate list of trotskyist parties? Should reformed communists like the Party of Democratic Socialism be in here?

As for Maoists, what I've said in the intro is that "parties on this list are mostly those that were aligned with either Moscow or Beijing during the Cold War and their offshoots". I think a seperate list for Trotskyist parties would make more sense given their number (there is a list of international Trotskyist movements already, that may be sufficient)AndyL 17:29, 20 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Coalition Communists
Since the Progressive Party of the Working People in Cyprus has been added, which rules in coalition as well as the Moldovan Communists, who rule through their victory in Democratic elections, I thought it would be fair to add all Communist Parties in ruling coalition governments. Similarly, there are many countries whose ruling Party is described as Marxist/Communist on their Wikipedia pages but which are not listed here, namely SWAPO, PFDJ and ZANU-PF and CPP so I also thought it would be appropriate to add them. The coalition Communist Parties I have noticed have all been posted, they all are currently in the ruling coalition of these governments, as is the AKEL in Cyprus.

 * SWAPO, PFDJ, and ZANU-PF are not, and probably were never (the PFDJ may have been at one point), communist parties. The CPP (I assume you are referring to Ghana's Convention People's Party) also was not a communist party. All four groups used elements of Marxist thought and rhetoric, but this is not the same as Marxism-Leninism or communism. —Sesel 01:48, 13 October 2006 (UTC)

Turkmenistan & Uzbekistan
Why are the communist parties not listed there from these areas, present or past? That-Vela-Fella 13:59, 28 March 2007 (UTC)

EX-Communist parties
What about the parties that were once Marxist-Leninist (MPLA, FRELIMO and ZANU-PF) but have since backed away from these ideologies in favour of others. Should they be included? Also is the Korean Worker's Party even officially "communist" any more? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 99.239.32.173 (talk) 01:01, 19 October 2007 (UTC)

Mozambique
The current ruling party in Mozambique is Marxist-Leninist, it says on Mozambique's page. Should Mozambique be added? —Preceding unsigned comment added by 90.210.133.3 (talk) 07:40, 13 March 2008 (UTC)

 * It's already listed as it was M-L, under List_of_communist_parties. That-Vela-Fella (talk) 19:43, 14 March 2008 (UTC)

in government?
I think a minimum criteria for being listed as being in government must be having members of the national cabinet. For example, PCV in Venezuela is part of the broader Chavista movement, but doesn't not have government presence at the moment. --Soman (talk) 19:14, 29 July 2008 (UTC)

 * Yes, that is a good point. The Communist Party of Belarus also supports their country's president, but is not part of any kind of formal coalition government. The "Kurdistan" listed in this article is not a separate country, but a region of Iraq. Finally, the People's Progressive Party (Guyana) is not even a communist party, yet it is listed! Cmrdm (talk) 21:12, 29 July 2008 (UTC)

 * True on the above mentioned after looking into it myself. The PCV & the CPB are not directly involved in the governing aspect of the Venezuelan or Belrussian nations respectively (just supportive) and should be removed. The Kurdistan one is ok, as it is part of the Alliance that is within the government of Iraq. Also the PPP of Guyana should be removed as the reason said already. That-Vela-Fella (talk) 09:34, 30 July 2008 (UTC)

 * I think if we are going to include regional governments, then that should be a separate list. There are several Indian provinces that could be included as well. Cmrdm (talk) 22:25, 31 July 2008 (UTC)

 * The People's Progressive Party of Guyana includes Marxism-Leninism in their party programme. So, I would assume it would count as a Communist Party, at least de-facto, if not in reality. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 71.71.100.27 (talk) 23:22, 5 August 2008 (UTC)

 * The PPPG does not consider itself to be a communist party, which is why it does not belong on this list. Read this introduction from the party's website: | About PPP/Civic. Cmrdm (talk) 00:59, 6 August 2008 (UTC)

Lower-case c or upper-case C?
A few facts: When spelled with a lower-case "c," the word "communism" has a broad meaning which includes anarchism, Marxism, and utopian socialism. When used with an upper-case "C," the word "Communism" specifically refers to parties with "Communist" in their name. The same goes for Socialism/socialism and Social-Democracy/social-democracy; lower case refers to the ideology, upper case refers to the name. Only a sectarian clown would declare that "Only the Juche-Hoxhaist 5th Internationalist Communist Parties can be truly considered Communist."

If Trotskyist parties (even ones that were/are "Communist" something) are not included, then this should be retitled "List of Stalinist Parties" or to appease the Stalinists, "List of Marxist-Leninist Parties."

To sum up: "Communism" does not refer to a particular trend of Marxism; when capitalized, it merely refers to parties which have "Communist" in their name. When uncapitalized, it refers to any political philosophy which advocates the establishment of a classless society - whether by revolutionary or any other means! If this list is "List of Communist Parties," then any party with Communist in the name should be on the list. If it is "List of communist parties," then even the Russian SR's and the early German SPD should be included because they advocated a classless society (communism) even if they completely failed to chart a way there. Ahuitzotl (talk) 06:55, 30 October 2008 (UTC)
 * The notion of differentiation between upper-case and lower-case has been mentioned at Communism, but frankly the source doesn't really back up that claim. As far as I can see there is no real difference in meaning between 'Communist' and 'communist', its just a stilistic marker. A communist party is not just any party with the word 'communist' in its name, the concept embodies a certain organizational profile (at least in rhetoric) of democratic centralism and the notion of being a vanguard party. --Soman (talk) 09:56, 30 October 2008 (UTC)

 * I think the current wording already provides an excellent explanation, "Some Communist parties have names such as Socialist Party, Socialist Workers Party, Workers' Party, etc. The parties on this list are mostly those that were aligned with either Moscow or Beijing during the Cold War and their offshoots. Groups originating in the Trotskyist tradition are not included in the listing.

 * Keep in mind that not all of these parties are Marxist-Leninist anyway, some are Eurocommunist and one is Juche. The Trotskyist parties have their own special list that is linked to at the top of the article. This helps to keep the list orderly, because there are more than 500 known Trotskyist groups on the planet currently. Cmrdm (talk) 16:24, 30 October 2008 (UTC)

How is it that so many communist parties are allowed to exist? The communists and their ideology are responsible for hundreds of millions of murders worldwide. For balance, there should be an equal number of National Socialist parties, ruling and non-ruling, in place. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 166.61.238.40 (talk) 16:33, 9 March 2009 (UTC)

Soman, communism is a lot older than Marxism, and Marxism is older than Leninism. There are reformist socialists who consider themselves Marxists and communists, but are firmly opposed to the Leninist conception of a "vanguard party." There are anarchists who consider themselves communists (because they advocate a classless society), yet are firmly opposed to both Marxism and Leninism. There are also many religious organizations (early Christianity for example) that advocate or have advocated some form of utopian communism. All Leninists are Marxists and all Marxists are communists but not all communists are Marxists and not all Marxists are Leninists. To confuse the three terms in such a philistine manner, as if you might reinvent the definitions of words according to your own prejudices, is atrocious.

Cmrdrm: if this list isn't ideologically homogeneous, why leave out some "Communist Parties?" Either it should include all parties with Communist in the name, or all parties that advocate a classless society (communism), even if some sections are simply a link to other lists. To pick and choose which "Communist Parties" are really Communist, and arbitrarily throw in a few communist parties without Communist in the name, is subjective, ridiculous, demonstrates confusion over the definition of the terms, and will serve to further confuse others (like our Nazi clown friend 166.61.238.40 here) instead of educating them. Ahuitzotl (talk) 17:29, 19 May 2009 (UTC)

Error
There is an error about Brazilian Communist Party and PPS (Socialist People's Party). BCP didnt became SPP, some people of BCP left it and created SPP but Brazilian Communist Party still exists they only lose their number but they legacy is recognized by Electoral Justice.

Lobei (talk) 20:01, 21 Mar 2011 (UTC) —Preceding unsigned comment added by 177.17.13.93 (talk)

Information needing to be added
A political party described as a communist party includes those that advocate the application of the social principles of communism through a communist form of government. The name originates from the 1848 tract Manifesto of the Communist Party by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.

A communist party is, at least according to Leninist theory, the vanguard party of the working class, whether ruling or non-ruling, but when such a party is in power in a specific country, the party is said to be the highest authority of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Lenin's theories on the role of a communist party were developed as the early 20th-century Russian social democracy divided into Bolshevik (meaning "majority") and Menshevik (meaning "minority") factions.

Lenin, the leader of the Bolsheviks, argued that a revolutionary party should be a well-knit vanguard party with a centralized political command and a strict cadre policy; the Menshevik faction, however, argued that the party should be a broad-based mass movement. The Bolshevik party, which eventually became the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, took power in Russia after the October Revolution in 1917. With the creation of the Communist International, the Leninist concept of party building was copied by emerging communist parties worldwide.

There currently exist hundreds of communist parties throughout the world. Their success rates vary widely: some are growing; others are in decline. In three countries, Republic of Cuba; People's Republic of China; and Socialist Republic of Vietnam, communist parties retain dominance over the state. See the List of communist parties for details on the communist parties of today.

The Chinese Communist Party is the world's largest political party, claiming nearly 78 million members at the end of 2009 which constitutes about 5.6% of the total population of mainland China.

Mass organizations
As the membership of a communist party was to be limited to active cadres, there was a need for networks of separate organizations to mobilize mass support for the party. Typically communist parties have built up various front organizations, whose membership is often open to non-communists. In many countries the single most important front organization of the communist parties has been its youth wing. During the time of the Communist International the youth leagues were explicit communist organizations, using the name 'Young Communist League'. Later the youth league concept was broadened in many countries, and names like 'Democratic Youth League' were adopted.

Other organizations often connected to communist parties includes trade unions, student, women's, peasant's and cultural organizations. Traditionally these mass organizations were politically subordinated to the political leadership of the party. However, in many contemporary cases mass organizations founded by communists have acquired a certain degree of independence. In some cases mass organizations have outlived the communist parties in question.

At the international level, the Communist International organized various international front organizations (linking national mass organizations with each other), such as the Young Communist International, Profintern, Krestintern, International Red Aid, Sportintern, etc.. These organizations were dissolved in the process of deconstruction of the Communist International. After the Second World War new international coordination bodies were created, such as the World Federation of Democratic Youth, International Union of Students, World Federation of Trade Unions, Women's International Democratic Federation and the World Peace Council.

Historically, in countries where Communist Parties were struggling to attain state power, the formation of wartime alliances with non-communist parties and wartime groups was enacted (such as the National Liberation Front of Albania). Upon attaining state power these Fronts were often transformed into nominal (and usually electoral) "National" or "Fatherland" Fronts in which non-communist parties and organizations were given token representation (a practice known as Blockpartei), the most popular examples of these being the National Front of East Germany (as a historical example) and the United Front of the People's Republic of China (as a modern-day example). Other times the formation of such Fronts were undertaken without the participation of other parties, such as the Socialist Alliance of Working People of Yugoslavia and the National Front of Afghanistan, though the purpose was the same: to promote the Communist Party line to generally non-communist audiences and to mobilize them to carry out tasks within the country under the aegis of the Front.

Naming
A uniform naming scheme for communist parties was adopted by the Communist International. All parties were required to use the name 'Communist Party of (name of country)'. Today, there are plenty of cases where the old sections of the Communist International have retained those names. In other cases names have been changed. Common causes for the shift in naming were either moves to avoid state repression or as measures to indicate a broader political acceptance.

A typical example of the latter was the renamings of various East European communist parties after the Second World War, as staged 'mergers' of the local Social Democratic parties occurred. New names in the post-war era included 'Socialist Party', 'Socialist Unity Party', 'Popular Party', 'Workers Party' and 'Party of Labour'.

The naming conventions of communist parties became more diverse as the international communist movement was fragmented due to the Sino-Soviet split in the 1960s. Those who sided with China and/or Albania in their criticism of the Soviet leadership, often added words like 'Revolutionary' or 'Marxist-Leninist' to distinguish themselves from the pro-Soviet parties.

Congolese Party of Labour
Why is not Congolese Party of Labour at the lists? It was a ruling marxist-leninist party in Republic of Congo until 1990, but today it is a socialist party working in opposition. --31.147.30.155 (talk) 21:25, 6 January 2012 (UTC)

 * Congolese party of labour added to the List of formerly ruling parties. --Plamen (talk) 13:09, 12 September 2012 (UTC)
 * The Congolese Party of Labour is not in the opposition, it is currently the ruling party and has been so since the Republic of the Congo Civil War in 1997. Charles Essie (talk) 19:35, 2 February 2013 (UTC)

Trotskyist organizations
It says in the lead section that Trotskyist parties are not included in the listing, but why is that? Trotskyists are communists too, and they have communist parties so they should be included. Charles Essie (talk) 19:39, 2 February 2013 (UTC)
 * Well, the definition of a Communist Party is not just a party whose members are communists. There is a distinct meaning, in terms of historical legacy, political culture and organizational structure. The Trotskyists have other forms of political organizations, and thus place themselves outside the scope of the listing. --Soman (talk) 20:21, 2 February 2013 (UTC)
 * In that case this article should be renamed "List of communist organizations," because there is no excuse for the Trotskyists not to be included. Charles Essie (talk) 03:08, 3 February 2013 (UTC)
 * Such a listing would be much less useful, and au contraire we should have more clear demarkation to have a listing representing the mainstream of the world communist movement. --Soman (talk) 06:59, 3 February 2013 (UTC)
 * I think not all Trotskyist parties are communist parties,some difine itself as democratic socialist party such as almost branches of CWI,but,some should be listed are like Workers' Communist Party (Italy).南天星斗 (talk) 09:23, 5 February 2013 (UTC)
 * I think that's a fair compromise. Charles Essie (talk) 23:35, 8 February 2013 (UTC)
 * I really agree that Trotskyists should be included in this list. Te og kaker (talk) 16:15, 21 January 2014 (UTC)
 * Left communist parties should also be on the list. Charles Essie (talk) 00:08, 18 March 2014 (UTC)
 * Many Trotskyist organizations don't label "communist" to themselves. See List of Trotskyist organizations by country and List of Left communist organizations by country. AsharaDayne (talk) 10:41, 7 October 2014 (UTC)
 * I agree that Trotskyist parties should be excluded because the list is long enough and there are many Trotskyist parties, to many to put on the same list as all other communist parties. I also don't think Juceist parties should be included because they aren't really Comunists. I don't think that Anarho-Communists and Left Communists should be excluded because neither of those probems are present with last two group. Groups such as the Guyanese People's Progressive Party that are oficialy communist but actually aren't should either be excluded or have some sort of citation showing their not really communist TURTLOS (talk) 06:01, 18 December 2014 (UTC)

Movement of Popular Participation
Is Movement of Popular Participation in Uruguay belong to communist party？ 南天星斗 (talk) 15:45, 19 February 2013 (UTC)

Chaotic list
I find this list somewhat chaotic. It does not seem to consist a logical system. Not every organization listed is actually a party (such as some "leagues" or "unions"), so a change of lemma might be advisable. Also it may be useful to add a sorting by ideological tendencies and international affiliations by inserting the information into a sortable table. --Partisan1917 20:05, 1 March 2013 (UTC)
 * I think it is not necessary for the time being, because the list is still incomplete now. 南天星斗 (talk) 03:21, 20 March 2013 (UTC)

CPs of The Baltic states
Does these parties still exist, include CP of Estonia, CP of Latvia and CP of Lithuania? 南天星斗 (talk) 03:13, 20 March 2013 (UTC)

 * They are illegal since August coup. In Latvia an ersatz organization named Socialist Party of Latvia exists with MPs and with an orthodox Marxist-Leninist ideology. As far as I know, no Communist party (I mean, not even one with a dozen members) exists in Lithuania or Estonia.Lokalkosmopolit (talk) 15:47, 28 February 2014 (UTC)

Workers' Party of Korea should still be considered Communist
DPRK's state ideology is not altogether a repudiation of Communism and does not differ much from Stalinist Russia and pre-1979 China in matters of policy. If anything, it can be considered a further evolution of the Leninist-Stalinist-Maoist tradition. Each successive development in this line of quasi-religious ideologies saw the elevation of the newer prophet to greater heights, along with the increasing marginalization of his predecessors, where they were successively whittled down to ensure that nothing in Leninism contradicting Stalinism be allowed,and nothing in Stalinism contradicting Maoism be allowed, and so forth. During the cultural revolution it was said that the study of "Mao Zedong thought" should amount to 95% of the study of the Marxist Canon as a whole. Juche just raises its own quota to 100%.

To be sure, purist Trotskyist sects (and equally purist "Anti-Revisionist" cults) will refuse to accept that the WPK is Communist. But, if the issue of who is to be considered "Communist" were left to them, then they would exclude everybody but themselves. Political organizations are rightly categorized by what their ideology amounts to, rather than by self-identification (and in this case even judgment by self-identification is less than conclusive as the WPK has not  explicitly declared itself non-communist). If we were to go solely by self-identification, then the DPRK would be "democratic" and a "republic" as well.

The efforts by the first-world radical left to disown North Korea, and even label it "right-wing" is cute- but quite dishonest. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 50.129.242.12 (talk) 21:35, 29 October 2013 (UTC)

 * You are on the slippery slope. If every party that has evolved from communist idea or party is considered to be a communist party, then many social-democratic parties in post-socialist states would also be considered to be a communist parties (and only far-right folk considers them as such). It doesn't matter from what has party evolved, what kind of symbols does it use or what's its name (although, again, those things are apparently very important to right-leaning people). What matters is whether a party acts like a communist party (duck test), regardless of its past, colors, symbols and name.

 * If all those irrelevant things are ignored, WPK indeed seems to have more in common with far-right parties then with communist parties. --94.253.204.88 (talk) 07:28, 26 February 2014 (UTC)

 * ″WPK indeed seems to have more in common with far-right parties then with communist parties″ No. North Korea is the sole remaining rigid centrally planned socialist economy. I know, there are people who like to point to Juche and nationalism as a 'proof' of the alleged far-right nature of the North Korean regime, however, this is still a minor facet, given that Khmer Rouge and Romania under Ceausescu were also highly nationalistic, while no-one considered them as far-right.Lokalkosmopolit (talk) 15:51, 28 February 2014 (UTC)
 * Also, one cannot deny that until the collapse of the Communist bloc, the USSR considered North Korea a socialist country and the WPK as one of the communist and workers parties of the world. It seems the party is recognized as such by other communist parties today as well: Workers%27_Party_of_Korea. Lokalkosmopolit (talk) 15:56, 28 February 2014 (UTC)

 * WPK's political position is controversial at best. There are notable people, and some academics among them, such as Professor Brian Reynolds Myers, who consider WPK to occupy the far-right part of the political spectrum. As mentioned before, party's past, symbols and name (and even how are others calling it) doesn't matter when determining its political position. Only thing that matters is party's current practice, which in case of WPK is more reminiscent to what the far-right parties (would) do than anything else.

 * Also, centrally planed economy does not equal socialism, although planed economy (not necessarily centrally) is used by socialism to some degree, but it is understandable that this would all look the same to someone who uses the name "commies" for people with different opinions on that kind of topic.

 * But all of that doesn't really matter for the article, because it borders being original research. What matters is what reliable sources say and according to them, WPK is also being considered as far-right party by many of those who bothered to think about it. However, since this view doesn't have wide enough acceptance (yet), it would be the best to consider its political position to be a controversial issue rather than being well defined.

 * Therefore, WPK shouldn't be in the list of far-left parties or far-right parties, because there is currently no academic consensus where it belongs. --94.253.155.89 (talk) 09:14, 10 March 2014 (UTC)

 * One, two or three fringe authors do not invalidate the facts that 1) most noncommunists consider WPK as communist 2) most communists consider it as communist, as evident by articles such as Pyongyang Declaration and International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties. It is a fringe group of authors that don't consider North Korea as socialist/communist at all. A minority within a minority so to say. Throughout the 20th century, communists of all tendencies typically accused their opposing communist sects of not being the 'real communists' and of being 'fascists' instead. One of the earliest examples of this ridiculous theory was promoted by Trotsky who claimed that Stalin was not a real communist at all. The fact is, that mainstream communists always considered North Korea as a good member of the socialist bloc. There were other somewhat heretical regimes in the Socialist bloc, too, such as Romania under Ceausescu that used nationalist rhetoric just as much as North Korea's 'beloved' leaders too. What's the relevance? It's communists themselves that argue the distinction between the 'base' (economy) and 'superstructure' (ideology/government). Based on this, North Korea is a typical socialist economy. The most orthodox socialist economy that we still have. The real motivation why some (very few) leftists advance the view that 'NK is actually fascist' theory is that they are simply so ashamed of what socialism really looks like in practice and in the usual lefty manner discard it as 'not real socialism'. Typical scholastic trick known from Trotsky's times. According to this brilliant logic, some compassionate leftist can argue that Stalin was also far-right and fascist. Because the similarities between Stalin and the North Korean monsters are striking. Lokalkosmopolit (talk) 16:39, 14 March 2014 (UTC)

 * Not counting WPK is ridiculous. If some people have problems with considering it as a communist party (even past communist), the best solution is just to add a note saying that there are groups considering it as non-communist. Bests Ventic (talk) 17:33, 5 September 2014 (UTC)

 * North Korea has removed all reference to Communism from their constitution. Right wing radicals often call it "communist" to demonise Communism. So it is very bias to call North Korea communist. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 南天星斗 (talk • contribs) 10:31, 26 September 2014 (UTC)

 * Your claim is strongly emotional. I can say "Some left wing radicals often dont want to call it communist to de-demonise communism. so it is extremely biased not to call North Korea communist, or even to call it right wing dictatorship". The truth is that WPC still participates in International Communist movement, is historically deeply rooted in communism and still keeps references to socialism and aknowledges its respect towards communism. Bests Ventic (talk) 14:53, 3 November 2014 (UTC)

 * Workers' Party of Korea isn't considered as communist party now. North Korea has removed all references to Marxism–Leninism and communism in general in its constitution and replaced its state ideology with Juche, and the ideology of the Workers' Party of Korea being Kimilsungism–Kimjongilism which resemble more of a far-right feudalism than a far-left Stalinism. what a laugh! in NK, your so-called communist state, you can't read the books of Marx and Lenin.AsharaDayne (talk) 12:15, 4 November 2014 (UTC)

 * It's not a common point of view. Encyclopedia requires some objectivity. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Ventic (talk • contribs) 13:36, 4 November 2014 (UTC)
 * but your point of view was anti-communist and partial, just you said communism is crime. AsharaDayne (talk) 08:09, 5 November 2014 (UTC)

 * I'm not writing anywhere about my point of view. I'm underlining only that not-considering WPK as communist is case of only part of people interested in the topic. And I can see that you are quasi-religiously attached to communism. Ventic (talk) 08:54, 5 November 2014 (UTC)

 * it's a personal attack. and i see your goal only in wiki is adding WPK into the article. you should know not all members of IMCWP are communist, like Socialist People's Front, Palestinian People's Party and WPK. so this isn't a evidence. AsharaDayne (talk) 09:11, 5 November 2014 (UTC)

 * It's a personal attack from your side. And you support your claims by nothing. Ventic (talk) 09:21, 5 November 2014 (UTC)
 * you're blind. WPK don't think itself as communist and you do. see WPK's programm and DPRK's constitution.AsharaDayne (talk) 02:55, 6 November 2014 (UTC)

Map proposal
Perhaps a map, such as one in the Pirate Parties International article, showing where a communist party is registered, won elected posts, etc., would be a nice addition to this article. --94.253.204.88 (talk) 07:31, 26 February 2014 (UTC)

capitalization of Communist or communist
The article title says "communist", the article text says "Communist party" but it also says "communist Third International". I think most instanced of "Communist" should be changed to "communist" when they don't refer to a particular political party. I know my communist comrades maintain that "Communist" must refer to a specific vanguard organization and "communist" must refer to our general political theory. The article also says "Left communist", shouldn't this be changed to "left communist"? It also says "Modern (Non ruling)" but later "Defunct (non-ruling)" shouldn't we change "Non ruling" to "non-ruling"? It also refers to the Soviet CP in the lead while linking to Soviet Union, and also refers to the Chinese CP without linking anywhere. So, it looks like there is potential for improvement here. I'll make some changes, if you disagree just discuss ok? Χρυσάνθη Λυκούση (talk) 02:12, 26 March 2014 (UTC)

North Cyprus
The party provided for North Cyprus is actually a social democratic party in the Republic of Cyprus. As far as i know it has no participation in politics in the north. There is a communist party in the North but im 100% sure its not EDEK. Lefterisg9 (talk) 19:55, 26 July 2014 (UTC)

Dispute over inclusion/classification of certain parties
I've noticed that User:南天星斗 appears to be engaging in edit-warring behavior, removing and reclassifying certain parties in the list and persistently undoing other editors' reversions. In the interest of assuming good faith, following the three-revert rule and attempting to achieve consensus on this issue I'd like to invite them to justify their recent edits here and discuss the issues they attempted to boldly address regarding the inclusion or classification of certain parties in the list. Anarkinsey (talk) 16:15, 26 September 2014 (UTC)
 * If you mean DPRK, see above please. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 南天星斗 (talk • contribs) 19:31, 30 September 2014 (UTC)

WPK and communism
The topic (discussed already here) may be a bit controversial, because there's no clear statement what communism is and some groups like anarcho-communism, juche or even social-democracy have a lot in common and belong to wide family of communist and far left movement. Because of that it should be at least mentionned here with corresponding links.

With the WPK the situation is a bit more complicated, because of unclear statements of North Korean government over it. For example NK economy has more in common with communism than Chinese or Vietnamese. On the other hand Juche is often shown as a separate movement (to make the personality cult stronger), even if it is just a specific modification of marxism-leninism-stalinism-maoism. For majority it is still communist.

Saying that it's not communist but rather far-right feudal state is fake though. It depends on what perspective you have. For Trocki all communist states became nationalist and he didn't accepted them as communist. For some China is not communist in reality because of its quasi-capitalist economy and weak social support. What's more Marks and Engels already in their manifesto declared that there's only tiny difference between nationalism and communism. Racial and national policies were applied at some level in nearly every communist country. For example in Romania, Poland, Soviet Union, China (Tibet or Uyghur areas), Czechoslovakia, GDR.

The changes in NK's constitution and WPK's statute are recent, and many « demonisation » arguments are in this context just illusoric.

Bests

Ventic (talk) 14:02, 16 November 2014 (UTC)

 * Well, we need a compromise.AsharaDayne (talk) 15:26, 16 November 2014 (UTC)

 * Why don't we just put NK and the WPK under their own subtitle in a similar way that have on the communist state Wikipedia page TURTLOS (talk) 21:26, 18 December 2014 (UTC)

Unclear infromation
In what regard do the communist parties of Israel, Russia and Palestine count as ruling parties, the links to the ruling coalition beside each of these parties brings up the national Legislatures of the nations. Also i think that the People's Victory Party in Uruguay should be added next to the communist party of Uruguay under (Communist parties as ruling parties or part of ruling coalition in multi-party states), altough it is aligned to some anarchist movements and may have been anarcho-communist in the past it isn't technically anarchist anymore and thus should be added. — Preceding unsigned comment added by TURTLOS (talk • contribs) 10:51, 15 December 2014 (UTC)

Strollad Komunour Honduras
Strollad Komunour Honduras https://br.wikipedia.org/wiki/Strollad_Komunour_Honduras Communist Party of Honduras https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Communist_Party_of_Honduras Partido Comunista de Honduras https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Partido_Comunista_de_Honduras حزب کمونیست هندوراس https://fa.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D8%AD%D8%B2%D8%A8_%DA%A9%D9%85%D9%88%D9%86%DB%8C%D8%B3%D8%AA_%D9%87%D9%86%D8%AF%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%A7%D8%B3 ჰონდურასის კომუნისტური პარტია https://ka.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E1%83%B0%E1%83%9D%E1%83%9C%E1%83%93%E1%83%A3%E1%83%A0%E1%83%90%E1%83%A1%E1%83%98%E1%83%A1_%E1%83%99%E1%83%9D%E1%83%9B%E1%83%A3%E1%83%9C%E1%83%98%E1%83%A1%E1%83%A2%E1%83%A3%E1%83%A0%E1%83%98_%E1%83%9E%E1%83%90%E1%83%A0%E1%83%A2%E1%83%98%E1%83%90 Partito Comunista dell'Honduras https://it.wikipedia.org /wiki/Partito_Comunista_dell'Honduras Komunistyczna Partia Hondurasu https://pl.wikipedia.org /wiki/Komunistyczna_Partia_Hondurasu Коммунистическая партия Гондураса https://ru.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D0%9A%D0%BE%D0%BC%D0%BC%D1%83%D0%BD%D0%B8%D1%81%D1%82%D0%B8%D1%87%D0%B5%D1%81%D0%BA%D0%B0%D1%8F_%D0%BF%D0%B0%D1%80%D1%82%D0%B8%D1%8F_%D0%93%D0%BE%D0%BD%D0%B4%D1%83 %D1%80%D0%B0%D1%81%D0%B0 ہونڈیورس کی کمیونسٹ پارٹی https://ur.wikipedia.org/wiki/%DB%81%D9%88%D9%86%DA%88%DB%8C%D9%88%D8%B1%D8%B3_%DA%A9%DB%8C_%DA%A9%D9%85%DB%8C%D9%88%D9%86%D8%B3%D9%B9_%D9%BE%D8%A7 %D8%B1%D9%B9%DB%8C 洪都拉斯共产党 https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E6%B4%AA%E9%83%BD%E6%8B%89%E6%96%AF%E5%85%B1%E4%BA%A7%E5%85%9A — Preceding unsigned comment added by 79.16.152.238 (talk) 05:54, 26 October 2015 (UTC)

External links modified
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Former and defunct
What is the difference between two these groups? I think they must be merged each other. JackHoang (talk) 11:48, 27 September 2016 (UTC)

Including anarcho-communist and Juche parties while excluding Trotskyists and left communists
That offers no logical consistency. Either the Trotskyist and left communist parties should be included or the anarcho-communist and Juche parties should be excluded and exported, while the article is renamed to "List of Marxist-Leninist parties". 87.70.155.185 (talk) 03:23, 7 August 2017 (UTC)

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Left Communists
There was a decision to merge the List of left communist organizations by country with this article; but, if trotskists are not included in this list, even less sense makes to include the left communists, who, if anything, are even more distant from the mainstream communism.--MiguelMadeira (talk) 14:08, 13 February 2019 (UTC)

full agree, that article was better if merged with Left communism

Many parties miss
i've noted the miss of many parties also parties that ruled in one party state like the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde — Preceding unsigned comment added by 87.17.239.45 (talk) 17:23, 21 November 2021 (UTC)

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japanese communist party
it holds about 10 seats and is very successful so the list is wrong 2600:1702:9F0:D140:4166:F132:5532:5970 (talk) 08:13, 4 November 2022 (UTC)

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 * Социалистическое сопротивление Казахстана.jpg

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Help me!
Kosovo is glitched on the map! 177.76.22.139 (talk) 02:28, 17 January 2023 (UTC)

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Trotskyists are supposed to be included or not?
During much time, Trotskysist parties were not supposed to be included in that list; that observation, meanwhile, was removed from the article, and now there are some Trotskyist parties included (but not the vast majority of them); what should be the rule? To include Trotskyist or not? In a way or another, the article need some changes (or including all Trotskyists, or removing the few Trotskyist parties mentioned). MiguelMadeira (talk) 17:06, 14 February 2024 (UTC)

Shouldn't the Greek Communist Party also be listed as an opposition party?
The Greek Communist Party (KKE) is not listed under 'Opposition Parties in multi-party states' despite still being represented in the Greek parliament. It is listed under 'Formerly ruling,' but there the focus is on when they ruled during the Greek Civil War and were overthrown. Of the multiple parties that are listed under 'Formerly ruling,' the KKE is, as far as I can tell, the only existing party that is still openly communist and has parliamentary representation. So shouldn't it also be listed under 'Opposition Parties in multi-party states' with its current representation? That would give a better overview. ProfBigmouth (talk) 13:50, 12 April 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:List of communist parties


text:
Ramón Gómez de la Serna

Ramón Gómez de la Serna y Puig (July 3, 1888 – January 13, 1963), born in Madrid, was a Spanish writer, dramatist and avant-garde agitator. He strongly influenced surrealist film maker Luis Buñuel.

Ramón Gómez de la Serna was especially known for "Greguería", a short form of poetry that roughly corresponds to the one-liner in comedy. The Gregueria is especially able to grant a new and often humorous perspective. Serna published over 90 works in all literary genres. In 1933, he was invited to Buenos Aires. He stayed there through the Spanish Civil War and the following Spanish State till the end of his life.

Biography
Born into an upper-middle-class family, Gómez de la Serna refused to follow his father into law or politics and soon adopted the marginal lifestyle of a bohemian bourgeois artist, writing for the journal Prometeo, funded by his father between 1908 and 1912. In April 1909 Gómez de la Serna published the manifesto of futurism in the magazine which was translated by him into Spanish.

During the First World War, Gómez became Spain's chief exponent of avant-garde writing, establishing a base in the literary tertulia he founded at the centre of Madrid.

This was Spain's most famous contribution to what Roger Shattuck has called "the banquet years". But behind the self-publicizing avant-garde antics, Gómez developed not only an extravagant public persona, but also his own equivalent of what Shattuck defines as a "reversal of consciousness", deliberately divesting himself of conventional ways of thinking and being in order to adopt a peculiarly innovative way of looking at the world, one which influenced the younger 1927 generation of poets (as Luis Cernuda has explained).

The six or so remarkable books he published from 1914 to 1918 – El Rastro (The Flea-Market), El Doctor Inverosímil (The Improbable Doctor), Greguerías (Greguerias), Senos (Breasts), Pombo (Pombo), and El circo (The Circus) – illustrate most of his main characteristics: his search for a new fragmentary genre of short prose poems (giving them the arbitrary name of greguerías), his exaltation of trivial everyday objects, his emphasis on eroticism, his exuberant self-projection and exclusive dedication to art, his playful humour, his contemplative secular mysticism, and above all his cult of the image, especially witty surprising images.

These abound in all his works, especially his many, utterly idiosyncratic and textually pleasurable novels, such as the first real one La viuda blanca y negra (The Black and White Widow), written in 1921, inspired by his relationship with the early feminist writer, Carmen de Burgos.

It was in fact the greguerías that first attracted the attention of Valery Larbaud, who in the 1920s soon had him translated into French.

Within Spain, though his work often provoked controversy and sometimes hostility, one of his most eminent defenders was José Ortega y Gasset. Subsequently, unorganized consensus in mainstream Hispanism deemed Gómez's work to have been overrated.

Gómez's lack of commitment during the Republic, followed by his declaration of support for Franco after self-exile to his younger, Jewish wife's flat in Buenos Aires at the outbreak of civil war, led to ostracism and neglect.

Despite still producing some of the most original works in Spanish of the twentieth century – the existential-surrealist novel El hombre perdido (The Lost Man) (1947) and his autobiography Automoribundia (Automoribund) [1948] – his life in exile was one of pathetic isolation and increasing poverty, neither of which were helped by the knowledge that he had left behind (and in 1947 donated to the Spanish State) the painting of the Pombo Tertulia by Gutiérrez-Solana (now given pride of place in Madrid's Reina Sofia Museum), in addition to the cubist portrait of him painted in 1915 by Diego Rivera (which was lost during the civil war, but has apparently resurfaced). On 13 January 1963 Gómez died from natural causes. In a letter to one of his companions, he mentions acknowledging his imminent death and welcomed it.

Despite the decline in Gómez's reputation, two notable voices in particular declared their admiration: Octavio Paz, who wrote the following in a letter to Papeles de Son Armadans in 1967: 'Para mí es el gran escritor español: el Escritor o, mejor, la Escritura. Comparto la admiración, el fanatismo, de Larbaud: yo también habría aprendido el español sólo para leerlo’ (For me he is the great Spanish writer: the Writer, or rather, Writing. I share Larbaud’s admiration, his fanaticism: I also would have learned Spanish just to read him), and Pablo Neruda, who in his prologue to Ramón's Obras selectas (Selected Works) (1971) claimed that 'la gran figura del surrealismo, entre todos los países, ha sido Ramón' (the major figure of surrealism, in any country, has been Ramón).

His works have been published in 20 volumes by Círculo de Lectores/Galaxia Gutenberg (Barcelona), edited by Ioana Zlotescu.

Works
Translations into English:
 * El circo
 * Aphorisms, trans. by Miguel Gonzalez-Gerth (Pittsburgh: Latin American Literary Review Press, 1989)
 * Dalí, trans. by Nicholas Fry (New York: Park Lane, [1979])
 * Eight Novellas, trans. by Herlinda Charpentier Saitz and Robert L. Saitz (New York: Lang, 2005)
 * Greguerías: The Wit and Wisdom of Ramón Gómez de la Serna, trans. by Philip Ward (Cambridge: Oleander Press, 1982)
 * Movieland, trans. by Angel Flores (New York: Macaulay, 1930; new edition: Arlington, MA: Tough Poets Press, 2022)
 * Some Greguerías, trans. by Helen Granville-Barker (New York: [n. pub.] printed by Rudge's Sons, 1944)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Ramón Gómez de la Serna


text:
Ramón

Ramón or Ramon may refer to:

Given name

 * Ramon (footballer, born 1950), Brazilian footballer
 * Ramón (footballer, born 1983), Brazilian footballer
 * Ramón (footballer, born 1988), Brazilian footballer
 * Ramón (footballer, born 1990), Brazilian footballer
 * Ramon (footballer, born 1991), Brazilian footballer
 * Ramon (footballer, born 1995), Brazilian footballer
 * Ramon (footballer, born 1997), Brazilian footballer
 * Ramon (footballer, born 1998), Brazilian footballer
 * Ramon (footballer, born 2000), Brazilian footballer
 * Ramon (footballer, born 2001), Brazilian footballer
 * Ramón (singer), Spanish singer who represented Spain in the 2004 Eurovision Song Contest
 * Ramón Emeterio Betances (1827–1898), Puerto Rican nationalist
 * Ramón Blanco y Erenas (1833–1906), Spanish brigadier and colonial administrator of the Philippines
 * Ramón Castillo (1873-1944), former Argentinian president
 * Ramon Dekkers, Dutch Muay Thai fighter
 * Ramón del Valle-Inclán (1866–1936), Spanish dramatist and novelist
 * Ramón Díaz, Argentine football player and coach
 * Ramon Dino (born 1995), full name Ramon Rocha Queiroz,Professional Brazilian bodybuilder
 * Ramón H. Dovalina (born 1943), American educator
 * Ramón Gerardo Antonio Estévez (born 1940), American actor, using the stage name Martin Sheen
 * Ramón Arellano Félix (1964–2002), Mexican drug lord and fugitive
 * Ramón Fumadó (born 1981), Venezuelan diver
 * Ramón Fernando García (born 1972), Colombian road cyclist
 * Ramón González (athlete) (born 1966), Cuban javelin thrower
 * Ramón Gómez de la Serna (1888–1963), Spanish author and dramatist frequently abbreviated as Ramón
 * Ramon Goose (born 1977), a blues-rock guitarist, singer
 * Ramón Hernández (born 1976), Venezuelan baseball player for the Cincinnati Reds
 * Ramón Ibarra Banda (born 1956), Mexican professional wrestler better known as Super Parka and Volador
 * Ramón Ibarra Rivera (born 1981), Mexican professional wrestler better known as Volador Jr.
 * Ramón Jiménez Gaona (born 1969), Paraguayan discus thrower
 * Ramón Julián Puigblanqué (born 1981), Spanish climber
 * Ramón Lamoneda (1892–1971), Spanish typographer and politician
 * Ramón Laureano (born 1994), Dominican Republic professional baseball player
 * Ramon Lopes de Freitas (born 1989), Brazilian footballer
 * Ramón López (disambiguation), multiple people
 * Ramón Magsaysay (1907–1957), third President of the Third Philippine Republic
 * Ramon Menezes (born 1972), Brazilian footballer
 * Ramón Mercader (1913-1978), Spanish Communist, assassinated Leon Trotsky
 * Ramon Nomar (born 1974), Venezuelan-born Spanish porn actor
 * Ramón Novarro (1899–1968), Mexican actor who achieved fame as a "Latin lover" in silent films
 * Ramón Osni Moreira Lage (born 1988), Brazilian footballer
 * Ramon Puerta (born 1951), Argentinian politician
 * Ramón da Silva Ramos (born 1950), Brazilian footballer
 * Ramon Reyes (born 1966), American lawyer
 * Ramón Reyes (basketball) (1907–1957), Panamanian athlete
 * Ramón Rodrigo de Freitas (born 1983), Brazilian footballer
 * Ramón Rodríguez (actor) (born 1979), American actor
 * Ramón Rosso (born 1996), Dominican Republic professional baseball player
 * Ramon Sessions, American professional basketball player
 * Ramón Soria (born 1989), Spanish footballer
 * Ramon Tikaram (born 1967), British actor
 * Ramon Tremosa (born 1965), Spanish politician
 * Ramón Troncoso (born 1983), Dominican baseball pitcher
 * Ramon Tulfo (born 1946), Filipino TV host, radio broadcaster, and columnist
 * Ramón Vinay (1911–1996), Chilean opera singer
 * Ramon Wilson (1934–2018), English World Cup-winning footballer
 * Ramón Luis Ayala Rodríguez (better known as Daddy Yankee), Puerto Rican Reggaeton pioneer

Surname

 * Anselmo Ramon (born 1988), Brazilian footballer
 * Charkey Ramon (born Dave Bruce Ballard in 1950), Australian boxer of the 1970s, and referee of the 1970s and 1980s
 * Einat Ramon (born 1959), first Israeli-born woman rabbi
 * Gaston Ramon (1886–1963), French veterinarian and biologist
 * Haim Ramon (born 1950), Israeli politician and former Minister of Justice
 * Ilan Ramon (1954–2003), Israeli Air Force pilot and first Israeli astronaut, killed in the 2003 Space Shuttle Columbia disaster
 * Juan Ramón (singer) (1940–2020), Argentine singer
 * Miriam Ramón (born 1973), Ecuadorian racewalker
 * Steve Ramon (born 1979), Belgian motorcross racer

Fictional characters

 * Ramón, a character from the King of Fighters series
 * Don Ramón, a character from the television sitcom El Chavo del Ocho
 * General Ramon Esperanza, a character from the action-thriller Die Hard 2
 * Ramόn "Phantom Phreak" Sánchez, a character from the 1995 movie Hackers
 * A penguin character from the Happy Feet film series
 * The alligator in the 1980 film Alligator
 * Carlos Ramon a character from the children's book and television series from The Magic School Bus

Stage names

 * Razor Ramon, a character of professional wrestler Scott Hall
 * Masaki Sumitani, professional wrestler known as Razor Ramon HG

Localities

 * Ramon, Isabela, municipality in the Philippines
 * Ramon, Russia, an urban-type settlement in Voronezh Oblast, Russia
 * Ramon Crater, a large natural crater in the Israeli Negev desert

Other

 * Ramon Airport, Israel
 * Ramón tree, an alternative common name for the Breadnut tree (Brosimum alicastrum)

title: Ramón


text:
Campaign Cartographer

Campaign Cartographer is a Windows map creation program created by ProFantasy Software originally in 1993.

Description
The program was designed to draw maps for role playing and miniature war games. The CAD engine is based on FastCAD, although most of the code was written by the publishers. It includes a variety of add-ons for different genres, including fantasy, modern and science fiction. Campaign Cartographer 3 was released on June 30th, 2006 and has since been updated 9 times. There are currently 9 add-ons for Campaign Cartographer; 6 drawing add-ons that add tools, templates, symbol catalogs and 3 symbol set add-ons consisting of thousands of symbols. Campaign Cartographer has been used to illustrate novels such as Shades of Gray by Lisanne Norman,  Le Temple Des Eaux-Mortes by Eric Ferris and Johannes Cabal the Detective by Jonathan L. Howard. The Forgotten Realms Interactive Atlas, published by TSR, Inc. in 1999, was likewise constructed using Campaign Cartographer.

Add-ons
The following are commercial add-ons available for the Campaign Cartographer tool.

Reception
In the September 1994 edition of Dragon (Issue 209), Lester W. Smith found Campaign Cartographer almost too good, and the 334-page manual almost too much, saying "For those who like to invest multiple hours into creating detailed maps for their campaigns, and who have the hardware to take advantage of the program, the Campaign Cartographer software allows them to create, store, modify, and copy maps more beautiful than they could have hoped before. But for GMs with limited time to spend, the program may just be too much." However, Smith concluded that too much program was better than too little program, and gave this an above average rating of 5 out of 6, saying, "The Campaign Cartographer software is sort of like a limousine of mapping programs, and some people might be better served with a rough-and-ready truck. On the other hand, this limousine isn't that expensive, and playing with its multitude of 'buttons' and 'switches' is a lot of fun."

In the December 1995 edition of Arcane (Issue 1), Andy Butcher reviewed both Campaign Cartographer and its add-on Dungeon Designer:
 * Butcher admired Campaign Cartographer, giving it an above average rating of 8 out of 10 and saying, "Campaign Cartographer is an incredible program. It really does make it easy to create highly detailed maps of anything from a planet to a small forest."
 * He was even more enthusiastic about Dungeon Designer, giving it an excellent rating of 9 out of 10 and commenting, "Considering how often these kind of maps are needed in most games, this makes Dungeon Designer even more useful than Campaign Cartographer for most gamers, which is high praise indeed."

Two issues later, in the February 1996 edition of Arcane (Issue 3), Butcher gave the add-on City Designer an average rating of 7 out of 10, saying "If you're lucky enough to [have access to your computer during your game] then City Designer's very handy indeed. On the other hand, if all you want to do is create maps to print out, Dungeon Designer is far more useful overall."

In a review of Campaign Cartographer 3 in Black Gate, M Harold Page said "Ultimately, Campaign Cartographer does require putting in some effort, but for map design, the results are rewarding and learning the software is not a bad way of spending a rainy Scottish afternoon."

Reviews

 * Shadis #14
 * Shadis #24 (Feb., 1996)
 * Arcane #14 (Christmas 1996) - Campaign Cartographer Pro / Campaign Cartographer Perspectives
 * Rollespilsmagasinet Fønix (Danish) (Issue 11 - Dec/Jan 1995)
 * Envoyer #2
 * Australian Realms #25

title: Campaign Cartographer


text:
FastCAD

FastCAD is a type of CAD program for DOS and Microsoft Windows users. It is also the basis for the map-drawing software Campaign Cartographer. It uses the file extension FCW for its files.

The current FastCAD release, version 7, is a full professional tool, including 3D modeling and rendering, symbol definition editing, and advanced capabilities for working with multiple drawings and overlays. FastCAD is written in x86 assembly language and will run well on basic hardware.

FastCAD was written by Mike Riddle, the author of Interact for the Marinchip 9900 released back in 1979, one of the first PC-based CAD programs. Interact went on to become the architectural basis for early versions of AutoCAD.

EasyCAD is the 2D-only version of FastCAD.

title: FastCAD


text:
User talk:Peterswales

Hi

title: User talk:Peterswales


text:
Guadeloupe Fund

The Guadeloupe Fund (Guadeloupefonden) was established by Sweden's Riksdag of the Estates in 1815 for the benefit of Crown Prince and Regent Charles XIV John of Sweden, (Swedish: Karl XIV Johan) also known as Jean Baptiste Jules Bernadotte, and his heirs. Bernadotte had been one of the most successful soldiers in Napoleonic France. He was a Marshal of France, former minister of war and had been created Prince of Pontecorvo by Napoleon, before accepting the election as Crown Prince and heir to the Swedish throne. Under his adoptive father, the reigning and yet powerless King Charles XIII of Sweden, Crown Prince Charles John was effectively the regent of the country, and when Sweden sided with Napoleon's enemies, Charles John came to be seen as a traitor to his native France. Upon Sweden's accession to the Sixth Coalition, the offer of a West Indies island by Britain was an attempt to, in some way, compensate for this.

On February 4, 1810, the British seized the island of Guadeloupe and held it a consequence of the Napoleonic Wars. Guadeloupe was conveniently located in proximity to the Swedish colony of Saint-Barthélemy. On March 3, 1813, the island was ceded by Britain to "His Royal Majesty the King of Sweden, and his successor to the Swedish throne" according to the Act of Succession of September 26, 1810. This was supposedly in order to keep the Crown Prince "at least partially compensated for the donations and other property, which he had lost since being called to the succession of the Swedish throne", having also used proceeds of sales of his Italian and French property to pay off debts of Sweden and losses as a consequence of Sweden's involvement in the Napoleonic Wars.

After France had been defeated and Napoleon exiled to Elba, the Treaty of Paris of 1814 settled the terms of the peace, in which Guadeloupe, having previously been a French possession, was returned to France. On August 13, 1814, a settlement of 24 million francs was reached with Britain as a replacement for the intended compensation. The Crown Prince, acting as regent, used about half of the sum to pay off government debts; the rest went to various projects of public benefit. In recognition of this, the Riksdag of 1815 instituted that the Crown Prince and his heirs would receive an annual installment of 300,000 Riksdaler, which was to be paid out in perpetuity.

In the middle of the 20th century the scheme came under close scrutiny. Following a settlement between the Crown of Britain and the House of Bernadotte, the last payment of the fund was made in 1983.

Other sources

 * Calloway, Colin G. (2006)  The Scratch of a Pen: 1763 and the Transformation of North America (Oxford University Press) ISBN 978-0195331271
 * Höjer, Torvald  (1943) Carl XIV Johan: Kronprinstiden (Stockholm: Nordstedts Förlag)
 * Knight, Franklin W. (1997) General History of the Caribbean (UNESCO) ISBN 9789231031465

title: Guadeloupe Fund


text:
User:Morwen/bbc

The BBC television regions and their local news programs are (using ceremonial counties for convenience).

 * East - Bedfordshire, Hertfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Norfolk, Cambridgeshire, Norfolk, Northamptonshire, Essex, Suffolk - Look East
 * East Midlands - Leicestershire, Nottinghamshire, Rutland, Derbyshire, Lincolnshire - East Midlands Today
 * Wales
 * West - Bristol, Somerset, Gloucestershire, Wiltshire
 * West Midlands Gloucestershire, West Midlands, etc - Midlands Today
 * North England - two versions one for North Yorkshire, South Yorkshire, West Sorkshire and one for Lincolnshire and East Riding of Yorkshire.
 * North West - Lancashire, Merseyside, Cheshire, Greater Manchester
 * Northern Ireland
 * South - Hampshire, Oxfordshire, East Sussex, West Sussex, Berkshire, Surrey, Dorset, Isle of Wight, Buckinghamshire
 * South East - Kent, East Sussex, West Sussex
 * South West - Cornwall, Devon, Somerset (and Jersey and Guernsey)
 * Scotland

title: User:Morwen/bbc


text:
War of the Sixth Coalition

In the War of the Sixth Coalition (Guerre de la Sixième Coalition) (March 1813 – May 1814), sometimes known in Germany as the Wars of Liberation (Befreiungskriege), a coalition of Austria, Prussia, Russia, Spain, Great Britain, Portugal, Sweden, Sardinia, and a number of German States defeated France and drove Napoleon into exile on Elba. After the disastrous French invasion of Russia of 1812 in which they had been forced to support France, Prussia and Austria joined Russia, the United Kingdom, Sweden, and Portugal, and the rebels in Spain who were already at war with France.

The War of the Sixth Coalition saw major battles at Lützen, Bautzen, and Dresden. The even larger Battle of Leipzig (also known as the Battle of Nations) was the largest battle in European history before World War I. Ultimately, Napoleon's earlier setbacks in Spain, Portugal and Russia proved to be the seeds of his undoing. With their armies reorganized, the allies drove Napoleon out of Germany in 1813 and invaded France in 1814. The Allies defeated the remaining French armies, occupied Paris, and forced Napoleon to abdicate and go into exile. The French monarchy was revived by the allies, who handed rule to the heir of the House of Bourbon in the Bourbon Restoration.

The "Hundred Days" War of the Seventh Coalition was triggered in 1815 when Napoleon escaped from his captivity on Elba and returned to power in France. He was defeated again for the final time at Waterloo, ending the Napoleonic Wars.

Background: Invasion of Russia
In June 1812, Napoleon invaded Russia to compel Emperor Alexander I to remain in the Continental System. The Grande Armée, consisting of as many as 650,000 men (roughly half of whom were French, with the remainder coming from allies or subject areas), crossed the Neman river on 24 June 1812. Russia proclaimed a Patriotic War, while Napoleon proclaimed a "Second Polish War". But against the expectations of the Poles, who supplied almost 100,000 troops for the invasion force, and having in mind further negotiations with Russia, he avoided restoring the old Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Russian forces fell back, destroying everything potentially of use to the invaders until giving battle at Borodino (7 September) where the two armies fought a devastating battle. Despite the fact that France won a tactical victory, the battle was inconclusive. Following the battle the Russians withdrew, thus opening the road to Moscow. By 14 September, the French had occupied Moscow but found the city practically empty. Alexander I (despite having almost lost the war by Western European standards) refused to capitulate, leaving the French in the abandoned city of Moscow with little food or shelter (large parts of Moscow had burned down) and winter approaching. In these circumstances, and with no clear path to victory, Napoleon was forced to withdraw from Moscow.

So began the disastrous Great Retreat, during which the retreating army came under increasing pressure due to lack of food, desertions, and increasingly harsh winter weather, all while under continual attack by the Russian army led by Commander-in-Chief Mikhail Kutuzov, and other militias. Total losses of the Grand Army were at least 370,000 casualties as a result of fighting, starvation and the freezing weather conditions, and 200,000 captured. By November, only 27,000 fit soldiers re-crossed the Berezina river. Napoleon now left his army to return to Paris and prepare a defence of the Duchy of Warsaw against the advancing Russians. The situation was not as dire as it might at first have seemed; the Russians had also lost around 400,000 men, and their army was similarly depleted. However, they had the advantage of shorter supply lines and were able to replenish their armies with greater speed than the French, especially because Napoleon's losses of cavalry and wagons were irreplaceable.

Russia, Britain and Sweden form an alliance
At the beginning of 1812 Britain had already been at war with France for eight years, and had been fighting alongside the Portuguese and Spanish in the Peninsular War for more than three years. Russia and Sweden, which had opposed Napoleon up to 1807 and 1810 respectively, had been forced to join his Continental System against Britain, but continued to trade secretly with her. On 9 January 1812, French troops suddenly occupied Swedish Pomerania, ostensibly to end the illegal trade with the United Kingdom from Sweden, which was in violation of the Continental System. Swedish estates were confiscated and Swedish officers and soldiers were taken as prisoners.

In response, Charles John, formerly French Marshal Jean Baptiste Bernadotte, now the Crown Prince and Regent of Sweden, declared neutrality, and though Sweden was still at war with Britain, and Russia was its perennial enemy, he dispatched diplomats to London and St. Petersburg to create a new coalition against France. Sweden then signed the secret Treaty of Saint Petersburg with Russia against France and Denmark–Norway on 5 April 1812. On 18 July 1812, the Treaty of Örebro formally ended the wars between Britain and Sweden and Britain and Russia, forming the basis of coalition between Russia, Britain, and Sweden, though the exact parameters of a military alliance remained in negotiation throughout the winter of 1812-1813. When Napoleon marched on Moscow in June 1812, neither Britain nor Sweden was able to give direct military support to Russia, though that same month the British and Spanish armies had advanced into central Spain, defeating the French at Salamanca and capturing Madrid, tying down a French army of 230,000. Britain also helped subsidize the Russian war effort while Charles John had struck up a friendship with Alexander, and gave him moral support, strategic and tactical advice on how to defeat the French, as well as valuable insights on Napoleon himself (having had much contact with Napoleon as a member of the extended Imperial Family). However Russia bore the brunt of the French onslaught on her territory alone.

After the French Grande Armée retreated from Moscow on 18/19 October 1812 and suffered heavy casualties due to extreme cold, food shortages and repeated Russian attacks, Napoleon did not seem to be as invincible as before. On 14 December, the last French troops had left Russian soil, and Paris' allies were seriously considering rebellion and joining the Tsar's side.

Defection of Prussia
The Convention of Tauroggen was a truce signed 30 December 1812 at Tauroggen between Generalleutnant Ludwig Yorck von Wartenburg on behalf of his Prussian troops (who had been compelled to augment the Grande Armée during the invasion of Russia), and by General Hans Karl von Diebitsch of the Imperial Russian Army. According to the Treaty of Tilsit (9 July 1807), Prussia had to support Napoleon's invasion of Russia. This resulted in some Prussians leaving their army to avoid serving the French, like Carl von Clausewitz, who joined Russian service. When Yorck's immediate French superior Marshal MacDonald, retreated before the corps of Diebitsch, Yorck found himself isolated. As a soldier his duty was to break through, but as a Prussian patriot his position was more difficult. He had to judge whether the moment was favorable for starting a war of liberation; and, whatever might be the enthusiasm of his junior staff-officers, Yorck had no illusions as to the safety of his own head, and negotiated with Clausewitz. The Convention of Tauroggen armistice, signed by Diebitsch and Yorck, "neutralized" the Prussian corps without consent of their king. The news was received with the wildest enthusiasm in Prussia, but the Prussian Court dared not yet throw off the mask, and an order was despatched suspending Yorck from his command pending a court-martial. Diebitsch refused to let the bearer pass through his lines, and the general was finally absolved when the Treaty of Kalisch (28 February 1813) definitely ranged Prussia on the side of the Allies.

Meanwhile, Austria's alliance with France ended in February 1813, and Austria then moved to a position of armed neutrality. It would not declare war on France until half a year later, in August 1813.

Declarations of war
On 3 March 1813, after lengthy negotiations, the United Kingdom agreed to Swedish claims to Norway. Sweden entered a military alliance with the United Kingdom and declared war against France, liberating Swedish Pomerania shortly thereafter. On 17 March, King Frederick William III of Prussia published a call to arms to his subjects, An Mein Volk. Prussia had declared war on France on 13 March, which was received by the French on 16 March. The first armed conflict occurred on 5 April in the Battle of Möckern, where combined Prusso-Russian forces defeated French troops.

Meanwhile, Napoleon withdrew some 20,000 troops from the ongoing Peninsular War to reinforce his position in Central Europe, which left his Iberian forces weakened and vulnerable to Anglo–Spanish–Portuguese attacks. On 17 March 1813, his brother King Joseph Bonaparte of Spain withdrew from Madrid, a clear sign of losing control. Wellington led a 123,000-strong army across northern Spain, taking Burgos in late May, and decisively defeating Jourdan at the Battle of Vitoria on 21 June. Marshal Soult failed to turn the tide in his large-scale Battle of the Pyrenees (25 July to 2 August).

In June, the United Kingdom formally entered the coalition. Initially, Austria remained loyal to France, and foreign minister Metternich aimed to mediate in good faith a peace between France and its continental enemies, but it became apparent that the price was to be the dismantling of the Confederation of the Rhine, the Napoleon-controlled union of all German states aside from Prussia and Austria, and the return to France's pre-Revolutionary borders. Napoleon was not interested in any such compromise that would in effect end his empire, so Austria joined the allies and declared war on France in August 1813.

Spring campaign of 1813
Napoleon vowed that he would create a new army as large as that he had sent into Russia, and quickly built up his forces in the east from 30,000 to 130,000 and eventually to 400,000. Napoleon inflicted 40,000 casualties on the Allies at Lützen (near Leipzig, 2 May) and Bautzen (20–21 May 1813) but his army lost about the same number of men during those encounters. Both battles involved total forces of over 250,000 – making them among the largest battles of the Napoleonic Wars to that point in time. The lack of horses for Napoleon's cavalry did not allow him to follow up his victories with a vigorous pursuit, robbing him of decisive results.

Despite losing as many men as the Allies, Napoleon's victories had greatly demoralized the Prussians and Russians. Losses were heavy, and the Russian and Prussian forces were a shambles. Both Allied armies were in dire need of substantial reinforcements en route from the east and from Prussian recruiting depots. Many Russian officers yearned to return to Russia having achieved their goal of ridding Russia of the French. Frederick William of Prussia had always viewed a renewed war with France as dubious, and the two defeats at Lützen and Bautzen had led him to reconsider peace. Moreover, the Prussians and the Russians were hopeful of bringing the Austrians into the war and a break in the fighting would give them time to negotiate with Vienna. Another victory by Napoleon may very well have led to a favorable peace as not only were the Russians and Prussians at their nadir, but the Austrians, with their 150,000 troops would have seen a decisive French victory as ample proof that another war with France would be most undesirable.

Despite the two victories over the Prussians and Russians, French losses had been heavy and a chronic lack of horses for his cavalry meant that Napoleon could not fully exploit his victories and inflict a decisive defeat in the same vein as Austerlitz or Friedland. Napoleon's new army was filled with fresh conscripts, lacked many necessities and was exhausted from their long march from France and Napoleon's rapid maneuvering. The French were "in dire need of a period of reconstruction and recuperation" and Napoleon needed time to acquire horses for his depleted cavalry and bring up more reinforcements. Therefore, Napoleon was amiable to the armistice offered by the Allies despite the Allies being in a grave condition. During the armistice, a disastrous interview with Austrian Chancellor Metternich, in which Napoleon heaped recriminations on the Austrians and threw his hat to the ground and stamped it with his foot, ensured that Austria would join the coalition against France. Napoleon did not know it at the time, but the armistice would turn out to be a grave mistake as the Allies gained far more from the suspension of hostilities than he did.

Meanwhile, on 21 May 1813, a Swedish corps of 15,000 commanded by General Döbeln occupied Hamburg without orders from Bernadotte, following a Danish declaration that they would hold the city for Napoleon, irrevocably binding Denmark to France, an action that would guarantee full Swedish cooperation in North Germany. The Swedish occupation of Hamburg came as welcome news to the Allies, insofar as holding a wealthy center of finance was a blow against Napoleon. However, Bernadotte's initial misgivings at extending his troops so far from the Allied lines, with British General Hope calling Döbeln, who was later court-martialed for disobeying orders "the mad Swedish General," were validated when Marshal Davout approached Hamburg with a French force of 34,000, intent on retaking the city. The Swedes quietly withdrew on 26 May and Davout would occupy the city until after Napoleon's abdication in 1814. It would be the last major action of the Spring before the Armistice of Pläswitz.

Armistice of Pläswitz; Austria joins the Coalition and creation of the Trachenberg Plan
The belligerents declared an armistice from 4 June 1813 which lasted until 13 August, during which time both sides attempted to recover from approximately a quarter of a million losses since April. During this time Allied negotiations finally brought Austria out in open opposition to France (like Prussia, Austria had moved from nominal ally of France in 1812 to armed neutral in 1813). Two principal Austrian armies deployed in Bohemia and Northern Italy, adding 300,000 troops to the Allied armies. In total the Allies now had around 800,000 frontline troops in the German theatre, with a strategic reserve of 350,000. As a consequence of the armistice, the French lost their initial advantage in numbers as the Austrians, and Russia's huge manpower reserves, were brought to the front.

Napoleon succeeded in bringing the total imperial forces in the region up to around 650,000 (although only 250,000 were under his direct command, with another 120,000 under Nicolas Charles Oudinot and 30,000 under Davout). The Confederation of the Rhine furnished Napoleon with the bulk of the remainder of the forces, with Saxony and Bavaria as principal contributors. In addition, to the south, Murat's Kingdom of Naples and Eugène de Beauharnais's Kingdom of Italy had a combined total of 100,000 men under arms. In Spain an additional 150–200,000 French troops were being steadily beaten back by Spanish and British forces numbering around 150,000. Thus in total around 900,000 French troops were opposed in all theatres by somewhere around a million Allied troops (not including the strategic reserve being formed in Germany).

During the armistice, three Allied sovereigns, Alexander of Russia, Frederick William of Prussia, and Carl Johan of Sweden (by then Regent of the kingdom due to his adoptive father's illness) met at Trachenberg Castle in Silesia to coordinate the war effort. Allied staffs began creating a plan for the campaign wherein Bernadotte once again put to use his fifteen years of experience as a French general as well as his familiarity with Napoleon. The result was the Trachenberg Plan, authored primarily by Carl Johan of Sweden and the Austrian Chief of Staff, Field-Marshal Lieutenant Joseph Radetzky, that sought to wear down the French using a Fabian strategy, avoiding direct combat with Napoleon, engaging and defeating his marshals whenever possible and slowly encircling the French with three independent armies until the French Emperor could be cornered and brought to battle against vastly superior numbers.

Following the conference, the Allies stood up their three armies: The Army of Silesia, with 95,000 Prussians and Russians, commanded by Field Marshal Gebhard von Blücher; the Army of the North, 120,000 Swedes, Russians, Prussians, and German troops from Mecklenburg, the Hanseatic cities and North Germany, under the independent command of Sweden's Crown Prince Carl Johan; and the Army of Bohemia, the primary Allied force in the field, with which the Allied sovereigns Alexander, Francis and Frederick William oversaw the Campaign, numbering 225,000 Austrians, Russians, and Prussians commanded by Prince Karl von Schwarzenberg.

Renewal of hostilities; French losses and defecting allies
Following the end of the armistice, Napoleon seemed to have regained the initiative at Dresden (26–27 August 1813), where he inflicted one of the most lop-sided losses of the era on the Prussian-Russian-Austrian forces. On 26 August, the Allies under Prince von Schwarzenberg attacked the French garrison in Dresden. Napoleon arrived on the battlefield in the early hours of 27 August with the Guard and other reinforcements and despite being severely outnumbered having only 135,000 men to the Coalition's 215,000, Napoleon chose to attack the Allies. Napoleon turned the Allied Left Flank, and in skilful use of terrain, pinned it against the flooded Weißeritz river and isolated it from the rest of the Coalition Army. He then gave his famed cavalry commander, and King of Naples, Joachim Murat leave to destroy the surrounded Austrians. The day's torrential rain had dampened gunpowder, rendering the Austrians' muskets and cannon useless against the sabers and lances of Murat's Cuirassiers and Lancers who tore the Austrians to shreds, capturing 15 standards and forcing the balance of three divisions, 13,000 men, to surrender.

The Allies were forced to retreat in some disorder having lost nearly 40,000 men to only 10,000 French. However, Napoleon's forces were also hampered by the weather and unable to close the encirclement the Emperor had planned before the Allies narrowly slipped the noose. So while Napoleon had struck a heavy blow against the Allies, several tactical errors had allowed the Allies to withdraw, thus ruining Napoleon's best chance at ending the war in a single battle. Nonetheless, Napoleon had once again inflicted a heavy loss on the primary Allied Army despite being outnumbered and for some weeks after Dresden Schwarzenberg declined to take offensive action.

However at about the same time the French sustained several serious defeats, first at the hands of Bernadotte's Army of the North on 23 August, with Oudinot's thrust towards Berlin beaten back by the Prussians, at Großbeeren. At the Katzbach the Prussians, commanded by Blücher, took advantage of Napoleon's march toward Dresden to attack Marshal MacDonald's Army of the Bober. During a torrential rainstorm on 26 August, and due to conflicting orders and a breakdown of communications, MacDonald's several corps found themselves isolated from one another with many bridges over the Katzback and Neisse rivers destroyed by surging waters. 200,000 Prussians and French collided in a confused battle that degenerated into hand-to-hand combat. However, Blücher and the Prussians rallied their scattered units and attacked an isolated French corps and pinned it against the Katzbach, annihilating it; forcing the French into the raging waters where many drowned. The French suffered 13,000 killed and wounded and 20,000 captured. The Prussians lost but 4,000 men.

Napoleon himself, lacking reliable and numerous cavalry, was unable to prevent the destruction of a whole army corps, which had isolated itself pursuing the enemy following the Battle of Dresden without support, at the Battle of Kulm (29–30 August 1813), losing 13,000 men further weakening his army. Realizing that the Allies would continue to defeat his subordinates, Napoleon began to consolidate his troops to force a decisive battle.

The French then suffered another grievous loss at the hands of Bernadotte's army on 6 September at Dennewitz where Ney was now in command, with Oudinot now as his deputy. The French were once again attempting to capture Berlin, the loss of which Napoleon believed would knock Prussia out of the War. However, Ney blundered into a trap set by Bernadotte and was stopped cold by the Prussians, and then routed when the Crown Prince arrived with his Swedes and a Russian corps on their open flank. This second defeat at the hands of Napoleon's ex-Marshal was catastrophic for the French, with them losing 50 cannon, four Eagles and 10,000 men on the field. Further losses occurred during the pursuit that evening, and into the following day, as the Swedish and Prussian cavalry took a further 13,000–14,000 French prisoners. Ney retreated to Wittenberg with the remains of his command and made no further attempt at capturing Berlin. Napoleon's bid to knock Prussia out of the war had failed; as had his operational plan to fight the battle of the central position. Having lost the initiative, he was now forced to concentrate his army and seek a decisive battle at Leipzig.

Compounding the heavy military losses suffered at Dennewitz, the French were now losing the support of their German vassal states as well. News of Bernadotte's victory at Dennewitz sent shock waves across Germany, where French rule had become unpopular, inducing Tyrol to rise in rebellion and was the signal for the King of Bavaria to proclaim neutrality and begin negotiations with the Austrians (on the basis of territorial guarantees and Maximilian's retention of his crown) in preparation of joining the Allied cause. A body of Saxon troops had defected to Bernadotte's Army during the battle and Westphalian troops were now deserting King Jérôme's army in large numbers. Following a proclamation by the Swedish Crown Prince urging the Saxon Army (Bernadotte had commanded the Saxon Army at the Battle of Wagram and was well liked by them) to come over to the Allied cause, Saxon generals could no longer answer for the fidelity of their troops and the French now considered their remaining German allies unreliable. Later, on 8 October 1813, Bavaria officially ranged itself against Napoleon as a member of the Coalition.

Battle of Leipzig and the Frankfurt peace proposals
Napoleon withdrew with around 175,000 troops to Leipzig in Saxony where he thought he could fight a defensive action against the Allied armies converging on him. There, at the so-called Battle of Nations (16–19 October 1813) a French army, ultimately reinforced to 191,000, found itself faced by three Allied armies converging on it, ultimately totalling more than 430,000 troops. Over the following days the battle resulted in a defeat for Napoleon, who however was still able to manage a relatively orderly retreat westwards. However, as the French forces were pulling across the White Elster, the bridge was prematurely blown and 30,000 troops were stranded to be taken prisoner by the Allied forces.

Napoleon defeated an army of his former ally Bavaria at the Battle of Hanau (30–31 October 1813) before pulling what was left of his forces back into France. Meanwhile, Davout's corps continued to hold out in its Siege of Hamburg, where it became the last Imperial force east of the Rhine.

The Allies offered peace terms in the Frankfurt proposals in November 1813. Napoleon would remain as Emperor of France, but it would be reduced to its "natural frontiers". That meant that France could retain control of Belgium, Savoy and the Rhineland (the west bank of the Rhine river), while giving up control of all the rest, including all of Poland, Spain and the Netherlands, and most of Italy and Germany. Metternich told Napoleon these were the best terms the Allies were likely to offer; after further victories, the terms would be harsher and harsher. Metternich aimed to maintain France as a balance against Russian threats, while ending the highly destabilizing series of wars.

Napoleon, expecting to win the war, delayed too long and lost this opportunity; by December the Allies had withdrawn the offer. When his back was to the wall in 1814 he tried to reopen peace negotiations on the basis of accepting the Frankfurt proposals. The Allies now had new, harsher terms that included the retreat of France to its 1791 boundaries, which meant the loss of Belgium and the Rhineland. Napoleon adamantly refused.

Swedish invasion of Denmark and the liberation of northern Germany and the Low Countries
Following the Battle of Leipzig, Bernadotte and his Army of the North parted ways with the rest of the Coalition armies, and liberated Bremen and Lübeck in late November 1813. In early December, Bernadotte launched his long projected invasion of Denmark to secure the Coalition's northern flank prior to the invasion of France scheduled for early 1814 and to see the treaty guarantees over the Danish cession of Norway to Sweden enforced. Bernadotte's Army, now some 65,000, composed only of Swedish and Russian troops following the secondment of the Prussian troops to Blücher's army, attacked the Royal Danish Army in Holstein. In a lightning campaign of only two weeks the Swedes subdued the Danes.

General Anders Skjöldebrand defeated the Danes at Bornhöved on 7 December 1813. Three days later, the Danish Auxiliary Corps scored a minor victory at Sehested. However, while the Danish victory managed to ensure the retreat of the main Danish army from immediate destruction, and brought about a three-week armistice, it could not change the course of war. Following a breakdown of negotiations, the armistice concluded and on 14 January 1814 Bernadotte invaded Schleswig, swiftly invested and reduced its fortresses and occupied the entire province. The Danes, heavily outnumbered, could not prevent an Allied advance on Jutland or Copenhagen, and sued for peace. It would be the final chapter in the long and bloody history of conflicts between Sweden and Denmark with the former definitively victorious.

On 14 January 1814, the Treaty of Kiel was concluded between Sweden and Denmark–Norway. By the terms of the treaty, the Kingdom of Norway was to be ceded to the King of Sweden. Believing his primary goal of detaching Norway from Denmark and binding it with Sweden had been fully achieved, Bernadotte and the Swedish and Russian corps of his Army of the North advanced into and occupied the Low Countries. Other elements of the Army of the North were also tasked with besieging Marshal Davout's 40,000 French and Danish troops in Hamburg, as well as the 100,000 French troops still garrisoned in fortresses throughout northern Germany. Despite several attempts by the Russian General Bennigsen to storm the city, Marshal Davout held Hamburg for France until after Napoleon's abdication in April 1814.

Final battles of the war: Sweden's Norwegian campaign
However, whilst Bernadotte cleared the Low Countries of the French in Spring 1814, the people of Norway objected to being bartered between kings, declared independence and adopted their own constitution on 17 May 1814. Even as fighting between the Coalition and France ended with Napoleon's abdication, codified in the Treaty of Fontainbleau on 11 April 1814, Bernadotte found himself planning and leading yet another campaign to see the results of the Treaty of Kiel fully realized. It would be the final campaign of the War of the Sixth Coalition.

On 27 July 1814, Bernadotte, supported by the Swedish and British fleets, invaded Norway on two fronts, intending to envelop the Norwegian forces with a combined Swedish army of 40,000 well-trained, well-equipped men, many of whom were veterans of the recent Leipzig and Danish Campaigns. Facing them were 30,000 Norwegian militia, who were short on equipment, training and munitions, but full of patriotic ardor and acquitted themselves well in the face of overwhelming odds.

The Norwegians fought well, winning defensive battles at Lier and Matrand, but could not stop the advancing Swedish columns. As a consequence, an armistice (the Convention of Moss) was concluded on 14 August followed by swift negotiations. The terms of Union were generous to the Norwegians as Bernadotte and the Swedes had no wish to inaugurate the union of Sweden and Norway with further bloodshed. Norway agreed to enter into a personal union with Sweden as a separate state with its own constitution and institutions, except for the common king and foreign service. The Union between Sweden and Norway was formally established on 4 November 1814, when the Storting adopted the necessary constitutional amendments, and elected Charles XIII of Sweden as King of Norway.

The Convention of Moss, signed on 14 August 1814, concluded the last active campaign of the War of the Sixth Coalition.

Peninsular War
While events unfolded in the East, the Peninsular War in Iberia continued to be Napoleon's "Spanish ulcer" tying down hundreds of thousands of French soldiers. In 1813, Arthur Wellesley, 1st Duke of Wellington, finally broke the French power in Spain and forced the French to retreat. In a strategic move, Wellington planned to move his supply base from Lisbon to Santander. The Anglo-Portuguese forces swept northwards in late May and seized Burgos; they then outflanked the French army, forcing Joseph Bonaparte into the valley of the River Zadorra. At the Battle of Vitoria, 21 June, the 65,000 French under Joseph were routed by 53,000 British, 27,000 Portuguese and 19,000 Spaniards. Wellington pursued and dislodged the French from San Sebastián, which was sacked and burnt after a siege.

The allies chased the retreating French, reaching the Pyrenees in early July. Marshal Soult was given command of the French forces and began a counter-offensive, dealing the allied generals two sharp defeats at the Battle of Maya and the Battle of Roncesvalles. Yet, he was put again onto the defensive by the British army and its Portuguese allies, lost momentum, and finally fled after the allied victory at the Battle of Sorauren (28 and 30 July).

In the Battle of the Pyrenees Wellington fought far from his supply line but won with a mixture of manoeuvre, shock and persistent hounding of the French forces.

On 7 October, after Wellington received news of the reopening of hostilities in Germany, the Coalition allies finally crossed into France, fording the Bidasoa river. On 11 December, a beleaguered and desperate Napoleon agreed to a separate peace with Spain under the Treaty of Valençay, under which he would release and recognize Ferdinand VII as King of Spain in exchange for a complete cessation of hostilities. But the Spanish had no intention of trusting Napoleon, and the fighting continued on into France.

War in France

During the last months of 1813 and into 1814 Wellington led the Peninsular army into south-west France and fought a number of battles against Marshals Soult and Suchet. The Peninsular army gained victories at Vera pass, the Battle of Nivelle, the Battle of Nive near Bayonne (10–14 December 1813), the Battle of Orthez (27 February 1814) and the Battle of Toulouse (10 April).

After retreating from Germany, Napoleon fought a series of battles, including the Battle of Arcis-sur-Aube, in France, but was steadily forced back against overwhelming odds. During the campaign he had issued a decree for 900,000 fresh conscripts, but only a fraction of these were ever raised. In early February Napoleon fought his Six Days' Campaign, in which he won multiple battles against numerically superior enemy forces marching on Paris. However, he fielded less than 80,000 soldiers during this entire campaign against a Coalition force of between 370,000 and 405,000 engaged in the campaign. At the Treaty of Chaumont (9 March) the Allies agreed to preserve the Coalition until Napoleon's total defeat. After defeating the French on the outskirts of Paris, on 31 March the Coalition armies entered the city with Tsar Alexander I at the head of the army followed by the King of Prussia and Prince Schwarzenberg. On 2 April the French Senate passed the Acte de déchéance de l'Empereur, which declared Napoleon deposed.

Aftermath
Napoleon was determined to fight on, proposing to march on Paris. His soldiers and regimental officers were eager to fight on. But Napoleon's marshals and senior officers mutinied. On 4 April, at Fontainebleau, Napoleon was confronted by his marshals and senior officers, led by Ney. They told the Emperor that they refused to march. Napoleon asserted that the army would follow him. Ney replied, "the army will obey its chiefs".

Napoleon abdicated on 11 April 1814 and the war officially ended soon after, although some fighting continued until May. The Treaty of Fontainebleau was signed on 11 April 1814 between the continental powers and Napoleon, followed by the Treaty of Paris on 30 May 1814 between France and the Great Powers including Britain. The victors exiled Napoleon to the island of Elba, and restored the Bourbon monarchy in the person of Louis XVIII. The Allied leaders attended Peace Celebrations in England in June, before progressing to the Congress of Vienna (between September 1814 and June 1815), which was held to redraw the map of Europe.

title: War of the Sixth Coalition