text:
Talk:Killing of Amadou Diallo

Untitled
Amadou Bailo Diallo (September 2, 1975 - February 4, 1999) a 22-year-old man from Guinea was killed by four white members of the New York City Police Department's Street Crime Unit on February 4, 1999.

1999-1975=24. Granted, his birthday was 7 months off. Still, new math? I'm not fixing it myself because I don't know if it's 1975 or "a 22-year-old" that's wrong. --Charles A. L. 20:43, Nov 12, 2003 (UTC)

Yeah! Everything I've seen on the web says he was 22, and the sites that mention his birthdate also say he was born on September 2, 1975. Was he in suspended animation for a year or something? It seems like no one bothered to do the math. I've left out the age entirely, it's implied by the dates anyway. Tualha 01:06, 8 Dec 2003 (UTC)

I removed this text in my last edit:

 * Although he was in the country legally, his visa was set to expire in April, 1999 which led to him filing a false asylum request with INS. In the filing he claimed to be from Mauritania, and that his family were victims of "human cleansing". His parents, Saikou and Kadiatou Diallo, were actually wealthy and well-educated Guineans. Some theorize that Diallo might have fled from police due to his fear over the fraudulent filing.

I think it's not really relevant, and didn't fit in well with the rest of the article. I read on one site that it was a theory put forth by one of the defense attorneys, the reasoning being that Diallo thought the cops were INS agents and panicked, perhaps doing something that would justify the use of deadly force. All very well, but it strikes me as farfetched and not really belonging here. As for the undisputed facts about the visa and false claim, ok, they're true, but as I said, not relevant.

Opinions? Tualha 05:24, 8 Dec 2003 (UTC)

Article Name
I moved the page from Amadou Diallo (shooting victim) to Amadou Bailo Diallo, because seems a bit biased to call Diallo a "victim" in the title. There is still a lingering controversy over whether:
 * 1) the police were wrong to shoot him (he's a "victim"), or
 * 2) he responded improperly to arrest (he's not a victim)

We can avoid applying victim to him, simply by using his middle name. --Uncle Ed 19:43, 15 Dec 2003 (UTC)

He was a victim in either case. -- Jibal (talk) 04:04, 8 August 2022 (UTC)

Article statements?
Since the only people who know what happened in the hallway shooting are either a)dead or b)have potential reason to lie shouldn't some of the statements in this article be a little more qualified? I'm thinking of the "did not threaten the officer's in any way". Since the officer's defence was that they explicitly felt threatened this implies that they were lying. Also when it states that the fallen officer "appeared to be shot" that buys into the officer's story about what happened. I also have a chronological question about the fallen officer. My understanding was that he fell either before or right as they began firing. Some of the claims I remember implied that the fall seemed to confirm their impression that Diallo was armed. ok

I think all of this is moot, since no weapon was ever found at the scene. I'm sure even if this excessive use of force was neccessitated by a threat, the first thing they did would have been to point out the firearm the suspect had. V1rtue 21:41, 20 December 2005 (UTC)

This article is very biased against the NYPD. The authors have no knowledge of police procedure and in fact sound more like the typical anti-NYPD rants of police haters like Al Sharpton. The NYPD protects people. If Diallo was not complying with the officers instructions that is a red flag to officers and makes them more alert. I am not going to edit this article, but I will leave it to you all to make it fair and balanced, not biased towards the dead perp. Spring3100 01:13, 1 January 2006 (UTC)

 * The fact that you called a man never charged with a crime nor suspected of one outside of this incident a "perp" completely invalidates your entire argument. And the argument that the "NYPD protects people" is just as invalid as it is, in and of itself, an opinion and therefore biased. Beyond that, whether he was "complying" or not is almost a moot point considering that it could be argued that the officers did not comply with the Fourth Amendment, protecting against unreasonable search and seizure. Either way, last I checked not complying with an officer is not a crime punishable by death. And besides, he wasn't "not complying" he was misunderstanding. There is a difference. NinedenLtD 21:45, 12 January 2006.

 * Sorry, but if i misunderstand four individuals wearing badges and yelling "stop, this is NYPD" and I then run away and go digging for something in my jacket -- i should very well be prepared to be shot. There is such a thing of taking responsibility for one's actions -- and in this case this individual took the ultimate responsibility.  It sucks, but trying to play this boring blame game is ridiculous.  That tax papers gave his family $3,000,000 is just ludicrous.  It is all racial bias and extreme political correctness out of control.  Your statement "not complying with an officer is not a crime punishable by death" is not only ridiculous, but moronic.  Not complying with an officer is a SURE WAY to get killed.  You become a cop in a major city and come back here in a year and respond to that -- if you have the balls.

They were NOT wearing badges. They were in plain clothes. If they DISPLAYED their badges from a distance, how could he be expected to see that they were genuine? If they displayed them from close-up, they could have taken him down manually. Even if they suspected, why did they fire 41 bullets? Their story was that the guns had a hair-trigger (a lie) and that the bullets could hit him without having any apparent effect (an absurd lie). David Kessler. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 94.169.180.52 (talk) 16:57, 9 May 2009 (UTC)

 * Since Diallo is, unfortunately, not alive to tell us what he was thinking, it is a bit of an assumption to assume he was misunderstanding. Perhaps he was just afraid of the police as plenty of people are, especially those who are of so called minority races, whether or not this fear is justified.  It's a bit pretentious to assume you know what he was thinking or why he reacted the way he did.

^Even if Diallo didn't comply with the officers' instructions 41 rounds is a little much... --S0ulbythepound 04:26, 11 January 2006 (UTC)

Too much? Based on what? Should they have fired 1? 2? 10? This isn't hollywood, one hit or 10 won't instantly stop a person. Besides, there were four officers. And their aim was pretty bad - only 19 hits from a few feet away. --Mmx1 04:44, 11 January 2006 (UTC)

Does that then justify 41 shots at an individual or the need for better training (in both soft and police skills)? — Preceding unsigned comment added by 151.133.1.78 (talk) 14:07, 16 December 2016 (UTC)

Looking at the profile of some guys can be really interesting in behalf of understanding their opinions. The action taken by the cops shows no respect for human life whatsoever. Of course this isn't hollywood (as some people say) were a guy can withstand several shots. With at least one you can kill a guy. A couple of shots to the air, or even to his legs could have been enough. Their intention was not to "stop him instantly" but to kill him right away. By the way, some people understand police duty wrong. They are no jurors to decide this matters. Could this guy (if the police officers are not lying) run because he was into something ilegal? Indeed. But again, even if he was the rapist they were looking for, they are not allowed to use this excesive force. Deciding if the guy lives or dies is not their job. My english sucks. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by Necky (talk • contribs).

 * Police in the United States (or NYC, at the very least) should not ever shoot at a suspect's legs. Pretty much all police officers are trained to fire at center mass, should they ever need to fire their weapon.  (Whether or not any shots were justified is a different question.)  Ford MF 04:51, 17 January 2007 (UTC)

AUTHORS, FOR WHAT IT'S WORTH:

Several years after Mr Diallo's death, I was in Manhattan one night, walking down Central Park West towards a subway station. As I walked past the Museum of Natural History, I examined the architectural details, ignoring all else. Suddenly, I heard a commotion way up ahead at the intersection. A driverless cab came careening down the sideway towards me with 2 passenegers in the back seat trying to get out. I leaped onto the museum's iron fence as the cab grazed my fanny and crushed the bookbag I had hanging from my shoulder against the fence. The cab hit the fence and deflected back towards the street where it plowed into a sycamore. The passengers, a couple, were in the midst of jumping out on each side of the cab. The woman's head slammed into the door frame so hard that the door wouldn't close afterward. The man ran around to her and dragged her, staggering and dazed, into the street, hailed a cab and rode off. A crowd assembled where we just all stared in amazement at the crashed, empty cab. Soon, a small, trembling man approached us with his arms extended towards us offering his wallet out for identification. From what I've read, in the same manner as Mr Diallo did to the police who shot him. The driver was also an African, attending Columbia University. The couple had pulled a gun on him demanding his cash or his life, so he bailed out. I don't blame him.

My point, if you've missed it, is that life in many other countries, including many of Africa's, is far different than here. When in a time of such extreme stress, a foreigner's reactions will be instinctive. If authories aren't to be trusted and carrying ID is a requirement of daily life, and offering it up immediately will protect oneself, that explains the actions of both of these men. Aren't police taught to recognize cultural differences and reactions? In Mr Diallo's case, this incident was an unquestionable and needless tragedy. Wordreader (talk) 19:59, 14 January 2011 (UTC)

---

Cultural references
This section is huge, and dwarfs the rest of the article, unreasonably and unnecessarily. It needs to be trimmed or streamlined so it's more useful to readers than a mammoth list of everyone who's ever mentioned Diallo's name in a song ever. If no one else is interested in doing it, I guess I'll put it on my to-do list. Ford MF 23:08, 21 November 2006 (UTC)

When the author refers to Mr. Diallo as an "immigrant," he is not giving you the "entire" story. While Mr. Diallo may have had authorization to work in the United States, he had in fact gotten his residency by filing a fraudulent asylum application with the US Department of Justice. Mr. Diallo was in this country because he lied under oath on numerous occasions as to his nationality and regarding the death of his parents (they recovered 3-million dollars as compensation for their loss) at the hands of officals in Mauritania. Mr. Diallo was in fact Sengalese, and not from Mauritania.

While these facts do not alter the culpability of the NYPD, such an ommision could be evidence of the author's bias. What this "West African Immigrant" was doing in this country and how he got here, is relevant background information. This is the reason his fraudulent asylum application was admitted as evidence at the criminal trial. Amadou Diallo: West African immigrant, or a fraudulent "huckster?" Lets let the readers decide, not the author.

1) Please sign your comments using four tildes ( ~ ).

2) Scoundrel or saint, he's just as dead. Ford MF 01:17, 27 November 2006 (UTC)

 * note from concerned reader*....will the author of this page get his skinhead neonazi facts straight? Amadou was born in Liberia and the 'object' he was bringing out of his pants was a wallet. Clearly to show his ID. I am white and after reading actual court transcripts can still see that this is clearly a racially motivated murder. Because of authors such as this, racism will unfortunately never end.

The song "Diallo" recorded by Wyclef Jean on his ECLEFTIC tour CD allows for more knowledge on this subject. It tells the story from the point of view from the people. It was a devastation to the morale of the African American community, and as they were pushed aside before during the trials, they must now be heard. Change is only as far a reach as we make it. Prejudice against other humans only makes our struggle a longer and more difficult. Thanks to those police officers on that day of Amadou Diallo's death, we have taken a giant step back from getting closer as the human race. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by 66.235.0.157 (talk • contribs).

 * Was the evidence really admitted at his trial? It seems unduly prejudicial and completely irrelevant. Whether or not he had commited a crime and/or was not entitled to live in the US, this didn't affect his civil rights with regards to the charges. Also, the officers were evidently not aware of these details and so it couldn't have affected their response/fears. He wasn't on trial and didn't offer any evidence after all. Therefore, it was completely irrelevant and if it were really allowed in the trial, this perhaps just shows how screwed up the American judicial system is. No wonder there were/are so many complaints. In terms on this article, I agree the background info probably should be mentioned Nil Einne 17:50, 12 January 2007 (UTC)

 * I think this is a fair point. futurebird 23:17, 16 January 2007 (UTC)

tapestry by William Wiley
I don't understand this part. Wiley almost certainly was long dead before this incident. What is this supposed to mean? AaronWL 01:25, 22 January 2007 (UTC)

 * It's not the William Wiley linked to (though I'm about to fix that) it's a different William Wiley. At least, there is a different William Wiley, born in 1937, who makes tapestries.  Gnfnrf 05:07, 22 January 2007 (UTC)

41 shots merge
I have suggested that the article 41 shots be merged into this article, as it consists of little more than token summary and a list of artists who have used the phrase. It would work much better if that content were merged into this article in the "cultural references" section, and the original article redirected here.--TexasDex 19:11, 4 March 2007 (UTC)

 * I totally agree. The fluffiness of the 41 shots article has irritated me for a long time.  Ford MF 03:57, 5 March 2007 (UTC)

 * I disagree. The cultural references section in this article is in everpresent danger of ballooning into a giant discussion of each and every artist who says anything at all about the shooting, dwarfing any encyclopedic coverage of the person or incident itself.  There is nothing in the 41 shots article that isn't already in this article except for one sentence about Bruce Springsteen.  And if that sentence goes in, then everyone adds a sentence about their favorite artist.  If you don't like the 41 shots article, I'd support deletion. Gnfnrf 03:26, 6 March 2007 (UTC)

 * Ah, okay. Actually that does sound reasonable to me.  I just kinda figured merge would be the 'soft delete' option, as most of that crap would vanish anyway.  Ford MF 06:00, 6 March 2007 (UTC)

Who is Chris Harman?
I'm a little confused why Amadou Diallo is referred to as Chris Harman in the article? I have never heard of him being called Chris Harman. Should his name be changed in the entries for the article?

Anthony22 00:11, 20 March 2007 (UTC)

 * Our Chris Harman is "the editor of International Socialism, a former editor of Socialist Worker and a member of the Central Committee of the Socialist Workers Party." It seems regular vandalism at first sight, but you never know. Good that you brought it up at the talk page. gidonb 00:15, 20 March 2007 (UTC)

What happened?
I don't know anything about this historical incident, and this Wikipedia article is woefully lacking in enlightening information. There are mentions of cultural references and protests, but nothing in this article says WHAT actually happened. Can we get an incident report or something? Anything is better than "a person was shot while unarmed, and then thousands of people protested it was racially motivated" - what was going on when he was shot? What triggered the police to begin shooting? int3gr4te 17:14, 27 May 2007 (UTC)
 * OK, now I think I understand what happened. It looks like everything before the 'aftermath' section is missing - don't know why. Anchoress 06:27, 7 June 2007 (UTC)

I agree, so I added a 'context' template
I agree, in particular I think the opening paragraph of the main 'Aftermath' section is very confusing. I don't know if an incident report would help, but a more complete and contextualised narrative certainly would. Anchoress 06:23, 7 June 2007 (UTC)

Fixed
'What happened' was vandals replaced the Events surrounding his death section in the article with "he is gay" vandalism. The next editors, instead of reverting it, just deleted the vandalism and failed to restore the content. I have fixed this by copying content from a revision dated April 12 .--TexasDex 12:36, 7 June 2007 (UTC)

Adding a brief biography section
After seeing "Death of two sons", and having an interest in the Futu Djallon, thought I'd add a brief, uncontroversial bio section. I went looking for where he was born, burried, etc, and this article didn't have it. T L Miles 15:49, 6 August 2007 (UTC)

Officers not "exonerated"
The officers were found "not guilty" by a jury of the criminal charges they faced. That means that the prosecutor did not prove beyond a reasonable doubtthat they were guilty of those criminal charges. This does not mean that the jurors believed that the officers were innocent, only that it was possible that they were innocent. A not guilty verdict definitely does not mean that they were "exonerated of any wrongdoing." 67.170.195.13 (talk) 23:16, 8 January 2009 (UTC)
 * Given the presumption of innocence, a defendant is exonerated in the eyes of the criminal justice system upon being found "not guilty, beyond a reasonable doubt".
 * That said, the claim that they were "exonerated of any wrongdoing" is a bit of a stretch, especially given the mountain of evidence of wrong-doing on the part of the police officers. Hence, the $3,000,000 settlement paid by the City of New York in response to the civil claim. BlueRobe (talk) 04:38, 25 September 2010 (UTC)

Indentation all screwed up...
The early indentation of this article is a mess. I started to try and go through the history, and fix the indentation. But it is too screwed up. Geo Swan (talk) 02:08, 14 July 2013 (UTC)

Immortal Technique - The Other White Meat second verse
The reference in the second verse is much clearer: "No justice, no peace like Diallo; I'm-a do what I gotta do to stand my ground" (emphasis mine) -- Immortal Technique/S.O.U.L Purpose - "The Other White Meat"(Full) PizzaPower (talk) 07:52, 19 August 2013 (UTC)

Uncited material in need of citations
The following material is being moved here from the article until it can be properly sourced per WP:V, WP:NOR, WP:CS, et al. Nightscream (talk) 16:52, 7 June 2014 (UTC)

Aftermath
Diallo's death, the change of venue, and the verdict each sparked massive demonstrations against police brutality and racial profiling, resulting in more than 1,700 arrests over the course of many weeks. Those arrested in the daily protests at the entrance of One Police Plaza included former NYPD officers, former mayor David Dinkins, Congressmen Charlie Rangel and Gregory Meeks, Rev. Al Sharpton, Rev. Jesse Jackson, New York State Assemblyman Ruben Diaz Jr., activist actress Susan Sarandon, more than a dozen rabbis and other clergy, and numerous federal, state, and local politicians. Charges against the protesters were later dropped.

In 2001, the Justice Department announced it would not charge the officers with a violation of Diallo's civil rights. In the vestibule where Diallo died, neighbors created a shrine of letters, teddy bears, and other items. Within several weeks, there was a severe rain period and the landlord of the building put all the items in the garbage. A neighbor, Jimmy Spice Curry, rescued the items, storing them until he was able to contact Eugene Adams of Bronx Community College, who was given the items to donate to Diallo's mother.

Number of shots fired.
According to Democracy Now!'s broadcast dating from the 31st of July 2017, 43 shots were fired, not 41. Graham Weatherspoon, retired detective with the New York City Police Department, and board member of the Amadou Diallo Foundation corrected Amy Goodman when she mentioned 41 shots; minute mark 35:08.

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Why does it mention his immigration issues. He wasn't being arrested because he looked like someone being sought for immigration issues... he was stopped because he looked like someone else, who he wasn't. Telling about an unrelated crime he committed just feeds the narrative that he deserved to be shot. It's victim blaming. Nacoran (talk) 05:37, 13 June 2020 (UTC)

The first paragraph of the article states, "Carroll would later claim to have mistaken him for a rape suspect from one year earlier, though his claim was never confirmed by any objective evidence." I have a concern with the second half of the sentence. What objective evidence could confirm a mistaken recognition in a person's mind? I'm not sure how that qualifier could be relevant to the prior phrase. There can be no objective evidence of what concept enters my mind when I look at an image. However, without detailed knowledge of the case I'm hesitant to just cut that line - I'm not sure if it would be appropriate to leave the information completely unqualified. Any help straightening this out? Much appreciated. Jojopeanut (talk) 00:12, 15 June 2020 (UTC)

Requested move 11 January 2022

 * The following is a closed discussion of a requested move. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made in a new section on the talk page. Editors desiring to contest the closing decision should consider a move review after discussing it on the closer's talk page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

The result of the move request was: Moved. No objections, and seems reasonable and consistent with the other examples. — Amakuru (talk) 11:29, 20 January 2022 (UTC)

Shooting of Amadou Diallo → Killing of Amadou Diallo – Per WP:DEATHS. Diallo was fatally shot; the officers involved were found not guilty of murder, ruling out the "Murder of" title. Recent consensus at other RMs involving fatal shootings by police (Killing of Akai Gurley, Killing of Alex Nieto, Killing of Alton Sterling) has been to use "Killing of". 162 etc. (talk) 17:36, 11 January 2022 (UTC)

-> He was not just shot, he was killed. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 2a02:8308:20f:e600:d085:b44e:cb44:e894 (talk) 13:16, 14 January 2022 (UTC) The discussion above is closed. Please do not modify it. Subsequent comments should be made on the appropriate discussion page. No further edits should be made to this discussion.

Music
Amadou is the first word of John Cena's theme song in WWE, unsure if worth adding 2601:844:4000:2C50:C85A:E8A:BA51:6160 (talk) 20:15, 17 June 2022 (UTC)

Running away or showing his wallet?
The details of this incident are... sparse, in my humble opinion. I understand that Amadou Diallo was mistaken for another person. He was approached by police officers in plain clothes. They asked him to show his hands. After this, I'm very confused. The only details appear to be provided by this Newsweek article. The only legal proceeding for this incident provided by this article is Daniels v. City of New York, which is a class action suit against racism in the NYPD in general, which seems like a broad category, as opposed to the wrongful death of Amadou Diallo.

The most lack of clarity pertains to what exactly Diallo did after police said to show them his hands. He then "ran towards the vestibule" according to the officers, for which no alternative description is presented. I do not understand exactly where anyone physically is. How did they go from approaching him in one stationary spot to running through vestibules and falling from stoops? At what point did he reach into his jacket to show his wallet? Why would you do this while you are running away, let alone when you are asked to show your hands? If you are asked to show your ID, which he was not, and you first run and then reach into your jacket, that would certainly put people on edge. How are they going to see his ID if he's showing his wallet from so far away? This is a discrepancy that is treated with too little criticism by this article. Running away so that you can show your wallet?

Clearly I am missing key details? Can anyone help me better understand? Ender and  Peter  18:41, 4 September 2022 (UTC)

hi random nobody here
in the cultural references section, the song "so ya wanna be a cop?" by Leftover Crack references the Amadou events with the following lyrics: [Verse 2: Stza] So, you wanna be a cop? You never stop, your wicked guns going pop (Pop, pop, pop) After forty-one shots, you're grinnin' in the donut shop Your sickening behavior regulates this society And musters all the sickness and hatred inside of me https://genius.com/Leftover-crack-so-ya-wanna-be-a-cop-lyrics I tried editing articles as anon before but I don't know what I'm doing Please add this thanks <3 2001:569:FE62:2F00:4DF5:5DC1:785E:6270 (talk) 00:05, 17 July 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Killing of Amadou Diallo


text:
Madurese language

Madurese is a language of the Madurese people, native to the Madura Island and Eastern Java, Indonesia; it is also spoken by migrants to other parts of Indonesia, namely the eastern salient of Java (comprising Pasuruan, Surabaya, Malang to Banyuwangi), the Masalembu Islands and even some on Kalimantan. It was traditionally written in the Javanese script, but the Latin script and the Pegon script (based on Arabic script) is now more commonly used. The number of speakers, though shrinking, is estimated to be 10-13 million, making it one of the most widely spoken languages in the country. Bawean Madurese, which is a dialect of Madurese, is also spoken by Baweanese descendants in Malaysia and Singapore.

Madurese is a Malayo-Sumbawan language of the Malayo-Polynesian language family, a branch of the larger Austronesian language family. Thus, despite apparent geographic spread, Madurese is more related to Balinese, Malay, Sasak and Sundanese, than it is to Javanese, the language used on the island of Java just across Madura Island.

Links between Bali–Sasak languages and Madurese are more evident with the vernacular form (common form).

Phonology
Latin letters are given according to the 2008 orthography.

Vowels
Vowels, , , and its higher counterparts , , ,  are usually in complementary distribution. The last 4 vowels occur after voiced and aspirated consonants, while the first 4 vowels occur elsewhere. Consonants, , and , although by default lower the vowels, are transparent after higher vowels, for example belli "to buy" instead of *bellè.

Consonants
Madurese has more consonants than its neighboring languages due to it having voiceless unaspirated, voiceless aspirated (traditionally often transcribed as voiced aspirated), and voiced unaspirated. Similar to Javanese, it has a contrast between dental and alveolar (even retroflex) stops.

The letters, , , , and are used in loanwords.

Morphology
Madurese nouns are not inflected for gender and are pluralized via reduplication. Its basic word order is subject–verb–object. Negation is expressed by putting a negative particle before the verb, adjective or noun phrase. As with other similar languages, there are different negative particles for different kinds of negation.

Sample text
From Article 1 of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

 * Latin: Sâdhâjâna orèng lahèr mardhika èsarengè dhrâjhât klabân ha'-ha' sè padâ. Sâdhâjâna èparèngè akal sareng nurani bân kodhu areng-sareng akanca kadhi tarètan.

 * Aksara Pèghu:

 * Translation: "All Human Beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights, they are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood."

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Madurese language


text:
Talk:Nazarene (sect)

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Possible re-naming of article to "Nazoreans (sect)"
Hi everyone, I would like to put forward a proposal to re-name the article to "Nazoreans (sect)" and to change the references to "Nazarenes" to "Nazoreans." Both the reference in Acts and in Epiphanius are referring to a sect that called themselves Ναζωραιοι, which can best be transliterated as "Nazoreans", and not Ναζαρηνός ("Nazarene"). The translation of Ναζωραιοι as "Nazarene" in many Bible translations is sort of importing the dubious assumption that Ναζωραιοι did originally refer to the town of Nazareth, even though it is not morphologically connected to the word Ναζαρέτ/Ναζαρὲθ/Ναζαρὰ ("Nazareth"). It seems more likely that it was originally the name of a sect that got associated with Nazareth due to the similarity of the words, and the fact that Jesus is said to have been "from" Nazareth in the gospels. As the article itself currently admits, "In the New Testament, the form Nazoraios or Nazaraios (Ναζωραῖος, Ναζαραῖος) is more common than Nazarenos." Montgolfière (talk) 17:55, 11 June 2019 (UTC)
 * I think WP:COMMONNAME applies here. Jayjg (talk) 18:14, 11 June 2019 (UTC)
 * That's a decent point, but I think the article should at least have more discussion of this discrepancy, and shouldn't simply assume/assert that Ναζωραιοι originally meant "from Nazareth." That's the assumption of many Christian biblical translators, but modern scholars have problematized this view (see, for example, J.C. O'Neill's article "Jesus of Nazareth" in Journal of Theological Studies, Apr 1999, Vol.50(1), pp.135-142). The article Nazarene (title) recognizes the tenuousness of this connection between Ναζωραιοι and Nazareth: "Both Nazarene and Nazorean are irregular in Greek and the additional vowel in Nazorean complicates any derivation from Nazareth." Montgolfière (talk) 19:58, 11 June 2019 (UTC)
 * I see no issue with some discussion of alternative names for the sects, as long as the discussion is itself sourced to a reliable source, and is not original research. Jayjg (talk) 21:04, 11 June 2019 (UTC)
 * Sounds good. I'll try to add some good sourced info on the issue, and we'll keep the name of the article the same for now. Montgolfière (talk) 02:06, 12 June 2019 (UTC)
 * When this was moved last time, no one took into account redirects. Please try to do so this time.  All the best: Rich Farmbrough, 22:57, 6 August 2019 (UTC).

Fork
There's so much original research and guff in this "article" that a split into 3 different articles and disambiguation that separates all these various groups might improve things. In ictu oculi (talk) 15:07, 12 November 2020 (UTC)

title: Talk:Nazarene (sect)


text:
Nan Britton

Nanna Popham Britton (November 9, 1896 – March 21, 1991) was an American woman who gained notoriety as a mistress of Warren G. Harding, the 29th President of the United States. In 1927, she revealed that her daughter, Elizabeth, had been fathered by Harding while he was serving in the United States Senate, one year before his election to the presidency. Britton's claim was open to question during her lifetime, but in 2015, Harding's paternity was finally confirmed by DNA testing.

Relationship with Harding
Harding and Britton's family both lived in Marion, Ohio. Nan's father, Samuel H. Britton, spoke to Harding about his teenage daughter's infatuation, and Harding met with her, telling her that some day she would find the man of her dreams. Harding had married his wife, Florence in 1891 and was involved in a long and passionate affair with Carrie Fulton Phillips, wife of James Phillips, co-owner of a Marion department store. After graduating from high school in 1914, Britton moved to New York City, to begin a career as a secretary. However, she claimed she also began an intimate relationship with Harding.

Following Harding's sudden death in August, 1923, Britton wrote what is considered to be the first kiss-and-tell book. In The President's Daughter, published in 1927, she told of her life as Harding's mistress throughout his presidency and named him as the father of her daughter, Elizabeth Ann (1919–2005). One famous passage told of their having sex in a closet near the President's office in the White House.

According to Britton, Harding had promised to support their daughter, but after his death, his wife Florence refused to honor the obligation. Britton decided to write a tell-all book to earn money to support her daughter and to champion the rights of illegitimate children. She brought a lawsuit (Britton v. Klunk), but she was unable to provide any concrete evidence and was shaken by the vicious personal attacks made by Congressman Grant Mouser during the cross examination, which cost her the case.

Britton's portrayal of Harding and his colloquialisms paints a picture of a crude womanizer. In his 1931 book Only Yesterday: An Informal History of the 1920s, Frederick Lewis Allen wrote that on the testimony of Britton's book, Harding's private life was "one of cheap sex episodes" and that "one sees with deadly clarity the essential ordinariness of the man, the commonness of his 'Gee dearie' and 'Say, you darling'." Britton's book was among those irreverently reviewed by Dorothy Parker for The New Yorker magazine as part of her famous Constant Reader column, under the title "An American DuBarry".

In 1964, the discovery of more than 250 love letters that Harding had written to Carrie Fulton Phillips between 1909 and 1920 gave further credence to Britton's own claims. At that time, Britton was living in seclusion in Illinois; she was located by journalist R.W. Apple Jr. but she refused him an interview. Even at this time, over a generation later, her daughter and grandchildren would "occasionally be hounded by hateful skeptics" with threats and other unwanted attention that seemed to intensify during presidential election years.

In the 1980s, Britton and her extended family moved to Oregon, where her three grandchildren were living as of 2015. Britton died in 1991 in Sandy, Oregon, where she had lived during the last years of her life. She insisted until her death that Harding was Elizabeth's father. In 2015, 24 years after Britton's death, Ancestry.com confirmed through DNA testing of descendants of Harding's brother and Britton's grandchildren that Elizabeth was unquestionably Harding's daughter.

In popular culture
Nan Britton was portrayed by Virginia Kull in season one of HBO's Boardwalk Empire.

General sources

 * Anthony, Carl Sferrazza. Florence Harding, William Morrow and Co., New York City, 1998, ISBN 0-688-07794-3
 * Britton, Nan. The President's Daughter. Elizabeth Ann Guild, Inc., New York City, 1927 (reprinted 1973), ISBN 0-8369-7132-9.
 * Dean, John; Schlesinger, Arthur M. Warren Harding, The American President Series, Times Books, 2004, ISBN 0-8050-6956-9
 * Ferrell, Robert H. The Strange Death of President Harding, University of Missouri Press, 1996, ISBN 0-8262-1202-6
 * Mee, Charles Jr. The Ohio Gang: The World of Warren G. Harding: A Historical Entertainment, M. Evans & Company, 1983, ISBN 0-87131-340-5

title: Nan Britton


text:
Ama Dablam

Ama Dablam is a mountain in the eastern Himalayan range of Koshi Province, Nepal. The main peak is 6812 m, the lower western peak is 6170 m. Ama Dablam means "mother's necklace"; the long ridges on each side like the arms of a mother (ama) protecting her child, and the hanging glacier thought of as the dablam, the traditional double-pendant containing pictures of the gods, worn by Sherpa women. For several days, Ama Dablam dominates the eastern sky for anyone trekking to Mount Everest Base Camp. For its soaring ridges and steep faces Ama Dablam is sometimes referred as the "Matterhorn of the Himalayas." The mountain is featured on the one rupee Nepalese banknote.

Ama Dablam was first climbed on 13 March 1961 by Mike Gill (NZ), Barry Bishop (US), Mike Ward (UK) and Wally Romanes (NZ) via the Southwest Ridge. They were well-acclimatised to altitude, having wintered over at 5800 m near the base of the peak as part of the 1960–61 Silver Hut expedition, led by Sir Edmund Hillary.

Situated at a distance of 162 km north of the provincial capital of Biratnagar and 152 km northeast to Kathmandu, Ama Dablam is the third most popular Himalayan peak for permitted expeditions. The most popular route by far is the Southwest Ridge (right skyline in the photo). Prior to a 2006 avalanche, climbers typically set up three camps along the ridge with Camp III just below and to the right of the hanging glacier, the Dablam. Any ice that calves off the glacier typically goes left, away from the camp. However, after the avalanche, climbers now prefer to set just two camps to minimize risk. Camp I is at an altitude of over 5,800 metres (19,029 ft), and Camp II is at an altitude of over 6,000 metres (19,685 ft). A climbing permit and a liaison officer are required when attempting Ama Dablam. As with Mount Everest, the best climbing months are April and May (before the monsoon) and September and October.

Notable ascents

 * 1961 Southwest Ridge (VI 5.9 60deg 1500m) FA (First Ascent) by Mike Gill (NZ), Barry Bishop (US), Mike Ward (UK), and Wally Romanes (NZ), see 1960-61 Silver Hut expedition.
 * 1979 Southwest Ridge SA by Martin Boysen (UK); Tom Frost, David Breashears, Greg Lowe, Jeff Lowe, Peter Pilafian, Jonathan Wright (all US), and Lhakpa Dorje (Nepal) reached the summit on 22 April in blizzard conditions, as part of a well-financed climb-and-film expedition. Doug Robinson and John Wasson (both USA) reached the summit the next day.
 * 1979 Lowe Route on the South Face (VI AI4 M5 1200m), FA Solo by Jeff Lowe, 30 April 1979.
 * 1979 North Ridge (VI 5.7 70deg 1600m) by a large French expedition led by and  placed 14 Frenchmen and 4 Nepalese Sherpa in three groups on the summit over three days, 21-23 Oct 1979.
 * 1981 Northeast Spur to North Ridge (VI 5.7 70deg 1500m) by Tim McCartney-Snape, Lincoln Hall, and Andrew Henderson (AUS).
 * 1983 East Ridge (VI 80deg 1500m) by Alain Hubert (Belgium) and (Switzerland).
 * 1984 Southwest Ridge solo by Naoe Sakashita (JP).
 * 1985 Ariake-Sakashita on the west face (VI 5.7 65deg 1400m) by Masayuki Ariake and Naoe Sakashita (both JP).
 * 1985 Northeast Face (VI mixed 90deg 1400m) winter ascent by Michael Kennedy and Carlos Buhler (both US).
 * 1996 Stane Belak Šrauf Memorial Route on the northwest face (VI 5.7 AI5 A2+ 1650m) by and Tomaž Humar (both from Slovenia), which earned them the 1996 Piolet d'Or prize.
 * 1996 North Ridge Austro-German alpine-style ascent by Friedl Huber, Max Berger, Alois Badegruber, and Roman Dirnböck.
 * 2001 Northwest Ridge (VI Scottish 7, 2000m) by Jules Cartwright and Rich Cross (both UK).
 * 2021 by the first arab woman, Nadhira Al Harthy Asma Al Thani was the first Qatari woman to later summit.
 * 2023 by Mathéo Jacquemoud, French mountain guide.

Accidents
In May 1959, George Fraser and Mike Harris, two of Britain’s finest climbers, were last seen at 6,400 metres (21,000 ft) on the mountain’s north ridge, but never returned to tell whether they had reached the summit.

On the night of 13/14 November 2006, a large serac collapse occurred from the hanging glacier, which swept away several tents at Camp III, killing six climbers (three European, three Nepalese). Eyewitness testimony indicates that Camp III had not been sited in an unusual or abnormally dangerous spot, and that the serac fall was of such magnitude as to render the specific placing of the tents at Camp III irrelevant.

On November 28, 2016, highly acclaimed climbing Sherpa Lakpa Thundu Sherpa of Pangboche was killed when a 5.4 magnitude earthquake struck, triggering an avalanche and the release of a few ice blocks. Thundu was at 19,680 ft on the 22,349 ft mountain.

On 11 November 2017, Valery Rozov was killed when he jumped from the mountain in a wingsuit and struck a cliff.

In popular culture
A representation of Ama Dablam was originally used by Invesco Perpetual as its branding logo within the UK. It has since been adopted by the INVESCO group of companies as its worldwide signature.

title: Ama Dablam


text:
Makassarese language

Makassarese (basa Mangkasara or basa Mangkasarak), sometimes called Makasar, Makassar, or Macassar, is a language of the Makassarese people, spoken in South Sulawesi province of Indonesia. It is a member of the South Sulawesi group of the Austronesian language family, and thus closely related to, among others, Buginese, also known as Bugis. The areas where Makassarese is spoken include the Gowa, Sinjai, Maros, Takalar, Jeneponto, Bantaeng, Pangkajene and Islands, Bulukumba, and Selayar Islands Regencies, and Makassar. Within the Austronesian language family, Makassarese is part of the South Sulawesi language group, although its vocabulary is considered divergent compared to its closest relatives. In 2000, Makassarese had approximately 2.1 million native speakers.

Classification
Makassarese is an Austronesian language from the South Sulawesi branch of the Malayo-Polynesian subfamily, specifically the Makassaric group, which also includes the Konjo language (both Highland and Coastal varieties) and the Selayar language. The Konjo and Selayar language varieties are sometimes considered dialects of Makassarese. As part of the South Sulawesi language family, Makassarese is also closely related to the Bugis, Mandar, and Toraja-Saʼdan languages.

In terms of vocabulary, Makassarese is considered the most distinct among the South Sulawesi languages. The average percentage of vocabulary similarity between Makassarese and other South Sulawesi languages is only 43%. Specifically, the Gowa or Lakiung dialect is the most divergent; the vocabulary similarity of this dialect with other South Sulawesi languages is about 5–10 percentage points lower compared to the vocabulary similarity of Konjo and Selayar with other South Sulawesi languages. However, etymostatistical analysis and functor statistics conducted by linguist Ülo Sirk shows a higher vocabulary similarity percentage (≥ 60%) between Makassarese and other South Sulawesi languages. These quantitative findings support qualitative analyses that place Makassarese as part of the South Sulawesi language family.

Dialect
The language varieties within the Makassaric group form a dialect continuum. A language survey in South Sulawesi conducted by linguists and anthropologists Charles and Barbara Grimes separated the Konjo and Selayar languages from Makassarese. Meanwhile, a subsequent survey by linguists Timothy Friberg and Thomas Laskowske divided the Konjo language into three varieties: Coastal Konjo, Highland Konjo, and Bentong/Dentong. However, in a book on Makassarese grammar published by the Center for Language Development and Cultivation, local linguist Abdul Kadir Manyambeang and his team include the Konjo and Selayar varieties as dialects of Makassarese.

Excluding the Konjo and Selayar varieties, Makassarese can be divided into at least three dialects: the Gowa or Lakiung dialect, the Jeneponto or Turatea dialect, and the Bantaeng dialect. The main differences among these varieties within the Makassar group lie in vocabulary; their grammatical structures are generally quite similar. Speakers of the Gowa dialect tend to switch to Indonesian when communicating with speakers of the Bantaeng dialect or with speakers of the Konjo and Selayar languages, and vice versa. The Gowa dialect is generally considered the prestige variety of Makassarese. As the dialect spoken in the central region, the Gowa dialect is also commonly used by speakers of other varieties within the Makassaric group.

Distribution
According to a demographic study based on the 2010 census data, about 1.87 million Indonesians over the age of five speak Makassarese as their mother tongue. Nationally, Makassarese ranks 16th among the 20 languages with the most speakers. Makassar is also the second most-spoken language in Sulawesi after Bugis, which has over 3.5 million speakers.

The Makassarese language is primarily spoken by the Makassar people, although a small percentage (1.89%) of the Bugis people also use it as their mother tongue. Makassarese speakers are concentrated in the southwestern peninsula of South Sulawesi, particularly in the fertile coastal areas around Makassar, Gowa Regency, and Takalar Regency. The language is also spoken by some residents of Maros Regency and Pangkajene and Islands Regency to the north, alongside Bugis. Residents of Jeneponto and Bantaeng Regencies generally identify themselves as part of the Makassarese-speaking community, although the varieties they speak (the Jeneponto or Turatea dialect and the Bantaeng dialect) differ significantly from the dialects used in Gowa and Takalar. The closely-related Konjo language is spoken in the mountainous areas of Gowa and along the coast of Bulukumba Regency, while the Selayar language is spoken on Selayar Island, to the south of the peninsula.

Current status
Makassarese is one of the relatively well-developed regional languages in Indonesia. It is still widely used in rural areas and parts of Makassar. Makassarese is also considered important as a marker of ethnic identity. However, in urban communities, code-switching or code-mixing between Makassar and Indonesian is common. Some urban Makassar residents, especially those from the middle class or with multiethnic backgrounds, also use Indonesian as the primary language in their households. Ethnologue classifies Makassar as a 6b (Threatened) language on the EGIDS scale, indicating that although the language is still commonly used in face-to-face conversations, the natural intergenerational transmission or teaching of the language is beginning to be disrupted.

Phonology
The following description of Makassarese phonology is based on Jukes (2005).

Vowels
Makassarese has five vowels:, , , ,. The mid vowels are lowered to and  in absolute final position and in the vowel sequences  and. The vowel phoneme tends to be realized as the open-mid vowel  when it is at the end of a word or before a syllable containing the sound. Compare, for instance, the pronunciation of in the word leʼbaʼ  'already' with mange  'go to'. The phoneme also has an open-mid allophone [ɔ] when it is at the end of a word or precedes a syllable containing the sound [ɔ], as seen in the word lompo  'big' (compare with órasaʼ  'heavy'). Regardless of their position within a word, some speakers tend to pronounce these two vowels with a higher (closer) tongue position, making their pronunciation approach that of the phonemes and.

Vowels can be pronounced nasally when they are around nasal consonants within the same syllable. There are two levels of nasalization intensity for vowels: strong nasalization and weak nasalization. Weak nasalization can be found on vowels before nasal consonants that are not at the end of a word. Strong nasalization can be found on vowels before final nasal consonants or generally after nasal consonants. Nasalization can spread to vowels in syllables after nasal vowels if there are no consonants blocking it. However, the intensity of nasalization in vowels like this is not as strong as in the vowels before them, as in the pronunciation of the word niaʼ 'there is'.

Consonants
There are 17 consonants in Makassarese, as outlined in the following table. Makassarese consonants except the glottal stop and voiced plosives can be geminated. Some instances of these might result from Proto-Malayo-Polynesian schwa phoneme * (now merged into ), which geminated the following consonant (*bəli > *bəlli > balli 'to buy, price' (compare Indonesian beli), contrasting with bali 'to oppose').

The phoneme is the only consonant with a dental pronunciation, unlike the phonemes, which are alveolar consonants. The voiceless plosive phonemes are generally pronounced with slight aspiration (a flow of air), as in the words katte  'we', lampa  'go', and kana  'say'. The phonemes and  have implosive allophones  and, especially in word-initial positions, such as in balu  'widow', and after the sound , as in aʼdoleng  'to let hang'. These two consonants, especially in word-initial positions, can also be realized as voiceless consonants without aspiration. The palatal phoneme can be realized as an affricate (a stop sound with a release of fricative)  or even. The phoneme can also be pronounced as an affricate. Jukes analyzes both of these consonants as stop consonants because they have palatal nasal counterparts, just as other oral stop consonants have their own nasal counterparts.
 * is written $⟨ny⟩$ before a vowel, $⟨n⟩$ before $⟨c⟩$ and $⟨j⟩$
 * is written $⟨ng⟩$
 * is written $⟨j⟩$
 * is written $⟨y⟩$
 * only occurs in loanwords
 * The glottal stop only occurs in syllable-final position. It is written as $⟨k⟩$ in the orthography promoted as the standard by the government and based on the practice in Indonesian, as an apostrophe $⟨⟩$ in other orthographic standards, sometimes as $⟨q⟩$ in academic writing, or not written at all in informal writing.

Phonotactics
The basic structure of syllables in Makassarese is (C1)V(C2). The position of C1 can be filled by almost any consonant, while the position of C2 has some limitations. In syllables located at the end of a morpheme, C2 can be filled by a stop (T) or a nasal (N), the pronunciation of which is determined by assimilation rules. The sound T assimilates with (is pronounced the same as) voiceless consonants except, and is realized as in other contexts. The sound N is realized as a homorganic nasal (pronounced at the same articulation place) before a stop or nasal consonant, assimilates with the consonants and, and is realized as  in other contexts. On the other hand, in syllables within root forms, Makassarese contrasts an additional sound in the C2 position besides K and N, which is. This analysis is based on the fact that Makassarese distinguishes between the sequences, , and across syllables. However, can also be considered as the realization of a geminate segment rather than a sequence across syllables.

The sounds can be categorized as non-nasal continuous (sounds produced without fully obstructing the flow of air through the mouth) consonants, and none of them can occupy the final position of a syllable except as part of a geminate consonant sequence. Basic words that actually end with these consonants will be appended with an epenthetic vowel identical to the vowel in the preceding syllable, and closed with a glottal stop, as in the words ótereʼ 'rope', bótoloʼ  'bottle', and rántasaʼ  'dirty'. This additional element is also referred to as the "VC-geminate" (echo-VC) sequence, and it can affect the position of stress within a word.

Generally, base words in Makassarese consist of two or three syllables. However, longer words can be formed due to the agglutinative nature of Makassarese and the highly productive reduplication process. According to Jukes, words with six or seven syllables are commonly found in Makassarese, while base words with just one syllable (that are not borrowed from other languages) are very rare, although there are some interjections and particles consisting of only one syllable.

All consonants except for can appear in initial position. In final position, only and   are found.

Consonant clusters only occur medially and (with one exception) can be analyzed as clusters of or  + consonant. These clusters also arise through sandhi across morpheme boundaries. The geminate cluster is only found in root-internal position and cannot be accounted for by the above rules.

Sequences of like vowels are contracted to a single vowel; e.g., sassa 'to wash' + -ang 'nominalizing suffix' > sassáng 'laundry', caʼdi 'small' + -i 'third person' > caʼdi 'it is small'.

Stress
The stress is generally placed on the penultimate (second-last) syllable of a base word. In reduplicated words, secondary stress will be placed on the first element, as in the word ammèkang-mékang 'to fish (casually)'. Suffixes are generally counted as part of the phonological unit receiving stress, while enclitics are not counted (extrametrical). For example, the word gássing 'strong', if the benefactive suffix -ang is added, becomes gassíngang 'stronger than' with stress on the penultimate syllable, but if given the first-person marker enclitic =aʼ, it becomes gássingaʼ 'I am strong', with stress on the antepenultimate syllable (third-last).

Other morphemes counted as part of the stress-bearing unit include the affixal clitic, marking possession, as in the word (buffalo=1.poss) 'my buffalo'. Particularly for the definite marker =a, this morpheme is counted as part of the stress-bearing unit only if the base word it attaches to ends in a vowel, as in the word batúa 'that stone'—compare with the stress pattern in kóngkonga 'that dog', where the base word ends in a consonant. A word can have stress on the preantepenultimate (fourth-last) syllable if a two-syllable enclitic combination such as =mako (perfective, second-person ) is appended; e.g., náiʼmako 'go up!' The stress position can also be influenced by the process of vocalic degemination, where identical vowels across morphemes merge into one. For example, the word jappa 'walk', when the suffix -ang is added, becomes jappáng 'to walk with', with stress on the ultimate (last) syllable.

The stress on base words with VC-geminate always falls on the antepenultimate syllable; for example, lápisiʼ 'layer', bótoloʼ 'bottle', pásaraʼ 'market', and Mangkásaraʼ 'Makassar', because syllables with VK-geminate are extrametrical. However, the addition of suffixes -ang and -i will remove this epenthetic syllable and move the stress to the penultimate position, as in the word lapísi 'to layer'. Adding the possessive clitic suffix also shifts the stress to the penultimate position but does not remove this epenthetic syllable, as in the word botolóʼna 'its bottle'. Meanwhile, the addition of the definite marker and enclitics neither remove nor alter the stress position of this syllable, as in the words pásaraka 'that market' and appásarakaʼ 'I'm going to the market'.

Pronouns
Personal pronouns in the Makassar language have three forms, namely:
 * free forms;
 * proclitics that cross-reference S and P arguments ('absolutive');
 * and enclitics that cross-reference A arguments ('ergative').

The following table shows these three forms of pronouns along with possessive markers for each series. The first person plural inclusive pronouns are also used to refer to the second person plural and serve as a form of respect for the second person singular. The first person plural pronoun series ku= is commonly used to refer to the first person plural in modern Makassar; pronouns kambe and possessive marker =mang are considered archaic, while the enclitic =kang can only appear in combination with clitic markers of modality and aspect, such as =pakang (imperfective =pa, first person exclusive =kang). The plural meaning can be expressed more clearly by adding the word ngaseng 'all' after the free form, as in ia–ngaseng 'they all' and ikau–ngaseng 'you all', or before the enclitic, as in 'they all'. However, ngaseng cannot be paired with proclitics.

Writing systems
Although Makassarese is now often written in Latin script, it is still widely written using Lontara script, which once was used also to write important documents in Bugis and Mandar, two related languages from Sulawesi.

Examples
Some common words and phrases in the Makassarese language, transcribed in the Latin script, are as follows ($⟨⟩$ represents the glottal stop).

Historical script
Makassarese was historically written using Makasar script (also known as "Old Makassarese" or "Makassarese bird script" in English-language scholarly works). In Makassarese the script is known as ukiriʼ jangang-jangang or huruf jangang-jangang ('bird letters'). It was used for official purposes in the kingdoms of Makasar in the 17th century but ceased to be used by the 19th century, being replaced by Lontara script.

In spite of their quite distinctive appearance, both the Makasar and Lontara scripts are derived from the ancient Brahmi script of India. Like other descendants of that script, each consonant has an inherent vowel "a", which is not marked. Other vowels can be indicated by adding diacritics above, below, or on either side of each consonant.

Further, Makassarese was written in the Serang script, a variant of the Arabic-derived Jawi script. Texts written in the Serang script are relatively rare, and mostly appear in connection with Islam-related topics. Parts of the Makassar Annals, the chronicles of the Gowa and Tallo' kingdoms, were also written using the Serang script.

title: Makassarese language


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Talk:Barb Tarbox

Length of activism
I have edited the existing page to correct factual errors. Barb Tarbox only became an anti-smoking activist during the last few months of her life. The original page implied that she had been an anti-smoking activist for a very long time, which is false.

Smoking all bad?
Isn't it kinda wrong to assume that all aspects of smoking are bad? Qualified properly, the statements in this article would certainly be ok. Personally, a good cigar really helps me to relax and relieves stress. Plenty of people happily derive many intangible benefits from smoking -- not everyone is a '3-Pack a day' fiend like Barb Tarbox... though may she rest in peace, nonetheless.

 * As a matter of fact, it is bad DONT YOU PEOPLE GET IT? GET IT THROUGH YOUR HEADS! YOUVE ONLY GOT ONE LIFE TO LIVE AND YOUR GONNA DESTROY IT BY SMOKING??!! ITF YOUR STILL SMOKING i want you to go up to your pack of smokes and BREACK THEM!! thank you ( in honor of barb tarbox) Friggin' Right!

 * ^^ somebody get this guy a cigarette

Pseudonym?
Is Barb Tarbox her real name? The "Tarbox" seems to be a sarcastic reference to a pack of cigs. Plus Barb means a type of spike like barbed wire. this sounds like a tarbox covered in barbs. this sseems suspicious to me. Syrion 18:08, 28 March 2007 (UTC)
 * It was indeed her real(and incredibly ironic) name. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 68.149.181.145 (talk) 00:32, 13 November 2007 (UTC)

Being a model isn't enough
This line about smoking to be popular needs a reference or removal... It also downplays the chemical addiction aspect of smoking.

From albertaquits.ca : "Barb Tarbox started smoking in grade 7. She thought the occasional stolen cigarette from her mother’s purse would make her look cool, and that it would help her make new friends. Two years later, Barb was up to a pack a day." Im new to this so not comfortable editing the actual page to include link

— Preceding unsigned comment added by 71.17.85.112 (talk) 00:13, 27 June 2013 (UTC)

External links modified
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I have just added archive links to 1 one external link on Barb Tarbox. Please take a moment to review my edit. If necessary, add after the link to keep me from modifying it. Alternatively, you can add to keep me off the page altogether. I made the following changes:
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title: Talk:Barb Tarbox


text:
Minangkabau language

Minangkabau (Minangkabau: Baso Minangkabau, Jawi script: ; Bahasa Minangkabau) is an Austronesian language spoken by the Minangkabau of West Sumatra, the western part of Riau, South Aceh Regency, the northern part of Bengkulu and Jambi, also in several cities throughout Indonesia by migrated Minangkabau. The language is also a lingua franca along the western coastal region of the province of North Sumatra, and is even used in parts of Aceh, where the language is called Aneuk Jamee.

Minangkabau is similar to Malay. The relationship between the languages is characterized in different ways. Some see Minangkabau as an early variety of Malay, while others think of Minangkabau as a distinct (Malayic) language.

Minangkabau is one of a few languages that generally lacks verb forms and grammatical subject-object distinctions.

Although Minangkabau is still commonly spoken amongst the Minangkabau people, education specific to the culture in urbanizing locations is slowly being erased as it is deemed less and less important in West Sumatra. The Minangkabau language is deemed as "informal" in the urban regions of Padang, with the Indonesian language being preferred instead in formal institutions. Youth in the city will frequently use a mixture of conversational Minang and Indonesian slang.

Geographic distribution
Minangkabau is the native language of the Minangkabau people of West Sumatra. There are approximately 5.5 million speakers of the language. It is also spoken in the western part of Riau, South Aceh Regency, the northern part of Bengkulu and Jambi. Along the western coastal region of North Sumatra, the language is also a lingua franca. The language is used and called Aneuk Jamee in parts of Aceh.

Besides Indonesia, Minangkabau is also spoken in Malaysia, by some descendants of migrants from the Minang-speaking region in Sumatra (Ranah Minang, Tanah Minang, or Land of the Minang). Significant numbers of the early migrants settled in what is now the Malaysian state of Negeri Sembilan; this Negeri Sembilan Malay, known as Bahaso Nogori / Baso Nogoghi, is now a distinct language, more closely related to Malay than to Minangkabau. More recent immigrants are known as Minang.

Dialects
The Minangkabau language has several dialects, sometimes differing between nearby villages (e.g. separated by a river). The dialects are Rao Mapat Tunggul, Muaro Sungai Lolo, Payakumbuh, Pangkalan-Lubuk Alai, Agam-Tanah Datar, Pancungsoal, Kotobaru, Sungai Bendung Air, and Karanganyar. In everyday communication between Minangkabau people of different regions, the Agam-Tanah Datar dialect (Baso Padang or Baso Urang Awak 'our [people's] language') is often used and has become a kind of standard.

The Tapan language, spoken in the town of Tapan in southern West Sumatra province, is a recently discovered Malayan language which has been proposed as related to but not part of Minangkabau. Together, Tapan and Minangkabau would form a Greater Minangkabau subgroup. The two languages Tapan and Muko-Muko form a Lunangic subgroup within the Minangic (Greater Minangkabau) language group.

The Minangic subgroup is characterized by the following word-final sound changes.
 * *V[hi]ŋ > V[hi]ăŋ
 * *us > uĭh
 * *at > eʔ
 * *as > eh
 * *is > ih

Phonology
The sound inventory of Minangkabau is listed below:

Diphthongs:, , , ,.

title: Minangkabau language


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User talk:195.92.168.163

Nomination of SNP Trade Union Group for deletion
A discussion is taking place as to whether the article SNP Trade Union Group is suitable for inclusion in Wikipedia according to Wikipedia's policies and guidelines or whether it should be deleted.

The article will be discussed at Articles for deletion/SNP Trade Union Group until a consensus is reached, and anyone, including you, is welcome to contribute to the discussion. The nomination will explain the policies and guidelines which are of concern. The discussion focuses on high-quality evidence and our policies and guidelines.

Users may edit the article during the discussion, including to improve the article to address concerns raised in the discussion. However, do not remove the article-for-deletion notice from the top of the article.

Nomination of Lighting designer for deletion
A discussion is taking place as to whether the article Lighting designer is suitable for inclusion in Wikipedia according to Wikipedia's policies and guidelines or whether it should be deleted.

The article will be discussed at Articles for deletion/Lighting designer until a consensus is reached, and anyone is welcome to contribute to the discussion. The nomination will explain the policies and guidelines which are of concern. The discussion focuses on high-quality evidence and our policies and guidelines.

Users may edit the article during the discussion, including to improve the article to address concerns raised in the discussion. However, do not remove the article-for-deletion notice from the top of the article. Ten Pound Hammer • (What did I screw up now?) 09:41, 21 March 2014 (UTC)

"The Editor (Doctor Who)" listed at Redirects for discussion
A discussion is taking place to address the redirect The Editor (Doctor Who). The discussion will occur at Redirects for discussion/Log/2021 May 31 until a consensus is reached, and anyone, including you, is welcome to contribute to the discussion. Shhhnotsoloud (talk) 16:43, 31 May 2021 (UTC)

title: User talk:195.92.168.163


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Harriet Jane Moore

Harriet Jane Carrick Moore (1801 – 6 March 1884) was a British watercolour artist who is best known for her drawings of Michael Faraday's work at the Royal Institution. She documented his apartment, study, and laboratory in a series of watercolour paintings in the early 1850s. Letters between Faraday and Moore survive at the Institution of Engineering and Technology. She, and her family, were close with the Swiss-born artist Henry Fuseli.

She was the eldest of the five children of James Carrick Moore (1762–1860) and Harriet Henderson (1779–1866). She was the niece of Sir John Moore, a British army general in the Peninsular war, and the granddaughter of the actor John Henderson.

title: Harriet Jane Moore


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Church of God (New Dunkers)

The Church of God (New Dunkers) was a religious group that was formed in 1848 by dissidents of the Schwarzenau Brethren (now known as Church of the Brethren).

The Church appear to be indebted to Peter Eyman (ca. 1805–1852) for their origin. In the fall of 1827, the "Dunker" Church in Montgomery County, Ohio, was organized by Eyman, who was the Church's first preacher. Then Eyman moved from Ohio in 1828 to Carroll County, Indiana, serving in what became the Bachelor's Run and Lower Deer Creek churches.

Bachelor's Run was the first Brethren Church in Carroll County. The congregation was organized by Eyman in 1829. In 1838 trouble began between Eyman and fellow minister Peter Replogle, which resulted in a division of Church territory. Replogle started the Deer Creek congregation. Around 1845 Peter Eyman and another minister, George Patton, advocated "variant practices" for which they were disfellowshipped by the Annual Conference in 1848.

The Eyman/Patton group were popularly known as the "New Dunkers", but they called themselves the Church of God, insisting that "Bible things should be called by Bible names". They took the position that "Church of God" was the only scriptural church name. In doctrine and practice, they were close to the Brethren from whom they evolved, faithfully observing trine forward immersion, feet washing, the holy kiss, anointing with oil, and other Brethren practices. In the 1940s, the Church had eight churches with about 500 members, but in August 1962 the Church disbanded.

title: Church of God (New Dunkers)


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Talk:Church of God (New Dunkers)

Untitled
This page needs a lot of help. This is gleaned from various sources that had a tidbit here or there, but no details. There is also a discrepancy as to whether the Church of God (New Dunkers) began in 1848 or 1843, but I chose 1848 as what seemed to be the more likely date. Rlvaughn 04:01, 15 Nov 2003 (UTC)

I have found that Clark and Mead disagree on the kind of baptism practiced by the New Dunkers. Mead claims that this is one of the points about which they disagreed with the parent body, and that the New Dunkers practiced single (instead of trine) immersion. - Rlvaughn 01:31, 13 Jan 2004 (UTC)

title: Talk:Church of God (New Dunkers)


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British Columbia Highway 16

Highway 16 is a highway in British Columbia, Canada. It is an important section of the Yellowhead Highway, a part of the Trans-Canada Highway that runs across Western Canada. The highway closely follows the path of the northern B.C. alignment of the Canadian National Railway (CN). The number "16" was first given to the highway in 1941, and originally, the route that the highway took was more to the north of today's highway, and it was not as long as it is now. Highway 16 originally ran from New Hazelton east to Aleza Lake. In 1947, Highway 16's western end was moved from New Hazelton to the coastal city of Prince Rupert, and in 1953, the highway was re-aligned to end at Prince George. In 1969, further alignment east into Yellowhead Pass was opened to traffic after being constructed up through 1968 and raised to all-weather standards in 1969. Highway 16's alignment on Haida Gwaii was commissioned in 1983 and is connected to the mainland segment via BC Ferries route #11.

A series of murders and disappearances has given the stretch between Prince Rupert and Prince George the name Highway of Tears.

Haida Gwaii section
The 101 km segment of the 1347 km BC highway begins in the west in the village of Masset, on the northern coast of Graham Island. Proceeding south, the highway goes 38 km to the inlet town of Port Clements. Winding its way along the boundary of Naikoon Provincial Park, Highway 16 goes south for 27 km before reaching the community of Tlell. 36 km south of Tlell, Highway 16 reaches Skidegate, where its Haida Gwaii section terminates.

Mainland section
BC Ferries then takes Highway 16 across the Hecate Strait for 172 km due northeast to its landing at Prince Rupert.

From Prince Rupert, Highway 16 begins its winding route east through the Coast Mountain Ranges. Following the Skeena River, the highway travels for 151 km to the city of Terrace. Highway 37 merges onto Highway 16 from north of Highway 16, at the Kitwanga junction. Another 43 km northeast, Highway 16 reaches New Hazelton, where it then veers southeast along the Bulkley River. 68 km later, the highway reaches the town of Smithers, proceeding southeast another 64 km to the village of Houston.

At Houston, Highway 16 begins a parallel course along the upper course of the Bulkley River, proceeding 81 km east to its junction with Highway 35, south of Burns Lake. 128 km east, after passing through the hamlet of Fraser Lake, Highway 16 reaches its junction with Highway 27 in the town of Vanderhoof. 97 km east of Vanderhoof, Highway 16 reaches its B.C. midpoint as it enters the city of Prince George at its junction with Highway 97. Highway 16 leaves Prince George after coursing through the city for 9 km.

120 km east of Prince George, Highway 16 reaches the community of Dome Creek, where it converges with the Fraser River and turns southeast. It follows the Fraser River upstream for 82 km to McBride, then continues upstream for another 64 km to its junction with Highway 5 at Tête Jaune Cache. 14 km east of Tête Jaune Cache, Highway 16 enters Mount Robson Provincial Park, coursing through the park for 63 km to the boundary between British Columbia and Alberta within Yellowhead Pass.

Prince George–New Hazelton
In August 1925, this section opened with the completion of the Burns Lake–Endako link.

New Hazelton–Kitwanga
Highway extended west of New Hazelton by about 4 mi in 1927–28 and another 3.3 mi in 1928–29. By 1931–32, Kitwanga–Hazelton was rated fairly good. By mid-1943, the condition was rated rough, awaiting tendering of reconstruction contracts.

Kitwanga–Usk
By 1931–32, Cedarvale–Kitwanga was rated passable. For Usk–Cedarvale, several segments were under construction. During 1936–1941, a series of 1 to 4 mi stretches were completed, which included replacing sections washed out by the 1936 flood. By 1937, the Usk–Cedarvale gap still remained on the southeast shore.

By 1940, a 20 mi gap remained. In 1943, progress reactivated. In May 1944, the gap completed comprised the Pacific–Cedarvale section.

Usk–Terrace
Highway extended east of Terrace by about 2 mi in 1927–28 and another 3.7 mi in 1928–29. In September 1929, Terrace–Usk section completed.

Terrace–Prince Rupert

 * 1927: Aerial reconnaissance to identify possible routes was unsuccessful.
 * 1928: Galloway Rapids–Phelan, about 5 mi cleared. Phelan station was about 3.6 km south of present Port Edward.
 * 1930: Galloway Rapids bridge built. Over prior few years, a narrow, winding, gravel road had been cut from the Prince Rupert city limits. A road east from the bridge began.
 * Early 1930s: Great Depression relief crews extended road eastward.
 * 1935: Completed about 4 km eastward to Kloiya Bay. Preliminary decision made to progress a highway eastward rather than via Port Edward and south along the shoreline. Within a few years, a narrow, rough road followed the shores of Taylor and Pudhomme lakes.
 * 1938: Option of a route via present Kitimat was rejected.
 * 1942: US entry into World War II prompted the building of a highway to move troops in response to a potential Japanese invasion. That year, construction contracts were awarded. Significant parts of the CN right-of-way were appropriated for the highway and the track realigned. A total of 45 bridges would be prefabricated.
 * 1943: Working 24/7, progress hampered by high employee turnover owing to cold and wet summer weather. That February, five snowslides buried a construction camp near Kwinitsa, killing two and injuring 11.
 * 1944: "Skeena Highway" officially opened in September. However, the road in many places was a narrow winding trail hugging the railway tracks. With the Japanese invasion threat long passed, the road was not snowplowed that winter.
 * 1945: Route no longer possessed military value. The federal government initially maintained control because the province did not want to assume maintenance costs.
 * 1946: Province took over the highway.
 * 1951: Highway was paved. The following winter was the first time snowplowing was used to keep the highway open.
 * 1970: Highway rerouted and repaved.
 * 1972: January and February brought the heaviest snowfalls and longest road closures.
 * 1974: January snowslide about 28 mi west of Terrace buried motel/restaurant/gas station complex, killing seven people.
 * Late 1960s: Prince Rupert–Tyee reconstruction.
 * 1980s: Kasiks, Tyee, and Esker railway overpasses erected.
 * 1989: Falling ice at Car Wash Rock, about 7.5 km east of Exchamsiks River Provincial Park, killed a motorist.
 * Early 1990s: Hazardous Tyee–Khyex section realigned.
 * 2020s: Despite promises to rectify, the Car Wash Rock site remains hazardous. About 3.5 km farther east, the Mile 28 project to replace the railway crossing with an overpass has stalled.

Highway of Tears
The Highway of Tears is a stretch of Highway 16 between Prince George and Prince Rupert. Since 1970, numerous women have gone missing or have been murdered along the 720 km section of highway. Aboriginal organizations speculate that number ranges above forty.

In 2016, the Canadian government launched the National Inquiry into Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women after communicating with victim families. This was done to find methods of slowing the violence within the Indigenous population.

In September 2020 a totem pole honouring missing and murdered Indigenous women was raised on the highway just outside Terrace.

Major intersections
From west to east, the following intersections are observed along Highway 16. Distances exclude the 172 km ferry between Skidegate and Prince Rupert.

title: British Columbia Highway 16


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Fritz Spiegl

Fritz Spiegl (27 January 1926 – 23 March 2003) was an Austrian-born English musician, journalist, broadcaster, humorist and collector who lived in Britain from 1939. His works include compiling the Radio 4 UK Theme in 1978.

Early life
Spiegl was born near the Hungarian border in the village of Zurndorf, Burgenland, Austria, where his father was a businessman manufacturing among other things carbonated water. Spiegl attended the Gymnasium in Eisenstadt but, as the family were Jewish, they were persecuted by the Nazis in the wake of the Anschluss of 1938. All their property having been confiscated, Fritz's parents succeeded in leaving the country in 1939, eventually escaping to Bolivia while sending Fritz and his older sister Hanny (born 1923) to Northamptonshire, England.

On arrival in Britain, Spiegl was sent to Magdalen College School, Brackley, where he learned little beyond "rugger, plane-spotting and a bit of Latin". Eventually he went to London to work for an advertising agency. But he soon switched to music, taught himself to play the flute, enrolled at the Royal Academy of Music and, within a short time, became principal flautist with the Royal Liverpool Philharmonic Orchestra, a position he kept for more than a decade. Ear damage appears to have played a part in his exit from professional playing, as in later years he would occasionally refer to having been "invalided out by the brass section".

Career
A resident of Liverpool, he organised annual Nuts in May concerts, featuring the Loophonium, a "Liszt Twist" and other parody items. This approach helped draw new young audiences into concert halls. Less attracted to pop music, Spiegl once called the Beatles phenomenon "the greatest confidence trick since the Virgin Birth". His name was often misspelt, including Spiegel, Spiegle, Speigl, Speigel or Speigle. He was a supporter of Liverpool Football Club.

A native speaker of German, Fritz Spiegl did not speak a word of English when he moved to Britain as a 13-year-old—a fact which has often been regarded as the trigger for his preoccupation with language phenomena such as, say, malapropisms and for the biting yet humorous linguistic purism of his later years. As one commentator remarked, Spiegl

"...soon knew a great deal more about the language than most English people do. And cared more too. One can understand this. It's galling, when you've taken the trouble to learn that 'an alibi' is not the same as 'an excuse', to find that the natives themselves seem to have forgotten the difference."

Fritz Spiegl died suddenly during a Sunday lunch in Liverpool with his wife, Ingrid Frances Spiegl, and some friends.

Compositions
As a composer, Spiegl scored a popular success with the original theme from the TV series Z-Cars, based on "Johnny Todd", a Liverpool sea shanty. He also composed the original theme for the Z Cars spin-off series Softly, Softly; the song was also released as a single on Andrew Loog Oldham's Immediate record label in 1966. Another signature tune was 'Conversation Piece' for In the Psychiatrist's Chair, which was based on music from Mozart's Les Petits Riens transcribed for wind instruments.

His BBC Radio 4 UK Theme, in which national songs from each of the four constituent countries of the United Kingdom are combined, was heard on Radio 4 at the beginning of each morning's broadcasting from November 1978 until April 2006. His Eine kleine Beatlemusic was performed in London and later recorded, as was Valkyrie And The Rhine Maidens - On The Bayreuth Beat.

Selected books

 * The Black On White Misprint Show (More Clangers & Other Disasters In Cold Print) (1966)
 * How to Talk Proper in Liverpool (Lern Yerself Scouse S.) (1966)
 * What the Papers Didn't Mean to Say (1966)
 * A Small Book of Grave Humour (1971) ISBN 978-0330028714
 * Dead Funny: Another Book of Grave Humour (1982) ISBN 978-0330268288
 * Keep Taking the Tabloids. What the Papers Say and How They Say It (1983)
 * Music Through the Looking-Glass subtitled 'A very personal kind of Dictionary of Musicians' Jargon, Shop-Talk and Nicknames; and a Mine of Information about Musical Curiosities, Strange Instruments, Word Origins, Odd Facts, Orchestral Players' Lore and Wicked Stories about the Music Profession' (1984) Routledge & Kegan Paul. ISBN 0-7102-0401-9
 * The Joy of Words. A Bedside Book for English Lovers (1986)
 * Fritz Spiegl's Book of Musical Blunders and other Musical Curiosities (1996) Robson Books Ltd. ISBN 1-86105-075-5
 * The Lives, Wives and Loves of the Great Composers (1997) Marion Boyars Publishers Ltd. ISBN 0-7145-2917-6
 * An Illustrated Everyday History of Liverpool and Merseyside (1998)
 * MuSick Notes: A Medical Songbook (2001)
 * Contradictionary: Of Confusibles, Lookalikes and Soundalikes (published posthumously in 2003)

title: Fritz Spiegl


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Ty Longley

Ty Christopher Longley (September 4, 1971 – February 20, 2003) was an American guitarist.

Life and career
He was born in Sharon, Pennsylvania, and graduated from Brookfield High School in Brookfield, Ohio. He joined the band Great White in 2000, played in Samantha 7, The Bullet Boys, and played in Nick Menza's solo project. Longley also did session work for many artists, including Nancy Sinatra and performed uncredited on many works of music.

Longley died in The Station nightclub fire on February 20, 2003, which claimed a total of 100 lives. When the fire started, Longley was performing with the band Great White. Instead of immediately exiting the building through the nearby band door, Longley ran off of the stage to break some windows with his guitar and aide in helping concert goers escape in the chaos. Longley was the only band member to lose his life in the fire.

Ty Longley was survived by Heidi Longley, who was three months pregnant with Ty’s only child. Their son Acey Ty Christopher Longley was born in the summer of 2003. Acey is also a musician, and runs a charity called B.E.A.T.S. (Bringing Everyone A Tremendous Smile) for children in his father's memory.

title: Ty Longley