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Leopold II, Grand Duke of Tuscany

Leopold II (3 October 1797 – 29 January 1870) was Grand Duke of Tuscany from 1824 to 1859. He married twice; first to Maria Anna of Saxony, and after her death in 1832, to Maria Antonia of the Two-Sicilies. By the latter, he begat his eventual successor, Ferdinand. Leopold was recognised contemporarily as a liberal monarch, authorising the Tuscan Constitution of 1848, and allowing a degree of press freedom.

The Grand Duke was deposed briefly by a provisional government in 1849, only to be restored the same year with the assistance of Austrian troops, who occupied the state until 1855. Leopold attempted a policy of neutrality with regard to the Second Italian War of Independence but was expelled by a bloodless coup on 27 April 1859, just before the beginning of the war. The Grand Ducal family left for Bologna, papal territory since the Congress of Vienna. Tuscany was occupied by soldiers of Victor Emmanuel II of Sardinia for the duration of the conflict. The Armistice of Villafranca, agreed to between Napoleon III of France and Franz Joseph I of Austria on 11 July, provided for the return of the Lorraines to Florence, but Leopold himself was considered too unpopular to be accepted, and on 21 July 1859, he abdicated the throne in favour of his son, Ferdinand. Ferdinand was not, however, any more acceptable to the revolutionaries in control of Florence, and his accession was not proclaimed. Instead, the provisional government proclaimed the deposition of the House of Habsburg (16 August).

Early life and Reign
Born in Florence, Leopold II was the son of Ferdinand III, Grand Duke of Tuscany and Princess Luisa Maria Amelia Teresa of the Two Sicilies, who were double first cousins. His maternal grandparents were Ferdinand I of the Two Sicilies and Maria Carolina of Austria. He accompanied his father while fleeing to Germany when Tuscany was Occupied by the French. He and his family returned to Florence after Napoleon's defeat in 1814.

He succeeded his father on 18 June 1824. During the first twenty years of his reign he devoted himself to the internal development of the state. His was the mildest and least reactionary of all the Italian despotisms of the day, and although always subject to Austrian influence he refused to adopt the Austrian methods of government, allowed a fair measure of liberty to the press, and permitted many political exiles from other states to dwell in Tuscany undisturbed.

But when during the early 1840s unrest spread throughout Italy, even in Tuscany demands for a constitution and other political reforms were advanced; in 1845 and 1846, riots occurred in various parts of the country, and Leopold granted a number of administrative reforms. But Austrian influence prevented him from doing more, even had he wished to do so. The election of Pope Pius IX gave fresh encouragement to Liberalism, and on 4 September 1847 Leopold instituted the National Guard – a preparation for a constitution; soon afterward the marchese Cosimo Ridolfi (1794–1865) was appointed prime minister. The granting of the Neapolitan and Piedmontese constitutions was followed (17 February 1848) by that of Tuscany, composed by Gino Capponi.

Italian Wars of Independence
The uprisings in Milan and in Vienna aroused patriotic enthusiasm in Tuscany, where war against Austria was demanded; Leopold, yielding to popular pressure, sent a force of regulars and volunteers to co-operate with Piedmont in the Lombard campaign. His speech on their departure was uncompromisingly Italian and Liberal. "Soldiers," he said, "the holy cause of Italian freedom is being decided to-day on the fields of Lombardy. Already the citizens of Milan have purchased their liberty with their blood and with a heroism of which history offers few examples... Honour to the arms of Italy! Long live Italian independence!" The Tuscan contingent fought bravely, though unsuccessfully, at Curtatone and Montanara.

On 26 June, the first Tuscan parliament assembled but the disturbances consequent on the failure of the campaign in Lombardy resulted in the resignation of the Ridolfi ministry, which was succeeded by that of Gino Capponi. The riots continued, especially at Livorno, which was prey to actual civil war, and the democratic party of which Francesco Domenico Guerrazzi and Giuseppe Montanelli were organizers became every day more influential. Capponi resigned, and Leopold agreed reluctantly to a Montanelli-Guerrazzi ministry, which in its turn had to fight against the extreme republican party.

New elections in the autumn of 1848 returned a constitutional majority, but it ended by voting in favour of a constituent assembly. There was talk of instituting a central Italian kingdom with Leopold as king, to form part of a larger Italian federation, but in the meanwhile the grand-duke, alarmed at the revolutionary and republican agitations in Tuscany and encouraged by the success of the Austrian troops, was, according to Montanelli, negotiating with Field Marshal Radetzky and with Pius IX, who had now abandoned his liberal tendencies, and fled to Gaeta. Leopold had left Florence for Siena, and eventually for Porto Santo Stefano, leaving a letter to Guerrazzi in which, on account of a protest from the pope, he declared that he could not agree to the proposed constituent assembly. The utmost confusion prevailed in Florence and other parts of Tuscany.

On 18 February 1849 a republic was proclaimed and on that same day Leopold sailed for Gaeta. A third parliament was elected and Guerrazzi appointed dictator. But there was great discontent, and the defeat of Charles Albert at Novara caused consternation among the Liberals. The majority, while fearing an Austrian invasion, desired the return of the grand duke who had never been unpopular, and in April 1849 the municipal council usurped the powers of the assembly and invited him to return, "to save us by means of the restoration of the constitutional monarchy surrounded by popular institutions, from the shame and ruin of a foreign invasion." Leopold accepted, although he said nothing about the foreign invasion, and on 1 May sent Count Luigi Serristori to Tuscany with full powers.

Abdication and Later life
But at the same time the Austrians occupied Lucca and Livorno, and although Leopold simulated surprise at their action it has since been proved, as the Austrian general d'Aspre declared at the time, that Austrian intervention was due to the request of the grand duke. On 24 May the latter appointed G Baldasseroni prime minister, on the 25th the Austrians entered Florence and on 28 July Leopold himself returned. In April 1850 he concluded a treaty with Austria suspending the continuation for an indefinite period of the Austrian occupation with 10,000 men; in September he dismissed parliament, and the next year established a concordat with the Church of a very clerical character. He feebly asked Austria if he might maintain the constitution, and the Austrian premier, Prince Felix of Schwarzenberg, advised him to consult the pope, the king of Naples and the dukes of Parma and Modena.

On their advice he formally revoked the constitution (1852). Political trials were held, Guerrazzi and many others being condemned to long terms of imprisonment, and although in 1855 the Austrian troops left Tuscany, Leopold's popularity was gone. Some of the Liberals, however, still believed in the possibility of a constitutional grand duke who could be induced for a second time to join Piedmont in a war against Austria, whereas the popular party headed by Ferdinando Bartolommei and Giuseppe Dolfi realised that only by the expulsion of Leopold could the national aspirations be realised. When in 1859 France and Piedmont made war on Austria, Leopold's government failed to prevent numbers of young Tuscan volunteers from joining the Franco-Piedmontese forces. Finally an agreement was arrived at between the aristocratic constitutionalists and the popular party, as a result of which the grand-duke's participation in the war was formally demanded.

Leopold at first gave way, and entrusted Don Neri Corsini with the formation of a ministry. The popular demands presented by Corsini were for the abdication of Leopold in favour of his son, an alliance with Piedmont and the reorganisation of Tuscany in accordance with the eventual and definite reorganisation of Italy. Leopold hesitated and finally rejected the proposals as derogatory to his dignity. On 27 April there was great excitement in Florence, Italian colours appeared everywhere, but order was maintained, and the grand duke and his family departed for Bologna undisturbed. Thus the revolution was accomplished without blood being shed, and after a period of provisional government Tuscany was incorporated in the Kingdom of Italy. On 21 July Leopold abdicated in favour of his son Ferdinand IV of Tuscany, who never reigned, but issued a protest from Dresden (26 March 1860).

Since his abdication, he then lived in exile in Austria for many years. He died in Rome in 29 January 1870, having stayed there since 1869.

Evaluation
Leopold of Tuscany was a well-meaning, not unkindly man, and fonder of his subjects than were the other Italian despots, but he was weak, and too closely bound by family ties and Habsburg traditions ever to become a real Liberal. Had he not joined the conclave of autocrats at Gaeta, and, above all, had he not summoned Austrian assistance while denying that he had done so, in 1849, he might yet have preserved his throne, and even changed the course of Italian history. At the same time his rule, if not harsh, was demoralising.

Along with his wife he was the founding patron of L'Istituto Statale della Ss. Annunziata, the first female boarding school in Florence, that would educate aristocratic and noble young ladies. Leopold ordered the construction of La Botte, a water tunnel under the Arno river, which allowed for the final drainage of the Lago di Bientina, which had previously been the largest lake in Tuscany. Completed in 1859, La Botte remains an integral part of the Tuscan water management system.

He spent his last years in Austria and died in Rome on 29 January 1870.

Marriages and children
In Dresden on 28 October 1817, and by proxy in Florence on 16 November 1817, Leopold married Princess Maria Anna of Saxony. She was a daughter of Maximilian, Prince of Saxony and Caroline of Bourbon-Parma. Her maternal grandparents were Ferdinand, Duke of Parma and Archduchess Maria Amalia of Austria. Leopold and his wife were second cousins as they were both great-grandchildren of Empress Maria Theresa of Austria. They had three children:

 * Archduchess Carolina Auguste Elisabeth Vincentia Johanna Josepha (Florence, 19 November 1822 – Florence, 5 October 1841)
 * Archduchess Auguste Ferdinande of Austria (1 April 1825 – 26 April 1864); married Luitpold, Prince Regent of Bavaria.
 * Archduchess Maria Maximiliana Thekla Johanna Josepha (Florence, 9 January 1827 – Florence, 18 May 1834)

Maria Anna died in Pisa on 24 April 1832. On 7 June 1833, in Naples, Leopold married secondly Maria Antonietta of the Two Sicilies. His new wife was the second daughter of Francis I of the Two Sicilies and Maria Isabella of Spain. Marie Antoinette was his first cousin. They had ten children:

 * Archduchess Maria Isabella Annunziata Giovanna Giuseppa Umilta Appolonia Philomena Virginia Gabriela (21 May 1834 – 14 July 1901); married her maternal uncle Prince Francis, Count of Trapani, youngest son of Francis I of the Two Sicilies and Maria Isabella of Spain.
 * Ferdinand IV, Grand Duke of Tuscany (10 June 1835 – 17 January 1908)
 * Archduchess Maria Theresia Annunziata Johanna Josepha Paulina Luisa Virginia Apollonia Philomena (Florence, 29 June 1836 – Florence, 5 August 1838)
 * Archduchess Maria Christina Annunziata Agatha Dorothea Johanna Josephina Luisa Philomena Anna (Florence, 5 February 1838 – Florence, 1 September 1849)
 * Archduke Karl Salvator Maria Joseph Johann Baptist Philipp Jakob Märzius Ludwig (30 April 1839 – 18 January 1892); married Princess Maria Immaculata of Bourbon-Two Sicilies, second daughter of Ferdinand II of the Two Sicilies and Archduchess Maria Theresa of Austria.
 * Archduchess Maria Anna Karoline Annunziata Johanna Josepha Gabriela Theresia Katharina Margarethe Philomena (Florence, 9 June 1840 – Florence, 13 August 1841)
 * Archduke Rainer Salvator Maria Stephan Joseph Johann Philipp Jakob Antonin Zenobius Alois von Gonzaga (Florence, 1 May 1842 – Florence, 14 August 1844)
 * Archduchess Maria Luisa Annunziata Anna Giovanna Giuseppa Antonietta Philomena Apollonia Tommasa (Florence, 31 October 1845 – 27 August 1917); married in Schloss Brandeis, Bohemia, on 31 May 1865 to Karl, Prince of Isenburg-Büdingen. Her husband was a grandson of Karl, last sovereign Prince of Isenburg. They are the ancestors of Sophie, Princess of Prussia, wife of Georg Friedrich, Prince of Prussia, the head of the House of Hohenzollern.
 * Archduke Ludwig Salvator Maria Joseph Johann Baptist Dominicus Rainerius Ferdinand Carl Zenobius Antonin (4 August 1847 – 12 October 1915)
 * Archduke Johann Salvator Nepomuk Maria Annunziata Giuseppe Johann Batista Ferdinando Baldassare Luigi Gonzaga Pietro Alessandrino Zenobius Antonin (25 November 1852 – reported lost at sea in 1890); speculation of his survival under an alias (Johann Orth).

Honours

 * : Grand Duchy of Tuscany:
 * Grand Master of the Order of St. Joseph
 * Grand Master of the Military Order of St. Stephen
 * Austrian Empire:
 * Knight of the Golden Fleece, 1810
 * Grand Cross of St. Stephen, 1838
 * 🇧🇪 Belgium: Grand Cordon of the Order of Leopold, 1 October 1844
 * Two Sicilies:
 * Knight of St. Januarius
 * Grand Cross of St. Ferdinand and Merit
 * Duchy of Parma: Senator Grand Cross of the Constantinian Order of St. George, with Collar, 1851
 * Kingdom of Saxony: Knight of the Rue Crown, 1817

title: Leopold II, Grand Duke of Tuscany


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Caribbean English

Caribbean English (CE, CarE) is a set of dialects of the English language which are spoken in the Caribbean and most countries on the Caribbean coasts of Central America and South America. Caribbean English is influenced by, but is distinct to the English-based creole languages spoken in the region. Though dialects of Caribbean English vary structurally and phonetically across the region, all are primarily derived from British English and West African languages. In some countries with a plurality Indian population, such as Trinidad and Tobago and Guyana, Caribbean English has further been influenced by Hindustani and other South Asian languages.

Overview

 * The daily-used English in the Caribbean has a different set of pronouns, typically me, meh or mi, you, yuh, he, she, it, we, wi or alawe, wunna or unu, and dem or day. I, mi, my, he, she, ih, it, we, wi or alawe, allayu or unu, and dem, den, deh for "them" with Central Americans.
 * Consonant changes occur like h-dropping or th-stopping are common.
 * Some might be "sing-songish" in Trinidad and the Bahamas.
 * Rhotic: Bajan (Barbadian), Guyanese
 * Influenced by Irish English: Jamaican, Bajan
 * Influenced by any of the above, as well as Spanish and indigenous languages: Central American English dialects like the Belizean Creole (Kriol), or the Mískito Coastal Creole and Rama Cay Creole spoken in Nicaragua

However, the English that is used in the media, education, and business and in formal or semi-formal discourse approaches the internationally understood variety of Standard English (British English in all former and present British territories and American English in Puerto Rico and the US Virgin Islands) but with an Afro-Caribbean cadence (Spanish cadence in Puerto Rico and the Archipelago of San Andrés, Providencia and Santa Catalina).

Dialects
The first-order dialects deemed constituent of Caribbean English vary within scholarly literature. For instance, the Oxford English Dictionary includes only 'the forms of English as spoken in Jamaica, Trinidad & Tobago, Guyana, Belize, the Bahamas and Barbados, as well as in some of the smaller Eastern Caribbean nations' in deriving its phonetic transcriptions. The Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage further includes the dialects of Bermuda, the Cayman Islands, the Virgin Islands, the Netherlands Antilles, Suriname, and the Turks and Caicos.

Caribbean English-based creole languages are commonly (in popular literature) or sometimes (in scholarly literature) considered dialects of Caribbean English.

History
The development of Caribbean English is dated to the West Indian exploits of Elizabethan sea dogs, which are credited with introducing to England names for new-found flora and fauna via, for instance, Hakluyt's Principall Navigations of 1589 and Raleigh's Discoverie of the Empyre of Guiana of 1596. As English settlements followed shortly thereafter, Caribbean English has been deemed 'the oldest exportation of that language from its British homeland.'

Two sorts of anglophone immigrants to the seventeenth-century West Indies have been described in literature – the first, consisting of indentured servants and settlers mainly from southwestern England, predominantly speaking non-standard vernaculars of English; the second, consisting of colonial administrators, missionaries, and educators, predominantly speaking more standard forms of the language. The former, along with African slaves, are credited with the development and spread of [non-standard-] English-derived creole languages, while the latter are noted as frequent sources of derision of such speech.

Features
Caribbean English accents and pronunciation are variable within and across sub-dialects. For instance, Barbadian English is fully rhotic, while Jamaican English is not. Further, within Jamaican English, h-dropping is common in some social classes, but uncommon in others. Additionally, in territories with English-derived creole languages, the phonetic distinction between English and creole is thought to be continuous rather than discrete, with the creole acrolect differing 'only trivially' from English.

Nevertheless, there is thought to be 'a general sense in which a "West Indian accent" is distinguishable as such anywhere in the world.' Likely reasons for this have been described as 'the general quality of CE [Caribbean English] vowels, the sharp reduction in the number of diphthongal glides and, the most distinguishing feature of all, the phrasal intonation [and] separation of syllabic pitch and stress in CE.' Broadly, the middle-register of Caribbean English is thought to contain eight fewer phonemes than Received Pronunciation.

The lexicon of Caribbean English varies, to an extent, across and within sub-dialects. '[T]he bulk of the vocabulary,' however, has been described as 'identical' across the region. Additionally, in territories with English-derived creole languages, the lexical distinction between English and creole is thought to be continuous rather than discrete, such that 'structurally it is impossible to draw exact lines between them.'

Standardisation
The standardisation of Caribbean English is thought to have begun upon the advent of government-funded public education in the West Indies in 1833. Notably, the earliest public teachers, credited with first developing Standard Caribbean English, had been 'imported direct from Britain, or recruited from among the "coloured" class on the islands who had benefited from their mixed parentage by receiving the rudiments of education.' Linguistically, however, the growth of public education in said standard register resulted in 'a practical bilingualism' that has been described as a typical example of diglossia. By the late twentieth century, as most territories transitioned to sovereignty and adopted English as their official language, 'efforts were made to define norms for Caribbean English usage in public, formal domains, and more specifically examination settings.' These are thought to have culminated in the 1996 publication of the Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage, commonly deemed the authority on Standard Caribbean English, with the former defining the latter as 'the total body of regional lexicon and usage bound to a common core of syntax and morphology shared with [non-Caribbean forms of standardised English], but aurally distinguished as a discrete type by certain phonological features.'

Study
The earliest scholarly dictionary of Caribbean English is thought to have been the 1967 Dictionary of Jamaican English. During Easter of that same year, the Caribbean Association of Headmasters and Headmistresses resolved – "Be it resolved that this Association request the appropriate department of the University of the West Indies to compile a list of lexical items in each territory and to circulate these to schools for the guidance of teachers." Said resolution was promptly forwarded to Richard Allsopp, who by mid-1967 'already had some ten shoe-boxes each of about 1,000 6 × 4 cards and many loose unfiled cuttings, notes and other material [from Guyana, the Lesser Antilles, Belize, Jamaica, and Trinidad].' In 1971, Allsopp introduced the Caribbean Lexicography Project as 'a survey of [English] usage in the intermediate and upper ranges of the West Indian speech continuum.' This set the stage for the seminal Dictionary of Caribbean English Usage, first published 1996.

Samples
Standard English: 'Where is that boy?'

 * Barbados: 'Wherr dah boi?' (spoken very quickly, rhotic with glottal stops).
 * San Andrés and Providencia: 'Weh dah boi deh?'
 * Jamaica: 'Weh dah bwoy deh?' (sporadic rhoticity from Irish and Scottish influence); or 'Wey iz dat boi?'  (non-rhotic and similar to the accents of southwestern England and Wales).
 * Belize: 'Weh iz dat bwoy deh?' (British and North American influence but deeper in tone).
 * Trinidad: 'Wey dat boy deh?'
 * Bahamas: 'Wey dat boy iz?' (some would more likely say "bey" [beɪ] instead of "boy").
 * Guyana and Tobago: 'Weyr iz daht boy/bai?' often in urban regions, or 'Wey dat boy dey?'  in rural regions (many variations depending on region or descent of speaker, and competency in standard English; sporadic rhoticity).
 * Saint Vincent and the Grenadines: 'Wey dah boy deh deh?' (non-rhotic).
 * Belize, Bluefields, Pearl Lagoon, Corn Islands, Bay Islands Department, Limón, Bocas del Toro Province, Puerto Rico, Cayman Islands and the Virgin Islands: 'Wehr iz daht booy?' (distinct, sporadic rhoticity, pronunciation becomes quite different from Creole pronunciation).
 * Dominica: 'Weh dat boy (be) nuh?' (spoken harshly and with a deep tone).

The written form of the English language in the former and current British-controlled Caribbean countries conforms to the spelling and the grammar styles of Britain and in Puerto Rico and US Virgin Islands conforms to the spelling and the grammar styles of United States.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Caribbean English


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Lindau (district)

Lindau is a Landkreis (district) in Swabia, Bavaria, Germany; its capital is the city of Lindau. It is bounded by (from the east and clockwise) the district of Oberallgäu, Austria (federal state of Vorarlberg), Lake Constance and the state of Baden-Württemberg (districts of Bodensee and Ravensburg).

History
The city of Lindau became a Free Imperial City in the 13th century; it was directly subordinate to the emperor. The rural areas around Lindau were the property of monasteries or tiny counties, that rose and fell in the region. When Napoleon gained influence in the area, all these entities were dissolved in the German Mediatisation and Lindau fell to Bavaria.

The district of Lindau was established in 1938. After the Second World War it became — like the Rhenish Palatinate — part of the French zone of occupation to create a landbridge between the French zones in Germany and Austria, while the rest of Bavaria was under American occupation. The district was administered jointly with Württemberg-Hohenzollern, but belonged neither to Bavaria or Württemberg and had a special territorial position. Throughout its special status, the district was administered by Bregenz native Anton Zwisler (1888-1977).

The district was represented by three delegates in the Advisory State Assembly (Beratende Landesversammlung) and later Landtag of Württemberg-Hohenzollern. On September 25, 1948, the city of Lindau was spun off from the district and became a district-free city.

Lindau earned a lot of pet names during the period, namely "Second Principality of Liechtenstein" (Zweites Fürstentum Liechtenstein), "Paradise" (Paradies), "Germany's Grease Spot" (Deutschlands Fettfleck) and "Monte Carlo on Lake Constance" (Monte Carlo am Bodensee). The latter name came from the casino, which opened in Lindau in 1950, the others were used to refer to Lindau's self-sufficiency, as the district was allowed to keep all taxes and custom duties for itself. Also, while in some other parts of Germany, people suffered from hunger, Lindau had a surplus of fruit, milk and meat for export and a brisk construction activity.

With the signing of the Austrian State Treaty restoring Austrian independence and the withdrawal of Allied forces, Lindau's bridging function for France, and thus the need for special position, became obsolete, so on September 1, 1955 the district was reincorporated into Bavaria, with a negotiated transition period until March 27, 1956, when a ceremony was held at Lindau's Old Town Hall attended by Zwisler and then-Bavarian Minister-President Wilhelm Hoegner. The city of Lindau, which had been an urban district, became a part of the rural district in 1972.

Geography
In the southwest the district borders Lake Constance, more precisely its eastern part known as Obersee. To the north the countryside rises to the hills of the western Allgäu mountains.

Coat of arms
The coat of arms displays:
 * the blue and white checked pattern of Bavaria
 * a lime tree symbolising the city of Lindau ("lime tree" is Linde in German)
 * the arms of the counts of Montfort
 * a blue wavy line symbolising Lake Constance

title: Lindau (district)


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User talk:Arthur Hinks

I quote from http://en2.wikepedia.org/wiki/Gravity. The last sentence under heading 'Newton's Law of Universal Gravity' reads:

"Strictly speaking, this law applies only to point-like objects. If the objects have spatial extent, the true force has to be found by integrating the forces between the various points." Then not another word about it. I take it that a mass like Earth pulls an apple in all downward directions right up to the horizontal range such as a nearby mountain might exert and that the integration has to be less than the Newton figure because of these deviations.

Is my interpretation correct and is this discrepancy generally recognised?

I feel that generally speaking, people reckon as Newton did, that all the mass can be assumed to be at the centre of gravity.

Arthur Hinks.

title: User talk:Arthur Hinks


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Mifflin

Mifflin may refer to:

United States

 * Fort Mifflin in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania
 * Mifflin, Indiana
 * Mifflin, Ohio
 * Mifflin, Pennsylvania
 * Mifflin County, Pennsylvania
 * Mifflin, Tennessee
 * Mifflin, West Virginia
 * Mifflin, Wisconsin
 * Mifflin (community), Wisconsin, an unincorporated community
 * Mifflin Township (disambiguation)

Other uses

 * Dunder Mifflin, a fictional Northeastern American paper company
 * Mifflin (surname)
 * Mifflin Street Block Party, a large block party held annually in Madison, Wisconsin
 * A (historical) reference to the publishers Houghton Mifflin Harcourt

title: Mifflin


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Ligurian (ancient language)

The Ligurian language was spoken in pre-Roman times and into the Roman era by an ancient people of north-western Italy and current south-eastern France known as the Ligures.

Very little is known about ancient Ligurian; the lack of inscriptions and the unknown origin of the Ligurian people prevent its certain linguistic classification as a Pre-Indo-European or an Indo-European language. The linguistic hypotheses are mainly based on toponymy and onomastics.

Ancient sources regarding the Ligurians

The question of the Ligurians' ethnolinguistic origins and identity has remained unresolved. They may have been a pre-Indo-European people; spoken an early Indo-European language, such as a third primary branch of the Italo-Celtic group or an earlier Celtic language (i.e., separate from Gaulish); and/or gradually come under increasing Gaulish and other influences.

Strabo, around the beginning of the first century, wrote of the region around the Alps: "many tribes [éthnê] occupy these mountains, all Celtic [Keltikà'] except the Ligurians; but while these Ligurians belong to a different people [hetero-ethneis], still they are similar to the Celts in their modes of life [bíois]". He also mentioned that earlier (Greek) sources referred to the Salyes (Latin Salluvii)—then the western neighbours of the Ligures—as the Ligyes, and to their territory as Ligystike. Scholars of the Classical Era usually considered the Salyes to have originated as either a hybrid of Gauls and Ligures or the result of the westernmost Ligurians coming under the influence of a Celtic elite.

Even in antiquity, because of the strong similarities of the Ligures' language and culture to those of the Gaulish Celts, some Greek scholars referred to them as Κελτολίγυες Keltolígues ('Celto-Ligurians').

Herodotus noted that the Ligurians who lived above Massilia referred to travelling hawkers as sigunnai, a word that strongly resembled the ethnonym of the Sigynnae, a nomadic tribe located at the time in Eastern Europe. However, the term may have been derogatory, and the Sigynnae are generally considered to have been Scythian (or members of another Iranian-speaking tribe).

Ligurian as a non-Celtic Indo-European language
French historian and philologist Marie Henri d'Arbois de Jubainville held that Ligurian may have been the first Indo-European language spoken in Western Europe and related to Sicel. In his work Premiers Habitants de l'Europe (2nd edition, 1889–1894), Jubainville proposed that Ligurian may have been the first Indo-European language spoken in Corsica, Sardinia, eastern Spain, southern France, and western Italy, based on the occurrence there of an apparent substrate, represented by place names ending in -asco, -asca, -usco, -osco, and -osca, as well as -inco and -inca. The hypothesis of a wider Ligurian substrate has never been generally accepted or conclusively rejected.

Other linguists expanded on Jubainville's idea. Julius Pokorny adapted it as one basis of a hypothetical "Pan-Illyrian" (or "Illyro-Venetic") branch of Indo-European, supposedly found across Western Europe. Paul Kretschmer saw evidence for Ligurian in Lepontic inscriptions (although these were later generally seen as Celtic). Hans Krahe, focusing on river names, converted the concept into his theory of Old European hydronymy.

Ligurian as a Celtic or Italo-Celtic language
An identification of Proto-Italo-Celtic (or "Pre-Celtic") with Ligurian was proposed by Camille Jullian (1859–1933). In 1934, Henri Hubert noted that this theory had never been widely supported or conclusively disproven. (Hubert added that its standing had not been assisted by an association with another of Jullian's hypotheses, that there had also been something akin to an Italo-Celtic "unified empire".) The Ligurian–Celtic question is also discussed by Guy Barruol in his 1969 paper "The Pre-Roman Peoples of South-east Gaul: Study of Historical Geography".

Xavier Delamarre argues that Ligurian was a Celtic language similar to, but not the same as, Gaulish. His argument hinges on two points: firstly, the Ligurian place-name Genua (modern Genoa, located near a river mouth) is claimed by Delamarre to derive from PIE ǵenu- 'chin, chin bone'. Many Indo-European languages use 'mouth' to mean the part of a river that meets the sea or a lake, but it is only in Celtic for which reflexes of PIE ǵenu- mean 'mouth'. Besides Genua, which is considered Ligurian, this root is found also in Genava (modern Geneva), which may be Gaulish. However, Genua and Genava may well derive from another PIE root with the form ǵonu- 'knee' (so in Pokorny, Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch).

Another possibility may be inferred from a second point made by Delamarre: according to Plutarch, in 102 BC, during the Battle of Aquae Sextiae, Ligurian troops fighting for the Roman Republic were facing the Ambrones (a Germanic tribe from Jutland), who began to shout "Ambrones!" as a battle cry. The Ligurians, hearing this as identical to an ancient alternate name for their own people (outôs kata genos onomazousi Ligues), returned the shout: "Ambrones!" No indisputable evidence has been found that the Ambrones of Jutland had partly Celtic origins, and tribes in other parts of Europe also had similar names, suggesting that either the two ethnonyms were coincidental homophones or that a more distant connection existed.

Ligurian as a Pre-Indo-European language
Scholars such as Ernst Gamillscheg, Pia Laviosa Zambotti, and Yakov Malkiel posit that ancient Ligurian was a pre-Indo-European language, with significant late Indo-European influence, especially Celtic (Gaulish) and Italic (Latin), superimposed on the original language.

Their thesis is that the Ligurians were survivors of the ancient pre-Indo-European populations that had occupied Europe from at least the fifth millennium BC. These populations would have had languages of their own families, which they would have preserved until the onset of waves of Indo-European migration. Later, the latter would conquer the territories, imposing their culture and language on the Ligurians.

A risk of circular logic has been pointed out: if it is believed that the Ligurians are non-Celtic or indeed pre-Indo-European, and if many place names and tribal names that classical authors state are Ligurian seem to be Celtic, it is incorrect to discard all the clearly Celtic ones when collecting Ligurian words and to use this edited corpus to "demonstrate" that Ligurian is non-Celtic or non-Indo-European.

title: Ligurian (ancient language)


text:
Mount Holly

Mount Holly is the name of the following places in the United States:

 * Mount Holly, Arkansas, an unincorporated community
 * Mount Holly Cemetery, Little Rock, Arkansas, listed on the National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) in Arkansas
 * Mount Holly, Baltimore, Maryland, a neighborhood of Baltimore
 * Mount Holly Ski Area, Holly, Michigan
 * Mount Holly Cemetery, Mount Holly, New Jersey
 * Mount Holly Mausoleum, Little Rock, Arkansas, listed on the NRHP in Arkansas
 * Mount Holly (Foote, Mississippi), a plantation on the NRHP in Mississippi
 * Mount Holly, New Jersey, a township
 * Mount Holly Historic District, Mount Holly, New Jersey, listed on the NRHP in New Jersey
 * Mount Holly (New York), an elevation
 * Mount Holly, North Carolina, a city
 * Mount Holly Cotton Mill, Mount Holly, North Carolina, on the NRHP in North Carolina
 * Mount Holly, Clermont County, Ohio, an unincorporated community
 * Mount Holly, Warren County, Ohio, an unincorporated community
 * Mount Holly, South Carolina, an unincorporated community
 * Mount Holly, Vermont, a town
 * Mount Holly, Virginia, an unincorporated community

title: Mount Holly


text:
ISO 639-2

ISO 639-2:1998, Codes for the representation of names of languages — Part 2: Alpha-3 code, is the second part of the ISO 639 standard, which lists codes for the representation of the names of languages. The three-letter codes given for each language in this part of the standard are referred to as "Alpha-3" codes. There are 487 entries in the list of ISO 639-2 codes.

The US Library of Congress is the registration authority for ISO 639-2 (referred to as ISO 639-2/RA). As registration authority, the LOC receives and reviews proposed changes; they also have representation on the ISO 639-RA Joint Advisory Committee responsible for maintaining the ISO 639 code tables.

History and relationship to other ISO 639 standards
Work was begun on the ISO 639-2 standard in 1989, because the ISO 639-1 standard, which uses only two-letter codes for languages, is not able to accommodate a sufficient number of languages. The ISO 639-2 standard was first released in 1998.

In practice, ISO 639-2 has largely been superseded by ISO 639-3 (2007), which includes codes for all the individual languages in ISO 639-2 plus many more. It also includes the special and reserved codes, and is designed not to conflict with ISO 639-2. ISO 639-3, however, does not include any of the collective languages in ISO 639-2; most of these are included in ISO 639-5.

B and T codes
While most languages are given one code by the standard, twenty of the languages described have two three-letter codes, a "bibliographic" code (ISO 639-2/B), which is derived from the English name for the language and was a necessary legacy feature, and a "terminological" code (ISO 639-2/T), which is derived from the native name for the language and resembles the language's two-letter code in ISO 639-1. There were originally 22 B codes; scc and scr are now deprecated.

In general the T codes are favored; ISO 639-3 uses ISO 639-2/T.

Scopes and types
The codes in ISO 639-2 have a variety of "scopes of denotation", or types of meaning and use, some of which are described in more detail below.
 * Individual languages
 * Macrolanguages (see ISO 639 macrolanguage)
 * Collections of languages
 * Dialects
 * Reserved for local use
 * Special situations

For a definition of macrolanguages and collective languages, see ISO 639-3/RA: Scope of denotation for language identifiers.

Individual languages are further classified as to type:
 * Living languages
 * Extinct languages
 * Ancient languages
 * Historic languages
 * Constructed languages

Collections of languages
Some ISO 639-2 codes that are commonly used for languages do not precisely represent a particular language or some related languages (as the above macrolanguages). They are regarded as collective language codes and are excluded from ISO 639-3.

The collective language codes in ISO 639-2 are listed below. Some language groups are noted to be remainder groups, that is excluding languages with their own codes, while other are not. Remainder groups are afa, alg, art, ath, bat, ber, bnt, cai, cau, cel, crp, cus, dra, fiu, gem, inc, ine, ira, khi, kro, map, mis, mkh, mun, nai, nic, paa, roa, sai, sem, sio, sit, sla, ssa, tai and tut, while inclusive groups are apa, arn, arw, aus, bad, bai, bih, cad, car, chb, cmc, cpe, cpf, cpp, dua, hmn, iro, mno, mul, myn, nub, oto, phi, sgn, wak, wen, ypk and znd.

The following code is identified as a collective code in ISO 639-2 but is (at present) missing from ISO 639-5:
 * him Himachali

Codes registered for 639-2 that are listed as collective codes in ISO 639-5 (and collective codes by name in ISO 639-2):

• afa Afro-Asiatic languages

• alg Algonquian languages

• apa Apache languages

• art artificial languages

• ath Athapascan languages

• aus Australian languages

• bad Banda languages

• bai Bamileke languages

• bat Baltic languages

• ber Berber languages

• bih Bihari languages

• bnt Bantu languages

• btk Batak languages

• cai Central American Indian languages

• cau Caucasian languages

• cel Celtic languages

• cmc Chamic languages

• cpe creoles and pidgins, English-based

• cpf creoles and pidgins, French-based

• cpp creoles and pidgins, Portuguese-based

• crp creoles and pidgins

• cus Cushitic languages

• day Land Dayak languages

• dra Dravidian languages

• fiu Finno-Ugrian languages

• gem Germanic languages

• ijo Ijo languages

• inc Indic languages

• ine Indo-European languages

• ira Iranian languages

• iro Iroquoian languages

• kar Karen languages

• khi Khoisan languages

• kro Kru languages

• map Austronesian languages

• mkh Mon–Khmer languages

• mno Manobo languages

• mun Munda languages

• myn Mayan languages

• nah Nahuatl languages

• nai North American Indian languages

• nic Niger-Kordofanian languages

• nub Nubian languages

• oto Otomian languages

• paa Papuan languages

• phi Philippine languages

• pra Prakrit languages

• roa Romance languages

• sai South American Indian languages

• sal Salishan languages

• sem Semitic languages

• sgn sign languages

• sio Siouan languages

• sit Sino-Tibetan languages

• sla Slavic languages

• smi Sami languages

• son Songhai languages

• ssa Nilo-Saharan languages

• tai Tai languages

• tup Tupi languages

• tut Altaic languages

• wak Wakashan languages

• wen Sorbian languages

• ypk Yupik languages

• znd Zande languages

Reserved for local use
The interval from qaa to qtz is "reserved for local use" and is not used in ISO 639-2 nor in ISO 639-3. These codes are typically used privately for languages not (yet) in either standard. Microsoft Windows uses the qps language code for pseudo-locales generated automatically from English strings, designed for testing software localization.

Special situations
There are four generic codes for special situations: These four codes are also used in ISO 639-3.
 * mis is listed as "uncoded languages" (originally an abbreviation for "miscellaneous")
 * mul (for "multiple languages") is applied when several languages are used and it is not practical to specify all the appropriate language codes
 * und (for "undetermined") is used in situations in which a language or languages must be indicated but the language cannot be identified.
 * zxx is listed in the code list as "no linguistic content", e.g. animal sounds (code added on 11 January 2006)

title: ISO 639-2


text:
Frobenius

Frobenius is a surname. Notable people with the surname include:

 * Ferdinand Georg Frobenius (1849–1917), mathematician
 * Frobenius algebra
 * Frobenius endomorphism
 * Frobenius inner product
 * Frobenius norm
 * Frobenius method
 * Frobenius group
 * Frobenius theorem (differential topology)
 * Georg Ludwig Frobenius (1566–1645), German publisher
 * Johannes Frobenius (1460–1527), publisher and printer in Basel
 * Hieronymus Frobenius (1501–1563), publisher and printer in Basel, son of Johannes
 * Ambrosius Frobenius (1537–1602), publisher and printer in Basel, son of Hieronymus
 * Leo Frobenius (1873–1938), ethnographer
 * Nikolaj Frobenius (born 1965), Norwegian writer and screenwriter
 * August Sigmund Frobenius (died 1741), German chemist

title: Frobenius


text:
Talk:Cardiff

Transfer of Rumney from Monmouthshire
The Monmouthshire (historic) article says:

...but it does not cite a source. Can we find one? The boundary change is supported by old maps that show the county boundary along the River Rumney. I am unclear what is meant by "the geographical border"; it appears to say that after 1938 Rumney was in Cardiff but was in England. Verbcatcher (talk) 08:00, 5 April 2020 (UTC)

 * I've tracked that text back to this edit of 2006. If  is still around, they may be able to give a source.  Ghmyrtle (talk) 08:40, 5 April 2020 (UTC)

 * Hmmm. I see that he/she contributed as "Lozleader" only between 2011 and 2014, so unless "they" came back with a new wiki identity, you shouldn;t hold your breath for that one.  However, we do have plenty of other digilent and well informed contributors who clearly know those parts region.  And ... please?  Charles01 (talk) 09:01, 5 April 2020 (UTC)
 * Lozleader is still editing occasionally, most recently in February. Ghmyrtle (talk) 09:09, 5 April 2020 (UTC)
 * Yes he/she is 19:18, 23 July 2020 (UTC)

The Rumney article says ' It cites a Hansard report and a 1952 map. It seems clear that the change was made in the Cardiff Extension Act 1937, is this available online? Whether Rumney was in England relates to the 'was Monmouthshire in England' question. Verbcatcher (talk) 09:45, 5 April 2020 (UTC)
 * The debate on the Bill is here, but I can't find the text of the Act itself. Ghmyrtle (talk) 10:05, 5 April 2020 (UTC)
 * Hi. I have a copy of the Cardiff Extension Act 1937. Section 62 reads as follows:

No mention of England or Wales. Lozleader (talk) 15:27, 25 February 2021 (UTC)
 * Nothing in this act shall alter the boundary between the county of Glamorgan and the county of Monmouth and the added area shall continue to form part of the county of Monmouth.

2021 Cardiff Population
Links: https://worldpopulationreview.com/world-cities/cardiff-population, https://www.macrotrends.net/cities/22843/cardiff/population, Population OF The City and County of Cardiff is about 481,000 as of 2021. 2A02:C7F:AE93:1200:EC3A:ADCE:8242:D7B4 (talk) 12:28, 18 October 2021 (UTC) J Robert Bailey
 * It is unclear how the area used for this estimates related to areas used in Welsh and UK government figures, which are presumably based on census areas. We should wait for the results of the 2021 census, which will presumably be released in the next few months. Verbcatcher (talk) 06:51, 19 October 2021 (UTC)

Infobox image
The reason why I like the "new" format is for a number of reasons.

1. One single "montage" does not provide the full licensing details from Wikimedia Commons. Users just need to click on the individual image to find these details. See numerous examples of this on New York City, Birmingham, Paris, Berlin, Shanghai, Delhi, Los Angeles..... etc. etc.

2. Cardiff is more than just bricks and mortar. Cardiff is known for Brains and Clark's Pies amongst other things, as much as it is Cardiff Castle etc. My view, is that they should be in the article. What do other Wikipedians think? Seth Whales  talk  10:27, 3 July 2022 (UTC)

 * I'll accept a gallery is preferred over a montage single image per WP:MONTAGE. In terms of Brains and Clark's Pies, I don't think I've seen food and drink in an infobox before (happy to be proven otherwise, but minimally food in city infoboxes are rare). Brains and Clark's Pies aren't even mentioned in the article (Brains is merely listed among companies), so inclusion of the images does not relate to the article and a source would be needed for their notability to the city overall.
 * In terms of the other images I'd prefer these images instead those chosen. Although I'll accept this is my personal preference.
 * Alternate Principality (Millennium) Stadium images, I'd prefer (1-5 left to right):
 * Would prefer the stadium picture is moved around and a cityscape image is placed first, as the stadium is most likely going to be the image used in the page preview on desktop (It was when it was first changed, which I why I quickly noticed the images were changed), although this is a personal preference. Would prefer like New York City, Paris and Berlin a larger skyline type image is first. The stadium is the national Wales stadium and are a significantly defining part of Cardiff, so I'll understand if it remains first but I believe Cardiff is much more than the stadium and would prefer a cityscape image first.
 * Not sure about Spiller's records, it is mentioned in the article as the oldest record shop so relevant to the article, so would tolerate its inclusion, although for the infobox image not sure it is that important, I would prefer many of Cardiff's shopping arcades instead as the article states Cardiff is the "City of Arcades" although there is a separate article on that for such images.
 * The Senedd, Castle and Wales Millennium Centre are great images.  Dank Jae  16:09, 4 July 2022 (UTC)
 * The Senedd, Castle and Wales Millennium Centre are great images.  Dank Jae  16:09, 4 July 2022 (UTC)

 * I would have thought Cardiff Docks is a major factor in the history and success of Cardiff, if anyone was summarising the city. Far more so than Brains Beers or Clark's Pies. Just saying :) Sionk (talk) 11:54, 5 July 2022 (UTC)

 * I'm not a fan of large collages, so I'd like to propose the following:
 * A skyline image
 * The castle
 * The bay, showing the Senedd and Millennium centre
 * The stadium
 * A skyline image is typical for city articles, and the other three are major landmarks and also show that Cardiff is the home of the Welsh government. Keep it simple. A.D.Hope (talk) 10:10, 6 November 2023 (UTC)

 * @A.D.Hope, I don't mind large-ish collages, which are more common on city articles. (WP:UKCITIES max 6-8), and most of the most known cities have larger collages, so not sure why we have to limit Cardiff, but still open to four.
 * The selection seems good, although the docks had also been proposed. Great skyline image, although saddened with the Centre from its side in the bay, but a willing compromise. Would prefer the castle grounds over the keep, and prefer the pre-existing keep image, over proposed, although no biggie. But the colouring of the stadium and bay, seem off for me? The stadium is too dark, and prefer this lighter one, while the bay seems too artifically bright?
 * Plus it would need to be moved around to fit the page preview criteria, and I'm not sure if Cardiff can be summed up with a stadium as page preview. But this is just my opinion. Pinging those who participated prior, @Seth Whales @Sionk  Dank Jae  20:30, 6 November 2023 (UTC)
 * Large collages are tricky. I know the guideline says 6–8 images is fine, but personally I find that number tends to look crowded and indistinct unless great care is taken to accomodate the small image size.
 * Cardiff does seem to have an unusually low number of 'good' images available. The bay one, for instance, is definitely overexposed but is by far the best framed of the ones I could find. With the castle, the keep is probably the most recognisable part and also lends itself to a portrait image, which is handy in terms of composition. A.D.Hope (talk) 21:17, 6 November 2023 (UTC)

Should infobox GDP be removed?
The GDP values currently in the infobox are from 2012 and the archived source attached no longer plots/shows the values correctly. They are also being displayed as USD($) rather than GDP(£) which I would disagree with. –  Mesi dast   (talk) 11:45, 20 December 2022 (UTC)

4th largest city in the UK?
The article states "the city is fourth-largest in the United Kingdom". By the article linked in this sentence, Cardiff is the 10th largest with the top 4 slots being Birmingham, Leeds, Glasgow and Sheffield. Am I missing something or is this just a mistake? ThomasRintoul (talk) 15:18, 21 May 2023 (UTC)

 * It was changed by an IP on the 19th. I've reverted it back to its previous state, which has it as the eleventh-largest. Inops (talk) 10:12, 26 May 2023 (UTC)
 * Cool 148.74.78.43 (talk) 23:43, 24 December 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Cardiff


text:
Nauruan

Nauruan may refer to:

 * Something of, from, or related to the country of Nauru
 * Nauruan people, persons from Nauru, or of Nauruan descent
 * Culture of Nauru
 * Nauruan language

title: Nauruan


text:
Qualitative analysis

Qualitative analysis may refer to:

 * Qualitative research, an inquiry into the reasoning behind human behavior
 * Qualitative inorganic analysis, a type of chemical analysis

In terms of organic compound:- It used to analyse the sample of drug or chemical as mentioned on the label on the container including its molecular formula, state, stability etc.

title: Qualitative analysis


text:
Meadow

A meadow is an open habitat or field, vegetated by grasses, herbs, and other non-woody plants. Trees or shrubs may sparsely populate meadows, as long as these areas maintain an open character. Meadows can occur naturally under favourable conditions, but are often artificially created from cleared shrub or woodland for the production of hay, fodder, or livestock. Meadow habitats, as a group, are characterized as "semi-natural grasslands", meaning that they are largely composed of species native to the region, with only limited human intervention. Meadows attract a multitude of wildlife, and support flora and fauna that could not thrive in other habitats. They are ecologically important as they provide areas for animal courtship displays, nesting, food gathering, pollinating insects, and sometimes sheltering, if the vegetation is high enough. Intensified agricultural practices (too frequent mowing, use of mineral fertilizers, manure and insecticides), may lead to declines in the abundance of organisms and species diversity. There are multiple types of meadows, including agricultural, transitional, and perpetual – each playing a unique and important part of the ecosystem.

Like other biomes, meadows will experience increased pressure (including on their biodiversity) due to climate change, especially as precipitation and weather conditions change. However, grasslands and meadows also have an important climate change mitigation potential as carbon sinks; deep-rooted grasses store a substantial amount of carbon in soil.

Agricultural meadows
In agriculture, a meadow is grassland which is not regularly grazed by domestic livestock, but rather allowed to grow unchecked in order to produce hay. Their roots extend back to the Iron Age, when appropriate tools for the hay harvest emerged. The ability to produce livestock fodder on meadows had a significant advantage for livestock production, as animals could be kept in enclosures, simplifying the control over breeding. Surpluses in biomass production during the summer could be stored for the winter, preventing damages to forests and grasslands as there was no longer the need for livestock grazing during the winter.

Especially in the United Kingdom and Ireland, the term meadow is commonly used in its original sense to mean a hay meadow, signifying grassland mown annually in the summer for making hay. Agricultural meadows are typically lowland or upland fields upon which hay or pasture grasses grow from self-sown or hand-sown seed. Traditional hay meadows were once common in rural Britain, but are now in decline. Ecologist Professor John Rodwell states that over the past century, England and Wales have lost about 97% of their hay meadows. Fewer than 15,000 ha of lowland meadows remain in the UK and most sites are relatively small and fragmented. 25% of the UK's meadows are found in Worcestershire, with Foster's Green Meadow managed by the Worcestershire Wildlife Trust being a major site.

A similar concept to the hay meadow is the pasture, which differs from the meadow in that it is grazed through the summer, rather than being allowed to grow out and periodically be cut for hay. A pasture can also refer to any land used for grazing, and in this wider sense the term refers not only to grass pasture but also to non-grassland habitats such as heathland, moorland and wood pasture. The term, grassland, is used to describe both hay meadows and grass pastures.

The specific agricultural practices in relation to the meadow can take on various expressions. As mentioned, this could be hay production or providing food for grazing cattle and livestock but also to give room for orchards or honey production. Meadows are embedded and dependent on a complex web of socio-cultural conditions for their maintenance. Historically, they emerged to increase agricultural efficiency when the necessary tools became available. Today, agricultural practices have shifted and meadows have largely lost their original purpose. Yet, they are appreciated today for their aesthetics and ecological functions. Consequently, the European Union's Common Agricultural Policy subsidizes their management, mostly through grazing.

Transitional meadows
A transitional meadow occurs when a field, pasture, farmland, or other cleared land is no longer cut or grazed and starts to display luxuriant growth, extending to the flowering and self-seeding of its grass and wildflower species. The condition is however only temporary, because the grasses eventually become shaded out when scrub and woody plants become well-established, being the forerunners of the return to a fully wooded state. A transitional state can be artificially-maintained through a double-field system, in which cultivated soil and meadows are alternated for a period of 10 to 12 years each.

In North America prior to European colonization, Algonquians, Iroquois and other Native Americans peoples regularly cleared areas of forest to create transitional meadows where deer and game could find food and be hunted. For example, some of today's meadows originated thousands of years ago, due to regular burnings by Native Americans.

Perpetual meadows
A perpetual meadow, also called a natural meadow, is one in which environmental factors, such as climatic and soil conditions, are favorable to perennial grasses and restrict the growth of woody plants indefinitely. Types of perpetual meadows may include:

 * Alpine meadows occur at high elevations above the tree line and maintained by harsh climatic conditions.
 * Coastal meadows maintained by salt sprays.
 * Desert meadows restricted by low precipitation or lack of nutrients and humus.
 * Prairies maintained by periods of severe drought or subject to wildfires.
 * Wet meadows (a semi-wetland area) saturated with water throughout much of the year.

Urban meadow

Recently, urban areas have been thought of as potential biodiversity conservation sites. The shift from urban lawns, that are widely spread habitats in cities, to urban meadows is thought to promote greater refuges for plant and animal communities. Urban lawns require intensive management that puts the life there at risk of losing their habitat, especially due to the mowing frequency. Cutting that mowing frequency has demonstrated to induce a clear positive effect on the plant community's diversity, which allows the switch from urban lawns to urban meadows.

Due to increased urbanization, the EU Biodiversity Strategy 2017 decreed that there is a need to protect all ecosystems due to climate change. The majority of the people that live in the urban regions of any country usually get their plant knowledge from visiting parks and or public green infrastructure. Local authorities have the duty of providing the green spaces for the public, but these departments are constantly suffering major budget cuts, making it more difficult for people to admire natural wildlife in the urban sectors and also impairing the local ecosystem. In line with the increasing acceptance of a "messier urban aesthetic", the perennial meadows can be seen as a more realistic alternative to the classic urban lawns as they would also be more cost-efficient to maintain. Factors that managers of urban spaces list as important to regard are:

 * Aesthetics and public reaction
 * Locational context
 * Human Resources and economic sustainability
 * Local politics
 * Communication
 * Biodiversity and existing habitat
 * Physical factors.

Human intervention
Artificially or culturally conceived meadows emerge from and continually require human intervention to persist and flourish. In many places, the natural, pristine populations of free-roaming large grazers are either extinct or very limited due to human activities. This reduces or removes their natural influence on the surrounding ecology and results in meadows only being created or maintained by human intervention. Existing meadows could potentially and gradually decline, if unmaintained by agricultural practices. Humankind has influenced the ecology and the landscape for millennia in many parts of the world, so it can sometimes be difficult to discern what is natural and what is cultural. Meadows are one example. However, meadows seem to have been sustained historically by naturally occurring large grazers, which kept plant growth in checked and maintained the cleared space.

As extensive farming like grazing is diminishing in some parts of the world, the meadow is endangered as a habitat. A number of research projects attempt to restore natural meadow habitats by reintroducing natural, large grazers. These include deer, elk, goat, wild horse, etc. depending on the location. A more exotic example with a wider scope is the European Tauros Programme.

Some environmental organization recommend converting lawns to meadows by stopping or reducing mowing. They claim that meadows can better preserve biodiversity, water, reduce the use of fertilizers. For example, in 2018 environmental organizations with the support of the Department for Environment Food and Rural Affairs of England, concerned by the decline in the number of bees worldwide, in the first day of Bees' Needs Week 2018 (9–15 July) give some recommendation how to preserve bees. The recommendations include 1) growing flowers, shrubs, and trees, 2) letting the garden grow wild, 3) cutting grass less often, 4) leaving insect nest and hibernation spots alone, and 5) using careful consideration with pesticides.

Impact of tourism
The impact of human activity has been noted to increase degradation of meadow soil. This has contributed to landslides in Sholas. E.g. due to skiing activities and urbanization, the meadows of the town of Zakopane, Poland, were noted to have altered soil compositions. The soil's organic material had faded away and was affected due to the chemicals from the artificial melting water from the snow and skiing machinery.

Ecological consequences
Climate changes impact temperature precipitation patterns worldwide. The effects are regionally very different but generally, temperatures tend to increase, snowpacks tend to melt earlier and many places tend to become drier. Many species respond to these changes by slowly moving their habitat upwards. The increased elevation decreases mean temperatures and thus allows for species to largely maintain their original habitat. Another common response to changed environmental conditions are phenological adaptations. These include shifts in the timing of germination or blossoming. Other examples include for example changing migration patterns of birds of passage. These adaptations are primarily influenced by three drivers:

In the meadows, as water turned out to be all the more scant, that implies less dampness for the plants. The blooming plants do not develop too and hence do not give much food to the creatures. These kinds of changes in the plants could influence population of buffalo just as numerous other more creatures, including bugs and insects.
 * Increased temperature
 * Changing precipitation patterns
 * Reduced snowpack and earlier melting

Effects of higher temperatures
In response to temperature changes, flowering plants can respond through either spatial or temporal shifts. A spatial shift refers to the migration towards colder areas, often on higher altitudes. A temporal shift means that a plant may alter its phenology to blossom at a different time of the year. By moving towards the early spring or late autumn they can restore their previous temperature conditions. These adaptations are limited through. Spatial shifts may be difficult if the areas are already inhabited by other species, or when the plant is reliant on specific hydrology or soil type. Other authors have shown that higher temperatures can increase total biomass, but temperature shocks and instability seem to have negative impacts on biodiversity. This even appears to be the case for multiyear species, which were previously considered to have a buffering effect on extreme weather events.

Effects of changing precipitation patterns
There is a variety of hydrological regimes for meadows, ranging from dry to humid, each yielding different plant communities adapted to the respective provider of water. A shift in precipitation patterns has very different effects, depending on the type of meadow. Meadows that are either dry or wet appear to be rather resilient to change, as a moderate increase or decrease in precipitation does not radically alter their character. Meanwhile, mesic meadows, with a moderate supply of water do change their character as it is easier to tip them into a different regime. Dry meadows in particular are threatened by the invasion of shrubs and other woody plants and a decreasing prevalence of flowering forbs, whereas hydric sites tend to lose woody species. Due to the dryer upper soil layers, forbs with shallow roots have difficulties obtaining enough water. Woody plants in contrast with their lower-reaching root systems can still extract water stored in lower soil layers and are able to sustain themselves through longer drought periods with their stored water reserves. In the longer term, changing hydrologic regimes may also facilitate the establishment of invasive species that may be better adapted to the new conditions. The effects are already quite visible, an example is the substitution of Alpine meadows in the southern Himalayas through shrubland. Climate change appears to be an important driver of this process. Wetter winters in contrast might increase total biomass, but favour already competitive species. By harming specialised plants and promoting the prevalence of more generalist species, more unstable precipitation patterns could also reduce ecological biodiversity.

Effects of reduced snowpacks
Snow covers are directly related to changes in temperature, precipitation and cloud cover. Still, changes in the timing of the snowmelt seem to be, particularly in alpine regions, an important determinant for phenological responses. There is even data suggesting that the impact of snowmelt is even higher than the warming alone. Earlier are not uniformly positive for plants though, as moisture injected through snow-melt might be missing later in the year. Additionally, it might allow for longer periods of seed predation. Problematic is also the lack of the insulating snow cover, springtime frost events might have a larger negative impact.

Effects on ecological communities
All the drivers mentioned above give rise to complex, non-linear community responses. These responses can be disentangled by looking at multiple climate drivers and species together. As different species show varying degrees of phenological responses, the consequence is a so-called phenological reassembly, where the structure of the ecosystem changes fundamentally. Phenological responses in blossoming periods of certain plants may not coincide with the phenological shifts of their pollinators or growing periods of plant communities relying on each other may start to diverge. A study of meadows in the Rocky Mountains revealed the emergence of a mid-season period with little floral activity. Specifically, the study identified that the typical mid-summer floral peak was composed out of several consecutive peaks in dry, mesic and wet meadow systems. Phenological responses to climate change let these distinct peaks diverge, leading to a gap during mid-summer. This poses a threat to pollinators relying on a continuous supply of floral resources. As ecological communities are often highly adapted to local circumstances which can not be reproduced at higher elevations, Debinski et al. describe the short-term changes observed on meadows "as a shift in the mosaic of the landscape composition". Therefore, it is important to monitor not only how specific species respond to climate change, but to also investigate them in the context of different habitats they occur in.

Phenological reassembly
Animals as well as plants are changing rapidly to the anthropogenic global warming, and the number of individuals, habitat occupancy, changing reproductive cycles are the strategies to adapt to this severe and unpredictable environment alterations. The different types of meadows all around the planet are different communities of plants (perennial and annual plants) that constantly are interacting with each other to stay alive and reproduce. Timing and duration of flowering is one of the phenological reassembly driven by many different factors like snow melt, temperature and soil moisture to mention a few. All of the changes that a plant or an animal may go through are depending in habitat's topography, altitude, and latitude of a specific organism. It is important to monitor properly the plants because they are one of the best bioindicators of how climate change is affecting the planet.

Flowering phenology is one of the most important features of plant in order to survive any type of adversity. Thanks to different modern techniques and constant monitoring we can assure which ecological strategy the plants are using in order to multiply their species. In alpine meadow of the eastern Tibet notorious variances and similarities were observed between annual and perennial plants. Where perennial plants flowering peak date was directly proportional to the duration and inversely proportional in annuals plants. This is just a limited quantity of many relationships on phenology and functional traits  interacting with the environment to survive.

Extreme weather
Climate change is increasing temperatures all over the world, and boreal regions are more susceptible to suffer noticeable changes. An experiment was conducted to monitor the reaction of alpine arctic meadow plants to different patterns of increased temperatures. This experiment was based on vascular plants that live in arctic and subarctic environments within three different levels of vegetation: canopy layer, bottom layer and functional groups. It is crucial to keep in mind that these plants are usually sharing the space and constantly interacting with bryophytes, lichens, arthropods, animals and many other organisms. The result was a clear adaptation of a constant pattern that plants recognized and had time to reach thermal acclimation meaning that they got a net carbon gain by intensifying photosynthesis and slightly increasing respiration thanks to a warmer climate for a reasonable time period. However, plants that suffer changes of any kind (not only temperature rising and falling) in a short period of time are more likely to die because they did not have enough time to reach thermal acclimation.

Carbon storage in meadows
Meadows can act as substantial sinks and sources of organic carbon, holding vast quantities of it in the soil. The fluxes of carbon depend mainly on the natural cycle of carbon uptake and efflux, which interplays with seasonal variations (e.g. non-growing vs growing season). The wide range of meadow subtypes have in turn differing attributes (like plant configurations) affecting the area's ability to act as sinks; seagrass meadows are for instant identified as some of the more important sinks in the global carbon cycle. In the instance of seagrass meadows, enhanced production of other greenhouse gases (CH4 and N2O) does occur but the estimated overall effect results in an offset of the total emission. Meanwhile, a usual driver of meadow loss (except for direct alterations due to human development) is climate change, consequently increasing carbon emissions and bringing up the topic of restoration projects which in some cases have prompted initiated meadow restorations (e.g. Zostera marina meadow in Virginia U.S.A).

Grassland degradations
Where grassland degradation has occurred, significant alterations to the carbon dioxide efflux during the non-growing season may take place. Both climate change and overgrazing factor into the degradation. As exemplified by the alpine wetland meadow on the Qinghai-Tibetan Plateau, there is the potential of being a moderate source of CO2 and a carbon sink, due to high soil organic content and low decomposition. The more the dynamics have been quantified, however, the effects of degradation become more tangible. A strong connection between grassland degradation and soil carbon loss has been seen, pinpointing that carbon dioxide release is being stimulated by this event. This subsequently indicates a climate change mitigation potential by restoring degraded grassland.

Cap-and-trade
Being a market-based regulation of emissions, the cap-and-trade system can in some instances be found incorporating restoration projects for climate mitigation. For example, the cap-and-trade program in California is looking at how meadow restorations can be incorporated into their system of reducing carbon emissions. The preliminary studies are, as depicted by Audubon, pointing at the potential of storing a substantially increased amount of soil carbon compared to degraded meadows, while boosting the local biodiversity. Most recently though, during the COVID-19 pandemic, difficulties with restoration are beginning to show: During the first years, areas under restoration are vulnerable to outside disruption, like meadow management put on hold when the ecosystem is most sensitive, for example to invasive species.

title: Meadow


text:
Sango language

Sango (also spelled Sangho) is the primary language spoken in the Central African Republic and also the co-official language of the country. It is used as a lingua franca across the country and had 450,000 native speakers in 1988. It also has 1.6 million second language speakers.

Sango is a language with contested classification, with some linguists considering it a Ngbandi-based creole, while others argue that the changes in Sango structures can be explained without a creolization process. It has many French loanwords, but its structure remains wholly Ngbandi. Sango was used as a lingua franca for trade along the Ubangi River before French colonisation in the late 1800s and has since expanded as an interethnic communication language. In colloquial speech, almost all of the language's vocabulary is Ngbandi based, whereas in more technical speech French loanwords constitute the majority.

Today, Sango is both a national and official language of the Central African Republic, spoken by 350,000 speakers as of the 1970 census. It is also spoken as a lingua franca in southern Chad and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Sango has three distinct sociolinguistic norms: an urban "radio" variety, a "pastor" variety, and a "functionary" variety spoken by learned people who make the highest use of French loanwords.

Sango is a tonal language with subject-verb-object word order, and its orthography was officially established in 1984. It has limited written material, mainly focused on religious literature. Sango is considered easy to learn, although reaching true fluency takes time, as with any other language. The main difficulties for English speakers are pronunciation and tone management, as Sango is a tonal language.

Classification
Some linguists, following William J. Samarin, classify it as a Ngbandi-based creole; however, others (like Marcel Diki-Kidiri, Charles H. Morrill) reject that classification and say that changes in Sango structures (both internally and externally) can be explained quite well without a creolization process.

According to the creolization hypothesis, Sango is exceptional in that it is an African- rather than European-based creole. Although French has contributed numerous loanwords, Sango's structure is wholly African.

History
A variety of Sango was used as a lingua franca along the Ubangi River before French colonization, in the late 1800s. The French army recruited Central Africans, causing them to increasingly use Sango as a means of interethnic communication. Throughout the 20th century, missionaries promoted Sango because of its wide usage.

Originally used by river traders, Sango arose as a lingua franca based on the Northern Ngbandi dialect of the Sango tribe, part of the Ngbandi language cluster, with some French influence.

The rapid growth of the city of Bangui since the 1960s has had significant implications for the development of Sango, with the creation, for the first time, of a population of first-language speakers. Whereas rural immigrants to the city spoke many different languages and used Sango only as a lingua franca, their children use Sango as their main (and sometimes only) language. That has led to a rapid expansion of the lexicon, including both formal and slang terms. Also, its new position as the everyday language of the capital city has led to Sango gaining greater status and being used increasingly in fields for which it was previously the norm to use French.

Geographic distribution
Sango is widespread in the Central African Republic, with 350,000 speakers at the 1970 census. It is also spoken as a lingua franca in southern Chad, where it is probably not spoken natively and its use is decreasing, and in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, where its use is increasing.

Today, Sango is both a national and official language of the Central African Republic, which makes the Central African Republic one of the few African countries to have an indigenous language as an official language.

Registers
A study by Taber (1964) indicates that some 490 native Sango words account for about 90% of colloquial speech; however, while French loanwords are much more rarely used, they account for the majority of the vocabulary, particularly in the speech of learned people. The situation might be compared to English, in which most of the vocabulary, particularly "learned" words, is derived from Latin, Greek, or French while the basic vocabulary remains strongly Germanic. However, more recent studies suggest that the result is specific to a particular sociolect, the so-called "functionary" variety. Morrill's work, completed in 1997, revealed that there were three sociologically distinct norms emerging in the Sango language: an urban "radio" variety which is ranked by 80% of his interviewees and has very few French loan words; a so-called "pastor" variety, which is scored 60%; and a "functionary" variety, spoken by learned people, who make the highest use of French loanwords while speaking Sango, which scores 40%.

Vowels
Sango has seven oral and five nasal vowels. Vowel quality and number of nasalized vowels may be affected by the mother tongue of non-native speakers of Sango.

Consonants
Palatal affricates occur in loan words and certain dialects. Some dialects have alternations between [ᶬv] and [m], [ᵐb] and [ᵑ͡ᵐg͡b], [ᵐb] and [b], word-medial [l] and [r], and word-initial [h] and [ʔ]. [ᶬv] is quite rare.

Syllable structure
Syllable structure is generally CV. Consecutive vowels are rare but do occur. Consonants may be palatalized or labialized, orthographically C$\langlei\rangle$ and C$\langleu\rangle$, respectively.

Words are generally monosyllabic or bisyllabic but less commonly are trisyllabic. Four-syllable words are created via reduplication and compounding, and may also be written as two words (kêtêkêtê or kêtê kêtê 'tiny bit', walikundû or wa likundû 'sorcerer').

Tone
Sango is a tonal language. The language has three basic tones (high, mid, and low), with contour tones also occurring, generally in French loanwords. Tones have a low functional load, but minimal pairs exist: dü 'give birth' versus dû 'hole'.

Monosyllabic loan words from French usually have the tone pattern high-low falling (bâan 'bench' from French banc). In multisyllabic words all syllables carry low tone except the final syllable, which is lengthened and takes a descending tone. The final tone is generally mid-low falling for nouns (ananäa 'pineapple' from French ananas) and high-low falling for verbs (aretêe 'to stop' from French arrêter).

In isolation, tones have idiolectal variation, and they may also be affected by the mother language of non-native speakers.

Grammar
Sango is an isolating language with subject–verb–object word order, as in English. Noun phrases are of the form determiner-adjective-noun:

mbênï kêtê môlengê

INDEF small child

"a small child"

Plurals are marked with the proclitic â-, which precedes noun phrases:

â-mbênï kêtê môlengê

PL-INDEF small child

"some small children"

â- may be attached to multiple items in the noun phrase by some speakers, but this is less common:

â-kötä (â)zo

PL-big person

"important people/dignitaries"

The derivational suffix -ngö nominalizes verbs. It also changes all tones in the verb to mid:

Genitives are normally formed with the preposition tî 'of':

dû tî ngû

hole of water

"water hole, well"

However, compounding is becoming increasingly common: dûngü 'well' (note the change in tone). Such compounds are sometimes written as two separate words.

The verbal prefix a- is used when the subject is a noun or noun phrase but not when the subject is either a pronoun or implicit (as in imperatives):

â-môlengê tî lo a-gä

PL-child of 3S SM-come

"his children came"

a-dü lo

SM-give.birth 3S

"he was born" (lit. "someone bore him")

löndö mo gä

rise 2S come

"get up and come (here)"

The prefix is sometimes written as a separate word.

The pronouns are mbï "I", mo "you (singular)", lo "he, she, it", ë "we", ï "you (plural)", âla "you (plural)", âla "they". Verbs take a prefix a- if not preceded by a pronoun: mo yeke "you are" but Bêafrîka ayeke "Central Africa is". Particularly useful verbs include yeke "be", bara "greet" (bara o "hi!"), hînga "know". Possessives and appositives are formed with the word tî "of": ködörö tî mbï "my country", yângâ tî sängö "Sango language". Another common preposition is na, covering a variety of locative, dative, and instrumental functions.

Orthography
Sango began being written by French missionaries, with Catholic and Protestant conventions differing slightly. The 1966 Bible and 1968 hymnal were highly influential and still used today.

In 1984, President André Kolingba signed "Décret No 84.025", establishing an official orthography for Sango. The official Sango alphabet consists of 22 letters:

 * {|class="wikitable" style="border-collapse:collapse; font-size: 120%;"

 * + Official 1984 orthography
 * bgcolor="#EFEFEF" align="center" colspan="33" | 22-Letter Sango Alphabet
 * width=3% align="center"|A||width=3% align="center"|B||width=3% align="center"|D||width=3% align="center"|E||width=3% align="center"|F||width=3% align="center"|G||width=3% align="center"|H||width=3% align="center"|I||width=3% align="center"|K||width=3% align="center"|L||width=3% align="center"|M||width=3% align="center"|N||width=3% align="center"|O||width=3% align="center"|P||width=3% align="center"|R||width=3% align="center"|S||width=3% align="center"|T||width=3% align="center"|U||width=3% align="center"|V||width=3% align="center"|W||width=3% align="center"|Y||width=3% align="center"|Z
 * }
 * width=3% align="center"|A||width=3% align="center"|B||width=3% align="center"|D||width=3% align="center"|E||width=3% align="center"|F||width=3% align="center"|G||width=3% align="center"|H||width=3% align="center"|I||width=3% align="center"|K||width=3% align="center"|L||width=3% align="center"|M||width=3% align="center"|N||width=3% align="center"|O||width=3% align="center"|P||width=3% align="center"|R||width=3% align="center"|S||width=3% align="center"|T||width=3% align="center"|U||width=3% align="center"|V||width=3% align="center"|W||width=3% align="center"|Y||width=3% align="center"|Z
 * }

Letters are pronounced as their IPA equivalent except for $\langley\rangle$, pronounced as [j]. Also, the digraphs $\langlekp, gb, mb, mv, nd, ng, ngb, nz\rangle$ are pronounced, , , , , , and , respectively.

$\langle’b\rangle$, $\langlety\rangle$, and $\langledy\rangle$ may be used in loan words not fully integrated into Sango's phonological system.

The official orthography contains the following consonants: $\langlep, b, t, d, k, g, kp, gb, mb, mv, nd, ng, ngb, nz, f, v, s, z, h, l, r, y, w\rangle$: some add $\langle’b\rangle$ for the implosive. Sango has seven oral vowels,, of which five, , occur nasalized. In the official orthography, $\langlee\rangle$ stands for both and, and $\langleo\rangle$ stands for both  and ; nasal vowels are written $\langlein, en, an, on, un\rangle$.

Sango has three tones: low, mid, and high. In standard orthography, low tone is unmarked, $\langlee\rangle$, mid tone is marked with diaeresis, $\langleë\rangle$, and high tone with circumflex, $\langleê\rangle$: do-re-mi would be written $\langledo-rë-mî\rangle$.

Sango has little written material apart from religious literature, but some basic literacy material has been developed.

Learning
Sango is considered unusually easy to learn; according to Samarin, "with application a student ought to be able to speak the language in about three months." However, reaching true fluency takes much longer, as with any other language.

For English-speakers there are two main difficulties. One must remember not to split double consonants: Bambari, for example, must be pronounced ba-mba-ri, not bam-ba-ri. Also, as with any other tonal language, one must learn not to vary the tone according to the context. For example, if one pronounces a question with a rising tone as in English, one may inadvertently be saying an entirely different and inappropriate Sango word at the end of the sentence.

title: Sango language


text:
David Parnas

David Lorge Parnas (born February 10, 1941) is a Canadian early pioneer of software engineering, who developed the concept of information hiding in modular programming, which is an important element of object-oriented programming today. He is also noted for his advocacy of precise documentation.

Life
Parnas earned his PhD at Carnegie Mellon University in electrical engineering. Parnas also earned a professional engineering license in Canada and was one of the first to apply traditional engineering principles to software design. He worked there as a professor for many years. He also taught at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (U.S.), at the Department of Computer Science of the Technische Universität Darmstadt (Germany), the University of Victoria (British Columbia, Canada), Queen's University in Kingston, Ontario, McMaster University in Hamilton, Ontario, and University of Limerick (Republic of Ireland).

David Parnas received a number of awards and honors:

 * ACM "Best Paper" Award, 1979
 * Norbert Wiener Award for Social and Professional Responsibility, 1987
 * Two "Most Influential Paper" awards International Conference on Software Engineering, 1991 and 1995
 * Doctor honoris causa of the Computer Science Department, ETH Zurich, Switzerland, 1986
 * Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada, 1992
 * Fellow of the Association for Computing Machinery, 1994
 * Doctor honoris causa of the Louvain School of Engineering, University of Louvain (UCLouvain), Belgium, 1996
 * ACM SIGSOFT's "Outstanding Research" award, 1998
 * IEEE Computer Society's 60th Anniversary Award, 2007
 * Doctor honoris causa of the Faculty of Informatics, University of Lugano, Switzerland, 2008
 * Fellow of the Gesellschaft für Informatik, 2008
 * Fellow of the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers (IEEE), 2009
 * Doctor honoris causa of the Vienna University of Technology (Dr. Tech.H.C.), Vienna Austria, 2011

Modular design
In modular design, his double dictum of high cohesion within modules and loose coupling between modules is fundamental to modular design in software. However, in Parnas's seminal 1972 paper On the Criteria to Be Used in Decomposing Systems into Modules, this dictum is expressed in terms of information hiding, and the terms cohesion and coupling are not used. He never used them.

Technical activism
Dr Parnas took a public stand against the US Strategic Defense Initiative (also known as "Star Wars") in the mid 1980s, arguing that it would be impossible to write an application of sufficient quality that it could be trusted to prevent a nuclear attack. He has also been in the forefront of those urging the professionalization of "software engineering" (a term that he characterizes as "an unconsummated marriage" ). Dr. Parnas is also a heavy promoter of ethics in the field of software engineering.

Stance on academic evaluation methods
Parnas has joined the group of scientists which openly criticize the number-of-publications-based approach towards ranking academic production. On his November 2007 paper Stop the Numbers Game, he elaborates on several reasons on why the current number-based academic evaluation system used in many fields by universities all over the world (be it either oriented to the amount of publications or the amount of quotations each of those get) is flawed and, instead of contributing to scientific progress, it leads to knowledge stagnation.

title: David Parnas