text:
Islam in Canada

Islam is the second-largest religion in Canada practised by approximately 5% of the population. Canadian Muslims are one of the most ethnically diverse religious groups across the country. Muslims have lived in Canada since 1871 and the first mosque was established in 1938. Most Canadian Muslims are Sunni, while a significant minority are Shia.

There are a number of Islamic organizations and seminaries (madrasas). Opinion polls show most Muslims feel "very proud" to be Canadians, and majority are religious and attend mosque at least once a week. More than half of Canadian Muslims live in Ontario, with significant populations also living in Quebec, Alberta, and British Columbia.

The percentage of Muslims in Canada is 4.9% as of the 2021 census. In the Greater Toronto Area, 10% of the population is Muslim, and in Greater Montreal, 8.7% of the population is Muslim.

History

Four years after Canada's founding in 1867, the 1871 Canadian Census found 13 European Muslims among the population. The first Muslim organization in Canada was registered by immigrants from greater Syria living in Regina, Saskatchewan in 1934. The first Canadian mosque was constructed in Edmonton in 1938 when there were approximately 700 European Muslims in the country. The building is now part of the museum at Fort Edmonton Park. The years after World War II saw a small increase in the Muslim population. However, Muslims were still a distinct minority. It was only after the removal of European immigration preferences in the late 1960s and early 1970s that Muslims began to arrive in significant numbers.

Bosniaks and Albanian Muslims were the founders of Jami Mosque, the first mosque in Toronto in 1968, whose readjustment into masjid (originally an old Catholic school building) occurred on June 23, 1973. The mosque was readjusted for the Bosniaks, with the support of the local Christians. Later, with the action of University of Toronto professor Qadeer Baig, it was purchased by Asian Muslims, while Albanians and Bosniaks later founded the Albanian Muslim Society and Bosanska džamija (Bosnian Mosque) respectively. The oldest mosque in Toronto, with the oldest minaret in Ontario built in Osmanic style is in Etobicoke, part of the Bosnian Islamic Centre.

The first Madrasa (Islamic seminary) in North America, Al-Rashid Islamic Institute was established in Cornwall, Ontario in 1983 to teach Hafiz and Ulama  and focuses on the traditional Hanafi school of thought. The Seminary was established by Mazhar Alam, originally from Bihar, India, under the direction of his teacher the leading Indian Tablighi scholar Muhammad Zakariya Kandhlawi. Due to its proximity to the US border city of Massena the school has historically had a high percentage of American students. Their most prominent graduate, Muhammad Alshareef completed his Hifz in the early 1990s then went on to form the AlMaghrib Institute.

As with immigrants in general, Muslim immigrants have come to Canada for a variety of reasons. These include higher education, security, employment, and family reunification. Others have come for religious and political freedom, and safety and security, leaving behind civil wars, persecution, and other forms of civil and ethnic strife. In the 1980s, Canada became an important place of refuge for those fleeing the Lebanese Civil War. The 1990s saw Somali Muslims arrive in the wake of the Somali Civil War as well as Bosniaks fleeing the breakup of the former Yugoslavia. However Canada has yet to receive any significant numbers of Iraqis fleeing the Iraqi War. But in general almost every Muslim country in the world has sent immigrants to Canada – from Pakistan, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Albania to Yemen and Bangladesh.

According to the Canadian Census of 1971 there were 33,000 Muslims in Canada. In the 1970s large-scale non-European immigration to Canada began. This was reflected in the growth of the Muslim community in Canada. In 1981, the Census listed 98,000 Muslims. The 1991 Census indicated 253,265 Muslims.

By 2001, the Islamic community in Canada had grown to more than 579,000. In the same year, the fertility rate for Muslims in Canada was higher than the rate for other Canadians (an average of 2.4 children per woman for Muslims in 2001, compared with 1.6 children per woman for other populations in Canada).

Population estimates for the Census 2006 pointed to a figure of 800,000. As of May 2013, Muslims account for 3.2% of the total population, with a total of over a million. In January 2017, six Muslims were killed in a shooting attack at a Quebec city mosque.

In the contemporary era, there are halal restaurants across Canada, including over 1000 in the Greater Toronto Area.

One of the first Islamic internet radio stations, Canadian Islamic Broadcasting Network, was started in 2019.

National and ethnic origins
According to the 2011 National Household Survey, there were 424,925 Muslims living in the Greater Toronto Area equalling 7.7% of the total metropolitan population, of which the Muslim community consists of persons of Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Indian, Iranian, African, Arab, Caucasian, Southeast Asian, and Latin descent. Greater Montreal's Muslim community was 221,040 in 2011 or nearly 6% of the total metropolitan population which includes a highly diverse Muslim population from Western/Southern Europe, Caribbean, North Africa, the Middle East, and the Indian subcontinent. Canada's national capital Ottawa hosts many Lebanese, South Asian and Somali Muslims, where the Muslim community numbered approximately 65,880 or 5.5% in 2011. In addition to Toronto, Ottawa and Montreal, nearly every major Canadian metropolitan area has a Muslim community, including Vancouver (73,215), where more than a third are of Iranian descent, Calgary (58,310), Edmonton (46,125), Windsor (15,575), Winnipeg (11,265), and Halifax (7,540). In recent years, there has been rapid population growth in Calgary and Edmonton because of the booming economy.

Branches or denominations
Major Canadian cities have local Muslim organizations that deal mainly with issues pertaining to their home city, but that support national associations. Most Muslim organizations on the national level are umbrella groups and coordination bodies. Student-led initiatives are generally well supported and successful, including annual events such as MuslimFest and the Reviving the Islamic Spirit conference, the largest Islamic event in Canada.

Sunni Muslims
The majority of Canadian Muslims follow Sunni Islam.

Ahmadiyya Muslims
The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community has about 50 Local Chapters scattered across Canada, mainly in southern Ontario. The community have 25 places of worship in Canada. Baitun Nur is the largest mosque in Canada.

In May 2009, the Toronto Unity Mosque / el-Tawhid Juma Circle was founded by Laury Silvers, a University of Toronto religious studies scholar, alongside Muslim gay-rights activists El-Farouk Khaki and Troy Jackson. Unity Mosque/ETJC is a gender-equal, LGBT+ affirming, mosque.

Provinces & territories
Table 1: Muslim Population of Canada in 1991, 2001 and 2011, 2021.

Metropolitan Areas
Table 2: Muslim Population in Top 20 Metropolitan Areas based on Canada Census 2001, 2011, and 2021.

Ontario

 * 1) Mississauga—Erin Mills (26.93%)
 * 2) Milton (24.28%)
 * 3) Don Valley East (23.76%)
 * 4) Mississauga Centre (22.63%)
 * 5) Scarborough—Guildwood (20.19%)
 * 6) Mississauga—Malton (18.87%)
 * 7) Ottawa South (18.69%)
 * 8) Scarborough Southwest (18.47%)
 * 9) Scarborough Centre (18.18%)
 * 10) Don Valley West (17.84%)
 * 11) Windsor West (16.79%)
 * 12) Mississauga-Streetsville (16.50%)
 * 13) Etobicoke North (15.67%)

Quebec

 * 1) Saint-Leonard-Saint-Michel (26.65%)
 * 2) Saint-Laurent (23.20%)
 * 3) Ahuntsic-Cartierville (19.04%)
 * 4) Bourassa (18.13%)
 * 5) Vimy (16.81%)
 * 6) Papineau (15.54%)

Alberta

 * 1) Calgary Skyview (18.22%)
 * 2) Calgary Forest Lawn (15.43%)

Source: Canada 2021 Census Open Data Release

As the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms guarantees freedom of religious expression, Canadian Muslims face no official religious discrimination but have been victims of many hate crimes which have been increasingly going up. Learn more about Islamophobia in Canada.

Under Section 2(a) of the Charter, the wearing of a hijab is permitted in schools and places of work, although Quebec has ruled that medical faculties are not required to accommodate Muslim women who wish to be served by female employees. Religious holidays and dietary restrictions are also respected, but outside major urban areas it may be difficult to find halal food. It is also often difficult to observe Islamic rules against usury. Some Muslims in some parts of Canada have asked to have family dispute courts to oversee small family cases but were faced with rigorous opposition from both within the Muslim community (both conservative and liberal), and by non-Muslim groups.

In 2011, the Harper government attempted to ban the niqab during citizenship ceremonies. In 2015, the Federal Court of Appeal ruled against the ban, and the Supreme Court turned down the government's appeal.

Mosques and Islamic Centers
See List of mosques in Canada

As of 2024, there are atleast 458 mosques and Islamic centers across Canada. Most of the mosques are located either in large metropolitan cities, suburbs, or some small cities. The number of mosques being built continues to grow as the country's Muslim population is increasing.

Canadian Muslim Social Organizations
There are several organizations working to support the Canadian Muslim community by representing their causes and voices, and channeling the efforts of Muslims for the greater good of Canadians as well as people struggling in other parts of the world. Some are listed below:

 * 1) Muslim Association of Canada (MAC) is a charitable organization and a grassroots movement to establish an Islamic presence in Canada that is balanced, constructive, and integrated in the social fabric and culture of Canada.
 * 2) National Council of Canadian Muslims (NCCM) is an independent, non-partisan and non-profit organization that protects Canadian human rights and civil liberties, challenges discrimination and Islamophobia.
 * 3) Islamic Relief Canada helps Canadian Muslims channel charitable contributions to not only Canadians but people in need across the globe. Their platform helps strengthen the relationship between donors and beneficiaries by providing a high level of transparency.
 * 4) Canadian Council of Muslim Women (CCMW) is an organization dedicated to the empowerment, equality and equity of all Muslim women in Canada. It has chapters all over Canada and has launched several projects through community engagement, public policy, stakeholder engagement and amplified awareness of the social injustices that Muslim women and girls endure in Canada.
 * 5) Muslim Welfare Canada works to fight hunger through its food banks and meals on wheels programs for senior citizens. They also run homes/shelters for women and children as well as refugees.
 * 6) Canadian Islamic Broadcasting Network - An online radio station that was setup in 2019 with the intention of broadcasting Islamic information across Canada via internet radio. The main focus of the station is to provide Islamic Talk programming.
 * 7) Muslim Federal Employee Network is national level network for Muslims in the Federal Public Service. It plays a key leadership role in supporting the Government of Canada to become a model of inclusion of Muslim public servants. The Muslim Federal Employees Network provides an open and safe forum for Muslim and non-Muslim employees to connect and discuss issues related to the promotion of a healthy and inclusive work environment for Muslim employees in the federal public service.

Notable Canadian Muslim figures
See List of Canadian Muslims

Canadian Muslims helped build and strenghthen Canada with many great contributions. This includes in Academia, Athletics, Business, Entertainment, Law, Physicians, Politics, Religion, Leadership, Literature, Sports, and more.

Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim hatred
See Islamophobia in Canada

Islamophobia and Anti-Muslim hatred and bigotry in Canada has seen a dramatic rise across the country since the beginning of the 21st century particularly after the September 11, 2001, attacks that took place in New York City, United States.

Hate crimes against Canadian Muslims rose in the years 2015 and 2016 significantly, many mosques were being vandalized and threatened and many Muslim women who wear hijab have reported many cases where they were being bullied and attacked both physically and verbally by individuals promoting hate.

On January 29, 2017, gunman shot and killed 6 Muslim worshippers in a mosque in Quebec City who were praying the Isha prayer during the night with the congregation, resulting as the worst terrorist attack recorded against Canadian Muslims.

On September 12, 2020, a man with a knife approached a mosque by Toronto, stabbed a Muslim volunteer named Mohamed-Aslim Zafis by the neck while he was sitting outside of the mosque. The Toronto police swiftly arrested the murderer and charged the terrorist with first-degree murder.

On June 6, 2021, The Afzaal family was rammed by a pickup truck, the family members Salman, Talat, Madiha, & Yumna were killed while they were going out on a walk together, leaving the young boy Fayez as the only survivor of the attack hospitalized. London Police Chief, Steve Williams, told reporters the next day that based on their investigation they found that this was an intentional act. He added, “We believe the victims were targeted because of their Islamic faith."[48]

Opinion of Muslims
In a 2016 Environics poll, 83% of Muslims were "very proud" to be Canadian, compared with 73% of non-Muslim Canadians who said the same thing. Canadian Muslims reported "Canada's freedom and democracy" as the greatest source of pride, and "multiculturalism and diversity" as the second greatest. 94% of Canadian Muslims reported a "strong" or "very strong" sense of belonging to Canada. 78% of Canadian Muslims attend mosque at least once a week. 73% of women wear some sort of head-covering in public (58% wear the hijab, 13% wear the chador and 2% wear the niqab). Both pride in being Canadian and having a strong sense of belonging had increased in Canadian Muslims as compared to a 2006 survey. Mosque attendance and wearing a head covering in public had also increased since the 2006 survey. A 2016 survey found that 36% of Canadian Muslims (47% of those aged 18–34) agreed that homosexuality should be generally accepted by society, while 43% disagreed. Older Muslims (55%) and those with the lowest incomes (56%) were more likely to disagree. The acceptance of homosexuality was higher among the Muslims born in Canada (52%) and South Africa (42%) than Muslims born in Pakistan (0%), Middle East (0%) and North Africa (0%)

Opinion on Muslims
According to the surveys conducted by the Angus Reid Institute (ARI), 24% of the Canadians had a favorable opinion of Islam in 2013 which increased to 34% in the 2016 survey and in Quebec, it increased from 16% in 2013 to 32% in 2016.

A majority (75%) of the Canadians strongly support allowing Muslim women to wear hijab in public. However, the wearing of full face and body covering niqab and burka is strongly opposed. Only three-in-ten Canadians are supportive of it.

Politics

The Liberal Party (45%) voters and New Democratic Party voters (42%) have more favourable opinion on Muslims, than compared to Conservative Party voters (24%).

In 2024, in the aftermath of the Israel-Hamas war that broke out in the Middle East on October 7, 2023, many pro-Palestinian protests took place across Canada and around the world due to the humanitarian crisis in Gaza and allegations that Israel is committing war crimes and a genocide in Gaza as thousands of Palestinians were reported dead. Canadian Muslim support began to decline for both major political parties in Canada, the Liberal Party and the Conservative Party due to how both parties refused to call for an immediate ceasefire in Gaza as the Palestinian death toll was rising. Thus, leading to the New Democratic Party (NDP) and other third parties gaining support among Canadian Muslim voters.

Media

 * Little Mosque on the Prairie was a Canadian sitcom on CBC Television created by Zarqa Nawaz.
 * Ginella Massa is the first Canadian hijab wearing news anchor for CityNews Toronto.

Groups and councils

 * Canadian Islamic Congress
 * Council on American-Islamic Relations
 * National Council of Canadian Muslims
 * Muslim Canadian Congress

title: Islam in Canada


text:
NCAA Division II football championship

The NCAA Division II football championship is an American college football tournament played annually to determine a champion at the NCAA Division II level. It was first held in 1973, as a single-elimination playoff with eight teams. The tournament field has subsequently been expanded three times: to 16 teams in 1988, 24 teams in 2004, and 28 teams in 2016.

The national championship game has been held in eight different cities. Former sites include Sacramento, California (1973–1975); Wichita Falls, Texas (1976–1977); Longview, Texas (1978); Albuquerque, New Mexico (1979–1980); McAllen, Texas (1981–1985); Florence, Alabama (1986–2013); and Kansas City, Kansas (2014–2017). Since 2018, the championship game has been played at the McKinney ISD Stadium and Community Event Center in McKinney, Texas. Since 1994, the games have been broadcast on ESPN.

Prior to 1973, for what was then called the NCAA College Division, national champions were selected by polls conducted at the end of each regular season by two major wire services, the Associated Press (AP) and United Press International (UPI). In some years, the two polls named different number one teams.

From 1964 to 1972, postseason bowl games crowned four regional champions. NCAA Division II bowl games still exist, but only as postseason contests for teams not qualifying for the championship playoffs.

Small-college wire service national champions
Polls to rank "small college" football teams were conducted by the Associated Press (AP) and United Press International (UPI) during, and at the end of, each regular season. The AP polled a panel of writers, while UPI polled a panel of coaches. When UPI began its poll in 1958, it explained that the poll would cover college football programs not considered "major" by the Football Writers Association of America (FWAA), with the small schools (then numbering 519) belonging to the NCAA, the NAIA, both, or neither. The AP began its poll in 1960.

National champions per wire service polls † While the NCAA started Division II playoffs in 1973, AP and UPI still conducted their polls during the 1973 and 1974 seasons.

NCAA Division II champions

Since 1973, a post-season tournament has been held to determine the Division II Champion. The current format, in use since 2016, features 28 teams. They are organized into 4 super-regions of 7 teams each, with the top-seeded team in each super-region getting a bye during the first round. Prior to the championship game, all contests are hosted by the higher-seeded team. the semi-final games are held at the home stadiums of the two highest-seeded remaining teams. Since 2018, the championship game has been played at the McKinney Independent School District Stadium, a 12,000 seat facility that opened in August 2018.

† Mississippi College's 1989 tournament participation, along with its championship, were vacated by the NCAA Committee on Infractions.

Championship game appearances
Programs that no longer compete in Division II are indicated in italics with a pink background.

Of the programs that no longer compete in D-II, Akron, Central Michigan, Jacksonville State, Louisiana Tech, Texas State, Troy and Western Kentucky currently compete in Division I FBS. All others compete in Division I FCS.

Teams that moved to Division I
Most of the participants in early national championship games have moved into Division I, the main catalyst for their moves being the creation of Division I-AA, now the Division I Football Championship Subdivision (FCS), in 1978. The following Division II title game participants later moved to Division I:

 * Division I FBS (formerly I-A)
 * Akron (1976 runner-up)
 * Central Michigan (1974 champion)
 * Jacksonville State (1992 champion; 1977, 1989, and 1991 runner-up)
 * Louisiana Tech (1973 champion)
 * Texas State (champion 1981, 1982 as Southwest Texas State)
 * Troy (1984 and 1987 champion as Troy State)
 * Western Kentucky (1973 and 1975 runner-up)

 * Division I FCS (formerly I-AA)
 * Cal Poly (1980 champion)
 * Delaware (1979 champion; 1974 and 1978 runner-up; moving to FBS in 2025)
 * Eastern Illinois (1978 champion; 1980 runner-up)
 * Lehigh (champion 1977)
 * Montana State (champion 1976)
 * North Alabama (champion 1993, 1994, and 1995; runner-up 1985 and 2016)
 * North Dakota (champion 2001, runner-up 2003)
 * North Dakota State (champion 1965, 1968, 1969, 1983, 1985, 1986, 1988, and 1990; runner-up 1981 and 1984)
 * Northern Colorado (champion 1996 and 1997)
 * Portland State (runner-up 1987 and 1988)
 * South Dakota (runner-up 1986)
 * Texas A&M–Commerce (champion 2017)
 * UC Davis (runner-up 1982)
 * Youngstown State (runner-up 1979)

Regional bowls
From 1964 to 1972, four regional bowl games were played in order to provide postseason action, however these games took place after the AP and UPI polls were completed, therefore these games did not factor in selecting a national champion for the College Division. The bowl games were:

Winners of regional bowls

Playoff bowls
From 1973 to 1977, some of the tournament games were also known by bowl names;
 * In 1973, one of the first-round games was the final playing of the Boardwalk Bowl.
 * From 1973 through 1975, the two semifinal games were the Grantland Rice Bowl and the Pioneer Bowl, while the final game was the Camellia Bowl.
 * In 1976 and 1977, the two semifinal games were the Grantland Rice Bowl and the Knute Rockne Bowl, while the final game was the Pioneer Bowl.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: NCAA Division II football championship


text:
Well-formed

Well-formed or wellformed indicate syntactic correctness and may refer to:

 * Well-formedness, quality of linguistic elements that conform to grammar rules
 * Well-formed formula, a string that is generated by a formal grammar in logic
 * Well-formed element, web design element that is properly designed and ordered
 * Well-formed document, XML document that adheres to the syntax rules of the XML 1.0 specification
 * Well-formed Petri net, a Petri net class
 * Well-formed scale, a class of musical scales

title: Well-formed


text:
Dorian Yates

Dorian Andrew Mientjez Yates (born 19 April 1962) is an English retired professional bodybuilder. He won the Mr. Olympia title six consecutive times from 1992 to 1997. He is widely considered to be one of the top pro bodybuilders in history, and was well known for his high intensity training, top-level conditioning, and his wide, thick back.

Early life
Dorian Andrew Mientjez Yates was born on 19 April 1962, in Solihull, then in Warwickshire, England. He grew up on a farm in Hurley, rural Warwickshire. Yates's father died of a heart attack when he was 13. He, his mother and his sister then moved to Walmley in Sutton Coldfield. As a professional bodybuilder, Yates lived in the Ladywood and Castle Vale areas of Birmingham.

When Yates was 18, he and his friends were arrested while crossing Birmingham to get to a party. Each of them received 6 months at Whatton Youth Detention Centre, where Yates would take up weight training.

Career
Yates started working out in 1983 at Martin's Gym in Temple Row, Birmingham. During this time he won the 1984 Mr. Birmingham as a novice and in 1986 became the British Champion at Heavyweight for the first time. His professional record consists of 15 major contest wins and two second-place finishes; from 1992 to his retirement in 1997 he won every single contest he entered. His career ended in large part due to chronic acute injuries, including torn biceps and triceps, the latter just three weeks prior to his final contest, the 1997 Mr. Olympia, which he won in spite of the injury; his win generated controversy among fellow athletes, critics, and amateurs, who thought the runner-up Nasser El Sonbaty deserved to win. He is one of only four men to retire as Mr. Olympia and the most recent to do so.

Yates was a proponent of Arthur Jones and Mike Mentzer's high-intensity training (HIT) style of bodybuilding, which posits that maximum muscle stimulation can be reached through short and intense workout sessions instead of long and slow ones. He said, “If you feel you can attempt a second set, then you couldn’t have been pulling out all the stops during the first set.” Examples of his biggest lifts include 435-pound underhand barbell rows for 6-8 reps, 425-incline presses for 6-10 reps, and 595-pound barbell shrugs for 10-12 reps. He earned the nickname "The Shadow" coined by Peter McGough for his tendency to unexpectedly appear at major bodybuilding contests and steal the win, having neither confirmed nor denied whether he would compete beforehand, and for spending most of his time between contests avoiding the public eye.

Yates is considered to be the first of the "mass monsters" in bodybuilding. He combined his enormous muscle mass along with peak conditioning, quoted as being "granite hardness". He believes that his injuries are due to his habit of maintaining an extreme level of training intensity all year long, even when approaching contests, while being on a severely restricted "cutting" diet which weakens the body overall. Regarding the use of PEDs, he referenced the documentary Super Size Me and stated that eating three McDonald's meals a day is more harmful for the metabolism than his 12 years of regular steroid use.

Post-competition career

In 1987, Yates purchased Temple Gym, located on Temple Street in Birmingham. In 2006, he franchised four additional Temple Gym locations, three of which are in the UK. As of 2020, only the original Birmingham gym is still in operation. The Birmingham gym has now relocated from Temple Street to the city's jewellery quarter.

Yates formed the California-based company Heavy Duty Inc. in 1994 with Mike Mentzer and Ray Mentzer. The company marketed athletic apparel and bodybuilding-related books.

In 1998, Yates partnered with Kerry Kayes to form the bodybuilding supplement company CNP Professional, which marketed a Dorian Yates Approved product line in the U.S. He left the company in 2006 to form his own company, Dorian Yates Ultimate Formulas, which offers a line of protein and weight-gain supplements. He started a second company in 2010, EU Peptides, which sells peptide hormones and other pro-hormone supplements. He left EU Peptides in 2012. In 2011, Yates founded a third company, DY Nutrition, which specializes in pre-workout formulas and has released several training DVDs.

DY Nutrition is a line of supplements that consists of whey protein supplements, pre-workout, and post-workout supplements owned and endorsed by Yates.

Personal life
Yates now lives in Spain. He is married to Brazilian fitness model Glauce "Gal" Ferreira, who won the IFBB South American Bodyfitness event and was also the 2007 IFBB World Bodyfitness Champion. They had met at the 2008 Arnold Classic, and live in Marbella. Yates's son from his ex-wife Deb has also taken up bodybuilding and works closely with his father.

Yates has described yoga and meditation as a life altering experience. He does yoga on a daily basis.

Yates believes the death toll of the holocaust is exaggerated and stated in an interview that "two forensic studies" prove that no gas was ever used in Auschwitz.

He has endorsed the use of some psychedelic entheogens for religious and spiritual purposes, including ayahuasca. Yates is also open about his use of cannabis which began before his bodybuilding career; he has been an advocate for cannabis use and legalisation since the late 2000s due to its relaxing properties, temporary increases in respiratory capacity, and claimed anti-cancer properties - among other things.

Stats

 * Height: 5 ft
 * Competition Weight: 265 lbs
 * Chest size: 140 cm
 * Thigh Size: 77 cm
 * Waist Size: 86 cm
 * Calf Size: 55 cm
 * Upper Arm Size: 53 cm

Bodybuilding titles

 * 1984 Mr Birmingham Novice, 1st
 * 1985 World Games, 7th Heavyweights
 * 1986 British Championships, 1st Heavyweight
 * 1988 British Championships, 1st Heavyweight and overall
 * 1990 Night of Champions, 2nd
 * 1991 Night of Champions, 1st
 * 1991 Mr. Olympia, 2nd
 * 1991 English Grand Prix, 1st
 * 1992 Mr. Olympia, 1st
 * 1992 English Grand Prix, 1st
 * 1993 Mr. Olympia, 1st
 * 1994 Mr. Olympia, 1st
 * 1994 Mr. Worldwide, 1st
 * 1994 Spanish Grand Prix, 1st
 * 1994 German Grand Prix, 1st
 * 1994 English Grand Prix, 1st
 * 1995 Mr. Olympia, 1st
 * 1996 Mr. Olympia, 1st
 * 1996 Spanish Grand Prix, 1st
 * 1996 German Grand Prix, 1st
 * 1996 English Grand Prix, 1st
 * 1997 Mr. Olympia, 1st

title: Dorian Yates


text:
Well-formed formula

In mathematical logic, propositional logic and predicate logic, a well-formed formula, abbreviated WFF or wff, often simply formula, is a finite sequence of symbols from a given alphabet that is part of a formal language.

The abbreviation wff is pronounced "woof",   or sometimes "wiff",  , "weff",  or "whiff".

A formal language can be identified with the set of formulas in the language. A formula is a syntactic object that can be given a semantic meaning by means of an interpretation. Two key uses of formulas are in propositional logic and predicate logic.

Introduction
A key use of formulas is in propositional logic and predicate logic such as first-order logic. In those contexts, a formula is a string of symbols φ for which it makes sense to ask "is φ true?", once any free variables in φ have been instantiated. In formal logic, proofs can be represented by sequences of formulas with certain properties, and the final formula in the sequence is what is proven.

Although the term "formula" may be used for written marks (for instance, on a piece of paper or chalkboard), it is more precisely understood as the sequence of symbols being expressed, with the marks being a token instance of formula. This distinction between the vague notion of "property" and the inductively-defined notion of well-formed formula has roots in Weyl's 1910 paper "Uber die Definitionen der mathematischen Grundbegriffe". Thus the same formula may be written more than once, and a formula might in principle be so long that it cannot be written at all within the physical universe.

Formulas themselves are syntactic objects. They are given meanings by interpretations. For example, in a propositional formula, each propositional variable may be interpreted as a concrete proposition, so that the overall formula expresses a relationship between these propositions. A formula need not be interpreted, however, to be considered solely as a formula.

Propositional calculus
The formulas of propositional calculus, also called propositional formulas, are expressions such as $$(A \land (B \lor C))$$. Their definition begins with the arbitrary choice of a set V of propositional variables. The alphabet consists of the letters in V along with the symbols for the propositional connectives and parentheses "(" and ")", all of which are assumed to not be in V. The formulas will be certain expressions (that is, strings of symbols) over this alphabet.

The formulas are inductively defined as follows:
 * Each propositional variable is, on its own, a formula.
 * If φ is a formula, then ¬φ is a formula.
 * If φ and ψ are formulas, and • is any binary connective, then ( φ • ψ) is a formula. Here • could be (but is not limited to) the usual operators ∨, ∧, →, or ↔.

This definition can also be written as a formal grammar in Backus–Naur form, provided the set of variables is finite:

Using this grammar, the sequence of symbols
 * (((p → q) ∧ (r → s)) ∨ (¬q ∧ ¬s))

is a formula, because it is grammatically correct. The sequence of symbols
 * ((p → q)→(qq))p))

is not a formula, because it does not conform to the grammar.

A complex formula may be difficult to read, owing to, for example, the proliferation of parentheses. To alleviate this last phenomenon, precedence rules (akin to the standard mathematical order of operations) are assumed among the operators, making some operators more binding than others. For example, assuming the precedence (from most binding to least binding) 1. ¬  2. → 3. ∧ 4. ∨. Then the formula
 * (((p → q) ∧ (r → s)) ∨ (¬q ∧ ¬s))

may be abbreviated as
 * p → q ∧ r → s ∨ ¬q ∧ ¬s

This is, however, only a convention used to simplify the written representation of a formula. If the precedence was assumed, for example, to be left-right associative, in following order: 1. ¬  2. ∧ 3. ∨ 4. →, then the same formula above (without parentheses) would be rewritten as
 * (p → (q ∧ r)) → (s ∨ (¬q ∧ ¬s))

Predicate logic
The definition of a formula in first-order logic $$\mathcal{QS}$$ is relative to the signature of the theory at hand. This signature specifies the constant symbols, predicate symbols, and function symbols of the theory at hand, along with the arities of the function and predicate symbols.

The definition of a formula comes in several parts. First, the set of terms is defined recursively. Terms, informally, are expressions that represent objects from the domain of discourse.
 * 1) Any variable is a term.
 * 2) Any constant symbol from the signature is a term
 * 3) an expression of the form f(t1,...,tn), where f is an n-ary function symbol, and t1,...,tn are terms, is again a term.

The next step is to define the atomic formulas.
 * 1) If t1 and t2 are terms then t1=t2 is an atomic formula
 * 2) If R is an n-ary predicate symbol, and t1,...,tn are terms, then R(t1,...,tn) is an atomic formula

Finally, the set of formulas is defined to be the smallest set containing the set of atomic formulas such that the following holds:
 * 1) $$\neg\phi$$ is a formula when $$\phi$$ is a formula
 * 2) $$(\phi \land \psi)$$ and $$(\phi \lor \psi)$$ are formulas when $$\phi$$ and $$\psi$$ are formulas;
 * 3) $$\exists x\, \phi$$ is a formula when $$x$$ is a variable and $$\phi$$ is a formula;
 * 4) $$\forall x\, \phi$$ is a formula when $$x$$ is a variable and $$\phi$$ is a formula (alternatively, $$\forall x\, \phi$$ could be defined as an abbreviation for $$\neg\exists x\, \neg\phi$$).

If a formula has no occurrences of $$\exists x$$ or $$\forall x$$, for any variable $$x$$, then it is called quantifier-free. An existential formula is a formula starting with a sequence of existential quantification followed by a quantifier-free formula.

Atomic and open formulas
An atomic formula is a formula that contains no logical connectives nor quantifiers, or equivalently a formula that has no strict subformulas. The precise form of atomic formulas depends on the formal system under consideration; for propositional logic, for example, the atomic formulas are the propositional variables. For predicate logic, the atoms are predicate symbols together with their arguments, each argument being a term.

According to some terminology, an open formula is formed by combining atomic formulas using only logical connectives, to the exclusion of quantifiers. This is not to be confused with a formula which is not closed.

Closed formulas
A closed formula, also ground formula or sentence, is a formula in which there are no free occurrences of any variable. If A is a formula of a first-order language in which the variables $v_{1}, …, v_{n}$ have free occurrences, then A preceded by $∀v_{1} ⋯ ∀v_{n}$ is a universal closure of A.

Properties applicable to formulas

 * A formula A in a language $$\mathcal{Q}$$ is valid if it is true for every interpretation of $$\mathcal{Q}$$.
 * A formula A in a language $$\mathcal{Q}$$ is satisfiable if it is true for some interpretation of $$\mathcal{Q}$$.
 * A formula A of the language of arithmetic is decidable if it represents a decidable set, i.e. if there is an effective method which, given a substitution of the free variables of A, says that either the resulting instance of A is provable or its negation is.

Usage of the terminology
In earlier works on mathematical logic (e.g. by Church ), formulas referred to any strings of symbols and among these strings, well-formed formulas were the strings that followed the formation rules of (correct) formulas.

Several authors simply say formula. Modern usages (especially in the context of computer science with mathematical software such as model checkers, automated theorem provers, interactive theorem provers) tend to retain of the notion of formula only the algebraic concept and to leave the question of well-formedness, i.e. of the concrete string representation of formulas (using this or that symbol for connectives and quantifiers, using this or that parenthesizing convention, using Polish or infix notation, etc.) as a mere notational problem.

The expression "well-formed formulas" (WFF) also crept into popular culture. WFF is part of an esoteric pun used in the name of the academic game "WFF 'N PROOF: The Game of Modern Logic", by Layman Allen, developed while he was at Yale Law School (he was later a professor at the University of Michigan). The suite of games is designed to teach the principles of symbolic logic to children (in Polish notation). Its name is an echo of whiffenpoof, a nonsense word used as a cheer at Yale University made popular in The Whiffenpoof Song and The Whiffenpoofs.

title: Well-formed formula


text:
Possible Peru

Possible Peru (Perú Posible) was a Peruvian political party. It was founded in 1994 by Alejandro Toledo with the original name of Possible Country (País Posible).

History
Possible Peru has its roots in an earlier political party, Possible Country, which was founded by the economist Alejandro Toledo in 1994. País Possible garnered 3% of the popular vote in the 1995 presidential election.

In the 2000 presidential election, Toledo ran as a candidate from Possible Peru. After coming in second to Alberto Fujimori in the initial round of voting, Toledo withdrew as a candidate and requested that his supporters cast blank ballots in the second round run-off that was to be held because both candidates failed to receive more than 50% of the vote and Fujimori was subsequently re-elected in the run-off.

After Fujimori was sworn in for his third term, Toledo led his supporters in organizing a protest against Fujimori's alleged corruption, which became popularly known as Four Suyos March, in a reference to the four suyu (district) in which the Inca Empire or Tawantin Suyu was divided. The protest turned violent, with six people being killed on 28 July inside a bank on fire. In response to growing allegations of corruption within his administration, Fujimori resigned as president in November 2000.

At the legislative elections held on 8 April 2001, the party won 26.3% of the popular vote and 45 out of 120 seats in the Congress of the Republic. Its presidential candidate at the elections of the same day, Alejandro Toledo, won 36.5% of the vote and went on to win the second round on 3 June 2001 with 53.1%.

Toledo was elected in 2001 as Fujimori's replacement, receiving 53.1% of the popular vote. Shortly after becoming president, Toledo made a strategic alliance with the Independent Moralizing Front, led by Fernando Olivera.

In 2004, Toledo was accused of falsifying some of the signatures that had been collected on his behalf in the 2000 election. Police concluded that 78% of the signatures had been falsified. Further investigation revealed that the forged signatures had been produced by Toledo's sister, who was subsequently placed under house arrest.

At the legislative elections held on 9 April 2006, the party won 4% of the popular vote and 2 out of 120 seats in Congress.

According to Daniel Mora, one of the causes that led Possible Peru to the debacle was the arrogance of Alejandro Toledo. Later, Possible Peru supported the candidacy of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, despite the fact that Possible Peru lost the registration by failing to pass the electoral threshold. On May 12, 2016, Carmen Omonte was withdrawn from the Lavajato Commission by her own ex-party Possible Peru. At the same time, Judge Abel Concha decided to lift Alejandro Toledo's bank secrecy, this being part of the Ecoteva case trial. On March 12, 2017, Marcial Ayaipoma announced that Possible Peru will be liquidated by not passing the electoral fence, as mandated by the Law of Political Parties.

Possible Peru was dissolved in 2017 following its poor results at the 2016 general election, garnering 1.2% at national level.

2006 elections
Possible Peru's presidential candidate for the 2006 election, Rafael Belaúnde Aubry, along with the vice-presidential candidates, pulled out of the race on 31 January. However, a clash with the core of the party over the inclusion of some people in the congressional candidate list led to the withdrawal of his candidature.

The previous candidate, businesswoman Jeannete Enmanuel Tejada also renounced her candidature one week after being selected following growing pressure from within certain parts of the Possible Peru party, due to her political inexperience.

Belaúnde Aubry was until recently leader of another party, Acción Popular, which was founded by his father and former president, Fernando Belaúnde Terry, and was invited by Possible Peru to represent the party in the elections.

title: Possible Peru


text:
Talk:Left–right political spectrum

Semi-protected edit request on 27 August 2020
"PLEASE CHANGE,"Those on the Left often called themselves "republicans", while those on the Right often called themselves "conservatives". TO "Those on the Left often called themselves "Leftist", while those on the Right often called themselves "conservatives"." 173.94.253.2 (talk) 23:17, 27 August 2020 (UTC)
 * Red information icon with gradient background.svg Not done: please provide reliable sources that support the change you want to be made. Please read the section again. This concerns historical usage. Eggishorn (talk) (contrib) 23:51, 27 August 2020 (UTC)
 * And the article concerns itself with global usage, not solely American political application.  Acroterion   (talk)   00:14, 28 August 2020 (UTC)
 * In fact the "left" in the U.S. originally called themselves Republicans c. 1793. They did not call themselves leftists because that term would not come into use until the 20th century. TFD (talk) 00:51, 28 August 2020 (UTC)

Liberals as leftists? Really?
Apparently social liberals fall on the left side of the spectrum in this article, yet nowadays certainly they do not. This should be amended — Preceding unsigned comment added by 82.35.73.98 (talk) 12:15, 16 January 2021 (UTC)
 * Please provide reliable sources to support your contention. Beyond My Ken (talk) 04:07, 17 January 2021 (UTC)

The problem is that the left-right political spectrum has lost all meaning, when the president of the United States can describe meek, mild-mannered Joe Biden as an "extreme leftist". Today, those on the right describe anyone who is not 100% loyal personally to Donald Trump as an "extreme leftist". When politics becomes a personality cult, ideas are essentially off the table for discussion. Rick Norwood (talk) 12:16, 17 January 2021 (UTC)

 * If the terms were entirely meaningless you wouldn't refer to "those on the right." In the two party system, Americans have always described their opponents in extreme terms: Jefferson was called a Jacobin; Hamilton, a royalist, as if the U.S. was revolutionary France. In reality their difference bore more similarities to the whig/radical division in Great Britain. Trump's attempt to portray Biden as a leftist failed because it didn't persuade anyone outside his most fanatical followers. TFD (talk) 10:23, 19 January 2021 (UTC)

Republican vs conservative
changed the word republicans to progressives in the following sentence: "Those on the Left often called themselves "republicans", while those on the Right often called themselves "conservatives"." The sentence is sourced to Gauchet's article, "Right and Left," p. 257, where he discusses the origin of the terms. The sentence is describing the use of terminology in France at the beginning of the 20th century. The main left-right division at the time was between conservatives who wanted to return to monarchy and republicans who did not. The republicans literally sat on the left side of the National Assembly.

I had reverted this originally noting, "The term progressive was only used in the U.S. at the time and referred to people on the left and right." Beyond My Ken reverted me with "Nor true."

In fact List of presidents of France shows that may of them called themselves republicans and none called themselves progressives. If there are sources that say they did not call themselves republicans, but called themselves progressives, then it should be provided before the text is changed.

TFD (talk) 22:03, 24 February 2021 (UTC)
 * You are incorrect in that I did not change the word, another editor did. I simply restored it after you reverted.  More recently, I removed the sentence completely, as it was too confusing, and too specific to the time period, which is not the primary focus of the article.  It is much too easy for the reader to think that terms like "Republican" refer to the current time, and not to the French revolution. It should be possible to elucidate the history of the terminology without confusing the reader with old terms which mean something completely different in the current world. Beyond My Ken (talk) 00:29, 25 February 2021 (UTC)
 * The fact that they called themselves by the same word as used now does not at all mean that they called themselves the same thing, which is the errant meaning that the sentence communicates.  It would have to be significantly re-written to be accurate and not confusing, and there's not point in that, as it's simply a passing statement in a section about the history of the "left/right" concept, and not at all relevant to the overall topic.  The article is better without it. Beyond My Ken (talk) 00:36, 25 February 2021 (UTC)
 * It is part of the history of the left-right distinction that the initial division in France (and other countries) was between monarchists and republicans. This division lasted throughout the nineteenth century after which socialism replaced republicanism on the left. The term republican means someone who supports a republic even today. Hence there is Republicanism in the United Kingdom, Republicanism in Australia, etc. If you don't like the way it is worded then suggest a different term.
 * Incidentally, you didn't just restore after I reverted, you restored a revert by an IP. The wording I reverted to has been in the article for years.
 * See the Merriam-Webster definition of republican: "one that favors or supports a republican form of government." They define republic as "a government having a chief of state who is not a monarch and who in modern times is usually a president." "a government in which supreme power resides in a body of citizens entitled to vote and is exercised by elected officers and representatives responsible to them and governing according to law." What do you think it means?
 * TFD (talk) 01:07, 25 February 2021 (UTC)

The word “wing”
The article seems to missing sources for the expression “left wing” or “right wing”. After the February 1917 revolution in Russia, the Duma met in the right wing of the Tauride Palace in Petrograd and the Soviet met in the left wing. Anyone know of the use of ‘wing’ before 1917? Oliver Low (talk) 20:06, 10 May 2021 (UTC)
 * Sources? Beyond My Ken (talk) 21:27, 10 May 2021 (UTC)

 * I haven't seen any sources for "wing," but Carlyle in his 1837 book used the terms left and right sides to describe seating in the National Assembly. You would need a source that the term wing came from somewhere else, although it would be interesting to know when that happened. It could well have come from Lenin's "Left-Wing" Communism: An Infantile Disorder (1920), although he got the terms left and right from France. TFD (talk) 22:37, 10 May 2021 (UTC)

Failed verification of sitting positions
Upon consulting source number 6, Bobbio, Norberto (2016). Left and Right: The Significance of a Political Distinction. John Wiley & Sons. p. 112. ISBN 978-1-5095-1412-0 (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Left%E2%80%93right_political_spectrum#cite_note-Bobbio2016-6), I could not find any reference to sitting positions. This is, however, a well known fact, so if someone has a proper source there would be no need to remove that piece of information.

I do however have the following French sources, from the Larousse French dictionary's website, https://www.larousse.fr/encyclopedie/divers/droite/44839 and https://www.larousse.fr/encyclopedie/divers/gauche/54713, but it would be nicer to have an English source.

Shine Couture (talk) 15:38, 31 January 2022 (UTC)
 * I've updated the link(s). Beyond My Ken (talk) 17:00, 31 January 2022 (UTC)

Updates to the concept of Liberalism
You might consider decoupling the terms "freedom", "anti-authoritarian", and "egalitarian" from the terms "left wing" and "liberal". Increasingly, left politics embraces limiting freedoms (such as the freedom of speech), assigning rights and privileges based on ethnic groupings (increasing or decreasing the value of individuals based on skin color), and allocating strong authority to their notions of intellectually superior classes (educators, social scientists, lawyers, atheists). 2600:1700:BA0:3730:1CFA:94D2:13C5:CB3F (talk) 20:42, 8 March 2022 (UTC)
 * Liberalism has always posted limits on freedoms including slavery and segregation in your state. TFD (talk) 22:00, 8 March 2022 (UTC)

Suggested source
— V ORTEX  3427 (Talk!) 05:38, 5 August 2022 (UTC)
 * It's already in the article. While your source cites Gauchet, he is already used as a source. TFD (talk) 06:18, 5 August 2022 (UTC)

Ambrose Bierce's characterization
I have restored Ambrose Bierce's Devil's Dictionary's characterization of the left-right contrast. User Dronebogus reverted it on the grounds of being neither notable nor neutral. I hold that it is notable because it is one of the most famous entries in Bierce's famous Dictionary. More importantly, it is both neutral and relevant to the immediately preceding apt and neutral characterization (party of movement vs party of order) because it expresses in a neutral fashion each side's fundamental critique of the other. Leftists argue that existing institutions need reform because they are seriously harmful and unjust, and rightists argue that the reforms proposed by the leftists, if implemented, would have side effects worse than than the disease they are attempting to cure. Because these positions concern the result of an unperformed experiment (implementing the reforms) neither side can convince the other.

As the article notes in other places, the term liberal (more so than conservative) has diverse meanings, but it is clear that Bierce is using it in the 20'th century North American sense of left (i.e. reformist, progressive) rather than, say, economically libertarian.

Let's continue the discussion here, rather than reverting again, and if we can't agree seek additional opinions. CharlesHBennett (talk) 09:51, 31 August 2022 (UTC)

 * I agree with Charles Bennett. The Bierce quote is both notable and neutral. I can't how anybody could think it wasn't neutral, and I find it notable. 12:06, 31 August 2022 (UTC)

 * Bierce is one of the most succinct and accurate commentators of the 20th century, and his writings are about as notable as they come. As long as it's presented as Bierce's sardonic take, I think it's an admirable summary. Pithy as it is, I'm not convinced it needs a home in the lede, it is perhaps better off farther down, preferably with a reference from a discussion of Bierce's writings.  Acroterion   (talk)   12:17, 31 August 2022 (UTC)
 * It’s not neutral because it just says “both sides are stupid”. Saying it’s meant to refer to both sides’ opinions is WP:OR. I’m not sure if Bierce is really a political scholar either. I’m not denying he’s notable, but that doesn’t make his take on literally anything notable. Dronebogus (talk) 13:19, 31 August 2022 (UTC)

I thought of that too, but decided to put in the lede because it was so concise (therefore not unduly bloating the lede), and because it extended the previous sentence on movement (i.e. change) vs order. Together they cast the left-right duality in an NPOV, "presume good faith" light as complementary and not completely reconcilable visions of how to achieve a good society, rather than, as typically happens in political campaigns, rather than a way of accusing the other side of selfishly attempting to grab power so as to abuse public trust. Thus I think the Bierce characterization is better where I put it. CharlesHBennett (talk) 13:38, 31 August 2022 (UTC)

Indeed though it's clearly satiric, it's less cynical than some of the Dictionary's other entries, e.g. for Marriage or Cannon. It accurately states what the Left believes is wrong with the Right and vice versa. CharlesHBennett (talk) 13:45, 31 August 2022 (UTC)
 * to say 'It’s not neutral because it just says “both sides are stupid”' is not helpful. First of all Bierce does not take sides. Secondly he does not suggest stupidity, but rather different intellectual ways of judging. And "original research" means there is no published source. Rjensen (talk) 14:31, 31 August 2022 (UTC)

 * Since Bierce did not use the terms left and right, which were not used in English at the time, it's OR to interpret them that way. We don't even know what he was referring to as "Liberal" and "Conservative." Presumably it was the British parties. Of course there is a parallel between the Tory-Liberal debates of 1906 and the modern U.S. conservative liberal ones, but we need a secondary source that makes that observation. TFD (talk) 18:18, 31 August 2022 (UTC)
 * Bierce was American, so he was probably using the terms conservative and liberal in a sense familiar to his early 20'th century American audience, as opposed to a British or Continental audience. CharlesHBennett (talk) 20:22, 31 August 2022 (UTC)
 * Except in the early 20th century, the only sense familiar to an American audience was how the terms were used in Great Britain and the continent. The terms would not come to be applied to U.S. politics until the 1930s. TFD (talk) 22:24, 31 August 2022 (UTC)

Sorry, but I do not agree. The word liberal was widely used, and Americans thought of America as a liberal country. Note that Bierce characterizes liberals as forward looking, favoring change, though with his usual cynical twist. The word conservative was also common at the time, though not with reference to any particular party. And, as Bierce notes, conservatives opposed change. Nothing particularly British about either attitude. It is true that left and right were not commonly used, though they existed. But the quote resonates with the way the words are used today. Rick Norwood (talk) 19:56, 1 September 2022 (UTC)

 * Synthesis of published material says, "Do not combine material from multiple sources to reach or imply a conclusion not explicitly stated by any source." In this case, we are combining Bierce's quote with our understanding that liberal/conservative = left/right. Whether or not that is a correct interpretation is beside the point.
 * Bierce was probably referring to the parties of the UK. Note that he capitalized Liberal. A google book search for 1906-1911 shows that was its primary meaning and I could find no use of the term in describing U.S. politics, except in the sense that the U.S. constitution politics in the U.S. was liberal.
 * Bierce was actually more critical of the Left: “That there are honest, clean-minded patriotic socialists goes without saying. They are theorists and dreamers with a knowledge of life and affairs a little profounder than that of a horse but not quite so profound as that of a cow. But the "movement" as a social and political force is, in this country, born of envy, the true purpose of its activities, revenge. In the shadow of our national prosperity it whets its knife for the throats of the prosperous. It unleashes the hounds of hate upon the track of success—the only kind of success that it covets and derides.” ("The Socialist - what he is, and why," 1910, p. 46)
 * While you could say the Socialist Party of America was "far left," their sister parties have formed governments in most Western democracies and several members of their successor group, the Democratic Socialists of America are members of Congress.
 * Even if Bierce was not referring specifically to the Liberal and Conservative parties, he was referring to their ideologies, rather than the left-right distinction. Conservatives supported hereditary privilege and the established church, while liberals supported their curtailment. This incidentally came to a head the year he published the Dictionary (1911) as the Liberals stripped the power of the Lords to veto legislation and reduced the King to a figurehead.
 * You could say that what Bierce said applies to liberals also applies to socialists. They too want to replace existing evils with others. But I don't think that is what he meant.
 * Similarly, what he says about conservatives could be applied to the U.S., where the Right opposes formal royalty and aristocracy, but, like Bierce, do not want the liberal order changed. But again, that is not what he meant.
 * TFD (talk) 16:37, 2 September 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Left–right political spectrum


text:
National Unity

National Unity may refer to the following political parties:

 * National Unity Party (Albania)
 * National Unity (Armenia)
 * National Unity (Azerbaijan)
 * National Unity (Czech Republic)
 * National Unity (Greece)
 * National Unity (Ireland)
 * National Unity (Israel)
 * National Unity (Peru)

title: National Unity


text:
National Unity (Peru)

National Unity (Unidad Nacional, UN) was a Peruvian center-right, mainly a Christian democratic electoral alliance.

History
National Unity was founded in 2000 by Lourdes Flores Nano and was considered Peru's third largest party. The party participated in the 2001 general election, on 8 April 2001, where its presidential candidate, Lourdes Flores Nano, won 24.3% of the popular vote and failed to qualify in the June run-off, placing third. At the legislative elections held on the same day, the party won 13.8% of the popular vote and 17 out of 120 seats in the Congress of the Republic.

The Party itself was a loose alliance of the constituent political parties. Its members were initially the Christian People's Party (PPC) (Partido Popular Cristiano), National Solidarity (SN) (Solidaridad Nacional), National Renewal (RN) (Renovación Nacional) and Radical Change (RC) (Cambio Radical), but the latter two left the coalition, following the 2006 general election and during the campaign, respectively. PPC and SN renewed their alliance until 2008.

National Solidarity's leader Luis Castañeda Lossio ran for mayor of Lima in 2002 under National Unity's banner, defeating the incumbent Alberto Andrade, from Somos Perú and a former Christian People's Party member himself.

The party participated in the 2006 general election on 9 April, and was again headed by Lourdes Flores Nano. Flores placed third in the presidential vote with 23.8% of the vote, behind Ollanta Humala of the Union for Peru and Alan García of the Peruvian Aprista Party, and failed to qualify for the run-off in the June 2006 run-off vote. At the legislative elections held on 9 April 2006, the party won 15.3% of the popular vote and 17 out of 120 seats in Congress.

Last years and dissolution
In 2008, both PPC and SN decided to end the coalition. In the 2011 general election, SN (led by Luis Castañeda Lossio) decided to run for presidency under their own alliance; whilst PPC decided to integrate a new coalition called Alliance for the Great Change, led by Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, which participated in the elections as well.

title: National Unity (Peru)


text:
NCAA Division III football championship

The NCAA Division III football championship is an American college football tournament played annually to determine a champion at the NCAA Division III level. It was first held in 1973, as a single-elimination playoff with eight teams. Over the past 50 seasons, the number of participants has grown to 32, with the current bracket size dating from 2005. In 2023, 28 playoff bids went to conference champions via automatic qualification, leaving just four places for at-large selections.

The Division III championship game, known as the Amos Alonzo Stagg Bowl or Stagg Bowl (named after football coach Amos Alonzo Stagg), was held at Salem Football Stadium in Salem, Virginia in 2023, where it was previously held annually from 1993 to 2017. Other Stagg Bowl sites have included Navy–Marine Corps Memorial Stadium in Annapolis, Maryland (2022), Tom Benson Hall of Fame Stadium in Canton, Ohio (2021), Woodforest Bank Stadium in Shenandoah, Texas (2018–2019), Hawkins Stadium in Bradenton, Florida (1990–1992), Garrett-Harrison Stadium in Phenix City, Alabama (1973–1982, 1985–1989), and Galbreath Field at the College Football Hall of Fame, when the Hall was located in Kings Island, Ohio (1983–1984).

West and East Region Championships (1969–1972)
The Amos Alonzo Stagg Bowl was founded by the NCAA in October 1969. Along with its counterpart, the Knute Rockne Bowl, it was "created by the NCAA ... for its College Division II schools, those 100-plus smallest schools in the NCAA." Eligible schools were divided into an East Region (the Northeast and Middle Atlantic states) and West Region (the rest of the country), with the Amos Alonzo Stagg Bowl serving as the championship of the West Region, and the Knute Rockne Bowl as the championship of the East Region.

The NCAA thus provided postseason opportunities for College Division teams too small to compete for spots in the four regional bowls it had established in 1964 (as of 1969, these were the Camellia Bowl for the West, the Pecan Bowl for the Midwest, the Grantland Rice Bowl for the Mideast, and the Boardwalk Bowl for the East). At least for the sport of football, this accommodation in 1969 foreshadowed the decision to subdivide the College Division four years later, into Division II and Division III.

National Championships (1973–present)
When the College Division was subdivided into the current Division II and Division III in 1973, the NCAA made the Amos Alonzo Stagg Bowl the Division III national championship game. Initially, Phenix City, Alabama (site of the 1971 and 1972 Stagg Bowls) continued as the host city.

Amos Alonzo Stagg Bowl
§ - On October 10, 2019, the NCAA vacated the 2016 championship due to violations self-reported by UMHB. The appeal was unsuccessful, therefore there was no champion declared for the 2016 season. In late June 2020, UMHB's 2016 and 2017 seasons' wins and records were also vacated.

National championships by team
Programs that no longer compete in Division III are indicated in italics with a pink background.

§ October 10, 2019 the NCAA vacated the 2016 championship due to violations self-reported by Mary Hardin–Baylor. The appeal was unsuccessful, therefore there was no champion declared for the 2016 season. Mary Hardin–Baylor also had its wins and records from that season and in 2017 vacated.

Championship game appearances
Programs that no longer compete in Division III are indicated in italics with a pink background.

As of the upcoming 2024 season, all of the programs that no longer compete in D-III compete in Division I FCS. West Georgia is the most recent of these to move to FCS, with the 2024 season being its first at that level.

Stagg Bowl Most Outstanding Player Award
As voted by the media at the game since 2000.

title: NCAA Division III football championship


text:
Marlboro

Marlboro is an American brand of cigarettes owned and manufactured by Philip Morris USA (a branch of Altria) within the United States and by Philip Morris International (now separate from Altria) outside the US except Canada where the brand is owned and manufactured by Imperial Tobacco Canada. Marlboro's largest cigarette manufacturing plant is located in Richmond, Virginia.

History

In 1846, British tobacconist Philip Morris opened a shop on Bond Street, London, selling tobacco and rolled cigarettes. After his death from lung cancer in 1873, his brother Leopold and widow Margaret continued the business, growing it and opening a factory on Great Marlborough Street, London, from which the name was taken.

A New York subsidiary was opened in 1902 to sell many of its cigarette brands. The name '"Marlboro"' was registered in the US in 1908 although no cigarette was marketed under this name until 1923. In 1924, the brand was launched. They were first marketed as "America's luxury cigarette" and were mainly sold in hotels and resorts.

Around the 1930s, it was starting to be advertised as a women's cigarette, based on the slogan "Mild As May". However, as early as 1885, a brand called "Marlborough" was already being marketed as a "ladies' favorite" by Philip Morris & Co.

Shortly before World War II, the brand's sales stagnated at less than 1% of tobacco sales in the US and was briefly withdrawn from the market. After the war, Camel, Lucky Strike and Chesterfield were the only common cigarettes.

After scientists published a major study linking smoking to lung cancer in the 1950s, Philip Morris repositioned Marlboro as a men's cigarette in order to fit a market niche of men who were concerned about lung cancer while also concerned with masculinity if they smoked a filtered cigarette usually marketed to women. The Leo Burnett advertising agency solved the problem by a new style of advertising that dispensed with copy and created a visual personality for the brand. Marlboro ads now featured masculinity. The Marlboro Man was a sea captain, gunsmith, athlete and cowboy.

Part of Marlboro's rise in market share was its ability to produce "milder, more aromatic, sweeter, and less harsh" cigarettes by adding ammonia to the tobacco. Further usage of diammonium phosphate allowed Marlboro to free base the nicotine in tobacco, allowing for more efficient delivery. Marlboro kept this process secret for many years, as freebasing is the same process used to produce crack cocaine from normal cocaine. Some experts have called the product that Marlboro sold "crack tobacco."

In the late 1960s, Marlboro "Longhorn 100's" were introduced. Although color-coded with gold, they were full flavor cigarettes, not lights. In 1972, Marlboro became the best-selling brand of tobacco in the world.

In order to comply with a 2006 court ruling in United States v. Philip Morris USA, Inc., et al., Philip Morris (and all other cigarette companies) are now prevented from using words such as "Lights", "Ultra-Lights", "Medium", "Mild", or any similar designation that may yield an impression of being safer than regular full flavored cigarettes. Thus Marlboro and other cigarette companies use only color-coding instead; for example, Marlboro Lights are now called Marlboro Gold Pack.

Philip Morris responded to the popularity of Pall Mall, the number three brand, by pushing Marlboro Special Blends, a lower-priced cigarette.

In 2013, Philip Morris International introduced "Marlboro 2.0". The pack design was changed; the dark red was replaced with a lighter red, the "Marlboro" and Philip Morris logo became ribbed and transparent, and around 2017 a special "Smart SEAL" was introduced to keep the stored cigarettes fresh for a longer period of time. The Marlboro 2.0 packs are mainly available in Europe and some parts of Africa, Asia and Latin America, but not in the US, Canada and Australia (due to plain packaging) and New Zealand.

In 2015, Philip Morris announced they would introduce a "Firm Filter" to their Marlboro Red, Gold, Silver Blue, Ice Blast and White Menthol variants. Philip Morris managing director for the UK and Ireland, Martin Inkster, said that the Firm Filter technique was added to "offer quality you can feel and it is a cleaner way to stub out your cigarette".

In January 2023 the US Food Drug Administration approved of marketing around the U.S. for multiple Marlboro Vape Heatsticks, Sienna Heatstick, Amber Heatstick & Bronze Heatstick.

Advertising
In the 1920s, advertising for the cigarette was primarily based on how ladylike the filter cigarette was, in an attempt to appeal to the mass market. To this end, the filter had a printed red band around it to hide lipstick stains, calling it "Beauty Tips to Keep the Paper from Your Lips".

The red and white package was designed by designer Frank Gianninoto. The repositioning of Marlboro as a men's cigarette was handled by Chicago advertiser Leo Burnett. The proposed campaign was to present a lineup of manly figures: sea captains, weightlifters, war correspondents, construction workers, etc. The cowboy was to have been the first in this series. While Philip Morris was concerned about the campaign, they eventually gave the green light.

Marlboro's market share rose from less than one percent to the fourth best-selling brand. This convinced Philip Morris to drop the lineup of manly figures and stick with the cowboy, later known as the Marlboro Man. From 1963, the television advertisements used Elmer Bernstein's theme from The Magnificent Seven.

Over the years, Philip Morris has made many billboard, poster and magazine adverts.

Philip Morris also made various sports-related billboards, stickers and other memorabilia throughout the years, mainly promoting the Marlboro brand via its McLaren and Ferrari teams partnerships in places like Russia and Monaco.

Through licensees, Philip Morris sells various merchandising products, such as lighters, ashtrays, sunglasses and other accessories, which are sometimes given away to the target group as part of marketing promotions. In 1983, the campaign "Marlboro Adventure Team Adventure Camp" was launched, for which the participants had to apply, there was a collection of clothing and accessories.

Sport sponsorship
According to Ellen Merlo, vice president of marketing services at Philip Morris, quoted in a 1989 Marlboro advertisement: "We perceive Formula One and Indy car racing as adding, if you will, a modern-day dimension to the Marlboro Man. The image of Marlboro is very rugged, individualistic, heroic. And so is this style of auto racing. From an image standpoint, the fit is good."

Formula One

Marlboro is known for its association with motor racing. This started in the season with the sponsorship of the  Formula One team BRM. The first win for a Marlboro-sponsored Formula One car was achieved at the 1972 Monaco Grand Prix by Jean-Pierre Beltoise driving for the BRM team. In and, the cigarette giant backed the Frank Williams Racing Cars team, whose cars were registered as Iso-Marlboro.

In the 1974 season, Marlboro became associated with the McLaren team. The team won their first World Constructors' Championship as well as first World Drivers' Championship (for Emerson Fittipaldi) in the first season of the partnership between McLaren and Marlboro. The team won another drivers title in for James Hunt. Following that, the partnership went through a dry patch until Ron Dennis's Project Four Organization took over the team in. Marlboro-sponsored McLaren triumphed Formula One for much of the 1980s and early 1990s, with Niki Lauda, Alain Prost and Ayrton Senna between them winning the Drivers' Championship all but one year from to. After the departure of Ayrton Senna at the end of the season, Marlboro McLaren never won a race again. Marlboro ended their sponsorship of the team at the end of the season, which ended the red and white McLaren livery. McLaren was sponsored by West from the start of the season onwards. McLaren and Marlboro had the longest sponsorship deal between a team and its title sponsor in Formula One history, which lasted for 23 consecutive seasons (–).

Over the years, McLaren altered the Marlboro livery to comply with regional anti-tobacco sponsorship laws which were in place in countries like France, the UK and later Germany. The Marlboro logo was replaced by a chevron in, with a barcode in and  and from  to  or with "McLaren" in  and from  to  and  to. At the 1986 Portuguese Grand Prix, Keke Rosberg's car was painted yellow and white rather than red and white, to advertise Marlboro Lights.

Marlboro also sponsored Scuderia Ferrari's drivers since the season (the brand appeared only on helmets and suits) but only in  Marlboro became a minor sponsor on Ferrari's Formula One cars. Until then, Enzo Ferrari allowed only technical suppliers brands to appear on his team cars. In, Marlboro became the main sponsor, eventually becoming the title sponsor in when the team was officially renamed as  "Scuderia Ferrari Marlboro". Marlboro remained Ferrari's title sponsor until the 2011 European Grand Prix and the main sponsor until the end of the season.

Over the years, Ferrari, just like McLaren, had to alter the Marlboro livery in various ways to comply with regional anti-tobacco sponsoring laws which were in place in countries like France, the UK and later Germany. The Marlboro logo was removed completely or replaced with a white space from to  (The Ferrari cars had white spaces over Marlboro occasionally in  and ), changed to a "bar code" from  to 1999 and in  and, or the text was removed while keeping the chevron with the driver's name  and in the team member clothing, the Marlboro logo became a white square with a red stripe above with the driver's written name from the 1980s until. The team used a special livery for the 2001 Italian Grand Prix in remembrance of the September 11 attacks in the US; both cars ran without any sponsorship livery and sported matte black nose-cones. In the 2005 Bahrain Grand Prix the cars sported black nosecones as a sign of mourning for Pope John Paul II.

In September 2005, Ferrari signed an extension of their sponsorship arrangement with Marlboro until 2011. This agreement came at a time when tobacco sponsorship had become wholly banned in the European Union and other F1 teams ended their relationships with tobacco companies. In reporting the deal, F1 Racing magazine judged it to be a "black day" for the sport, putting non-tobacco funded teams at a disadvantage and discouraging other brands from entering a sport still associated with tobacco. The magazine estimated that in the period between 2005 and 2011, Ferrari received $1 billion from the agreement. Depending on the venue of races and the particular national laws, the Marlboro branding became largely subliminal in most countries.

In mid-2006, special "racing editions" of Marlboro Red were sold in the UK, with a Ferrari-inspired design, although the Ferrari name and badge were not used. In April 2008, Marlboro displayed explicit on-car branding on Ferrari for the last time, then permanently replaced with a variety of barcodes in place of it. Since then, there were calls from leading health officials, the European Commissioner for Health and influential doctors for a review of the subliminal advertising contract Marlboro has with Advertising Guerrilla and Ferrari, due to the implications of influencing the purchase of cigarettes with possible subliminal advertising, as no tobacco products can be promoted in sporting events in Europe. The Ferrari team claimed the barcode was part of the car design, not an advertising message.

The controversial barcode design was removed by Ferrari for the start of the Spanish Grand Prix in the 2010 season, but the barcode remained on drivers' team gear. In January 2011, the Scuderia Ferrari presented a new logo for its racing team. This logo is considered by an F1-website as an advertisement for Marlboro, evocating the top-left corner design of a Marlboro cigarettes pack.

In June 2011, Ferrari extended its partnership with Marlboro through to the end of 2015, despite cigarette advertising being banned in the sport. The deal has been subsequently renewed for three more years, through 2018. In February 2018, Philip Morris renewed their partnership deal with Ferrari until the end of 2021. While the logo, which has been in place since 2011, has been removed on this year's car. Before 2018 Japanese Grand Prix, Ferrari launches their revised SF71H livery featuring PMI's Mission Winnow brand. Marlboro had provided financial support to many racing drivers, the most illustrious of whom are Alain Prost, Ayrton Senna and Mika Häkkinen. From 1970 until the mid-1990s, the logos of the cigarettes could be present on the combinations of the drivers if they were not present on the cars. Marlboro has also sponsored many grand prix races up until 2005.

Marlboro also sponsored a multitude of other, smaller teams in Formula One. It was the main sponsor of Alfa Romeo F1 Team between and, although unable to match up to its pre-war and 1950s heyday, the team only achieving one pole position, one fastest lap and four podium finishes. In the Italian clothing brand Benetton took over Alfa Romeo's livery sponsorship, which they held until the withdrawal of Alfa Romeo from Formula One at the end of. The Marlboro logo was replaced with a barcode at certain races, due to tobacco or alcohol sponsorship bans in place.

Marlboro sponsored the BMS Scuderia Italia team from until, when Chesterfield became their main sponsor. The livery was similar to the Ferrari and Alfa Romeo ones. The Marlboro logo was displayed on the front and side of the cars and on the drivers' helmets. In some races where explicit tobacco sponsoring was forbidden, the Marlboro logo was removed.

Marlboro sponsored the Arrows F1 (by the time known as "Footwork") team in. While Ruffles, a potato chip brand, sponsored the car, Marlboro sponsored the drivers' helmets.

Marlboro sponsored the EuroBrun team in. The ER188, driven by Oscar Larrauri, Stefano Modena and Gregor Foitek, featured the Marlboro logo on the helmets of the drivers, as well as the Marlboro logo and name on the side of the cars.

Marlboro sponsored the Fittipaldi Automotive team in. The Marlboro logo was displayed on the helmets of the drivers.

Marlboro sponsored the Forti F1 team in and. The logo was displayed on the top side of the car, as well as on the helmets of the drivers.

Marlboro sponsored the Merzario team from until the team's collapse in. The Marlboro logo were displayed on the front, side and on the drivers helmets.

Marlboro sponsored the Minardi team in. The Marlboro logo was displayed on the front and side of the cars and on the drivers helmets. In some races where explicit tobacco sponsoring was forbidden, the Marlboro logo was replaced with a barcode.

Marlboro sponsored the Onyx Grand Prix team in and. The Marlboro logo was displayed on the front and side of the cars and on the drivers helmets. In some races where explicit tobacco sponsoring was forbidden, the Marlboro logo was replaced with a barcode, but the Chevron logo was retained.

Marlboro sponsored Team Rebaque in. The Marlboro logo was displayed on the front and side of the cars and on the drivers helmets. In some races where explicit tobacco sponsoring was forbidden, the Marlboro logo was removed.

Marlboro sponsored the Rial Racing team in and. The Marlboro logo was displayed on the front and side of the cars and on the drivers helmets. In some races where explicit tobacco sponsoring was forbidden, the Marlboro logo was replaced with a barcode.

Marlboro sponsored the Spirit Racing team in and. The Marlboro logo was displayed on the front and side of the cars and on the drivers helmets.

GP2
From 2005 to 2007, GP2 Series team ART Grand Prix was sponsored by Marlboro. The Marlboro logos were prominently shown on the car in the 2005 and 2006 seasons, but in 2007 the team only sponsored the brand on the rear wing. In countries where the sponsoring of tobacco was forbidden, the Marlboro logos were replaced with a barcode.

Grand Prix motorcycle racing
Marlboro entered the Grand Prix motorcycle racing in the seventies as personal sponsor of riders like Giacomo Agostini, Angel Nieto and Jarno Saarinen. In 1976, Marlboro backed Agostini's team, who raced MV Agusta bikes with little factory support.

Since 1983, the cigarette brand sponsored the Yamaha 500 cc works team, which was managed by Agostini until 1989 and then by Kenny Roberts until 1996. During that period, the Japanese bikes won six World Championships and, as a result of their sponsorship, Marlboro decals on race replica bikes became one of the most popular decal kits that were available.

In the 1990s, Marlboro's livery also appeared on other bikes, especially the Hondas entered by Team Pileri (from 1992 to 1995), Pons Racing (in 1993) and Erv Kanemoto's team (in 1997 and 1998) who achieved the 1997 250 cc World Championship with Max Biaggi.

The Yamaha works team was again associated with Marlboro between 1999 and 2002.

Marlboro sponsored the Ducati Corse MotoGP team from 2003. Casey Stoner took his first MotoGP title in 2007. As of the 2009 Grand Prix motorcycle racing season they were only allowed to brand the bikes at one round, in Qatar at the Losail International Circuit, using the barcode in other races. The controversial barcode design was then removed by Ducati for the start of the French motorcycle Grand Prix in the 2010 season. In January 2011 the Ducati Team presented a new logo which was regarded as a subliminal advertisement for Marlboro, evocating the top-left corner design of a Marlboro cigarettes pack, similar to the one used by Ferrari.

In January 2018, it was speculated that Ducati would carry sponsorship by Philip Morris' heat-not-burn brand iQOS instead, bypassing currently in-place laws that prohibit specific advertising of tobacco products.

Superbike World Championship
Marlboro sponsored the Yamaha Dealer Team from its inaugural season in 1988 to 1990.

CART/IndyCar

Marlboro sponsorship in IndyCar dates back to 1986 when the livery appeared on the Emerson Fittipaldi's car entered by Patrick Racing. In 1990 Penske Racing hired Fittipaldi and started a 20 years-long association with Marlboro and its distinctive red and white livery. However, in the 2007 season Marlboro logos were hidden and subsequently replaced with Team Penske branding but the team retained the color scheme as Philip Morris USA was still Penske's main sponsor (similar case to Scuderia Ferrari and Ducati MotoGP Team that had Marlboro sponsorship but both Ferrari and Ducati teams forced to hide the Marlboro logos due to anti-tobacco advertising law).

2009 was the final year of the Penske-Marlboro association.

24 Hours of Le Mans
Since their start in Formula One, Marlboro has also sponsored numerous teams and races, from Joest Racing in Group C in 1983 to Toyota at the 24 Hours of Le Mans in 1999 (despite a tobacco ban in France).

Masters of Formula 3
Marlboro sponsored the Marlboro Masters Formula Three race in Zandvoort.

World Rally Championship
Marlboro has a long history in rallying sponsorship, including the factory World Rally Championship teams of Lancia (between 1972 and 1974), Mitsubishi (from to ) and Peugeot (from  to ). The cigarette brand appeared on helmets and suits of some of the best rally drivers, being personal sponsor of Markku Alén, Timo Salonen, Juha Kankkunen, Miki Biasion and others. Between 1987 and 1992, Marlboro backed Carlos Sainz, appearing on his cars (Ford Sierra in 1987–88 and then Toyota Celica since 1989). In 1993 the cigarette brand started an association with Belgian rally driver Freddy Loix, who was racing for Opel in the Belgian rally championship. Between 1996 and 1998 Loix raced with Toyota Team Belgium in the WRC, carrying the Marlboro livery on his car. In 1999 he moved to Mitsubishi Ralliart works team, with the iconic livery remaining on successive Lancer Evolutions until the marque's temporary WRC withdrawal at the end of 2002.

Marlboro also sponsored the cars of Emirati rally driver Mohammed bin Sulayem and has sponsored a number of rallies including the Safari Rally (between 1982 and 1990), the Rally Argentina, the Rally of Lebanon, the Jordan Rally, and the UAE Desert Challenge.

Australian touring car racing
Marlboro was the naming rights sponsor of the Holden Dealer Team from 1974 until 1984.

IMSA SportsCar
Marlboro sponsored the Italo-American IMSA SportsCar Le Mans GT team Risi Competizione since 2004 but Risi Competizione opting to invisible the Marlboro logo due to the team respecting Tobacco Master Settlement Agreement regulations and also ban of cigarette advertising in sports.

Badminton
Marlboro sponsored the Thomas and Uber Cup from 1984 to 1990, as well as the Sudirman Cup from 1991 to 1995 and 2001 to 2013.

Products

Phillip Morris markets cigarettes, snus, and HeatSticks under the Marlboro brand.

International cigarette varieties
Philip Morris International organized Marlboro products into three divisions—Flavor line, which are original red full flavor cigarettes, Gold line are former lights, and Fresh line comprises flavored cigarettes.

In the UK, the company sells Marlboro Red, Gold, Touch and Silver King Size. In May 2020, all brands of menthol cigarettes, including Marlboro Menthol and Marlboro Ice Blast Capsule cigarettes were banned in the European Union.

In the Philippines, Marlboro has 5 cigarette variants, Marlboro Classic (also known as Marlboro Red), Marlboro Gold (first known and well-known as Marlboro Lights), Marlboro Black Menthol (simply Marlboro Black), Marlboro Purple Fusion (or Purple Mix) and Marlboro Ice Blast Mega (known as Marlboro Blue, a companion brand of Fortune Mint Splash in the Philippines).

Marlboro in Canada
Philip Morris sold the Canadian rights to the "Marlboro" name to Imperial Tobacco Canada in 1932. After the brand's successful American relaunch in the 1950s, Philip Morris tried several legal manoeuvres in attempting to reacquire the Canadian rights. Imperial Tobacco continued to sell a line of cigarettes under the Marlboro name in Canada, albeit with different packaging from that of the Philip Morris product. Philip Morris retains the rights to the "rooftop" trade dress and other elements of Marlboro's branding which were developed after the 1932 sale and has used that trade dress in Canada in combination with the names "Matador" or occasionally "Maverick" for a line of Virginia blend cigarettes.

In 2006, Philip Morris International's Canadian affiliate Rothmans, Benson & Hedges introduced a new product with the "rooftop" trade dress, and marked as being the "World Famous Imported Blend", but not bearing any actual brand name. This led to a legal challenge from Imperial, contending that the new packaging created customer confusion by merely suggesting the Marlboro brand, thereby infringing on Imperial's Canadian trademark rights. Canada's Federal Court of Appeal ruled in favor of Imperial in June 2012. The judgment noted that Canadian regulations which (in most cases) prohibit the public display of tobacco products at retail locations – i.e., customers must ask for a brand by name – exacerbated the situation, as there were now two products that customers might be referring to when asking for "Marlboro". Though PMI attempted to appeal the decision, shortly after the ruling it began using the brand name "Rooftop" on packaging for the previously unbranded cigarettes. The Supreme Court of Canada declined to hear PMI's appeal the following year.

Morley
Morley is a fictional brand of cigarettes whose packaging resembles Marlboro's original packaging. The fictional brand has appeared in various television shows, films, and video games that otherwise have no apparent connection to each other. The name "Morley" is a play on "Marleys", a nickname for Marlboro cigarettes. Morleys appear at least as far back as 1960, in Alfred Hitchcock's film Psycho. There is also a Morley Lights version, in a gold and white package (similar to Marlboro Lights), marked "Lights".

The Morley packaging is sold to production companies by the Earl Hays Press, a century-old Hollywood prop packaging service.

Using non-brand name products like Morley cigarettes dates back to early American television. Cigarette companies often sponsored entire TV shows and advertised through product placement, but if no cigarette companies agreed to pay, producers instead used a non-brand product. This concept was later expanded to TV shows, films, video games and other media.

title: Marlboro


text:
National Movement for Stability and Progress

The National Movement for Stability and Progress (Национално движение за стабилност и възход, NDSV) is a liberal, populist political party in Bulgaria. It was known as the National Movement Simeon II (Национално движение „Симеон Втори“) until 3 June 2007.

The party was created as a personal vehicle of Simeon of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha (Simeon II), the last Bulgarian Tsar (albeit nominally), who was deposed following the 1944 Bulgarian coup d'état, for his successful bid to become Prime Minister of Bulgaria in 2001. Simeon served as prime minister until 2005 and the party remained part of the governing coalition until 2009, when they lost all their seats in the National Assembly.

Foundation and government
NDSV was founded in April 2001, only 11 weeks ahead of a parliamentary election, after former Tsar Simeon II had announced his intention to become involved in the political life of Bulgaria. He promised to attract foreign investors, reduce taxes and uproot corruption within the first 800 days of his premiership. The movement met with immediate enthusiasm and won 42.7% of the popular vote and 120 out of 240 seats in the 2001 elections. One seat short of an absolute majority, it formed a coalition with the ethnic minority party Movement for Rights and Freedoms with Simeon Sakskoburggotski (his official name in Bulgarian since the end of monarchy) becoming Prime Minister. NDSV's popularity decreased markedly when Simeon failed to fulfill his promises within the specified time. However, it was during Simeon's term that Bulgaria entered NATO and prepared the economic and political stability that was prerequisite for the country becoming a member of the European Union in 2007. The NDSV party became a full member of the Liberal International at its Sofia Congress in May 2005.

Decline
At the 2005 parliamentary election, NDSV's share of votes dropped to 19.9% and its number of seats in parliament dropped to 53. It did, however, remain in office as the junior partner in a coalition led by the Bulgarian Socialist Party. NDSV member Meglena Kuneva served as Bulgarian EU Commissioner charged with consumer protection in the First Barroso Commission from Bulgaria's entry to the EU in 2007 until 2010. The party changed its name in June 2007, removing the name of the founder and leader and replacing it with "Stability and Progress", but retaining its Bulgarian acronym NDSV. At the European parliamentary election of June 2009 the party gained 7.96% of the votes and took two out of the seventeen seats. However, a month later the party got just 3.01% of votes in the July 2009 parliamentary elections, falling short of the 4% election threshold for representation. The next day, on 6 July, Simeon resigned as NDSV leader. In July 2012 Meglena Kuneva left the party to establish the Bulgaria for Citizens Movement. In the 2013 parliamentary election, the NDSV did not field any candidates. In the 2014 election, it won just 0.24% of the votes, while the party decided not to run in the 2017 election. The party did not participate in any of the elections in 2021 for failure to gain the 2,500 signatures required. The party would not stand for any of the elections in 2021, in April, July or November and did not stand for the 2022 Bulgarian parliamentary election.

Revival
Following the 2014 election, the party's national council elected Stanimir Ilchev, Olimpi Katev, and Sabi Davidov, as co-chairmen of the party in their 8th convocation in 2015. There would not be another convocation of the national council until 2023. The council, which had largely been vacant, was revitalized and former prime minister Ognyan Gerdzhikov announced in December 2022 that the party's national council was formed and that they would convene for a 9th convocation to elect a new chairman of the party in January of 2023. Ilchev was elected the party's sole chairman. A month before this announcement Simeon Sakskoburggotski held a closed door meeting with the Russian ambassador. The party received 0.26% of the vote in the 2023 Bulgarian parliamentary election well below the 4% threshold for seats in the National Assembly.

On 12 May 2023, NDSV held a party conference, at which it was agreed that a re-branding of the party was necessary, additionally, major organizational flaws inside the party were noted by its Chairman, Stranimir Ilchev.


text:
International Socialist Organisation (New Zealand)

The International Socialist Organisation is a Trotskyist organisation in New Zealand.

The founders of the ISO in New Zealand, notably Brian Roper and Laurel Hepburn, were active in the International Socialist Organisation in Australia, a section of the International Socialism current. Returning to New Zealand, they formed the Dunedin-based ISO in the early 1990s. The organisation played a leading role in the student protest movement of the early 1990s.

As a result of its own development, the Communist Party of New Zealand was also attracted to the International Socialism current, and developed links with the British Socialist Workers Party, the leading representative of that current. This meant that there were two competing representatives of the same political ideology in New Zealand, which led to the SWP brokering a fusion between the two groups.

The ISO and CPNZ fused in the 1990s to form the Socialist Workers Organization. However, a majority of the former ISO soon left as a result of what were seen as Stalinist practices on the part of the former CPNZ leadership. The ISO then resumed its separate existence, and expanded from Dunedin to form a branch in Wellington. The Wellington branch reopened in 2012 after being closed for several years. An Auckland branch was established in 2013. Branches in all three centres continue to function, with strong orientation around the university campuses.

The ISO's publication, Socialist Review, has been produced sporadically over the lifetime of the organisation. It passed its 50th issue in 2014.

The ISO has been active in anti-war campaigns, environmental campaigns, and union work (with the Unite Union, the Engineering, Printon and Manufacturing Union, the Public Service Association and the Tertiary Education Union). In the 2011 election, the ISO supported the Mana Party. The ISO was part of the Mana movement, until democratic consensus determined that the ISO would withdraw from the Mana movement in early 2015

The ISO has close ties with Socialist Alternative in Australia.