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STS-75

STS-75 was a 1996 NASA Space Shuttle mission, the 19th mission of the Columbia orbiter.

Crew
Allen, Hoffman, Nicollier and Chang-Díaz had previously been members of the STS-46 crew, which had flown the TSS-1 experiment in 1992.

Tethered Satellite System
The primary objective of STS-75 was to carry the Tethered Satellite System Reflight (TSS-1R) into orbit and to deploy it spaceward on a conducting tether. The mission also flew the United States Microgravity Payload (USMP-3) designed to investigate materials science and condensed matter physics.

The TSS-1R mission was a reflight of TSS-1 which was flown onboard Space Shuttle Atlantis on STS-46 in July/August 1992. The Tether Satellite System circled the Earth at an altitude of 296 kilometers, placing the tether system within the rarefied electrically charged layer of the atmosphere known as the ionosphere.

STS-75 mission scientists hoped to deploy the tether to a distance of 20.7 km. Over 19 km of the tether were deployed (over a period of 5 hours) before the tether broke. Many pieces of floating debris were produced by the plasma discharge and rupture of the tether, and some collided with it. The satellite remained in orbit for a number of weeks and was easily visible from the ground.

The electric conductor of the tether was a copper braid wound around a nylon (Nomex) string. It was encased in teflon-like insulation, with an outer cover of kevlar, inside a nylon (Nomex) sheath. The culprit turned out to be the innermost core, made of a porous material which, during its manufacture, trapped many bubbles of air, at atmospheric pressure.

Later vacuum-chamber experiments suggested that the unwinding of the reel uncovered pinholes in the insulation. That in itself would not have caused a major problem, because the ionosphere around the tether, under normal circumstance, was too rarefied to divert much of the current. However, the air trapped in the insulation changed that. As air bubbled out of the pinholes, the high voltage of the nearby tether, about 3500 volts, converted it into a relatively dense plasma (similar to the ignition of a fluorescent tube), and therefore made the tether a much better conductor of electricity. This plasma diverted to the metal of the shuttle and from there to the ionospheric return circuit. That current was enough to melt the cable.

The specific TSS-1R mission objectives were: characterize the current-voltage response of the TSS-orbiter system, characterize the satellite's high-voltage sheath structure and current collection process, demonstrate electric power generation, verify tether control laws and basic tether dynamics, demonstrate the effect of neutral gas on the plasma sheath and current collection, characterize the TSS radio frequency and plasma wave emissions and characterize the TSS dynamic-electrodynamic coupling.

TSS-1R Science Investigations included: TSS Deployer Core Equipment and Satellite Core Equipment (DCORE/SCORE), Research on Orbital Plasma Electrodynamics (ROPE), Research on Electrodynamic Tether Effects (RETE), Magnetic Field Experiment for TSS Missions (TEMAG), Shuttle Electrodynamic Tether System (SETS), Shuttle Potential and Return Electron Experiment (SPREE), Tether Optical Phenomena Experiment (TOP), Investigation of Electromagnetic Emissions by the Electrodynamic Tether (EMET), Observations at the Earth's Surface of Electromagnetic Emissions by TSS (OESSE), Investigation and Measurement of Dynamic Noise in the TSS (IMDN), Theoretical and Experimental Investigation of TSS Dynamics (TEID) and the Theory and Modeling in Support of Tethered Satellite Applications (TMST).

Other mission objectives
The USMP-3 payload consisted of four major experiments mounted on two Mission Peculiar Experiment Support Structures (MPESS) and three Shuttle Mid-deck experiments. The experiments were: Advanced Automated Directional Solidification Furnace (AADSF), Material pour l'Etude des Phenomenes Interessant la Solidification sur Terre et en Orbite (MEPHISTO), Space Acceleration Measurement System (SAMS), Orbital Acceleration Research Experiment (OARE), Critical Fluid Light Scattering Experiment (ZENO) and Isothermal Dendritic Growth Experiment (IDGE).

Alternating use of bunk bed
Astronauts Jeffrey A. Hoffman and Scott J. Horowitz, both Jewish, had alternating use of the same bunk bed, to which Hoffman attached, upon Horowitz's request, a mezuzah, using Velcro.

Operating system
STS-75 also was the first use of an operating system based on the Linux kernel on orbit. An older Digital Unix program, originally on a DEC AlphaServer, was ported to run Linux on a laptop. The next use of Linux was a year later, on STS-83.

Fictional STS-75 mission
STS-75 was the shuttle mission described in the fictional NASA Document 12-571-3570, although this document was disseminated several years before STS-75 was launched. The document purports to report on experiments to determine effective sexual positions in microgravity. Astronomer and scientific writer Pierre Kohler mistook this document for fact and is responsible for a major increase in its redistribution in the early 21st century. Conspiracy theories first made in the early beginnings of the Shuttle era of sex in space were suddenly made rampant again, causing a minor press debacle among tabloids.

title: STS-75


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Agrarian Party

Agrarian Party is the name of several political parties:

Current political parties

 * Environmentalist Agrarian Party, Albania
 * Agrarian Party of Belarus
 * Agrarian Party of Kazakhstan
 * Agrarian Party of Moldova, from 1991 to 1998
 * Agrarian Party (Norway)
 * Agrarian Party (Panama), in Chiriqui Province in the 1920s and 1940s
 * Spanish Agrarian Party, during the Second Republic, known as the Agrarian Party (Partido Agrario) until 1934
 * Agrarian Party (Tajikistan)
 * Agrarian Party of Ukraine
 * Agrarian party of Turkmenistan (In Turkmen: Türkmenistanyň agrar partiýasy)

Former political parties

 * Bulgarian Agrarian National Union, Bulgaria (1899–1946)
 * Chilean Agrarian Party (1931–1945), a political party in Chile, formed in 1931 and dissolved in 1945 to form the Agrarian Labor Party
 * Agrarian Labor Party, Chile (1945–1958)
 * Republican Party of Farmers and Peasants, also known as the Agrarian Party of Czechoslovakia (1899–1938)
 * Finnish Agrarian Party, Finland (1959–1995)
 * Agrarian Party (Hungary)
 * Agrarian Party (Italy)
 * Agrarian Party of Russia, Russia (1993–2008)
 * Agrarian Party of Yugoslavia, Yugoslavia (pre-1945)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Agrarian Party


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José Antonio Primo de Rivera

José Antonio Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia, 1st Duke of Primo de Rivera, 3rd Marquess of Estella GE (24 April 1903 – 20 November 1936), often referred to simply as José Antonio, was a Spanish fascist politician who founded the Falange Española ("Spanish Phalanx"), later Falange Española de las JONS.

The eldest son of General Miguel Primo de Rivera, who governed Spain as dictator from 1923 to 1930, Primo de Rivera worked as a lawyer before entering politics, an enterprise he initially engaged in vowing to defend his deceased father's memory. He founded Falange Española in October 1933, shortly before running as a candidate in the 1933 general election, in which he won a seat in the Congress of Deputies of the Second Spanish Republic. He assumed the role of messianic leader and charged himself with the task of saving Spain in founding a fascist party, but he encountered difficulties widening his support base during his whole political life.

In 1936, he endorsed the Spanish nationalist military coup against the republic that led to a civil war that he later tried to stop. Imprisoned before the start of the war, he was accused of conspiracy and military rebellion against the government of the republic and was sentenced to death and executed during the first months of the war.

In life, he held the nobiliary title of 3rd Marquess of Estella, Grandee of Spain. In 1948, he was posthumously given the title of Duke of Primo de Rivera, which was subsequently passed to his brother Miguel. The image of José Antonio was revered during the war by the Nationalist faction, and after the establishment of Francoist Spain he was regarded as a martyr, and used as a tool of the Francoist propaganda apparatus. The inscription of "José Antonio ¡Presente!" could be found in many churches all across Spain.

Early life
José Antonio Primo de Rivera was born on Calle de Génova (Madrid) on April 24, 1903, the eldest son of the military officer Miguel Primo de Rivera y Orbaneja (who would later govern Spain as dictator from 1923 to 1930) and Casilda Sáenz de Heredia y Suárez de Argudín. From his father he inherited the title of Marquess of Estella. He never married.

His mother died when he was five years old, and he was subsequently raised by his father's sister. He was privately taught at home, and learned English and French. When at university, he did not attend lectures until the second year of his undergraduate studies. He spent his summer holidays at the country estate of an uncle, where he practiced horseriding and hunting.

Primo de Rivera went on to study law at the University of Madrid between 1917 and 1923. He helped to organize the student union there, Federación Universitaria Escolar, which opposed the higher-education policies of his father. He took undergraduate and graduate courses simultaneously and he obtained both his Bachelor and Doctor degrees in the same year, 1923.

After graduating, he chose the "One-Year Volunteer" option to do his military service while his father was dictator. He served with the Ninth Dragoons of St. James cavalry regiment, stationed at Barcelona. He was court-martialed for punching a superior officer, the future Nationalist army leader, Brigadier General Gonzalo Queipo de Llano. Queipo de Llano had written a defamatory letter against an uncle of José Antonio and against the Dictator himself. José Antonio, ready to defend the honour of his family abused by the Republican general, went to the café where the latter used to socialize, and after asking whether he was the author of the writing, and after receiving the general's affirmative reply, delivered a spectacular punch that made the general roll on the floor, sparking a free-for-all between the companions of José Antonio and the companions of the general.

Queipo de Llano had been a Republican in the time of the Rivera dictatorship, but is today remembered mostly as a notorious Francoist war criminal in the Civil War.

Primo de Rivera became a registered lawyer in 1925, and opened an office on a side street of Madrid very near the confluence of three principal avenues.

A relatively successful lawyer not involved nor expected to be involved in politics before 1930, the impetuous José Antonio Primo de Rivera decided to do so after the death of his father in his Parisian self-exile in 1930; this was for him the best way to defend the memory of his father, whose work at government had often been derided.

In 1931, he was invested "Perpetual Dean of the Illustrious College of Lawyers of Madrid".

He ran for office under the banner of the National Monarchist Union but failed to get elected.

He was detained briefly in 1932 for collaboration in General José Sanjurjo's attempted coup.

Falangist leader
On October 29, 1933, Primo de Rivera launched the Falange Española ("Spanish Phalanx"), a nationalist party, inspired in part with some ideas, such as the necessity of authority, hierarchical order of society, and grassroots populism, that were being expounded in Italy in the Fascist movement. The foundational convention was held in the Teatro de la Comedia of Madrid. He was the keynote speaker and his first address was a criticism of liberal democracy. Since the liberal state was a servant of [Rousseau] it became not just the trustee of a nation's destiny but also the spectator of electoral contests. What alone mattered to the liberal state was that a certain number of gentlemen be sitting at the polling station, that the voting start at eight o'clock and end at four, that the ballot boxes not get smashed—when being smashed is the noblest aspiration of all ballot boxes—and then to respect the outcome of the voting, as if the outcome was a matter of complete indifference to it. In other words liberal governments did not even believe in their mission, that theirs was a respectable duty, but rather they believed that anyone who disagreed with them and decided to attack the state, whether with good or ill intentions, had the same right as they did to defend it. During the speech he made his noted remark on the recourse to fists and guns when needed, And in closing, that if what we want must in some circumstance be attained through the use of violence, that we demur not before the prospect of violence. For who has said, when they say, "Every available means except violence," that the supreme hierarchy of moral values resides in kindness? Who has said that when our feelings are insulted, rather than react like men, we are called upon to reply amiably? Dialogue as a first step of communication is well and good. But there is no option left except fists and guns when someone offends the precepts of justice or the fatherland.

Stanley G. Payne argues that Rivera's view that violence was acceptable if done for a just cause was paralleled by that of the Spanish Left, who held similar views on the use of violence; unlike the Italian fascists, the Falange never developed a sophisticated theory for their doctrine of violence. Payne argues that because his father had ruled as a dictator with relatively minimal violence during the quieter 1920s, Rivera naively assumed he could impose a new authoritarian system with relatively limited violence, but he would eventually find himself caught in a spiral of killing that he could not control. When he founded the Falange, Antonio was more reluctant to use violence than other leading members of the party; he did not seem to expect violence from the political Left to be directed against the party. However, after Juan Cuéllar's death, he seemed to overcome his reluctance and thus intermittent killings on both sides would continue.

Rivera's closing words made explicit his Romantic nationalism: In a poetic sweep we will raise this fervent devotion to Spain; we will make sacrifices, we will renounce the easy life and we will triumph, triumph that—you know this well—we shall not obtain in the upcoming elections. In these elections vote the lesser evil. But your Spain will not be born out of them, nor does our frame for action reside there. That is a murky atmosphere, spent, like a tavern's after a night of dissipation. Our station is not there. I am a candidate, yes, but I take part in these elections without faith or respect. And I say this now, when so doing may rest me every vote. I couldn't care less. We are not going to squabble with the establishment over the unsavory left-overs of a soiled banquet. Our station is outside though we may provisionally pass by the other one. Our place is out in the clear air, beneath a moonlit sky, cradling a rifle, and the stars overhead. Let the others party on. We outside in tense vigil; earnest and self-confident we divine the sunrise in the joy of our hearts. He was a candidate in the general election of November 19 for the umbrella organization "Unión Agraria y Ciudadana," part of the broad conservative coalition Confederación Española de Derechas Autónomas (CEDA). He was elected to the Parliament as a representative of Cádiz.

In his first parliamentary intervention he answered Gil-Robles—the founder of CEDA—who had just spoken out against all totalitarian forms of government for arrogating to themselves the attributes of God and crushing the personality of the individual: We believe that the state does not have to justify its behaviour at every turn, just as no individual or social class does, in so far as it holds to a guiding principle all the time. All the while the state is made out to be God by Rousseau's idea that the state, or the will of those it represents, is always right. What makes the state like God is the belief that the will of the state, embodied by absolute monarchs in the past and now by the popular vote, is always right. The monarch may have erred; the popular vote may err because neither truth nor goodness derives from an act or assertion of the will. Goodness and truth are perennial tributaries of reason, and to ascertain whether one is in the right it is not enough to ask the king—whose dictate seemed always just to his supporters—nor enough to canvass the people—whose decision is always right according to the disciples of Rousseau. What must be done rather is to verify whether our actions and our thoughts are in agreement at every step with a permanent aspiration.

On February 11, 1934, Falange merged with Ramiro Ledesma's Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional-Sindicalista to create the Falange Española de las JONS under José Antonio's leadership. The antisemitic positions within FE de las JONS were mainly led by Onésimo Redondo, with Ledesma and Primo de Rivera largely indifferent to the issue; however, Falangists attacked the Jewish-owned SEPU department stores in the spring of 1935; In the view of Gonzalo Álvarez Chillida, both José Antonio and Ledesma probably thought that such antisemitic raids could enhance mobilization within the purportedly threatened small-business sector. He shared with other rightists the belief that violence was legitimate against a Republic that he perceived as influenced by communists, Jews and Freemasons. The upper-class José Antonio abandoned the tie and suit and took on the new blue-shirt Falange uniform (despite later mocking JAP militants because of this, the Falangists were originally dressed in suit and tie); the uniform, adopted in October 1935, was deliberately chosen as a reference to Italian Fascism.

In 1935 Primo de Rivera collaborated in editing the lyrics of the Falangist anthem, "Cara al Sol" (Face to the Sun).

Every member of the Falange had to obey unquestioningly. They were told: The honour and task of Falange must be gauged by those who carry the burden of leadership on their shoulders. Do not forget that one of the rules of our code of ethics is to have faith in the leaders. Your leaders are always right. In the general election of February 16, 1936, Falange won only 0.7% of the vote; but the wave of instability which greeted the victory of the Popular Front—a left-wing coalition of anarchists, communists, socialists, liberal republicans like the radicals, and others—caused an influx of new members, and the minuscule party grew to more than 40,000 members by July.

Imprisonment and death
On March 14, 1936, he was arrested in Madrid and charged with illegal possession of firearms (at that time, Spain was awash in privately held weapons on the part of all political factions). Nine weeks later he was transferred to the prison in Alicante. In both Madrid and in Alicante, he was able to maintain intermittent secret contact with the Falange leadership and, several times, with General Emilio Mola. On October 3 he was charged with conspiracy against the Republic and military insurrection, both capital offences, even though he had been imprisoned long before the insurrection of July 18. Primo de Rivera conducted his own defence. On November 18 he was found guilty by a people's tribunal and sentenced to death by firing squad. The three career judges who participated in the trial, along with the popular tribunal, asked for the death sentence be commuted to life imprisonment but this was rejected by the majority of government ministers (the two ministers from Izquierda Republicana voted against the death sentence). The sentence was carried out on November 20 by local authorities in Alicante.

It is said by some that the Republic offered the Nationalists a prisoner exchange involving Primo de Rivera and a son of the Republic's head of government Francisco Largo Caballero and that Franco turned down the offer. Others contend that it was the Republican government who rejected the deal of the Nationalists and that General Franco approved several failed commando raids on the Alicante prison to try to rescue José Antonio. Either way the death of the founder of Falange rid the general of a formidable rival. Perhaps tellingly, it was well known that the two men disliked each other. After one of the two meetings they had, Franco dismissed José Antonio as "a playboy pinturero" (a foppish playboy). Elizabeth Bibesco's last novel, The Romantic, published in 1940, starts with a dedication to José Antonio Primo de Rivera, whom she had known during her stay in Madrid where her husband, Prince Antoine Bibesco, was a diplomat from Romania in Spain between 1927 and 1931: "To José Antonio Primo de Rivera. I promised you a book before it was begun. It is yours now that it is finished – Those we love die for us only when we die–".

Post-mortem relevance
Falange joined the military uprising against the Republic. The initially marginal party gained ascendancy over the course of the war, partly as a result of its prominent role in the brutal repression that took place behind Nationalist lines. Nevertheless, the party lost autonomy, and in 1937 was made wholly subservient to the will of General Franco when he had Primo de Rivera's temporary replacement, Manuel Hedilla Larrey, thrown in jail, tried and sentenced to death (although his sentence was commuted). Franco decreed the merging of the Falange Española de las JONS with the Carlist traditionalists through the Unification Decree, and became the national chief of the new party, FET y de las JONS.

The reign of Francisco Franco nurtured a convenient cult of personality around the dead figure of Primo de Rivera whom Falangists dubbed "El Ausente" (The Missing One). This name was created during the period after de Rivera's execution but before this was officially confirmed to the Nationalist public at large by its leadership on 18 July 1938. While the Falangist leadership knew the truth, they chose to keep it a secret for fear of the impact it would have on morale, though rumours of his death would continue to circulate for the period. Thus until this date many Falangists had lived in hope that de Rivera would still return (commonly saying "when José Antonio comes back") and began referring to him as "The Absent One", a reference to the Falange's tradition of calling "present!" when the names of the fallen were read out. The founder of Falange was anointed a martyr of the "crusade against Marxism." Notwithstanding the apparent veneration by the Francoist State, it remains true that the Missing One's demise had removed a dangerous opponent: Primo de Rivera had been Marquess, a doctor of civil law, a political thinker; Franco owned no comparable pedigree, no comparable education and no personal ideology.

The postwar cult of personality had two ubiquitous icons. The first, a funereal slab placed on the external wall of many churches and cathedrals which bore the crowning inscription, Caídos por Dios y por España ("Fallen for God and for Spain"), followed by a list of local Nationalists killed during the war; Primo de Rivera's name headed every list. The second was the rallying cry, "José Antonio—¡Presente!," a figurative reply to an imaginary roll call invoking his ghostly attendance or immanence.

With the arrival of democratic rule, the legacy of Primo de Rivera and the cult of personality created by the Spanish state started to wane circumspectly. In 1981, the Madrid City Council moved to reinstate the original name of its grand avenue, the Gran Vía, which Franco had renamed "Avenida José Antonio Primo de Rivera" in 1939. However, as late as March 2005, the Guadalajara City Council removed a memorial to the founder of Falange under cover of darkness.

Burial
At the end of the war in 1939, the remains of Primo de Rivera were carried on the shoulders of Falangist relay teams from Alicante to Madrid (a 300-kilometre journey) and provisionally interred at El Escorial. The church had contained the pantheon of Spanish monarchs but Primo de Rivera was buried directly in front of the altar.

Reburial at the Valley of the Fallen
In 1959, Primo de Rivera was exhumed and re-interred 13 km away in the basilica of the Valley of the Fallen, located in the Guadarrama mountain range. Between 1975 and 2019 Francisco Franco was buried nearby.

In the context of making the site less partisan, Franco's remains were removed from the Valley. This did not establish a clear precedent for moving Primo de Rivera, given that he died a victim of the Civil War like most of the other burials at the site. However, in late 2022 it was reported that Primo de Rivera's family had requested the exhumation of his remains on the grounds that the deceased wanted a Catholic burial. The Democratic Memory Law of 2022 envisaged the future of the Valley of the Fallen as a civil cemetery, and accordingly the government proposed to deconsecrate the crypt of the church in order to promote national reconciliation.

Reburial at San Isidro cemetery, Madrid
Primo de Rivera's family arranged for his remains to be exhumed from the Valley in April 2023 and reburied in Saint Isidore Cemetery in Madrid.

Ideology
He espoused an elitist understanding of politics, influenced by the ideas of Ortega y Gasset. His political thought fascistised as he progressively radicalised in an anti-conservative direction. Primo de Rivera put much faith on corporatism, one of the few early Falangist tenets framed in positive terms, adopted from Italian Fascism.

Regarding political violence, he early alluded to what he famously termed as the "dialectics of fists and guns", already stating during the Falange foundation event at the Teatro de la Comedia, that in order to fulfill the desired cultural and historical regeneration of Spain, "if this has to be achieved through violence, we shall not be stopped by violence". Willing to offer an alternative to the most basic fundamentals behind liberal democracy, he also non-accidentally addressed some words of scorn to "that terrible man who was called Juan Jacobo Rousseau [sic]" during the foundational meeting of the Falange.

Like other Falangists, Primo de Rivera partially embraced the sense of Castilianist essentialism from the Generation of '98, but, conversely, he was also distinctly aware of the cultural plurality of the peoples in Spain, and thus the Falangist national project for Spain was framed following the orteguian legacy as one of "unity of destiny in the universal". It has been noted that at some point he benignly put his hopes on politicians far from his own Fascist stances such as republican Manuel Azaña (in this case for a very brief time) or socialist Indalecio Prieto as potential candidates to alleviate his self-imposed burden for "saving" the country.

According to Álvarez Chillida, Primo de Rivera's written works did not feature a marked antisemitism when compared to other Falangist leaders.

<!--In Primo de Rivera's thinking the ultimate goal of the new political movement was the resurgence of Spain as a major power. Article 1 of the Falangist Manifesto of 1934 reads, We believe in the supreme reality of Spain. To strengthen her, to make her great is the paramount task of every Spaniard. Personal interest, collective or class interests must surrender to the achievement of this goal. The third article states unequivocally, We have the will for empire-building. We affirm that the historical fulfillment of Spain is the empire. We seek for Spain a preeminent place in Europe. We do not tolerate international boycotts or foreign mediation. In regard to the countries of Spanish America we favour the unification of culture, of economic interests and of power. Spain puts forward her pivotal role in the affairs of the Hispanic world as entitlement to occupy a position of dominance in global affairs. Article 7 warns, Human dignity, the spiritual integrity of man and his freedom are eternal, intangible values and rights. But only he who belongs to a strong, free nation is truly free. No one will be allowed to use his liberty to attempt against the unity, the strength or the freedom of the fatherland. Harsh discipline will be directed against every attempt to poison, to divide Spaniards or to distance them from the destiny of the fatherland. Primo de Rivera did not accept the right of any region to self-determination and called for the wholesale eradication of separatists. The creation of great unions like Spain is the result of many generations engrossed in constant effort. The hard-earned glory of such a great task rests on centuries of sacrifice. To unravel it is much easier: simply let primeval, splintering separatism, barbarian at heart, take root in every crevice, and everything comes crashing down.

But that happens in the absence of the resolute decision of a people, already shaped, who wish to remain together at all costs, and from whose youth will come individuals willing to order the shooting from behind, without hesitation, of clusters of traitors. He restated his position forcefully two months later in a letter to General Franco. At the end of my meeting [with the Minister of the Interior] my determination to go out on the streets with a rifle to defend Spain had not cooled, but it was accompanied by the near-certainty that all who went out on the streets were going to play a dignified part in a defeat. Before the likely crafty and able assailants of the Spanish state, the Spanish state, in the hands of amateurs, does not exist. From his jail cell in Madrid two months before the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War he called on all military officers to take up arms against the government. When your sons inherit the uniforms you now flaunt, they will with them inherit either the shame of hearing it said, "When your father wore this uniform what was once Spain ceased to exist," or the pride of remembering, "Our Spain did not succumb because my father and his brothers-in-arms saved her in the moment of truth." If you do, as the old version of the oath says, "May God reward you," and if you do not, may he call you to account. -->

<!--==Other political views (quotations)== José Antonio addressed political issues of interest mainly to a Spanish gallery. However, the following cull of quotations may interest a broader audience.

On Mussolini: (October 1933, "En una tarde de Octubre," prologue to Mussolini's book, El Fascismo) It was six-thirty in the evening. In the Palace of Venice, not the smallest sound of bustle. Two militiamen and an easygoing doorman guarded the entrance. It could be said that to enter the palace where Mussolini works is easier than having access to any Public Administration building ... Mussolini works in a huge suite made of marble and almost without furnishings. There he was, in a corner at the far end, behind his desk. He was far away, alone in the immensity of the room ... I knew him from the familiar posters: nearly always striking a military pose, saluting or haranguing. But Il Duce of the Palace of Venice was somebody else: with silver in his hair; with a subtle air of fatigue; with a certain tidy negligence in his civilian clothes. He was not the leader of rallies, but of a marvelous serenity. He spoke pausedly, enunciating every syllable. He had to deliver some instruction over the telephone and he did so in the calmest tone, without the least tinge of authoritarianism ... We chatted for about half an hour. Then he accompanied me to the door across the vast chamber ... Then he returned to his desk, slowly, to start his work afresh in silence. It was seven o'clock in the evening. Rome at the end of a working day spilled over onto the streets in the mild night. Il Corso was all bustle and conversation, like our own Alcala Street about the same hours. People walked into cafés or into the cinemas. It could be said that Il Duce alone remained at work beside the lamp on his desk in the corner of a large, empty apartment, keeping watch over his people, over Italy—whom he could hear in the distance, pulsating—as if over a small daughter. What apparatus of government, what system of checks and balances, counselors and assemblies, can replace that image of the hero turned father, who stays vigilant beside a small, perennial light on behalf of the laboring and of the leisure of his people?

On Karl Marx: (March 4, 1934, at the Calderón Theatre, Valladolid)

Of course the workers had to rebel one day against that jest [economic liberalism] and class struggle had to break out. Class struggle had a just motive, and socialism had at first a just reason, and we do not have to deny that. What happened is that socialism instead of keeping to its initial course of pursuing social justice among men became a pure doctrine of chilling coldness and does not think, little or much, about the liberation of the workers. There are a lot of workers out there proud of themselves saying they are Marxists. Many streets in many towns of Spain are dedicated to Karl Marx; but Karl Marx was a German Jew who from his office observed with terrible detachment the most dramatic events of his age. He was a German Jew who before the English factories of Manchester, and while he formulated implacable laws about the accumulation of capital, while he formulated implacable laws about production and the interests of the factory owners and the interests of the workers, was writing letters to his friend Engels telling him that the workers were a mob and a rabble with whom one should not mingle except as it afforded an opportunity to test their doctrines.

On Fascism in Spain: The movement we are initiating in Spain is not the copy of any foreign movement. It has learned from fascism what fascism has of the idea of unity, authority, and substitution of the struggles among classes by the idea of corporation.

On German National-Socialism: (February 17, 1935, at the Alhambra Cinema, Zaragoza) It is necessary to examine with a lot of deliberation the two attempts [at totalitarian government] essayed thus far: Italian fascism and German national-socialism, and point out the differences that may exist between both ideological movements. The Italian movement is above all classical; it tends to the classical. It operates subject to a way of thinking, to a framework of the mind. A brain is at work and the result is projected onto a people.

The German case is entirely opposite. It starts from a Romantic faith, from a race's capacity for divination. Hence it is fair to affirm that Hitlerism is a mystical movement, very much tuned to the German psyche. Moreover Germany is not, as believe those fond of broad generalizations, the country of discipline, despite appearing to be so outwardly. The Germans are a very special people. They sing very well together in choral groups, they march to the same martial step; but every movement of indiscipline, of rebellion in the world, reminiscent of Spartacus, originated in Germany.

On Spain's position regarding the motion tabled before the League of Nations to impose military sanctions on Mussolini's Italy for his invasion of Ethiopia:

(October 2, 1935, parliamentary intervention) But I tell you something else—this is the second reason—that Spain, in the moment of deciding whether to remain neutral or not, must consider this exclusively: her national interest and her decorum; she must consider if there is a Spanish national interest in the matter, and there is none in defending the British empire, whom we owe nothing [Mutterings]. Shall I have to bring to your minds the memory of Gibraltar? We do not owe anything to the British empire and we should not defend it and what we should consider is this and this only: what Spain's national interest is. What the decorum of Spain does not tolerate is to adopt a posture of intervention or neutrality because of threats or demands [Applause].

On Capitalism: (November 21, 1935. Arriba, 20) While the current terrible economic crisis is ruining or on the way to ruining the medium producers ["producer" is a euphemism for "worker"], and the working masses suffer the nightmare of unemployment like never before, the amount of profits obtained by the beneficiaries of the present order, the magnates of the banking system, is extremely high.

Hence the urgent task of the producers is this: To destroy the liberal system, putting an end to political cliques and to the sharks of the banking establishment. But in order to bring this about two possibilities open up: the communist route or the path of National Syndicalism ("Nacional-Sindicalismo"). There are no other ways out. The two aspire to pulverize this order of things; the two want a new order.

On the Right of Women to Vote: (February 14, 1936. Interviewed by reporter Luisa Trigo in the newspaper La Voz, Madrid) I have no faith in the vote of women. However I don't trust the efficacy of the vote of men either. The inaptitude for the poll is the same for her as for him. The universality of the vote is useless and harmful for the peoples who wish to decide their political and historical future by means of voting. I do not believe, for example, that the masses own an opinion on the convenience or inconvenience of some international allegiance or on the maritime policy to follow, or at most, more of an opinion than very few of their representatives. Mr. Antonio Maura made voting compulsory. And what for? In the best of cases the men elected are gentlemen without a will of their own, subordinates of their party, lacking the expertise to solve with unhurried deliberation the toilsome and substantial affairs of the state. Those who are elected are not elected for being the most suitable to the country, but because they are the most accommodating to their superiors, and they have little concern for the laws which once enacted will take the nation down a particular path.

On the Soviet Union: (Ibid.) "Rightist," "leftist," they are words with little relevancy. The Russian state is the most rightist of all in Europe and the Soviet populace is the most leftist ideologically ...

On the Inevitability of War: (Ibid.)

José-Antonio: War [he says adamantly] is inalienable to man. He does not evade it nor will he ever evade it. It exists since the world began and it will keep existing. It is an element of progress ... It is absolutely necessary!

Luisa Trigo: When women take part in the governance of the state, don't you think that she will protect her children from war, barring that they take away and destroy what is most precious to her work and to her life? Educating her children in the hatred of war ...

José-Antonio: She would only make cowards out of them. Men need war. If you regard war as an evil, then because men need evil. Out of the eternal struggle against evil comes the triumph of good, says St. Francis. War is absolutely indispensable and inevitable. Man feels it inside with an intuitive, atavistic pull, and it will be in the future what it has been in the past ... The peoples of Earth without war? [The leader of Falange smiles a protracted smile]. -->

<!--== Poems == Although Primo de Rivera is remembered mostly for his political articles in wide-circulation newspapers and magazines such as La Nación, Blanco y Negro, ABC, or in the Falangist press, F.E. or Arriba among others, Primo de Rivera expressed a fondness for poetry to poet and novelist Jose-Maria Peman in a letter he wrote late in the spring of 1931. How I wish that one could live in a liveable country where there were a greater number of good poets and a very much greater amount of good manners!

He wrote the occasional poem and left behind eight extant rhymes composed before the start of his parliamentary career in 1933.

The Prophecy of Magellan is an epic one-hundred and five verses long. In the following stanza the teenage author puts on the lips of the Portuguese admiral his own fervent wish to see Portugal and Spain reunited eventually.

Toast is a tongue-in-cheek celebration of the virtues of the wine from the small town of Orbaneja del Castillo. The sonnet was printed on the back of the menu at a restaurant in Madrid located a short walking distance away from Primo de Rivera's law office; very possibly the restaurant where he ate lunch.

Primo de Rivera dedicated this next poem to the girl whom his sister Pilar Primo de Rivera dubbed "his true love," teenaged Maria del Pilar Azlor de Aragon y Guillamas, 18th Duchess of Villahermosa (1908–1997).

The fourth poem is strikingly short, effective.

title: José Antonio Primo de Rivera


text:
Chackmore

Chackmore is a hamlet in the parish of Radclive-cum-Chackmore, in north Buckinghamshire, England. The hamlet is approached using the avenue that links Buckingham with Stowe Park.

History
The hamlet name is Anglo Saxon in origin, and means 'Ceacca's moor'. It has been suggested though that the first part of the name could stem from the ancient word ceacce, meaning 'hill'. The hamlet was first recorded in manorial rolls in 1241 as Chakemore. It has also occasionally been recorded as Chalkmore.

Main Street in Chackmore was originally flanked by thatched cottages, only two of which retain thatched roofs following a fire that swept the entire length of the village some one hundred and fifty years ago. The main thoroughfare was dissected by a huge tree known as the Cross Tree, which served as a moot or meeting place for the villagers. This was removed some time during the last 20 years and replaced by a roundabout.

A lane running off the main street eventually becomes a cul-de-sac called The Maltings. This suggests there was once a brewery somewhere nearby though no records exist to that effect. Opposite the primary school a cobbler named Billy Ayers used to work from a small shed in his garden and his clientele included not only the local residents but also the pupils and staff of Stowe School. This provided an extremely busy and important cottage industry and was operational up until the mid-1970s.

There are several listed buildings located on Main Street, some dating from the 17th and 18th century.

Education And Amenities
The village is home to St James and St John Church of England Primary School which was formed in September 2006 by merging Akeley Church of England School and Chackmore Church of England School, and by extending the merged school from a first school to a combined school.

Chackmore also has a playschool situated within the grounds of St. James and St. John Primary School. The playschool is run by a voluntary committee and takes children from 2 years old to 4 years old. The playschool was founded in 2002 with the help of Lottery funding. The village also has a pub called the Queens Head and a parish hall, which was re-done in 2010 with a sum of money from the will of Mr T.Clinton. The parish hall is also used for polling stations.

Parish
Chackmore is located in the civil parish of Radclive-cum-Chackmore, in the district of Aylesbury Vale. Chackmore is the larger of the two villages and is estimated to have a population of around 180 out of a combined parish total of 236. The parish church is located in Radclive, and is part of the Buckingham Benefice. The A422 bisects the parish, with Chackmore to the north and Radclive to the south.

title: Chackmore


text:
Henry Lawrence (Indian Army officer)

Brigadier General Sir Henry Montgomery Lawrence, (28 June 1806 – 4 July 1857) was a British military officer, surveyor, administrator and statesman in British India. He is best known for leading a group of administrators in the Punjab affectionately known as Henry Lawrence's "Young Men", as the founder of the Lawrence Military Asylums and for his death at the Siege of Lucknow during the Indian Rebellion of 1857.

Background
Lawrence was born in June 1806 into an Ulster-Scots family at Matara in Ceylon. Both his parents were from Ulster, the northern province of Ireland. His mother Letitia was the daughter of the Rev. George Knox from County Donegal, while his father, Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander William Lawrence, was born the son of a mill owner from Coleraine, County Londonderry, entered the service of the British Army and achieved distinction at the 1799 Siege of Seringapatnam. The Lawrences had seven sons, the first died in infancy and the fifth at the age of eighteen. The remaining five all achieved distinction in India; of them Sir George Lawrence and Lord Lawrence would achieve particular fame.

In 1812, Lawrence, along with his elder brothers Alexander and George, was sent to Foyle College in Derry, a city in Ulster, where their uncle Rev. James Knox was headmaster. In 1818 he rejoined his parents in Bristol where they had since settled, and completed his schooling there. In August 1820 he again followed his elder brothers by entering the East India Company Military Seminary in Addiscombe, Surrey. (His father, having felt slighted by the lack of recognition afforded to him for his service in the British Army, encouraged his sons to instead enter the service of the East India Company in India. ) Whilst at the seminary, he was saved from drowning by a fellow cadet Robert Guthrie MacGregor. On another occasion, he developed sympathy for a lady in poverty, and begged old clothes from his family which he then carried to her through the streets of London. That same lady would be remembered in his will some thirty-five years later. Contemporaries in his class at Addiscombe included Sir Frederick Abbott.

Early career
On passing out from Addiscombe in 1822 he was commissioned as a second lieutenant in the Bengal Artillery, arriving in India the following year. He was based at the Calcutta suburb of Dum Dum, where Henry Havelock was also stationed about the same time. He soon saw action in the First Anglo-Burmese War, and at the age of 18 Lawrence commanded a battery forming part of the Chittagong column which General Joseph Morrison led over the jungle-covered hills of Arakan. He served for two years in Burma, until the expedition was decimated by fever, and Lawrence nearly perished of the illness. He returned to Dum Dum, before being sent first to Penang and then Canton to convalesce. As these changes in climate failed to affect his health for the better, he was invalided back to England. During his furlough in England, he resided with his family in Bristol, where he would first meet his future wife Honoria Marshall, until the opportunity arose in the autumn of 1828 to assist in the trigonometrical survey in Ireland.

Lawrence set sail for India on 2 September 1829 with his brother John, who had recently completed his studies at the East India Company College. The brothers parted company in Calcutta, and Lawrence rejoined his regiment in Karnal on the Sikh frontier, where his elder brother George was now stationed. In 1831 he was transferred to the horse artillery in Cawnpore and the following year he passed examinations in Hindustani and Persian with the aim of earning a civil service posting.

Revenue Survey of India
In 1833 he was appointed an assistant to the Revenue Survey of India by Lord William Bentinck based at Gorakhpur. He was tasked with mapping out and marking the boundaries of villages and fields in certain large districts, classifying them in accordance with the quality of soil and extent of holdings and to investigate and record the rights of claimants. He soon perceived the urgent need for more canals, and more and better roads, urging that "the farmer, the soldier, the policeman, the traveller, the merchant, all want more roads. Cut roads in every direction." During his time with the Survey, Lawrence was known for his zeal, discouragement of cheating and at times harsh treatment of bribe taking. In 1837, the secretary to the Board of Revenue remarked to the Lieutenant Governor of the North-West Provinces:

Lawrence went on to successfully accomplish this guarantee, and earned the nickname "Gunpowder" from James Thomason for his "explosive force which shattered all obstacles". In 1835 his father died, and as such his military pension also ceased, leaving his mother Letitia penniless. Lawrence, along with his brothers, took on the responsibility of remitting allowances for their mother. In July 1837, his sweetheart Honoria Marshall arrived in Hooghly and they married at the Mission Church in Calcutta on 21 August. Honoria accompanied Lawrence to Gorakpur where she became an enthusiastic assistant in his work. By the close of 1837, Lawrence had completed his work in Gorakpur and set out for Allahabad the next district on his list. He continued with the survey until August 1838 when he was ordered to stand ready to rejoin his troop amid talk of war with Afghanistan.

Ferozepore
In October 1838, in the run up to the First Anglo-Afghan War, Lawrence departed Allahabad to join Alexander Burnes's Horse Artillery, part of an 'Army of the Indus.' At the time he received an offer of a hundred rupees a month from a Calcutta paper to act as a correspondent during the war, agreeing on the condition of anonymity, that he would not supply any information that was not above board, and that the money would be divided between the Calcutta Orphan Asylum and the Benevolent Institution. When the army was ordered to stand fast, he instead became assistant to Sir George Russell Clerk, adding to his political experience in the management of the district of Ferozepore. At Ferozepore, Lawrence was collector, magistrate, civil and military engineer, universal provider and paymaster to troops that passed through the district. He was called upon to settle a boundary dispute on the British side of the Sutlej, and so impressed where neighbouring chiefs of his sagacity and fairness a number of barons across the border and in the Cis-Sutlej states sought his assistance to settle their own boundary disputes. In June 1839 Maharaja Ranjit Singh died and talk of war with the Sikh Empire began. Lawrence, spent much of the period acquainting himself with knowledge of the history and culture of the Sikh Empire, and penned a romance of the Punjab to aid those who cared to learn more about the region.

Peshawar
When news of disaster came from Kabul in November 1841 he was at first tasked with pushing up supports for the relief of Sir Robert Sale and the garrison of Jalalabad. He was to prepare the way for a relief force through the four hundred miles between Ferozepur and the Khyber. He requested the assistance of guns from the Sikh authorities, who agreed on the condition of the willingness of the gunners themselves, who at first proved unwilling. He relocated to Peshawar where he was responsible for getting the Sikh allies in hand, and helping to prepare the army of Sir George Pollock. He had hoped to accompany Pollock in the Kabul Expedition in 1842, however his fellow agent Frederick Mackeson was preferred. Instead he was allowed to remain with his old corps until the Khyber Pass was won. At the conclusion of the war, he returned to Ferozepur where the Governor General of India met the armies of Pollock, Sale and Nott.

In January 1843, Lawrence left Ferozepur when he was appointed superintendent of Dehradun. It soon emerged that military officers were barred from this post, and so he was instead transferred to Ambala as the assistant to the envoy at Lahore. Soon after taking charge, he was instructed to lead a military expedition in Khytul and was thereafter ordered to administer the region. Despite his short time in Khytul, Lawrence introduced a number of reforms including reduced taxes, the abolition of forced labour, a prompt system of justice and punishing bribery and corruption. In addition where required he remitted the land tax owed by a cultivator until he could improve his condition, and made the cultivator undertake public works such as digging wells in lieu of payment. Lawrence soon became somewhat disappointed by his lack of recognition for his contribution in the war and constant moving between jobs. Later that year however he was elevated to the rank of Major and appointed to the well-salaried and prestigious post of the Resident of Nepal.

Resident at Nepal
Lawrence arrived in Kathmandu in November 1843, leaving his wife behind as European women were not allowed to enter the Kingdom at that present time. Shortly after arriving, as a gesture of goodwill, Honoria was granted a rare exception to join her husband. During his time in Nepal, under instruction not to interfere in the internal administration of the Kingdom, Lawrence devoted much of his time to literary pursuits, ably assisted by his wife. He wrote a defence of Sir William Macnaghten which included passages foreshadowing the later mutiny of 1857, in which he lamented the blind self-confidence of British policy in India, the unpreparedness for disaffection, a lack of supplies, and the weakness of British garrisons. He also became a contributor to the Calcutta Review edited by Sir John Kaye. In an article titled the Military Defence of our Indian Empire, he insisted on the need for the Government to be ready for war at all times, a view which was challenged by his editor. It was whilst in Kathmandu that Lawrence and his wife first proposed the idea of homes in the cooler hills for the children of serving British officers.

Punjab
In 1845, instability in the Sikh Empire led to growing tensions with neighbouring provinces. Lawrence's articles in the Calcutta Review had caught the attention of Henry Hardinge, the new Governor-General of India, who was impressed by his knowledge of the region. Hardinge appointed Lawrence as his political assistant following the death of Major George Broadfoot at the start of the First Anglo-Sikh War. He was present at the decisive Battle of Sobraon which brought the war to a conclusion. As political agent, he responded to allegations that leading Sikh chiefs had betrayed their countrymen at Sobraon and sold the battle to the British, denying any knowledge of treachery on the part of the Sikh chiefs and interference by British officials.

Lahore Durbar
Following Sobraon, Lawrence counselled the Governor-General not to annex the Punjab but instead reconstruct the Sikh Empire, fenced in and fortified by British bayonets. This was provided for in the Treaty of Lahore, whereby a British garrison was to be based in Lahore to further this purpose. Lawrence spent the next three months as the agent in Lahore. In his diaries, Lawrence would later write of his intentions in his role:

During this time, he assisted in the sale of Kashmir to Gulab Singh, the Raja of Jammu as war indemnity, a move which caused considerable unrest in Lahore. When a rebellion broke out, presumed to have been instigated by Lal Singh in support of the existing Sikh governor, Lawrence personally accompanied a body of Sikh troops to Kashmir in support of Gulab Singh. Through his support of Gulab Singh, Lawrence was able to wield significant power over the new Maharajah of Jammu and Kashmir, inducing the leader to abolish sati, female infanticide and child slavery throughout his dominions, and attracting considerable financial support for his later philanthropic endeavours.

The terms of the initial treaty had permitted British troops to remain until the end of 1846. However at the request of the Lahore Durbar that troops remain until the new Maharajah reached 16, the Treaty of Bhairowal was signed. A key condition of the Treaty was that a Resident British officer, with an efficient establishment of assistants, was to be appointed by the Governor-General to remain at Lahore, with "full authority to direct and control all matters in every Department of the State. Maulvi Sayed Rajab Ali of Jagraon (Ludhiana Dist) a close confidant of Sir Henry Lawrence played an important role in these negotiations". Lawrence was appointed to the role of Resident, and began assembling a team of officer assistants, who would become known as Henry Lawrence's "Young Men".

Interlude
In 1848, following a year of relative peace in the Punjab, Lawrence was granted sick leave and accompanied Henry Hardinge to England where he was made a Knight Commander of the Bath on Hardinge's recommendation. In March, Lawrence was officially replaced as the British Resident at Lahore by Sir Frederick Currie. The murder of two of his assistants, Patrick Vans Agnew and W. A. Anderson in Multan, and the outbreak of the Second Anglo-Sikh War hastened his return to India. He was present at the Battle of Chillianwala, and although lacking an official capacity, he played a key role in persuading Lord Gough not to withdraw his troops after the battle. The war was won by the East India Company and the Punjab became a province of the Bengal Presidency.

Board of Administration
The new Punjab province was to be administered under the superintendence of a Board of Administration and Lawrence was made its president. He was assisted on the Board by his brother John and Charles Grenville Mansel, under whom he retained his troop of hand picked assistants. As President, Lawrence travelled extensively in the province, each year travelling three or four months, each day riding usually thirty to forty miles. At each station he would visit public offices, gaols, bazaars, receive visitors of all ranks, inspect the Punjab regiments and police, and receive daily petitions sometimes numbering in the hundreds. In his diary he noted that under his administration they had raised five regiments of fine cavalry and infantry, six regiments of very good military police and 2,700 cavalry police, planted thousands of trees, ensured serais were ever-present on main roads, police posts every two or three miles, and steps were taken in education.

Despite the success of the Board of Administration, internal tensions had arisen and the new Governor General, Lord Dalhousie, preferred to invest power in the hands of single administrator. Part of the reason for this was Lawrence's insistence on compensating the Sikh nobility and aristocracy who had suffered ruin following defeat in the Second Anglo-Sikh War. Lawrence, mindful of the potential for discontent to be sewn by disgruntled aristocrats, liberally offered financial assistance, a policy opposed by both his brother John and Dalhousie Both Lawrence and his brother John tendered their resignation, however Dalhousie chose John as his new Lieutenant-Governor. Dalhousie explained his decision by stating that after some years of military administration in the Punjab, there was now a need for a civil administration to which John Lawrence would be more suited. The decision deeply hurt Henry who felt he had proved his self-taught civil administrative abilities over the course of the previous twenty years.

Oude and Rajputana
Lawrence began his new role as the Governor-General's Agent in Rajputana in 1853. Much of his energy was devoted to two principal causes, the abolition of widow-burning in Rajputana and reforming the prison system. Whilst in Rajputana his wife Honoria died and his health began to fail, prompting first a desire to succeed Sir James Outram as Resident at Lucknow, for which he was overlooked for a civilian, and thereafter a desire to undertake leave to England.

In 1856, Oudh had been annexed by the East India Company on the grounds of internal maladministration. The following March, Lawrence was appointed to the prestigious post of Chief Commissioner of Oudh. Under his predecessor Colville Coverley Jackson, much of the local aristocracy had fallen from grace and widespread unrest had come to the fore. An added concern was growing discontent amongst the Sepoys of the Bengal Army, a large proportion of whom were drawn from Oudh, and thus able to command support in the province. Lawrence had long taken an interest in the sepoy army, noting its defects, and advising successive Governor-Generals of the need to listen to concerns of the soldiery and implement reform, and as such was wary that any insurrection amongst the sepoys could instigate a wider civil unrest.

Siege of Lucknow
In May 1857, two months after assuming his post in Oudh, the Indian Rebellion of 1857 commenced. Lawrence earned praise for the prompt and decisive handling of an insurrection of an irregular native regiment near Lucknow, and was in turn awarded full military and civil authority by the Governor-General, Lord Canning. He arranged for a garrison in Lucknow of some 1700 men, and took refuge in the British residency. Such was his assured handling of the crisis, that the British government and Board of Directors of the East India Company found it necessary to nominate him as provisional Governor-General of India in the event of the death or resignation of Lord Canning.

On the morning of 30 June, despite being weak and exhausted with illness, he led a march towards Nawabgunj to confront some mutinous regiments approaching Lucknow. Around six or seven miles from Lucknow he encountered 15,000 soldiers with thirty guns and soon after the artillery of the Oude irregular force deserted his command and joined the mutineers. Significantly outnumbered Lawrence was forced into a retreat, suffering heavy losses. On their return, the Residency was soon besieged by mutineers and the Siege of Lucknow commenced. On 1 July, a shell burst into his quarters in the upper part of the Residency, and despite pleas from his officers he refused to move his quarters to a safer area. The following day, whilst lying on a couch, a shell burst beside him and shattered his thigh. Dr Joseph Fayrer was summoned to provide consultation, and decided that amputation would only increase his suffering, and was likely to shorten his life. Fayrer gave him three days to live. Lawrence lingered until the second day, and died at approximately eight in the morning on 4 July 1857.

He was buried that same evening in a soldier's grave, and it is said that not a single officer saw the lowering of his body into the ground so furious was the fighting raging at the time. When Lawrence was critically injured and aware he was dying, he gave final orders to his nominated successor at Lucknow, Major John Banks, who immediately recorded them in writing. The twelfth among his fourteen directions was "Put on my tomb only this; Here lies Henry Lawrence who tried to do his duty." This epitaph appears on his tombstone at the Residency graveyard.

Educational institutions
Lawrence established institutions for the education of the children of British soldiers, known as the Lawrence Military Asylums, at four places in British India. Three of these institutions survive today as the prestigious Lawrence School, Sanawar (HP, India), Lawrence School, Lovedale (TN, India) and Lawrence College, Ghora Gali (Murree, Pakistan): the fourth, which does not survive, was at Mount Abu, in present-day Rajasthan.

Following the Disruption of 1843, along with Sir James Outram, Lawrence supported Reverend Alexander Duff in establishing the Free Church Institution in Calcutta, as a rival institution to the General Assembly's Institution, which had been founded by Duff in 1830. These two institutions would later be merged to form the Scottish Churches College, known since 1929 (when the Church of Scotland was unified) as Scottish Church College.

Family life
Lawrence married Honoria Marshall at St. John's Church, Calcutta, on 21 August 1837. They had four children. In 1858, his eldest son Alexander was created 1st Baronet Lawrence, of Lucknow, in consideration of his father's services.

Works

 * Lawrence also contributed to the Calcutta Review.
 * Lawrence also contributed to the Calcutta Review.
 * Lawrence also contributed to the Calcutta Review.

Commemoration
Lawrence is commemorated by a high cross in the cemetery adjacent to the Residency in Lucknow. There is a monument to him by J.G. Lough in the south transept of St Paul's Cathedral in London and a memorial by J.H. Foley at St. Paul's Cathedral in Calcutta.

He is also remembered in the names of:
 * Henry Lawrence Island in the Indian Ocean, at 12N 93E.
 * The town of Lawrence in New Zealand.
 * The Lawrence Arms public house in Southsea, Hampshire.

title: Henry Lawrence (Indian Army officer)


text:
Colorado Party

Colorado Party (Partido Colorado 'colored party', colored referring to red) can refer to two South American political parties:

 * Colorado Party (Paraguay)
 * Colorado Party (Uruguay)

title: Colorado Party


text:
National Space Centre

The National Space Centre is a museum and educational resource covering the fields of space science and astronomy, along with a space research programme in partnership with the University of Leicester. It is located on the north side of the city in Belgrave, Leicester, England, next to the River Soar. Many of the exhibits, including upright rockets, are housed in a tower with minimal steel supports and a semi-transparent cladding of ETFE 'pillows' which has become one of Leicester's most recognisable landmarks. The National Space Centre is a registered charity with a board of trustees.

History
The initial idea of a space centre as a research facility but with public access, attached to the University of Leicester, was first conceived in the 1980s – the idea of Professor Alan Wells, the Director of the University of Leicester's Space Research Centre, and Professor Ken Pounds of the university. The plan was not taken further due to lack of funds.

The Space Centre as a museum was then put forward in 1995 – by Professor Alan Wells; Professor Alan Ponter, the University of Leicester's pro vice-chancellor; and Nigel Siesage, the university's principal assistant registrar.

Funding for the project came from the Millennium Commission, who provided 50% of the £52miliion capital cost, four major partners; Leicester City Council, the University of Leicester, East Midlands Development Agency and BT; along with contributions from exhibition sponsors, Walkers, the Met Office, Omega, BNSC and Astrium.

The first element of the project was the Challenger Learning Centre which opened at Leicester University in December 1999 and moved to the National Space Centre site a year later. It was the first such centre outside North America, where 42 similar centres existed. The centre was split in two, with one half replicating the inside of a spacecraft and the other, mission control.

Originally it was to be called the National Space Science Centre, but in December 2000 the word science was dropped from the name for marketing reasons. (The National Space Centre was often confused with the British National Space Centre, until they changed their name to the UK Space Agency)

Opening

On 30 June 2001, former NASA astronaut Jeffrey A. Hoffman opened the National Space Centre officially to the general public. In its first five months, the National Space Centre received 165,000 visitors, 25% ahead of its targets and was named museum of the year by the Good Britain Guide, 2002.

At opening, the centre was the base for more than 60 scientists and astronomers working on projects in a Space Science Research Unit (SSRU).

Tranquillity Base
In July 2005 it opened the Human Spaceflight Gallery, a lunar base set in the year 2025, dubbed Tranquillity Base. Visitors received a barcode and undertook a number of interactive tasks. It also included a space ride.

Sir Patrick Moore Planetarium
On 26 January 2012, Sir Patrick Moore visited the National Space Centre to launch the planetarium, newly renamed in his honour. He also launched a new planetarium show, Tour of the Night Sky, that included a series of 'best-of' clips hosted by Sir Patrick himself.

Michael Foale
On 19 October 2004, NASA Astronaut, Michael Foale, visited the National Space Centre to launch the brand-new Rocket Tower glass lifts.

Bernard Harris
Bernard Harris, the first African American to walk in space, visited the National Space Centre as part of the centre's Festival of Science and Culture over the weekend of the 12 and 13 March 2005.

Buzz Aldrin
In June 2005 Apollo 11 astronaut and second man on the Moon Buzz Aldrin visited the National Space Centre. He spoke to children and toured the Lunar Base 2025 Experience.

Chris Hadfield
On 13 December 2013, Commander Chris Hadfield visited the National Space Centre to meet the visitors and to promote his book An Astronaut's Guide to Life on Earth.

Walter Cunningham
Apollo 7 astronaut Walt Cunningham visited the National Space Centre on 24 September 2015.

Tim Peake
Following his six-month mission on the International Space Station, Tim Peake visited the National Space Centre on Friday 14 October 2016 where he talked to local school children and visitors and received an Honorary Degree of Doctor of Science from the University of Leicester. Although this was his first physical visit, during his mission he linked live from space to the National Space Centre on two occasions, answering questions from school children and the media.

Queen's Visit
Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth and the Duke of Edinburgh visited the National Space Centre on 1 August 2002, as part of her Golden Jubilee national tour. The Queen gave a speech.

Olympic Torch
On 3 July 2012, the Olympic Torch Relay visited Leicester. At the National Space Centre the torch was carried over the Rocket Tower by stuntman Nick Macomber AKA “Jet Pack Man” before being handed off to Kevin Davies who left the National Space Centre with an honour guard of Stormtroopers.

Beagle 2 Operations Centre
Mission control for the Beagle 2 mission to Mars was based at the National Space Centre and was the first NASA or ESA mission to be run in the full view of the public. Beagle 2's robotic arm, known as the PAW, was developed by a team led by the University of Leicester Space Research Group who also led on the technical design and the flight operations development.

Architecture
Nicholas Grimshaw, the architects of the Eden Project, won an architectural competition to design the National Space Centre in September 1996 beating four other architects. The fit out of the building was undertaken by C-Beck Group. Structural and services engineer was Arup, Quantity surveyor was Capita Property Services, project manager was Gardiner and Theobold +Management services and main contractor was Sir Robert McAlpine. Landscape architect was Land Use Consultants, Cladding consultant was Montressor Partnership and acoustics engineer was Sandy Brown Associates. The tower is 42 m tall and claims to be the only place to house upright space rockets indoors.

Building
The 7,360m2 scheme occupies a former storm water tank, which now forms the foundations of the building, reducing costs and maximising the reuse of the existing structure. The main rocket tower is clad in inflated pillows made of ETFE – the same material used on the Eden Project domes. This material is 1% of the weight of the equivalent amount of glass. The building was described by the Guardian as "One of the most distinctive and intriguing new buildings in Britain" The main building is a 7200m2 box built on a 14m grid steel frame, clad in a perforated metal skin that conceals the windows and louvres in the profiled steel cladding behind. The roof of the main building is overlaid with gravel in three colours to form a crab nebulae design.

Construction began on the site in March 1999.

Galleries
The National Space Centre has six main galleries, a welcome hall, an area for space talks, a planetarium and a spaceflight simulator. It also has a café and various conference and teaching rooms.

Welcome Hall
This entrance area contains a Soyuz spacecraft, and a set of spacesuits including Tim Peake's spacesuit, Buzz Aldrin's underwear and a spacesuit from The Martian film.

Into Space
A gallery dedicated to space flight which includes a mock-up of the Columbus module from the International Space Station and a space toilet.

The Universe
This gallery covers the formation of the universe, how humans observe it and the search for alien life.

Our Solar System
The planets of the Solar System are the subject of this gallery which includes the TinyTarium, a planetarium especially for the very young visitor.

Home Planet
A gallery with the planet Earth as its subject - how it is observed how it is changing, and the consequences of human actions.

Space Oddities
This is an area where selected artefacts from the National Space Centre's collection are exhibited. The gallery is updated regularly by the curator in order to display lesser known objects with unique histories.

Rocket Tower
The rocket tower features stories from the space race, and the two upright rockets it was specially designed to house, a PGM-17 Thor Able and a Blue Streak. The Rocket Tower also displays a piece of Moon rock.

LIVE Space
LIVE Space is an area where talks, live link-ups, news from space and science demonstrations are presented.

Sir Patrick Moore Planetarium
A full dome planetarium which is used to project a variety of immersive shows many of which are created by NSC Creative who are based at the National Space Centre. The planetarium has 192 seats and six accessible spaces.

Tetrastar Spaceport
Launched in 2022, this is a simulated low Earth orbit cruise on board a spacecraft.

Notable exhibits
A selection of objects held in the National Space Centre's collections can be viewed online at the National Space Centre Collections Online.

Moon rock
A piece of real Moon rock prised from a fractured boulder near the rim of Shorty Crater. This was collected by Gene Cernan in December 1972 during Apollo 17, the last crewed mission to the Moon. The fragment weighs 120g and is encased in a protective atmosphere.

Sputnik
A mock Sputnik, whose manufacture was overseen by creator Sergei Korolev, who demanded perfectionism; he once berated a junior technician with the words “This will be exhibited in museums”

Space toilet
A demonstration example of a Russian space toilet, constructed by NPP Zvezda. The appearance and size are the same as the type of toilet used on the Russian Mir space station. As a demonstration model it lacks the technological units needed for processing liquid and solid waste.

Martian spacesuit
An EVA Spacesuit used during the filming of Ridley Scott's 2015 film, The Martian. Worn by Matt Damon and various stunt performers, it was used with a rigging system to simulate floating in space. The costumes used in the film were designed to be accurate reflections of the sort of spacesuits that might be used in a near-future Mars mission. Academy Award-winning costume designer Janty Yates worked with NASA and Scott to ensure that this Extra-Vehicular Activity (EVA) spacesuit worked for the film, but also imagined the future of NASA spacesuit design.

Education
The National Space Centre provides education programmes that support parents and teachers to inspire children to learn about science.

e-missions
In 2004, working with the Challenger Center for Space Science Education, the National Space Centre launched e-Missions™ which included a mission to Europa where pupils have to save a crewed mission to Jupiter’s moon that is in trouble and Operation Montserrat, where pupils take the role of a military response team tasked to evacuate a population in the face of a hurricane and a potential volcanic eruption.

National Space Academy
In 2008 a collaboration between the National Space Centre, University of Leicester, Nottingham University and East Midlands Development Agency resulted in the creation of the Space Academy.

The Space Academy collaborated with NASA’s Aerospace Educator Service Project and in 2010 led a session at the annual Space Exploration Educators Conference (SEEC) which draws in more than 600 teachers, space scientists and engineers from all over the United States, Canada, Europe and Japan. The Space Academy’s presentation on the ESA’s Rosetta mission was chosen to be streamed on the Internet by Space Center Houston.

Subsequently, the National Space Centre on behalf of the UK Space Agency, the Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC), the UK Space Education Office (ESERO-UK), and the European Space Agency, launched the National Space Academy in February 2011. It was set up to promote excellence in science and technology by training teachers, offering teaching resources, hosting career events and developing apprenticeship courses.

As of 2022 a Space Engineering course provides A-levels in physics and mathematics, plus a BTEC Extended Diploma in engineering. The course is delivered by Loughborough College and the National Space Centre, including physics and mathematics delivery in the National Space Academy Science Lab in Leicester.

The National Space Academy’s resources page includes lesson starter clips on astrobiology, space-themed videos in support of STEM lessons and videos and interactive experiences for home learning.

Digital visualisation
The centre's own digital visualisation team, NSC Creative, make all the "fulldome" planetarium shows shown at the centre. By 2011, NSC Creative fulldome shows are playing in over 220 planetaria in 27 countries worldwide. These productions include the official International Year of Astronomy (IYA2009) planetarium show "We are Astronomers" which was funded by the UK Science and Technology Facilities Council (STFC).

Near Earth Objects Information Centre
The NEO Information Centre's launch was announced in January 2002 by the science minister, Lord Sainsbury. Based at the National Space Centre in Leicester, it was set up as part of the UK Government's response to the report of the task force on Potentially Hazardous Near Earth Objects. It provided information to the public, media, educators and scientists on Near Earth Objects, the science behind them and the potential hazard they pose to life on Earth.

Government funding for the NEO Information Centre was not renewed in 2010 and the Leicester-based Centre was closed. Monitoring of near-Earth objects is currently undertaken by the Spaceguard Centre.

Events

 * Apollo program astronaut and moonwalker Buzz Aldrin visited the Space Centre in June 2005.
 * The first Star Wars Day was held on 30 July 2005. Due to the popularity of this event, Star Wars weekend has been held annually, as of 2015.
 * The centre hosted a celebration of 50 years of Doctor Who in November 2013.
 * A Sci-Fi Weekend on the weekend beginning 17 June 2006 included a live-action experience similar to Alien War.
 * On 19 July 2006 NASA astronaut Brian Duffy visited and told people about his trip to space.
 * National Space Centre hosted a UK tour by the NASA STS-121 crew, including UK born astronaut Piers Sellers. The crew spoke to MPs, industry leaders and school children about the UK Space Industry. Many of the children who met the crew said they were inspired to consider science and technology as a further education topic.

In 2007, the National Space Centre celebrated "50 Years in Space": the anniversary of the first satellite, Sputnik.

In 2013, scenes from the Indian film Yamla Pagla Deewana 2 were filmed at the Space Centre.

Back in Business
Back in Business, a comedy starring Martin Kemp, Denis Waterman and Chris Barrie about a heist involving a Moon buggy was partly filmed at the National Space Centre in 2005, with the movie released in 2007.

Don't Tell the Bride
On 2 October 2012, the National Space Centre became the venue for the BBC TV show Don’t Tell the Bride which was aired as Episode 8 of Season 6.

Public Service Broadcasting
On 26 February 2015, the galleries of the National Space Centre were taken over by Public Service Broadcasting, as the musical duo launched their new album; The Race for Space.

Governance
The charity was registered on 10 January 2000 and (as of 2020) has 17 Trustees.

The National Space Centre receives no day-to-day funding from the government and generates revenue primarily from commercial activity such as ticket sales, café and gift shop revenue, venue hire and sponsorship.

Accounts for 2020 show that income was £5.4 million and expenditure was £5.9 million, of which £5 million was spent on charitable activities and the rest on activities to raise funds. As a charity the National Space Centre makes grants to organisations, provides human resources, provides buildings, facilities and open space, provides advocacy, advice and information and acts as an umbrella or resource body.

Video clips

 * National Space Centre YouTube channel

title: National Space Centre


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Chalkshire

Chalkshire is a hamlet in the parish of Ellesborough (where the 2011 Census population was included), in Buckinghamshire, England. It is situated on the road that runs from Butlers Cross to Terrick.

The hamlet name is fairly modern, and is quite literal in meaning. It refers to the composition of the nearby Chiltern Hills, at the foot of which the hamlet stands.

title: Chalkshire