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Foresters Financial

The Independent Order of Foresters, operating as Foresters Financial, is a fraternal benefit society headquartered in Toronto, Ontario, Canada that provides life insurance and other financial solutions in Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States. As of 2022, Louis Gagnon has served as the company's president and CEO.

History
Foresters traces its origins to a British Friendly Society, a mutual organization caring for the sick. Membership was originally gained by combat, first with quarterstaffs, then with swords and finally with cudgels, until initiation by combat was abandoned in 1843.

In 1834, the Royal Foresters formed a Friendly Society, the Ancient Order of Foresters (AOF). The Independent Order of Foresters (IOF) in the United States became independent of the AOF in 1874.

The expansion of the IOF into Canada in 1875 is attributed to a prominent doctor and community leader, Oronhyatekha. Of Mohawk descent, he was born in 1841 at Six Nations near present-day Brantford, Ontario, Oronhyatekha ("Burning Sky") was baptized Peter Martin and later attended Oxford, where he became a medical doctor.

Dr. Oronhyatekha held the office of Supreme Chief Ranger (now called "International Fraternal President") from 1879 until 1906; he died in 1907. Foresters membership reached 257,000 in 1906. Through the 20th century it amalgamated with various other fraternal organizations, including the Ontario part of one of the oldest, the Ancient Order of United Workmen, acquired in 1926, the Modern Brotherhood of America, acquired in 1931, and the Order of Scottish Clans, acquired in 1971.

Like other friendly societies and fraternal organizations of the time, Foresters helped transform the insurance industry by extending insurance benefits to the average working family. In addition to admitting women as full members, Foresters provided orphan benefits to the children of deceased Foresters members.

, Foresters supported various community causes in Canada, the US and UK, through direct investment in national and local community partnerships, branch funding and educational scholarships.

In partnership with nonprofit KaBOOM!, Foresters has helped build more than 150 playgrounds across the U.S. and Canada since 2006.

In April 2019, Macquarie Group's investing division agreed to buy $12.3 billion in assets from Foresters Financial, including Foresters' First Investors mutual funds business. In the same year, the company sold its U.S. broker-dealer to Cetera Financial Group, in efforts to focus on life insurance.

In May 2019, Foresters sold its Canadian money management unit, Foresters Asset Management, to Fiera Capital. In October 2019, the company sold Foresters Financial Holding and Foresters Life Insurance and Annuity Company to Nassau Financial Group.

In July 2021, Foresters invested in a capital project to transform the UK London Office. As part of Foresters sustainability roadmap, Renewable Energy Generation Assets and Energy Saving Products were utilised. The investment will reduce the CO₂ Emissions by up to 10,000 kg per year.

Life insurance plans
Foresters Financial offers a term life insurance policies: Term 10, Term 20, Term 30 and EZ term. Foresters Financial has 2 types of whole life insurance: Advantage Plus II whole life and Non-Par whole life.

Foresters Financial offers 2 critical illness insurance plans: Live Well and Live Well Plus.

There are also multiple riders as well: Term riders, Spousal term riders, Child term rider, Accidental death benefits rider, and Disability waiver of premium rider.

Corporate structure
Foresters acquired Unity Life of Canada in 2008, which subsequently rebranded as Foresters Life Insurance Company in January 2012.

As of 2014, Foresters Financial operated a separate UK division based in South London.

In October 2020, Foresters Financial merged with life insurance distributor Canada Protection Plan. With the merger, Canada Protection Plan was rebranded as "Canada Protection Plan, a Foresters Financial company."

title: Foresters Financial


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Cohort study

A cohort study is a particular form of longitudinal study that samples a cohort (a group of people who share a defining characteristic, typically those who experienced a common event in a selected period, such as birth or graduation), performing a cross-section at intervals through time. It is a type of panel study where the individuals in the panel share a common characteristic.

Cohort studies represent one of the fundamental designs of epidemiology which are used in research in the fields of medicine, pharmacy, nursing, psychology, social science, and in any field reliant on 'difficult to reach' answers that are based on evidence (statistics). In medicine for instance, while clinical trials are used primarily for assessing the safety of newly developed pharmaceuticals before they are approved for sale, epidemiological analysis on how risk factors affect the incidence of diseases is often used to identify the causes of diseases in the first place, and to help provide pre-clinical justification for the plausibility of protective factors (treatments).

Comparison with controlled trials
Cohort studies differ from clinical trials in that no intervention, treatment, or exposure is administered to participants in a cohort design; and no control group is defined. Rather, cohort studies are largely about the life histories of segments of populations and the individual people who constitute these segments. Exposures or protective factors are identified as preexisting characteristics of participants. The study is controlled by including other common characteristics of the cohort in the statistical analysis. Both exposure/treatment and control variables are measured at baseline. Participants are then followed over time to observe the incidence rate of the disease or outcome in question. Regression analysis can then be used to evaluate the extent to which the exposure or treatment variable contributes to the incidence of the disease, while accounting for other variables that may be at play.

Double-blind randomized controlled trials (RCTs) are generally considered superior methodology in the hierarchy of evidence in treatment, because they allow for the most control over other variables that could affect the outcome, and the randomization and blinding processes reduce bias in the study design. This minimizes the chance that results will be influenced by confounding variables, particularly ones that are unknown. However, educated hypotheses based on prior research and background knowledge are used to select variables to be included in the regression model for cohort studies, and statistical methods can be used to identify and account for potential confounders from these variables. Bias can also be mitigated in a cohort study when selecting participants for the cohort.

RCTs may not be suitable in all cases; such as when the outcome is a negative health effect and the exposure is hypothesized to be a risk factor for the outcome. Ethical standards, and morality, would prevent the use of risk factors in RCTs. The natural or incidental exposure to these risk factors (e.g. time spent in the sun), or self-administered exposure (e.g. smoking), can be measured without subjecting participants to risk factors outside of their individual lifestyles, habits, and choices.

Types
Cohort studies can be retrospective (looking back in time, thus using existing data such as medical records or claims database) or prospective (requiring the collection of new data). Retrospective cohort studies restrict the investigators' ability to reduce confounding and bias because collected information is restricted to data that already exists. There are advantages to this design, however, as retrospective studies are much cheaper and faster because the data has already been collected and stored.

A cohort is a group of people who share a common characteristic or experience within a defined period (e.g., are currently living, are exposed to a drug or vaccine or pollutant, or undergo a certain medical procedure). Thus a group of people who were born on a day or in a particular period, say 1948, form a birth cohort. The comparison group may be the general population from which the cohort is drawn, or it may be another cohort of persons thought to have had little or no exposure to the substance under investigation, but otherwise similar. Alternatively, subgroups within the cohort may be compared with each other.

Application
In medicine, a cohort study is often undertaken to obtain evidence to try to refute the existence of a suspected association between cause and effect; failure to refute a hypothesis often strengthens confidence in it. Crucially, the cohort is identified before the appearance of the disease under investigation. The study groups follow a group of people who do not have the disease for a period of time and see who develops the disease (new incidence). The cohort cannot therefore be defined as a group of people who already have the disease. Prospective (longitudinal) cohort studies between exposure and disease strongly aid in studying causal associations, though distinguishing true causality usually requires further corroboration from further experimental trials.

The advantage of prospective cohort study data is that it can help determine risk factors for contracting a new disease because it is a longitudinal observation of the individual through time, and the collection of data at regular intervals, so recall error is reduced. However, cohort studies are expensive to conduct, are sensitive to attrition and take a long follow-up time to generate useful data. Nevertheless, the results that are obtained from long-term cohort studies are of substantially superior quality to those obtained from retrospective/cross-sectional studies. Prospective cohort studies are considered to yield the most reliable results in observational epidemiology. They enable a wide range of exposure-disease associations to be studied.

Some cohort studies track groups of children from their birth, and record a wide range of information (exposures) about them. The value of a cohort study depends on the researchers' capacity to stay in touch with all members of the cohort. Some studies have continued for decades.

In a cohort study, the population under investigation consists of individuals who are at risk of developing a specific disease or health outcome.

Examples
An example of an epidemiological question that can be answered using a cohort study is whether exposure to X (say, smoking) associates with outcome Y (say, lung cancer). For example, in 1951, the British Doctors Study was started. Using a cohort which included both smokers (the exposed group) and non-smokers (the unexposed group). The study continued through 2001. By 1956, the study provided convincing proof of the association between smoking and the incidence of lung cancer. In a cohort study, the groups are matched in terms of many other variables such as economic status and other health status so that the variable being assessed, the independent variable (in this case, smoking) can be isolated as the cause of the dependent variable (in this case, lung cancer). In this example, a statistically significant increase in the incidence of lung cancer in the smoking group as compared to the non-smoking group is evidence in favor of the hypothesis. However, rare outcomes, such as lung cancer, are generally not studied with the use of a cohort study, but are rather studied with the use of a case-control study.

Cohort Succession can explain most change in literature, art, intellectualism, political opinions, and phonology.

Shorter term studies are commonly used in medical research as a form of clinical trial, or means to test a particular hypothesis of clinical importance. Such studies typically follow two groups of patients for a period of time and compare an endpoint or outcome measure between the two groups.

Randomized controlled trials, or RCTs, are a superior methodology in the hierarchy of evidence, because they limit the potential for bias by randomly assigning one patient pool to an intervention and another patient pool to non-intervention (or placebo). This minimizes the chance that the incidence of confounding variables will differ between the two groups. Nevertheless, it is sometimes not practical or ethical to perform RCTs to answer a clinical question. To take our example, if we already had reasonable evidence that smoking causes lung cancer then persuading a pool of non-smokers to take up smoking in order to test this hypothesis would generally be considered quite unethical.

Two examples of cohort studies that have been going on for more than 50 years are the Framingham Heart Study and the National Child Development Study (NCDS), the most widely researched of the British birth cohort studies. Key findings of NCDS and a detailed profile of the study appear in the International Journal of Epidemiology.

The Dunedin Longitudinal Study, started in 1975, has been studying the thousand people born in Dunedin, New Zealand, in 1972–1973. The subjects are interviewed regularly, with Phase 45 starting in 2017.

The largest cohort study in women is the Nurses' Health Study. Started in 1976, it is tracking over 120,000 nurses and has been analyzed for many different conditions and outcomes.

The largest cohort study in Africa is the Birth to Twenty Study, which began in 1990 and tracks a cohort of over 3,000 children born in the weeks following Nelson Mandela's release from prison.

Other famous examples are the Grant Study tracking a number of Harvard graduates from ca. 1950.77, the Whitehall Study tracking 10,308 British civil servants, and the Caerphilly Heart Disease Study, which since 1979 has studied a representative sample of 2,512 men, drawn from the Welsh town of Caerphilly.

The ASPREE-XT study is designed to determine whether there are long-lasting effects of an average of four–five years of treatment with daily low-dose aspirin, with outcome measures including cancer mortality. As of September 2018, there were 16,703 ASPREE-XT participants in Australia. It has been proposed that the existing ASPREE-XT study could provide a platform for a future multigenerational research study.

Variations
The diagram indicates the starting point and direction of cohort and case-control studies. In case-control studies the analysis proceeds from documented disease and investigations are made to arrive at the possible causes of the disease. In cohort studies the assessment starts with the putative cause of disease, and observations are made of the occurrence of disease relative to the hypothesized causal agent'''. '''

Current and historical cohorts
A current cohort study represents a true prospective study where the data concerning exposure are assembled prior to the occurrence of the fact to be studied, for instance a disease. An example of a current cohort study is the Oxford Family Planning Association Study in the United Kingdom, which aimed to provide a balanced view of the beneficial and harmful effects of different methods of contraception. This study has provided a large amount of information on the efficacy and safety of contraceptive methods, and in particular oral contraceptives (OCs), diaphragms and intrauterine device (IUDs).

In a historical cohort study the data concerning exposure and occurrence of a disease, births, a political attitude or any other categorical variable are collected after the events have taken place, and the subjects (those exposed and unexposed to the agent under study) are assembled from existing records or health care registers.

A "prospective cohort" defines the groups before the study is done, while historical studies, which are sometimes referred to as "retrospective cohort", defines the grouping after the data is collected. Examples of a retrospective cohort are Long-Term Mortality after Gastric Bypass Surgery and The Lothian Birth Cohort Studies.

Although historical studies are sometimes referred to as retrospective study, it a misnomer as the methodological principles of historical cohort studies and prospective studies are the same.

Nested case-control study
A nested case-control study is a case control nested inside of a cohort study. The procedure begins like a normal cohort study, however, as participants develop the outcome of interest they are selected as cases. Once the cases are identified, controls are selected and matched to each case. The process for selecting and matching cases is identical to a normal case control study. An example of a nested case-control study is Inflammatory markers and the risk of coronary heart disease in men and women, which was a case control analyses extracted from the Framingham Heart Study cohort.

Nested case-controls have the advantage of reducing the number of participants that require details follow up or diagnostic testing to assess outcome or exposure status. However, this will also reduce the power of the study, when compared to larger cohort the study population is drawn from.

Household panel survey
Panel surveys are another important sub-type of longitudinal study. They differ from cohort studies by starting with representative cross-sectional samples, rather than cohorts defined by an event. Household panel draw representative samples of households and survey them, following all individuals through time on a usually annual basis. Examples include the US Panel Study of Income Dynamics (since 1968), the German Socio-Economic Panel (since 1984), the British Household Panel Survey (since 1991) and (since 2009) its successor Understanding Society: the UK Household Longitudinal Study, the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia Survey (since 2001) and the European Community Household Panel (1994–2001).

Cohort analysis in business
For an example in business analysis, see cohort analysis.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Cohort study


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Szeged

Szeged (, ; see also other alternative names ) is the third largest city of Hungary, the largest city and regional centre of the Southern Great Plain and the county seat of Csongrád-Csanád county. The University of Szeged is one of the most distinguished universities in Hungary.

The Szeged Open Air (Theatre) Festival (first held in 1931) is one of the main attractions, held every summer and celebrated as the Day of the City on 21 May.

Etymology
It is possible that the name Szeged is a mutated and truncated form of the final syllables of Partiscum, the name of a Roman colony founded in the 2nd century, on or near the site of modern Szeged. In Latin language contexts, Partiscum has long been assumed to be synonymous with Szeged. The Latin name is also the basis of the city's Greek name Παρτίσκον Partiskon.

However, Szeged might instead have originated (or been influenced by) an old Hungarian word for "corner" (szeg), pointing to the turn of the river Tisza that flows through the city. Others say it derives from the Hungarian word sziget which means "island". Others still contend that szeg means "dark blond" (sötétszőkés) – a reference to the color of the water where the rivers Tisza and Maros merge.

Szeged has a variety of names in languages other than Hungarian. These are usually formed by the addition of a suffix -in to the Hungarian name: Romanian Seghedin; German Szegedin or Segedin; Serbo-Croatian Segedin/Сегедин; Italian Seghedino; Latvian Segeda; Lithuanian Segedas; Polish Segedyn; Slovak and Czech Segedín; Turkish Segedin.

History

Szeged and its area have been inhabited since ancient times. Ptolemy mentions the oldest known name of the city: Partiscum (Ancient Greek: Πάρτισκον ). It is possible that Attila, king of the Huns had his seat somewhere in this area. The name Szeged was first mentioned in 1183, in a document of King Béla III.

In the second century AD there was a Roman trading post established on an island in the Tisza, and the foundations of the Szeged castle suggest that the structure may have been built over an even earlier fort. Today only one corner of the castle still remains standing.

During the Mongol invasion the town was destroyed and its inhabitants fled to the nearby swamps, but they soon returned and rebuilt their town. In the 14th century, during the reign of Louis the Great, Szeged became the most important town of Southern Hungary, and – as the Turkish armies got closer to Hungary – the strategic importance of Szeged grew. King Sigismund of Luxembourg had a wall built around the town. Szeged was raised to free royal town status in 1498.

Szeged was first pillaged by the Ottoman Army on 28 September 1526, but was occupied only in 1543, and became an administrative centre of the Ottomans (see Ottoman Hungary). The town was a sanjak centre first in Budin Eyaleti (1543–1596), after in Eğri Eyaleti. The town was freed from Turkish rule on 23 October 1686, and regained the free royal town status in 1715. In 1719, Szeged received its coat of arms (still used today) from Charles III. During the next several years, Szeged grew and prospered. Piarist monks arrived in Szeged in 1719 and opened a new grammar school in 1721. Szeged also held scientific lectures and theatrical plays. These years brought not only prosperity but also enlightenment. Between 1728 and 1744 witch trials were frequent in the town, with the Szeged witch trials of 1728–29 perhaps being the largest. The witch trials were instigated by the authorities, who decided on this measure to remove the problem of the public complaints about the drought and its consequences of famine and epidemics by laying the responsibility on people among them, which had fraternized with the Devil. In 1720, the ethnic Hungarian population of the town numbered about 13000 to 16000, while the number of the Serb inhabitants was 1300.

The first printing press was established in 1801, and the old town hall and the civil hospital were built at the same time.

Szeged is known as the home of paprika, a spice made from dried, powdered capsicum fruits. Paprika arrived in Hungary in the second half of the 16th century as an ornamental plant. About 100 years later the plant was cultivated as an herb, and paprika as we know it. Szeged is also famous for their szekelygulyas, a goulash made with pork, sauerkraut and sour cream. And also famous for their halászlé, fish soup made of carp and catfish.

The citizens of Szeged played an important part in the Hungarian Revolution of 1848. Lajos Kossuth delivered his famous speech here. Szeged was the last seat of the revolutionary government in July 1849. The Habsburg rulers punished the leaders of the town, but later Szeged began to prosper again; the railway reached it in 1854, and the town got its free royal town status back in 1860. Mark Pick's shop – the predecessor of today's Pick Salami Factory – was opened in 1869. Today the inner city of Szeged has wide avenues. This is mainly due to the great flood of 1879, which wiped away the whole town (only 265 of the 5723 houses remained and 165 people died). Emperor Franz Joseph visited the town and promised that "Szeged will be more beautiful than it used to be". He kept his promise, and during the next years a new, modern city emerged from the ruins, with palaces and wide streets.

20th century

After the First World War Hungary lost its southern territories to Serbia, as a result Szeged became a city close to the border, and its importance lessened, but as it took over roles that formerly belonged to the now lost cities, it slowly recovered. Following the Loss of Transylvania to Romania, University of Kolozsvár (now Cluj-Napoca), moved to Szeged in 1921 (see University of Szeged). In 1923 Szeged took over the role of episcopal seat from Temesvár (now Timișoara, Romania). It was briefly occupied by the Romanian army during Hungarian-Romanian War in 1919. It also became a center for right-wing forces which would install Miklós Horthy as the country's new leader after the overthrow of the Hungarian Soviet Republic. During the 1920s the Jewish population of Szeged grew and reached its zenith.

Szeged suffered heavily during World War II. 6,000 inhabitants of the city were killed, In 1941, there were 4,161 Jews living in Szeged. After, March 19, 1944 German occupation, they were confined to a ghetto together with the Jews from surrounding villages. In June, 1944, the ghetto was liquidated. The Nazis murdered the larger part of the 8,500 and some were forced into forced labor in Strasshof Labor camp, Austria. Szeged was captured by Soviet troops of the 2nd Ukrainian Front on 11 October 1944 in the course of the Battle of Debrecen. During the communist era, Szeged became a centre of light industry and food industry. In 1965, oil was found near the city.

In 1962, Szeged became the county seat of Csongrád. Whole new districts were built, and many nearby villages (e.g. Tápé, Szőreg, Kiskundorozsma, Szentmihálytelek, Gyálarét) were annexed to the city in 1973 (as was a tendency during the Communist era).

Today's Szeged is an important university town and a tourist attraction.

The Szeged Symphony Orchestra (Szegedi Szimfonikus Zenekar) gives regular concerts at the Szegedi Nemzeti Színház.

Geography
Szeged is situated near the southern border of Hungary, just to the south of the mouth of the Maros River, on both banks of the Tisza River, nearly in the centre of the Carpathian Basin. The Hungarian frontier with Serbia is just outside the town.

Climate
Szeged's climate is transitional between humid subtropical (Köppen Cfa) and humid continental (Köppen Dfa), with cold winters, hot summers, and fairly low precipitation. Due to the high hours of sunlight reported annually, Szeged is often called City of Sunshine (Napfény városa). On 23 July 2022, a maximum temperature of 40.1 °C was registered in Szeged.

Education
The city of Szeged has 62 kindergartens, 32 elementary schools and 18 high schools. The two most prominent high schools (Ságvári Endre Gyakorló Gimnázium and Radnóti Miklós Kísérleti Gimnázium) are in the top fifteen in the country.

Szeged is the higher education centre of the Southern Great Plain and has built quite a reputation for itself. Thousands of students study here, many of whom are foreigners. The University of Szeged is according to the number of students the second largest and the 4th oldest university of Hungary being established in 1581. Ranked as the top university of the country on Academic Ranking of World Universities – 2005, and in the top 100 in Europe, it offers several programs on different fields of study.

The Biological Research Centre of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, which was built with the help of UNESCO funds, has also been a considerable source of advanced research. Scientists at this laboratory were first in the world to produce artificial heredity material in the year 2000. The building has served as a home to many well known conferences and continues to make contributions to the world of science.

The Szent-Györgyi Albert Agóra is a cultural scientific centre of Szeged which gives home to laboratories of the Biological Research Centre and to exhibitions of the John von Neumann Computer Society especially their IT historical exposition.

In 2018 the new scientific institution, the ELI Attosecond Light Pulse Source (ELI-ALPS) opened in Szeged establishing a unique facility which provides light sources within an extremely broad frequency range in the form of ultrashort pulses with high repetition rate which is needed for different kinds of physical experiments especially in the field of attosecond physics.

It is also one of the main options for medical students who come from all around Europe to study Medicine in their recognized international campus.

Demographics

Ethnic groups (2001 census):
 * Hungarians – 93.5%
 * Romani – 0.7%
 * Germans – 0.5%
 * Serbs – 0.2%
 * Romanians – 0.2%
 * Croats – 0.1%
 * Slovaks – 0.1%
 * No answer (unknown) – 4.7%

Religions (2001 census):
 * Roman Catholic – 54.5%
 * Calvinist – 6.7%
 * Lutheran – 1.6%
 * Greek Catholic – 0.6%
 * Others (Christian) – 1.3%
 * Others (non-Christian) – 0.4%
 * Atheist – 21.8%
 * No answer (unknown) – 13.1%

Economy
Szeged is one of the centres of food industry in Hungary, especially known for its paprika and companies like Pick Szeged, Sole-Mizo, Bonafarm etc. Other notable companies having their headquarters in Szeged are AMSY International, RRE – Szeged, Optiwella, Generál Printing House, RotaPack, Sanex Pro, Agroplanta, Karotin, Florin, Quadrotex and Szeplast.

Others, like ContiTech, Duna-Dráva Cement, Szatmári Malom and Europe Match, are not based in the city, but have production facilities there.

The Hangár Expo and Conference Centre provides space for international exhibitions and conferences.

Transport
Szeged is the most important transportation hub in the Southern Great Plain. Two motorways, M5 and M43, lie along the city border. Through the M5 Motorway Szeged is connected to Kecskemét, Kiskunfélegyháza and Budapest to the north and to Subotica, Novi Sad and Belgrade in Serbia to the south. The M43 Motorway – which splits from the M5 Motorway near Szeged – connects the city via Makó to Arad and Timișoara in Romania. In addition, there are other roads running from the city to Makó and Nagylak (main road 43), to Röszke (main road 5), to Kiskunfélegyháza (main road 5), to Ásotthalom and Baja (main road 55) and to Hódmezővásárhely, Orosháza and Békéscsaba (main road 47).

The Budapest-Szeged-rail line is an important rail connection, as well as the railway lines 121 (to Makó), 135 (to Hódmezővásárhely), 136 (to Röszke) and 140 (to Kiskunfélegyháza).

A tram-train system was constructed and inaugurated in November 2021, connecting Szeged with the neighbouring Hódmezővásárhely, thus creating the second most populous urban agglomeration in the country, after the capital. There was a proposal for its extension, even through the Serbian border, to Subotica.

The city is also a common stop for national and international long-distance buses.

Motorways

 * M5
 * M43

Railways

 * 121 (to Makó)
 * 135 (to Hódmezővásárhely)
 * 136 (to Röszke)
 * 140 (to Kiskunfélegyháza).

Airport
Szeged Airport is the international airport of Szeged.

Public transport
As of May 2018 Szeged had 39 local bus lines – 15 in the city centre and 24 in the suburbs. There are also 5 tram lines. MÁV operates regional and intercity trains, as well as international trains to Subotica.

Handball
The most popular sport in the city is handball. The city has one well-known club the 2013–14 EHF Cup-winner SC Pick Szeged playing in the Nemzeti Bajnokság I. They play at the Pick Aréna, opened in 2021.

Association football
The second most popular sport is football in the city. Szeged had several clubs playing in the top level Hungarian league, the Nemzeti Bajnokság I. These are Szegedi AK, Szegedi Honvéd SE. The only currently operating club, Szeged 2011 play in the Nemzeti Bajnokság II.

 * Szeged 2011, currently competing in the 2018–19 Nemzeti Bajnokság III
 * Szegedi Egységes Oktatási Labdarúgó SC, currently competing in the 2018–19 Nemzeti Bajnokság III
 * Szegedi VSE, currently competing in the Csongrád county championship
 * Szegedi EAC, defunct
 * Szegedi AK, defunct
 * Szegedi Honvéd SE, defunct

Speedway
Motorcycle speedway has had a long association with the city. The first track was at the SZEAC athletics stadium (also known as the Felső Tisza-parti Stadion or Városi stadion), which was located where the Pick Aréna is today. The venue hosted finals of the Hungarian Individual Speedway Championship.

From 1978, the Volán speedway club moved to a new track built on Napos út at Béke telepi. This venue held important events, including qualifying rounds of the Speedway World Championship in 1983 and 1984 and a qualifying round of the Speedway World Team Cup in 1988 and 1990. The track closed, partly because of noise issues in a residential area, resulting in the speedway moving out of the city, 25 kilometres west, near to Mórahalom (46.17056°N, 19.91361°W).

Politics
The current mayor of Szeged is László Botka (Association for Szeged).

The local Municipal Assembly, elected at the 2019 local government elections, is made up of 33 members (1 Mayor, 23 Individual constituencies MEPs and 9 Compensation List MEPs) divided into this political parties and alliances:

List of mayors
List of City Mayors from 1990:

Media
The city offers a wide range of media – television and radio stations, and print and online newspapers.

TV stations

 * Szeged TV
 * Tarjáni Kábeltévé Stúdió
 * TiszapART TV
 * Telin Televízió

Radio stations

 * "Rádió 88" FM 95,4 MHz
 * All in Party Radio
 * Rádió Mi, 89,9 MHz
 * Lánchíd Rádió, FM 100,2 MHz
 * MR1 Kossuth Rádió, FM 90,3 MHz
 * MR2 Petőfi Rádió, 104,6 MHz
 * MR3 Bartók Rádió, 105,7 MHz
 * Dankó Rádió, 93,1 MHz
 * Rádió1, 87,9 MHz

Daily newspapers and news portals

 * Délmagyarország (http://delmagyar.hu/)
 * http://szeged.hu/
 * http://szegeder.hu/
 * http://szegedma.hu/
 * http://szeged365.hu/
 * https://szegedify.com/

Born in Szeged

 * Adrián Annus (1975), hammer thrower
 * Gábor Agárdy (1922–2006), actor
 * Béla Balázs (1884–1949), writer, poet, film critic
 * Zsolt Becsey (1964), politician
 * Joseph Csaky (1888–1971) sculptor
 * Krisztián Cser (1977) opera singer, physicist
 * Attila Czene (1974), Olympic champion medley swimmer
 * János Csonka (1852–1939), engineer, co-inventor of the carburetor
 * Mihály Erdélyi (1895–1979), operetta composer
 * Sophie Evans (1976), adult movie star
 * Ivan Fellegi (1935), Chief Statistician of Canada
 * Rajmund Fodor (1976), Olympic champion water polo player
 * Jenő Huszka (1875–1960), composer
 * Éva Janikovszky (1926–2003), writer
 * Ferenc Joachim (1882–1964), painter
 * Gyula Juhász (1883–1937), poet
 * Esther Jungreis, Orthodox Jewish outreach speaker
 * Judith Karasz (1912–1977), photographer and Bauhaus graduate
 * Györgyi Lang (1957–2023) actress and singer, member of the Hungarian music duo Pa-Dö-Dő.
 * (1857–?), architect
 * Géza Maróczy (1870–1951), chess grand master
 * Anita Márton (1989), shot putter
 * Tamás Molnár (1975), Olympic champion water polo player
 * Nickolas Muray (born Miklós Mandl; 1892–1965), Hungarian-born American photographer and Olympic fencer
 * Róbert Nagy (1967), speedway rider
 * László Paskai (1927–2015), Archbishop of Esztergom
 * Szilvia Peter Szabo (1982), singer
 * Willy Pogany (1882–1955), illustrator
 * György Sebők (1922–1999), pianist
 * Julius Stahel (1825–1912), American Civil War general and diplomat
 * Hanna Tetteh (1967), Foreign minister of the Republic of Ghana
 * (1983), singer
 * Attila Vajda (1983), Olympic champion canoer
 * Vilmos Zsigmond (1930), cinematographer

Lived in Szeged

 * Mihály Babits poet, writer
 * Lipót Fejér mathematician
 * Ferenc Fricsay conductor
 * Alfréd Haar mathematician
 * Attila József poet
 * László Kalmár mathematician
 * Katalin Karikó Nobel prize winner biochemist
 * Dezső Kosztolányi poet, novelist
 * Peter Leko chess grandmaster
 * Immanuel Löw rabbi, Judaic scholar, politician
 * Leopold Löw rabbi, historian and Judaic scholar
 * Kálmán Mikszáth writer
 * Ferenc Móra writer, archaeologist
 * Miklós Radnóti poet
 * Frigyes Riesz mathematician
 * Albert Szent-Györgyi Nobel prize winner chemist and biologist
 * Béla Szőkefalvi-Nagy mathematician
 * Philip Wodianer communal worker
 * Adele Zay (1848–1928), teacher and feminist

Twin towns – sister cities
Szeged is twinned with:

 * 🇬🇧 Cambridge, United Kingdom (1987)
 * 🇩🇪 Darmstadt, Germany (1990)
 * 🇲🇪 Kotor, Montenegro (2001)
 * 🇨🇾 Larnaca, Cyprus (1994)
 * 🇧🇪 Liège, Belgium (2001)
 * 🇵🇱 Łódź, Poland (2004)
 * 🇫🇷 Nice, France (1969)
 * 🇺🇦 Odesa, Ukraine (1957)
 * 🇮🇹 Parma, Italy (1988)
 * Pula, Croatia (2003)
 * 🇺🇦 Rakhiv, Ukraine (1939, renewed 1997)
 * 🇷🇸 Subotica, Serbia (1966, renewed 2004)
 * 🇷🇴 Târgu Mureș, Romania (1997)
 * 🇷🇴 Timișoara, Romania (1998)
 * 🇺🇸 Toledo, United States (1990)
 * 🇫🇮 Turku, Finland (1971)
 * 🇨🇳 Weinan, China (1999)

Partner cities

 * 🇷🇸 Novi Sad, Serbia (2001)

title: Szeged


text:
Canonicus

Canonicus (c. 1565 – June 4, 1647) was a chief of the Narragansett people. He was wary of the colonial settlers, but he ultimately befriended Roger Williams and other settlers.

Biography
Canonicus was born around 1565, but nothing is known of his early life. He was chief of the Narragansett tribe when the Pilgrims landed at Plymouth, and one of the first with whom they had dealings. In the words of historian Benjamin Lossing, he "regarded the advent of the white men with a jealous fear", and he challenged the Plymouth colony in 1622 in front of a force of about 5,000 men. He sent a bundle of arrows in a leather wrap tied with a snake skin to Plymouth governor William Bradford, so Bradford filled the wrap with gunpowder and lead round shot and returned it to Canonicus. This first exposure to explosive powder and metal was met with "superstitious awe," in the words of Lossing:

They were sent from village to village, and excited so much alarm, that the sachem sued for peace, and made a treaty of friendship; which he never violated, notwithstanding, he often received provocations that would have justified him in scattering all compacts to the winds.

The peace that resulted between the Narragansetts and the colonists extended beyond Canonicus's death in 1647.

Roger Williams was driven from Massachusetts Bay Colony and sought refuge with the Narragansett tribe, and Canonicus made him welcome. In 1636, he gave Williams a large tract of land on which to establish Providence Plantations, the nucleus which became the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations. In 1637, Canonicus was largely responsible for the Narragansetts' decision to side with the colonists during the Pequot War.

Canonicus was initially succeeded by his nephew Miantonomoh, but Miantonomoh was killed in 1643 and Canonicus resumed leadership. He made a formal treaty on April 19, 1644, acknowledging the sovereignty of King Charles. The influence of his counsels lasted for many years after his death, and the Narragansett tribe maintained peaceful relations with the colonists until King Philip's War in 1675. Canonicus's nephew Pessicus (1623-1676) changed his name to Canonicus to honor his uncle. Canonicus's son Mixan (or Mexanno) died in 1657, but Mixan’s wife, Quaiapen, was the last Narragansett leader killed in King Philip's War.

Descendants of note

 * Jim Thorpe (1887-1953), James "Jim" Francis Thorpe (baptized as Jacobus Franciscus Thorpe) was an Olympic champion called the "world's greatest athlete"

Legacy

 * Inducted into the Rhode Island Heritage Hall of Fame, 1997
 * Four United States Navy ships have been named USS Canonicus.
 * Camp Canonicus, an American Baptist camp in Exeter, Rhode Island.
 * There is an avenue named after Canonicus in Newport, Rhode Island.
 * There is a street named after Canonicus in Tiverton, Rhode Island.
 * The name of Conanicut Island.
 * Portrayed by Michael Greyeyes in the National Geographic Channel's miniseries Saints & Strangers

title: Canonicus


text:
Hepu County

Hepu, alternately romanized as Hoppo, Hopu or Hop'u, is a county under the administration of Beihai City in southeastern Guangxi, China. It borders Lianjiang (Guangdong) to the southeast, Bobai County to the northeast, the Gulf of Tonkin to the south, Qinzhou to the west, and Pubei County to the north. Then-Premier Li Peng called this place "the Southern Pearl County" (南珠之乡) in November 1992. The county was once known as Lianzhou (Postal: Limchow). It has an area of 2380 km2 and a population of 930,914.

History
In antiquity, Hepu county was originally part of a larger county which encompassed part of Guangxi, Guangdong and even parts of Hainan. It was established in 111 BCE by Emperor Wu of the Han dynasty, during the first Chinese domination of Vietnam. During the brief interruption of the Han dynasty by Wang Mang, many of his opponents were exiled and banished to Hepu.

 * 1949–1950: Hepu administered Beihai as a town
 * June 1965: administered by Qinzhou Region of Guangxi, prior
 * July 1, 1987: administered by Beihai City

Administrative divisions
The county administers 14 towns and 1 township:

Towns: Lianzhou (廉州镇), Dangjiang (党江镇), Xichang (西场镇), Shagang (沙岗镇), Wujia (乌家镇), Zhakou (闸口镇), Gongguan (公馆镇), Baisha (白沙镇), Shankou (山口镇), Shatian (沙田镇), Shiwan (石湾镇), Shikang (石康镇), Changle (常乐镇), Xingdaohu (星岛湖镇)

Township: Quzhang Township (曲樟乡)

Transportation

 * China National Highway 209

Famous people

 * Lao Yi

title: Hepu County


text:
Fleur Adcock

Fleur Adcock (born 10 February 1934) is a New Zealand poet and editor, of English and Northern Irish ancestry, who has lived much of her life in England. She is well-represented in New Zealand poetry anthologies, was awarded an honorary doctorate of literature from Victoria University of Wellington, and was awarded an OBE in 1996 for her contribution to New Zealand literature. In 2008 she was made a Companion of the New Zealand Order of Merit, for services to literature.

Early life
Adcock, the older of two sisters, was born in Papakura to Cyril John Adcock and Irene Robinson Adcock. Her birth name was Kareen Fleur Adcock, but she was known as Fleur and legally changed her name to Fleur Adcock in 1982. She spent eight years of her childhood (1939–1947) in England.

Adcock studied Classics at Victoria University of Wellington, graduating with a Bachelor of Arts in 1954 and a Masters of Arts in 1956.

Career
Adcock worked as an assistant lecturer in classics and librarian at the University of Otago in Dunedin between 1958 and 1962, and as a librarian at the Alexander Turnbull Library in Wellington between 1962 and 1963.

In 1963, she returned to England and took up a post as a librarian at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office in London. She had already had poems published in a few literary journals in New Zealand at this time. Her first collection of poetry, The Eye of the Hurricane, was published in New Zealand in 1964, and in 1967 Tigers was her first collection published in Britain.

In 1975, Adcock returned briefly to New Zealand for the first time since she had left for London, and on returning to London in 1976, she became a full time writer. She was the Arts Council Creative Writing Fellow at the Charlotte Mason College of Education in Windermere from 1977–1978, followed by the Northern Arts Literary Fellowship at the universities of Newcastle and Durham from 1979–1981.

Since 1980, Adcock has worked as a freelance writer, living in East Finchley, north London, a translator and poetry commentator for the BBC.

Adcock's poetry is typically concerned with themes of place, human relationships and everyday activities, but frequently with a dark twist given to the mundane events she writes about. Formerly, her early work was influenced by her training as a classicist but her more recent work is looser in structure and more concerned with the world of the unconscious mind. The Oxford Companion to New Zealand Literature (2006) notes that her poems are often written from the perspective of an outsider or express a divided sense of identity inherited from her own emigrant experience and separation from New Zealand family.

In 2006, Adcock won one of Britain's top poetry awards, the Queen's Gold Medal for Poetry, for her collected works, Poems 1960–2000. She was only the seventh female poet to receive the award in its 73 years.

Personal life
Adcock was married to two notable New Zealand literary personalities. In August 1952, she married Alistair Te Ariki Campbell (divorced 1958), and in February 1962 she married Barry Crump, divorcing in 1963. She has two sons, Gregory and Andrew, both with her first husband.

Adcock's mother Irene Adcock (1908-2001) was also a writer, and her sister Marilyn Duckworth is a novelist.

Poetry collections

 * 1964: The Eye of the Hurricane, Wellington: Reed
 * 1967: Tigers, London: Oxford University Press
 * 1971: High Tide in the Garden, London: Oxford University Press
 * 1974: The Scenic Route, London and New York: Oxford University Press
 * 1979: The Inner Harbour, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press
 * 1979: Below Loughrigg, Newcastle upon Tyne: Bloodaxe Books
 * 1983: Selected Poems, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press
 * 1986: Hotspur: a ballad, Newcastle upon Tyne: Bloodaxe Books ISBN 978-1-85224-001-1
 * 1986: The Incident Book, Oxford ; New York: Oxford University Press
 * 1988: Meeting the Comet, Newcastle upon Tyne: Bloodaxe Books
 * 1991: Time-zones, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press
 * 1997: Looking Back, Oxford and Auckland: Oxford University Press
 * 2000: Poems 1960–2000, Newcastle upon Tyne: Bloodaxe Books ISBN 978-1-85224-530-6
 * 2010: Dragon Talk, Tarset: Bloodaxe Books ISBN 978-1-85224-878-9
 * 2013: Glass Wings, Tarset: Bloodaxe Books and Wellington, NZ: Victoria University Press.
 * 2014: The Land Ballot, Wellington, NZ: Victoria University Press, Tarset: Bloodaxe Books.
 * 2017: Hoard, Wellington, NZ: Victoria University Press, Hexham: Bloodaxe Books.
 * 2019: Collected Poems, Wellington, NZ: Victoria University Press.
 * 2021: The Mermaid's Tale, Wellington, NZ: Victoria University Press, Hexham: Bloodaxe Books.
 * 2024: Collected Poems, Hexham: Bloodaxe Books, Wellington, NZ: Te Herenga Waka University Press.

Edited or translated

 * 1982: Editor, Oxford Book of Contemporary New Zealand Poetry, Auckland: Oxford University Press
 * 1983: Translator, The Virgin and the Nightingale: Medieval Latin poems, Newcastle upon Tyne: Bloodaxe Books, ISBN 978-0-906427-55-2
 * 1987: Editor, Faber Book of 20th Century Women's Poetry, London and Boston: Faber and Faber
 * 1989: Translator, Orient Express: Poems. Grete Tartler, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press
 * 1992: Translator, Letters from Darkness: Poems, Daniela Crasnaru, Oxford: Oxford University Press
 * 1994: Translator and editor, Hugh Primas and the Archpoet, Cambridge, England, and New York: Cambridge University Press
 * 1995: Editor (with Jacqueline Simms), The Oxford Book of Creatures, verse and prose anthology, Oxford: Oxford University Press

Awards and honours

 * 1961: Festival of Wellington Poetry Award
 * 1964: New Zealand State Literary Fund Award
 * 1968: Buckland Award (New Zealand)
 * 1968: Jessie Mackay Prize (New Zealand)
 * 1972: Jessie Mackay Prize (New Zealand)
 * 1976: Cholmondeley Award (United Kingdom)
 * 1979: Buckland Award (New Zealand)
 * 1984: New Zealand National Book Award for Selected Poems (1983)
 * 1984: Elected Fellow of the Royal Society of Literature
 * 1988: Arts Council Writers' Award (United Kingdom)
 * 1996: Officer of the Order of the British Empire, for services to literature, in the 1996 New Year Honours
 * 2006: Queen's Gold Medal for Poetry (United Kingdom) for Poems 1960–2000
 * 2007: Honorary Doctor of Literature from Victoria University of Wellington
 * 2008: Companion of the New Zealand Order of Merit, for services to literature, in the 2008 Queen's Birthday Honours
 * 2010: Honorary Doctor of Literature from Goldsmiths, University of London

title: Fleur Adcock


text:
Miantonomoh

Miantonomoh (1600? – August 1643), also spelled Miantonomo, Miantonomah or Miantonomi, was a chief of the Narragansett people of New England Indians.

Biography
He was a nephew of the Narragansett grand sachem, Canonicus (died 1647), with whom he associated in the government of the tribe, and whom he succeeded in 1636. Miantonomoh seems to have been friendly to the English colonists of Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut, though he was accused of being treacherous. In 1632 Miantonomoh and his wife Wawaloam traveled to Boston to visit with Governor John Winthrop.

In 1636, when under suspicion, Miantonomoh went to Boston to prove his loyalty to the colonists and deny allegations of infidelity. In the following year, during the Pequot War, he permitted John Mason to lead his Connecticut expedition against the Pequot Indians through Narragansett country. The Pequot were defeated in this war. In 1638, he signed for the Narragansett the tripartite treaty between that tribe, the Connecticut colonists and the Mohegan Indians, which provided for a perpetual peace between the parties, and Miantonomoh was given control over eighty of the two hundred Pequot. However, conflict continued with the Mohegans over control of the Pequot people and land. Miantonomoh tried to organize other tribes throughout the New England region in a union against the colonists.

The conflict with the Mohegans turned into a war in 1643. Miantonomoh invaded Mohegan territory with nearly 1,000 warriors, but was defeated. Miantonomoh was slowed by his coat of heavy armor and was taken prisoner. Miantonomoh suggested an alliance against the colonists to the sachem of the Mohegans, Uncas, but instead, Uncas brought him to Hartford to seek advice concerning further action from the Colonial Commissioners at their first meeting.

The commissioners of the United Colonies of New England, not knowing what to do, asked a committee of five clergymen from Boston, to whom his case was referred. Although Miantonomoh had made war with their consent, albeit from Gov. John Winthrop of the Massachusetts Bay colony who knew not much of the issues concerning the two Sachems, they suggested that he should be killed while admitting they had no authority to do so. Miantonomoh was taken back to Norwich, where he had been defeated, and killed with a tomahawk by Wawequa, the brother of Uncas.

Family
His younger brother Pessicus and Miantonomoh's son Canonchet were Narragansett sachems. A daughter or granddaughter, Minnetinka, was raised and educated by a Dutch family after her mother died and her father Miantonomoh was killed by the Mohegans. She married John Corey with her Christian name being Elizabeth Gasesett.

Legacy

 * Inducted into the Rhode Island Heritage Hall of Fame in 1997
 * Four ships in the United States Navy have been named for him, two as Miantonomoh and two as Miantonomah.
 * There is a monument to Miantonomo in Sachem's Park, Norwich, Connecticut.
 * Miantonomi Memorial Park in Newport, Rhode Island
 * A street named after him and his uncle, Canonicus, in bordering Middletown, Rhode Island.

title: Miantonomoh


text:
Uncas

Uncas (c. 1588 – c. 1683) was a sachem of the Mohegans who made the Mohegans the leading regional Indian tribe in lower Connecticut, through his alliance with the New England colonists against other Indian tribes.

Early life and family
Uncas was born near the Thames River in present-day Connecticut, the son of the Mohegan sachem Owaneco. Uncas is a variant of the Mohegan term Wonkus, meaning "Fox". He was a descendant of the principal sachems of the Mohegans, Pequots, and Narragansetts. Owaneco presided over the village known as Montonesuck. Uncas was bilingual, learning Mohegan and some English, and possibly some Dutch.

In 1626, Owaneco arranged for Uncas to marry the daughter of the principal Pequot sachem Tatobem to secure an alliance with them. Owaneco died shortly after this marriage, and Uncas had to submit to Tatobem's authority. Tatobem was captured and killed by the Dutch in 1633; Sassacus became his successor, but Uncas felt that he deserved to be sachem.

Owaneco's alliance with Tatobem was based upon a balance of power between the Mohegans and Pequots. After the death of Owaneco, the balance changed in favour of the Pequots. Uncas was unwilling to challenge the power of Tatobem; however, Uncas did begin contesting Pequot authority over the Mohegans. In 1634 with Narragansett support, Uncas rebelled against Sassacus and Pequot authority. Uncas was defeated and became an exile among the Narragansetts. He soon returned from exile after ritually humiliating himself before Sassacus. His failed challenges resulted in Uncas having little land and few followers, but Uncas saw that the newly arriving Puritan colonists, though few in number, had better weapons and much courage, so he started to develop a new strategy and alliance to work towards his ultimate goal of Grand Sachem.

Pequot War
About 1635, Uncas developed relationships with important figures in the Connecticut Colony. He was a trusted ally of Captain John Mason, a partnership which lasted three and a half decades and several family generations beyond. Uncas sent word to Jonathan Brewster that Sassacus was planning to attack the colonists on the Connecticut River. Brewster described Uncas as being "faithful" to the colonists.

In 1637, during the Pequot War, Uncas was allied with the New England colonists and against the Pequots. He led his Mohegans in a joint attack with the colonists against the Pequots near Saybrook and against the Pequot Fort at Mystic River. The Pequots were defeated and the Mohegans incorporated much of the remaining Pequot people and their land. In the 1638 Treaty of Hartford, Uncas made the Mohegans a tributary of the Connecticut River Colony. The treaty dictated that Uncas could pursue his interests in the Pequot country only with the explicit approval of the Connecticut Colony. The Mohegans had become a regional power.

In 1640, Uncas added Sebequanash of the Hammonassets to his several wives. This marriage gave Uncas some type of control over their land which he promptly sold to New England colonists. The Hammonassets moved and became Mohegans.

War with the Narragansett
The Mohegans were in continuous conflict with the Narragansetts over control of the former Pequot land. In the summer of 1643, this conflict turned into war.

The Mohegans defeated a Narragansett invasion force of around 1,000 men and captured their sachem Miantonomo. Uncas executed several of Miantonomo's fellow warriors in front of him, trying to solicit a response from Miantonomo. Consistent with the 1638 treaty, he turned Miantonomo over to the New England colonists.

The colonists put him on trial where he was found guilty. Uncas requested and was given authority to put Miantonomo to death, provided that the killing was done by Indian hands in Indian territory to prevent difficulties between the Narragansetts and the colonists. Miantonomo subsequently escaped from the Mohegan village where he was being held and jumped Yantic Falls in escape of the pursuing Mohegans. This site is also known as Indian Leap. Uncas' brother Wawequa, leading the pursuit, caught up to Miantonomo and struck him a fatal blow to the back of his head with a tomahawk. A monument stands near the site of Miantonomo's death. The exact location is unknown, since stones marking the original location of Miantonomo's grave were allegedly used by early settlers to construct a barn.

Author James Fenimore Cooper portrayed a fictional Uncas as having made the leap over the falls in his 1826 book The Last of the Mohicans.

Narragansett sachem Pessachus proposed to go to war to avenge the death of Miantonomo, but the colonists promised to support the Mohegans. Colonists from the New England Confederation formed an alliance with the Mohegans for their defense. The Narragansett attacks started in June 1644. With each success, the number of Narragansett allies grew. In 1645, Uncas and the Mohegans were under siege in Fort Shantok at Shattuck's Point and on the verge of a complete defeat when the colonists relieved them with supplies, led by Thomas Tracy and Thomas Leffingwell, and lifted the siege. The New England Confederation pledged any offensive action required to preserve Uncas in "his liberty and estate". The New England administration sent troops to defend the Mohegan fort at Shantok. When the colonists threatened to invade Narragansett territory, the Narragansett signed a peace treaty.

In 1646, the tributary tribe at Nameag, consisting of former Pequots, allied with the colonists and tried to become more independent. In response, Uncas attacked and plundered their village. The Bay Colony governor responded by threatening to allow the Narragansetts to attack the Mohegans. For the next several years, the New England colonists both asserted the Nameag's tributary status while supporting the Nameags in their independence. In 1655, the New England government removed the tribe from Uncas' authority.

King Philip's War
King Philip's War started in June 1675. In the summer, the Mohegans entered the war on the side of the New England colonists. Uncas led his forces in joint attacks with the colonists against the Wampanoags. In December, a combined New England-Mohegan force attacked a group of Narragansetts. The Mohegans continued to maintain their alliance until the war's end in July 1676.

Uncas died sometime between June 1683 and June 1684 in Norwich, New London County, Connecticut.

Legacy

 * President Andrew Jackson laid the foundation stone of a monument to Uncas in Norwich, Connecticut.
 * Uncas Pond in Franklin, Massachusetts
 * In 1907, William F. Cody laid a wreath on Uncas' monument as a commemoration to Uncas as the "Last of the Mohegans".
 * James Fenimore Cooper's book The Last of the Mohicans had Chingachgook's son named Uncas.
 * The two-masted wooden schooner Diosa del Mar was originally christened Uncas by the owning Vanderbilt family.
 * Four United States Navy ships have been named USS Uncas.
 * Uncasville in Eastern Connecticut is named after him.
 * Uncas Lake in Nahantic State Forest, Lyme, CT is also named after the sachem.
 * In the ceremonies of the Boy Scouts of America honor society the Order of the Arrow, a young man named Uncas is depicted as the son of a fictional Lenni Lenape chieftain named Chief Chingachgook, who is sent on a diplomatic mission by Chingachgook to unite the tribes of the Delaware Valley into a powerful alliance.
 * In the DC Comics book Superman #276 in June 1974, Captain Thunder's attributes is labeled as "the bravery of Uncas."

title: Uncas


text:
Jagdtiger

The Jagdtiger ("Hunting Tiger"; officially designated Panzerjäger Tiger Ausf. B) is a German casemate-type heavy tank destroyer (Jagdpanzer) of World War II. It was built upon the slightly lengthened chassis of a Tiger II. Its ordnance inventory designation was Sd.Kfz. 186.

The 72-tonne Jagdtiger was the heaviest armored fighting vehicle (AFV) used operationally by any nation in WWII and the heaviest combat vehicle of any type to be produced during the conflict. It was armed with a 12.8 cm Pak 44 L/55 main gun which could out-range and defeat any AFV fielded by the Allied forces.

It saw brief service in small numbers from late 1944 until the end of the war on both the Western and Eastern Front. Although 150 were ordered, only around 80 were produced. Due to an excessive weight and an underpowered drivetrain system, the Jagdtiger was plagued with mobility and mechanical problems. Three Jagdtigers survive in museums.

Development
With the success of the StuG III, Marder I, Marder II, and Marder III Panzerjäger, the military leadership of Nazi Germany decided to use the chassis of existing armored fighting vehicles as the basis for self-propelled guns (serving as assault guns and tank destroyers). German tank destroyers of World War II used fixed casemates instead of fully rotatable turrets to significantly reduce the cost, weight, and materials necessary for mounting large-caliber guns.

In early 1942, a request was made by the Army General Staff to mount a 128 mm gun on a self-propelled armored chassis. Firing tests of the 128 mm gun showed it to have a high percentage of hits; smaller caliber guns, such as the ubiquitous 88 mm and the slightly larger 105 mm, were also tested.

By early 1943, a decision was made to install a 128 mm gun on either a Panther or Tiger I chassis as a heavy assault gun. The Panther chassis was considered unsuitable after a wooden mockup of the design was constructed. On 20 October 1943, another wooden mockup was constructed on a Tiger II heavy tank chassis, and presented to Hitler in East Prussia. Two prototypes were produced: One was a version fitted with the eight-roadwheel Porsche suspension system (serial number 305001) and another version was equipped with the Henschel nine-overlapping roadwheel suspension system (serial number 305002), as used on the main-production Tiger IIs constructed by Henschel. They were completed in February 1944. It was originally designated as Jagdpanzer VI but was later renamed as the Jagdtiger and received the Sd.Kfz. 186 designation as its inventory ordnance number.

Design

The Jagdtiger was a logical extension of the creation of Jagdpanzer designs from tank designs, such as the Jagdpanzer IV or the Jagdpanther from the Panzer IV and Panther tanks respectively, with a fully armored and enclosed casemate-style fighting compartment. The Jagdtiger used a boxy superstructure, with its sides integral with the hull sides, on top of a lengthened Tiger II chassis. Unlike the Jagdpanther, the Jagdtiger's casemate design did not extend its glacis plate upwards in one piece to the full height of the casemate's "roof" – it used a separate forward plate to form its casemate structure atop the hull roof, and mount its anti-tank gun. The resulting vehicle featured very heavy armor. It had 250 mm armor on the front of the casemate and 150 mm on the glacis plate. The main gun mount had a limited traverse of only 10 degrees; the entire vehicle had to be turned to aim outside that narrow field of fire.

The Jagdtiger suffered from a variety of mechanical and technical problems due to its immense weight and under-powered engine. The vehicle had frequent breakdowns; ultimately more Jagdtigers were lost to mechanical problems or lack of fuel than to enemy action.

Production
One hundred and fifty Jagdtigers were initially ordered but only between 70 and 85 were produced at the Nibelungenwerk at St. Valentin, from July 1944 to May 1945. Eleven of them, serial numbers 305001 and 305003 to 305012, were produced with the Porsche suspension (with eight road wheels per side); all the rest used the Henschel suspension with nine road wheels per side.

Important parts such as the tub, superstructure and drive wheels were supplied by the Eisenwerke Oberdonau. Details and production locations were known to the Allies through the resistance group around the later executed priest Heinrich Maier. Prisoners from the St. Valentin concentration camp were used to build the tank.

Production figures vary depending on source and other factors such as if prototypes are included and if those made after VE day are included: approximately 48 from July 1944 to the end of December 1944; 36 from January to April 1945, serial numbers from 305001 to 305088.

After serial number 305011 (September 1944), no Zimmerit anti-magnetic paste was factory applied.

Combat history

Only two heavy anti-tank battalions (schwere Panzerjäger-Abteilung), numbered the 512th and 653rd, were equipped with Jagdtigers, with the first vehicles reaching the units in September 1944. About 20% were lost in combat, with most destroyed by their crews when abandoned because of breakdowns or lack of fuel.

The gun used two-part ammunition, which meant that the main projectile and the cased propellant-charge were loaded into the breech separately. Two loaders were tasked with this work, one for each type.

Tiger I tank ace Otto Carius commanded the second of three companies of Jagdtigers in s.Pz.Jg.Abt. 512. His postwar memoir Tigers in the Mud provides a history of the 10 Jagdtigers under his command. He said the Jagdtigers were not utilized to their potential due to factors including Allied air supremacy making it difficult to maneuver and the heavy gun needing to be re-calibrated after travelling off-road even short distances. The vehicle was slow, having the same engine as the already-underpowered Tiger I and Tiger II. The vehicles' transmissions and differentials broke down easily because the whole 72-tonne vehicle needed to rotate for the gun's traverse. The enormous 128 mm main-gun had to be locked down during the vehicle's maneuvers, otherwise its mounting-brackets would wear out too much for accurate firing afterwards. This meant a crew-member had to exit the vehicle in combat and unlock the gun from its frontally mounted gun travel-lock before firing. Carius recorded that, in combat, a 128 mm projectile went through the walls of a house and destroyed an American tank behind it.

Insufficient training of vehicle crews and their poor morale during the last stage of the war were the biggest problems for Jagdtiger crewmen under Carius's command. At the Ruhr Pocket, two Jagdtiger commanders failed to attack an American armored column about 1.5 km away in broad daylight for fear of attracting an Allied air attack, even though the Jagdtigers were well-camouflaged. Both vehicles broke down while hurriedly withdrawing through fear of the supposed air attack that did not materialize and one was then subsequently destroyed by its crew. To prevent such a disaster, at Siegen, Carius himself dug in his command vehicle on high ground. An approaching American armored column avoided his ambush because nearby German civilians warned them of it. Later, one of his vehicles fell into a bomb crater at night and was disabled while another was lost to a Panzerfaust attack by friendly Volkssturm militia troops who had never seen a Jagdtiger before and mistook it for an Allied vehicle.

The first Jagdtiger lost in combat was during the failed Operation Nordwind offensive in France in 1945. Despite its heavy armour, this Jagdtiger was lost to American infantry using a bazooka, which at the time was considered ineffective against such a massive vehicle.

Near Unna, one Jagdtiger climbed a hill to attack five American tanks 600 meters away, leading to two withdrawing and the other three opening fire. The Jagdtiger took several hits but none of the American projectiles could penetrate the 250 mm thick frontal armor of the vehicle's casemate. However, the inexperienced German commander lost his nerve and turned around instead of backing down, thus exposing the thinner side armor, which was penetrated and all six crew members killed. Carius wrote that the crews were not trained or experienced enough to keep their thick frontal armour facing the enemy in combat.

When unable to escape the Ruhr Pocket, Carius ordered the guns of the remaining Jagdtigers destroyed to prevent intact vehicles falling into Allied hands and then surrendered to American forces. The 10 Jagdtigers of the 2nd Company of s.Pz.Jg.Abt. 512 destroyed one American tank for one Jagdtiger lost to combat, one lost to friendly fire, and eight others lost to mechanical breakdown or destruction by their own crews to prevent capture by enemy forces.

On 17 January 1945, two Jagdtigers used by the Heer XIV Corps engaged a bunker-line in support of assaulting infantry near Auenheim. On 18 January, they attacked four secure bunkers at a range of 1,000 meters. The armored cupola of one bunker burned out after two shots. A Sherman attacking in a counter-thrust was set afire by explosive shells. The two Jagdtigers survived the fight, having fired 46 explosive shells and 10 anti-tank shells.

In April 1945, s.Pz.Jäg.Abt. 512 saw a great deal of action, especially on 9 April, where the 1st Company engaged an Allied column of Sherman tanks and trucks from hull-down positions and destroyed 11 tanks and over 30 unarmored or lightly armored targets, with some of the enemy tanks knocked out from a distance of more than 4,000 m. The unit lost one Jagdtiger in this incident, after Allied Republic P-47 Thunderbolt fighter-bombers appeared. During the next couple of days, the 1st Company destroyed a further five Sherman tanks before surrendering to US troops at Iserlohn. Meanwhile, the 2nd Company fought on with little gain. On 15 April 1945, the unit surrendered at Schillerplatz in Iserlohn.

Survivors
Three Jagdtigers survive, in US, UK and Russian museums:

 * Jagdtiger (serial number 305004): The Tank Museum in England. One of the 11 Porsche–designed suspension-equipped variants, it was captured by British troops in April 1945 near the armour proving ground at Sennelager, Germany, where it was undergoing testing and trials. The third wheel-station (paired-wheel bogie) on the left side is missing. Zimmerit was applied to approximately 2 meters high on the superstructure and the German Balkenkreuz was painted in the mid-section of the vehicle's casemate's side. The earlier 18-tooth drive-sprocket version is found on this vehicle (later vehicles had 9-tooth drive sprockets).Jagdtiger 1.jpg
 * Jagdtiger (serial number 305020): U.S. Army Armor & Cavalry Collection, Fort Moore, Georgia. It was produced in October 1944 and was attached to the 3rd Company of the s.Pz.Jg.Abt. 653, bearing the vehicle-number of 331. It was captured by American troops near Neustadt an der Weinstraße, Germany in March 1945. Shell damage is still visible on the gun mantlet, glacis plate and lower-nose armor. This vehicle used the later-version nine-tooth drive sprockets for use with the 'contact shoe' and 'connector link'-style continuous track it shared with the Tiger II on which it was based.Jagdtiger in the Kubinka Museum.jpg
 * Jagdtiger (serial number 305083): Kubinka Tank Museum near Moscow. This vehicle, equipped with the standard Henschel-built running gear, was acquired by Soviet forces when a Kampfgruppe (battle-group) of the s.Pz.Jg.Abt. 653 equipped with four Jagdtigers surrendered to the Red Army in Amstetten, Austria on 5 May 1945. This Jagdtiger, not coated with Zimmerit, was acquired in mint condition with complete sideskirts and the later nine-tooth drive sprockets. Twelve hooks on both sides of the superstructure were designed to carry six pairs of track-links (the spare track-links are now missing on this vehicle). All of the Jagdtiger's repair-tools are also missing, but it still retains the MG 42 anti-aircraft gun mount on the rear engine-deck (recent photographs show that this specific machine gun-mount has since been removed, leaving only its mounting-base).

Variants
Aside from the 11 early vehicles with a Porsche suspension, the only variant developed was the Sd.Kfz.185.

 * 8.8 cm PaK 43 Jagdtiger – This variant used the 8.8 cm Pak 43 cannon instead of the 12.8 cm Pak 44 due to shortages of the latter weapon. The variant did not enter production.

Tanks of comparable role, performance and era

 * American T28 Super Heavy Tank - A comparable US project, two prototypes built.
 * British Tortoise heavy assault tank - A comparable British project, few prototypes built.
 * Soviet ISU-152 and ISU-122 - Heavy tank-based assault guns that frequently found themselves employed as heavy tank destroyers
 * Soviet SU-100Y - Another SPG used as tank destroyer

title: Jagdtiger


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Spatial politics

Spatial politics is an interdisciplinary field that analyses the ways in which space and geographic location influence political processes, power relations, and social dynamics. It examines how spatial arrangements, urban planning, and territorial boundaries impact societal structures and the distribution of resources, privileges, and disadvantages among different groups.

Spatial politics analyses how the use of space in society is political, positing that spatial configurations are a reflection of and reinforcement of political decisions. It studies how the control and organisation of space exercises power and influence over people and resources. This can manifest in the design of cities, zoning laws, and the strategic placement of infrastructure, all of which can serve to maintain or challenge existing power structures.

The origins of spatial politics
The origins of spatial politics are diverse and multidisciplinary, reflecting the interplay between power dynamics, social relations, political processes and physical spaces. The origins of spatial politics can be traced back to various historical, geographical, theoretical and philosophical developments from several disciplines,    including:

Urban studies - Urban studies is based on the study of the urban development of cities and regions. It helps with the understanding of human values, development, and the interactions they have with their physical environment. This includes understanding the spatial organisation of societies and the spatial aspects of cities and urban life, historically and in the present.

Marxist theory - Several marxist theorists have analysed the spatial dimensions of capitalism, emphasising how economic processes shape and are shaped by the spatial organisation of society. This includes exploring concepts like uneven development of capitalism, the concentration of capital in urban centres, and the spatial segregation of social classes.

Critical space theory and feminist geography - Critical theorists such as Henri Lefebvre have looked to understand how power relations are inscribed in space, and how spatial arrangements can produce, reproduce and challenge social inequalities. Feminist geography has critiqued and extended traditional approaches to space and place, highlighting the gendered and intersectional dimensions of spatial organisation and inequalities.

Environmental justice - Environmental justice movements have highlighted the intersection of spatial injustice and environmental degradation, by drawing attention to the spatial distribution of environmental hazards and unequal exposure of marginalised communities to environmental risk.

Key debates within spatial politics
Within spatial politics, several debates shape academic inquiry and public discourse. These include:

Right to the city - The right to the city is a concept originating in urban studies, and is particularly associated with philosopher and sociologist Henri Lefebvre. It is argued that urban space should be shaped and governed by the citizens that live in it, rather than solely be controlled by market forces such as capitalism and commodification.

In the context of spatial politics, the concept brings into discussion debates about equitable access to essential resources, urban governance, participatory planning, gentrification and spatial justice. It draws attention to the debate of who has the right to produce space, and spatial production practices in private, public and common spaces.

Spatial inequality and justice - Spatial inequality refers to social, economic and environmental inequalities that create disparities in access to resources, opportunities, and services across different spatial areas and scales. Spatial justice refers to addressing spatial inequalities and the fair and equitable distribution of resources, opportunities, and environmental benefits across different spatial areas and scales.

In the context of spatial politics, these debates centre on the unequal distribution of resources, infrastructure, opportunities and environmental risks, across spatial areas and scales. Spatial inequalities emphasise the importance of recognising the spatial dimensions of different inequalities, while spatial justice is a concept to guide efforts to address these inequalities.

The city as a growth machine - The concept of the city as a growth machine originated from urban sociologist Harvey Molotch. The analogy explores the idea of powerful interest groups driving economic growth in urban areas and consequently shaping urban policies and governance.

In the context of spatial politics, this concept draws attention to the need to study political influence including organisation, lobbying and structuring carried out by power interest groups when understanding spatial production. It also invites debate about the role of growth in urban processes. In response to the city as a growth machine, a degrowth spatial politics agenda has emerged.

Urbanisation - Cities or features of cities are increasingly positioned as the epicentre of prosperity and the solution for sustainability. For example, urban sprawl is seen as unsustainable, while denser and more compact cities are seen as sustainable. This creates a divide or a dichotomy with the role of rural areas. However, the concept of planetary urbanisation suggests that rural areas are also mobilised in the pursuit of economic growth, as they undergo changes that serve the city.

Urbanisation is a key debate within spatial politics due to its impact on social, economic, and environmental dynamics within urban spaces. Within this key debate are important discussions including gentrification and displacement, the role of technology, economic development, democracy and governance, and sustainability.

Space
Space refers to the physical dimensions, the state of ownership, the juridical understanding, the spatial, economic, and social relations of a place, and about the possibility and dynamics of the production of that place. Space is about spatial practices, such as the home and property.

In her famous work ‘For Space’: Doreen Massey defines space by three propositions:

 * Space as the product of interrelations - Massey poses space as constituted through our interactions, ‘from the immensity of the global to the intimately tiny.’
 * Space as the sphere of possibility - If space is the product of interrelations, then it must be predicated upon the existence of plurality, where different trajectories exist. She poses multiplicity and space as co-constitutive.
 * Space as a process - Space is always under construction because space is a product of relations-between, relations which have to be carried out,and therefore always are in the process of being made. It is never finished. Massey proposes we could imagine space as a simultaneity of stories-so-far.

In "The Production of Space." Henri Lefebvre views space as a dynamic and socially constructed phenomenon. Space is produced by societies and is deeply influenced by social relations. He gives three dimensions of space:

 * Spatial Practice (Perceived Space) - This refers to the physical and material dimensions of space that people experience in their daily lives. It encompasses the routines, activities, and interactions that occur in physical settings.
 * Representations of Space (Conceived Space) - This dimension involves the mental and conceptual representations of space, often created by planners, architects, and scientists. It includes maps, plans, and designs that reflect the formal and organized ways societies envision and structure space.
 * Spaces of Representation (Lived Space) - This is the space of symbolism, meaning, and lived experience. It includes the ways in which individuals and groups perceive and inhabit spaces, imbuing them with personal and cultural significance. Lived space is where imagination, memories, and emotions play a crucial role.

Place
Place refers to the actual locus, to the history and memory, and the spatial, cultural, historical relations of this locus. It involves locations that are imbued with personal, cultural, or communal significance, that highlight its identity and the social values we attribute to it. Place is a portion of space, seen as the outcome of the production of space through spatial politics. Places have meaning and are shaped by human experiences and interactions (Duarte, 2017).

Territory
Territory refers to the imposed qualities on a space. Territory is a concept associated with control, power, and political boundaries. It involves spaces that are claimed, governed, and regulated by individuals, groups, or institutions. An important characteristic of territory, therefore, is that it is constituted provided there is a system of values shared by those occupying that portion of space. The most institutionalised form of territory lies in the idea of the state. Territory, particularly in the modern world, is a conceptual device and an instrument designed for managing a portion of space, and the objects, people, and actions within it. Territory tends to have boundaries, which are governed internally and externally. (Duarte, 2017).

Maps
Space is reduced in various ways by creating maps. The representation of any object or phenomenon necessarily involves deciding which features to select and which features to leave out. Maps create new spatial understandings of the world, and also serve as social and political tools, such as the navigational maps used during the golden age of European navigation. (Duarte, 2017) Within spatial politics, a key understanding is that there is no right representation of space in maps. The decision of how you portray a certain space is always political.

Touristification
Touristification refers to the process in which urban residential spaces are transformed to serve the needs of tourists and the mass-tourism sector. This transformation usually alters the social, spatial, cultural, and economic landscape of the area, which has led many to criticise the impacts of mass-tourism. Indeed, studies have shown that touristification can, among other things, cause prices on essentials such as housing and food to rise; erase the cultural heritage and traditions of the local area; harm the local environment due to high levels of wasted created.

This phenomenon has garnered increasing academic and political attention as it has become a major global industry, surpassing the automobile, oil export, and food products industries. Within this industry, urban tourism is by far the fastest growing sector. This reflects the reality that, according to UN findings, “54% of the world's population lived in urban areas and, by 2030, this share is expected to reach 60%”. As such, many post-industrial cities, especially in Europe, have pivoted to focus on tourism as the main strategy for stimulating economic growth.

Urban transformation has largely taken place in the historical centres of these cities, which were “(re)developed” in order to attract and manage more tourists. The effects of such redevelopment have been contradictory, as despite being extremely lucrative spaces for a city, touristified historical centres lose some of their history and cultural heritage, which lessens their appeal to tourists.

There have been debates around whether touristification is a form of gentrification or a unique phenomenon. Some point to the fact that touristification, like gentrification results in the expulsion of locals to make space for an affluent population. On the other hand, others have stated that tourists do not settle down in the area they visit, making touristification a distinct process from gentrification.

Rural-urban divide
Spatial politics calls for a new analysis of how space is produced, particularly in studying the urban and the rural. In the traditional view, informed by an analysis of 19th century metropolises, space is split in two between the urban centre and rural periphery. The two spaces are clearly delineated, with rural spaces supplying urban poles with resources.

Spatial politics analysis, however, says that current space production has blurred the lines between the urban and the rural. The urban, according to spatial politics, should be analysed as a process, not a fixed thing in itself. Indeed, this analysis speaks of extended urbanisation, which refers to the transformation of rural and peri-urban spaces to integrate them into broad urban networks. For example, according to spatial politics, “rural” spaces used solely for agricultural products sent to a city are part of the urban network of the city.

Furthermore, spatial politics analysis points to the fact that urbanisation is no longer limited to specific, recognisable urban centres. Instead, it extends across entire regions and even globally, influencing and transforming rural, suburban, and peri-urban areas. Cities are also increasingly interconnected through global networks of economic, social, and cultural flows. This interconnectedness means that urbanisation processes in one part of the world can have significant impacts on urban areas elsewhere.

Real subsumption of nature
The real subsumption of nature refers to the process by which capitalism extends its control over nature, transforming natural resources and processes into commodities for capitalist production and accumulation. The idea draws an analogy with the real subsumption of labour, originally outlined in Karl Marx's Capital: A critique of political economy. This real subsumption of nature is a foundational concept for understanding common debates within spatial politics such as urbanisation processes, the rural-urban relationship and spatial inequalities.

title: Spatial politics