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Whitney v. California

Whitney v. California, 274 U.S. 357 (1927), was a United States Supreme Court decision upholding the conviction of an individual who had engaged in speech that raised a clear and present danger to society. While the majority of the Supreme Court Justices voted to uphold the conviction, the ruling has become an important free speech precedent due a concurring opinion by Justice Louis Brandeis recommending new perspectives on criticism of the government by citizens. The ruling was explicitly overruled by Brandenburg v. Ohio in 1969.

Background
Anita Whitney, a member of a distinguished California family, was convicted under the 1919 California Criminal Syndicalism Act for allegedly helping to establish the Communist Labor Party of America, a group accused by the state of advocating the violent overthrow of the American government. Whitney was arrested in November 1919 after giving a speech in Oakland to attract financial support for the California chapter of the party.

Whitney denied that it had been the intention of her or other organizers for the party to become an instrument of violence. In February 1920, Whitney was tried at the Alameda County Superior Court and was found guilty of four counts of criminal syndicalism. She was sentenced to one to fourteen years at San Quentin Penitentiary, but was released after eleven days upon posting a bond and presenting evidence of poor health. Whitney attempted several appeals within the California state court system, arguing against the applicability of the state's 1919 statute, but without success. Her petition to the California Supreme Court was denied. Whitney then adopted an argument based on the due process and equal protection clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, claiming that her speech was punished differently than the speech of others due to the subject matter. Whitney petitioned to the United States Supreme Court to review her criminal conviction, and the high court agreed to hear the case in March 1926.

Supreme Court ruling
The question before the court was whether the Criminal Syndicalism Act in California violated the due process and equal protection clauses of the Fourteenth Amendment. The court unanimously upheld Whitney's criminal conviction, with seven Justices joining the majority opinion and two issuing a concurring opinion. Justice Edward T. Sanford wrote the majority opinion citing the clear and present danger test that had been developed by Oliver Wendell Holmes in Schenck v. U.S. (1919), holding that Whitney's speech in Oakland justified a police response under that test.

Sanford expanded the clear and present danger test to address the specific circumstances and content of Whitney's criminal conviction. The court held that the state, in exercising its police power, has the power to punish those who abuse their rights to freedom of speech "by utterances inimical to the public welfare, tending to incite crime, disturb the public peace, or endanger the foundations of organized government and threaten its overthrow." In other words, speech with a "bad tendency" can be punished. Thus, the state's police power toward this type of speech did not conflict with the Fourteenth Amendment. Whitney's criminal conviction was upheld.

Brandeis's concurrence
Since the main question before the Supreme Court involved possible violations of the Fourteenth Amendment, Justices Louis Brandeis and Oliver Wendell Holmes voted with the majority on that question but considered the unintended ramifications for free speech. Brandeis wrote a concurring opinion, joined by Holmes, that many scholars have lauded as perhaps the greatest defense of freedom of speech ever written by a member of the Supreme Court.

Brandeis deviated significantly from prevailing judicial thought on the First Amendment, and applied free speech to the democratic process. He held that citizens have an obligation to take part in the governing process, and they cannot do so unless they can discuss and criticize governmental policy fully and without fear. If the government can punish unpopular views, it cramps freedom. In the long run, that will strangle democratic processes. Thus, free speech is not only an abstract virtue but also a key element at the heart of a democratic society.

Brandeis also suggested a reappraisal of the prevailing clear and present danger test, and insisted on what some have called a "time to answer" test: no danger flowing from speech can be considered "clear and present" if there is full opportunity for discussion. Brandeis argued that governments, while having a right to curb truly dangerous expression, must clearly define clearly the nature of that danger. Mere fear of unpopular ideas will not do. In Brandeis's words:

"But they [the founding fathers] knew that order cannot be secured merely through fear of punishment for its infraction; that it is hazardous to discourage thought, hope and imagination; that fear breeds repression; that repression breeds hate; that hate menaces stable government; that the path of safety lies in the opportunity to discuss freely supposed grievances and proposed remedies, and that the fitting remedy for evil counsels is good ones. Believing in the power of reason as applied through public discussion, they eschewed silence coerced by law -- the argument of force in its worst form. Recognizing the occasional tyrannies of governing majorities, they amended the Constitution so that free speech and assembly should be guaranteed."

Impact and subsequent events
Shortly after the Supreme Court's ruling, Anita Whitney was pardoned by the Governor of California based on Justice Brandeis' concurring opinion. Philippa Strum, oft the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, asserted that Whitney was a pacifist who believed in working within the American political system. Whitney was, in effect, put on trial for her association with labor groups as well as her own reform activities, which included fighting for equality and advocating for a more equitable political and economic system.

Brandeis's concurrence in the Whitney ruling eventually became more influential than the majority opinion, and hinted toward the rejection of the clear and present danger test. This indeed happened by the 1950s-60s, as the American judiciary transitioned to a focus on the risk of imminent lawless action caused by speech that government officials find inappropriate. This doctrine was solidified by the Supreme Court ruling in Brandenburg v. Ohio in 1969, which explicitly overturned Whitney v. California as a precedent. Constitutional experts have called Brandeis's concurrence a "milestone" for free speech jurisprudence, that upholds "the basic stanchion of our society."

title: Whitney v. California


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Polyp (medicine)

A polyp is an abnormal growth of tissue projecting from a mucous membrane. If it is attached to the surface by a narrow elongated stalk, it is said to be pedunculated; if it is attached without a stalk, it is said to be sessile. Polyps are commonly found in the colon, stomach, nose, ear, sinus(es), urinary bladder, and uterus. They may also occur elsewhere in the body where there are mucous membranes, including the cervix, vocal folds, and small intestine. Some polyps are tumors (neoplasms) and others are non-neoplastic, for example hyperplastic or dysplastic, which are benign. The neoplastic ones are usually benign, although some can be pre-malignant, or concurrent with a malignancy.

The name is of ancient origin, in use in English from about 1400 for a nasal polyp, from Latin polypus through Greek. The animal of similar appearance called polyp is attested from 1742, although the word was earlier used for an octopus.

Digestive polyps
Relative incidences by location:

Colorectal polyp
While colon polyps are not commonly associated with symptoms, occasionally they may cause rectal bleeding, and on rare occasions pain, diarrhea or constipation. They are a concern because of the potential for colon cancer being present microscopically, and the risk of benign colon polyps becoming malignant over time. Since most polyps are asymptomatic, they are usually discovered at the time of colon cancer screening. Common screening methods are occult blood test, colonoscopy with a modern flexible endoscope, sigmoidoscopy (usually with the older rigid endoscope), lower gastrointestinal series (barium enema), digital rectal examination (DRE), virtual colonoscopy or Cologuard. The polyps are routinely removed at the time of colonoscopy, either with a wire loop known as a polypectomy snare (first description by P. Deyhle, Germany, 1970), or with biopsy forceps. If an adenomatous polyp is found, it must be removed, since such a polyp is pre-cancerous and has a propensity to become cancerous. For certainty, all polyps which are found by any diagnostic modality, are removed by a colonoscopy. Although colon cancer is usually not found in polyps smaller than 2.5 cm, all polyps found are removed since their removal reduces the likelihood of future colon cancer. When adenomatous polyps are removed, a repeat colonoscopy is usually performed three to five years later.

Most colon polyps can be categorized as sporadic.

Inherited polyposis syndromes

 * Familial adenomatous polyposis
 * Peutz–Jeghers syndrome
 * Turcot syndrome
 * Juvenile polyposis syndrome
 * Cowden disease
 * Bannayan–Riley–Ruvalcaba syndrome (Bannayan–Zonana syndrome)
 * Gardner's syndrome
 * Serrated polyposis syndrome

Non-inherited polyposis syndromes

 * Cronkhite–Canada syndrome

Types of colon polyps

 * Malignant
 * Hamartomatous
 * Hyperplastic
 * Inflammatory: Inflammatory fibroid polyp

Adenomatous polyps
Adenomatous polyps, or adenomas, are polyps that grow on the lining of the colon and which carry a high risk of cancer. The adenomatous polyp is considered pre-malignant, i.e., likely to develop into colon cancer. The other types of polyps that can occur in the colon are hyperplastic and inflammatory polyps, which are unlikely to develop into colorectal cancer.

About 5% of people aged 60 will have at least one adenomatous polyp of 1 cm diameter or greater. Multiple adenomatous polyps often result from familial polyposis coli or familial adenomatous polyposis, a condition that carries a very high risk of colon cancer.

Types
Adenomas constitute approximately 10% of digestive polyps. Most polyps (approximately 90%) are small, usually less than 1 cm in diameter, and have a small potential for malignancy. The remaining 10% of adenomas are larger than 1 cm and approach a 10% chance of containing invasive cancer.

There are three types of adenomatous polyp:
 * Tubular adenomas (tube-like shape) are the most common of the adenomatous polyps; they may occur everywhere in the colon and they are the least likely colon polyps to develop into colon cancer
 * Tubulovillous
 * Villous adenomas are commonly found in the rectal area and they are normally larger in size than the other two types of adenomas. They tend to be non-pedunculated, velvety, or cauliflower-like in appearance and they are associated with the highest morbidity and mortality rates of all polyps. They can cause hypersecretory syndromes characterized by hypokalemia and profuse mucous discharge, and can harbor carcinoma in situ or invasive carcinoma more frequently than other adenomas.

Risks
The risks of progression to colorectal cancer increase if the polyp is larger than 1 cm and contains a higher percentage of villous component. Also, the shape of the polyps is related to the risk of progression into carcinoma. Polyps that are pedunculated (with a stalk) are usually less dangerous than sessile polyps (flat polyps). Sessile polyps have a shorter pathway for migration of invasive cells from the tumor into submucosal and more distant structures, and they are also more difficult to remove and ascertain. Sessile polyps larger than 2 cm usually contain villous features, have a higher malignant potential, and tend to recur following colonoscopic polypectomy.

Although polyps do not carry significant risk of colon cancer, tubular adenomatous polyps may become cancerous when they grow larger. Larger tubular adenomatous polyps have an increased risk of malignancy when larger because then they develop more villous components and may become sessile.

It is estimated that an individual whose parents have been diagnosed with an adenomatous polyp has a 50% greater chance to develop colon cancer than individuals with no family history of colonic polyps. there is no way to establish the risks of colon polyps of patients with a family history of them. Overall, nearly 6% of the population, regardless of family history, is at risk of developing colon cancer.

Screening
Screening for colonic polyps as well as preventing them has become an important part of the management of the condition. Medical societies have established guidelines for colorectal screening in order to prevent adenomatous polyps and to minimize the chances of developing colon cancer. It is believed that some changes in the diet might be helpful in preventing polyps from occurring, but there is no other way to prevent the polyps from developing into cancerous growths than detecting and removing them.

Colon polyps as they grow can sometimes cause bleeding within the intestine, which can be detected by an occult blood test. According to American Cancer Society guidelines, people over 50 should have an annual occult blood test. People in their 50s are recommended to have flexible sigmoidoscopies performed once every 3 to 5 years to detect any abnormal growth which could be an adenomatous polyp. If adenomatous polyps are detected during this procedure, a colonoscopy is recommended. Medical societies recommend colonoscopies every ten years starting at age 50 as a necessary screening practice for colon cancer. The screening provides an accurate image of the intestine and also allows the removal of the polyp, if found. Once an adenomatous polyp is identified during colonoscopy, there are several methods of removal, including using a snare or a heating device. Colonoscopies are preferred over sigmoidoscopies because they allow the examination of the entire colon and can detect polyps in the upper colon, where more than half of polyps occur.

It has been statistically demonstrated that screening programs are effective in reducing the number of deaths caused by colon cancer due to adenomatous polyps. The risk of complications associated with colonoscopies is approximately 0.35 percent, compared to a lifetime risk of developing colon cancer of around 6 percent. As there is a small likelihood of recurrence, surveillance after polyp removal is recommended.

Endometrial polyp
An endometrial polyp or uterine polyp is a polyp or lesion in the lining of the uterus (endometrium) that takes up space within the uterine cavity. Commonly occurring, they are experienced by up to 10% of women. They may have a large flat base (sessile) or be attached to the uterus by an elongated pedicle (pedunculated). Pedunculated polyps are more common than sessile ones. They range in size from a few millimeters to several centimeters. If pedunculated, they can protrude through the cervix into the vagina. Small blood vessels may be present in polyps, particularly large ones.

Cervical polyp
A cervical polyp is a common benign polyp or tumor on the surface of the cervical canal. They can cause irregular menstrual bleeding or increased pain but often show no symptoms.

Nasal polyps
Nasal polyps are polypoidal masses arising mainly from the mucous membranes of the nose and paranasal sinuses. They are overgrowths of the mucosa that frequently accompany allergic rhinitis. They are freely movable and nontender.

Laryngeal polyps
Polyps on the vocal folds can take on many different forms, and can sometimes result from vocal abuse, although this is not always the cause. They can occur on one or both vocal folds, and appear as swelling, a bump (similar to a nodule), a stalk-like growth, or a blister-like lesion. Most polyps are larger than nodules, which are more similar to callouses on the vocal folds. Polyps and nodules can exhibit similar symptoms including hoarseness or breathiness, "rough" or "scratchy" voice, harshness in vocal quality, shooting pain from ear to ear, sensation of having "a lump in the back of the throat", neck pain, decreased pitch range in the voice, and vocal and bodily fatigue.

If an individual experiences symptoms for more than 2 to 3 weeks, they should see a physician. For a diagnosis, a thorough evaluation of the voice should include a physical examination, preferably by an otolaryngologist (ear, nose, and throat doctor) who specializes in voice, a voice evaluation with a speech-language pathologist (SLP), a neurological examination (in certain cases) The qualities of the voice that will be evaluated include quality, pitch, loudness, and ability to sustain voicing. In some cases, an instrumental examination may be performed with an endoscope into the mouth or nose; this gives a clear look at the vocal folds and larynx in general. In addition to this, a stroboscope (flashing light) may be used to observe the movement of the vocal folds during speech.

Polyps may be treated with medical, surgical, or behavioral intervention. Surgical intervention involves removing the polyp from the vocal fold. This approach is only used when the growth(s) are very large or have existed for an extended amount of time. In children, surgical intervention is rare. Existing medical problems may be treated in an effort to reduce the strain and negative impact on the vocal cords. This could include treatment for gastrointestinal reflux disease, allergies, and thyroid problems. Intervention to stop smoking and reduce stress may also be needed. Most people receive behavioral intervention, or vocal therapy, from an SLP. This might involve teaching good vocal hygiene, and reducing or stopping vocal abuse behaviors. Direct voice treatments may be used to alter pitch, loudness, or breathe support to promote good voicing.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Polyp (medicine)


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Two-finger salute

The two-finger salute is a salute given using only the middle and index fingers, while bending the other fingers at the second knuckle, and with the palm facing the signer. This salute is used by the Polish Armed Forces, other uniformed services in Poland, and, in some countries, the Cub Scouts.

Two-finger salute in Poland
The Polish two-finger salute is only used while wearing a headdress with the emblem of the Polish eagle (such as military hat rogatywka) or without this emblem (such as Boonie hat or helmet). The salute is performed with the middle and index fingers extended and touching each other, while the ring and little fingers are bent and touched by the thumb. The tips of the middle and index fingers touch the peak of the cap, the two fingers have been interpreted as honour and fatherland (Honor i Ojczyzna). It is not clear when the two-fingers salute appeared in Polish military forces. Some see its origin in Tadeusz Kościuszko's 1794 oath. Others state that it came from Polish soldiers in the Congress Kingdom army around 1815 (partitioned Poland). At that time, the Tsar's Viceroy in Poland, Grand Duke Constantine, said that Poles would salute him with two fingers and use the other two to hold a stone to throw at him. Another legend attributes the salute to the remembrance of Battle of Olszynka Grochowska in 1831, when a soldier, who had lost in the battle all his fingers but the middle and index ones, saluted his superior with the wounded hand and died after it.

During the Second World War the salute was a subject of some controversy, as most of the Allied officers were unfamiliar with the gesture and saw it as disrespectful. Polish soldiers serving in the British Army were ordered to use an open palm salute instead.

Cub Scouting
Many Cub Scout sections also use a two-finger salute. The salute was devised by Robert Baden-Powell and originally represented the two ears of a wolf cub, since the original programme was based on Rudyard Kipling's The Jungle Book. However, Cubs in several national associations now use the three-finger Scout salute used by the rest of the Scout Movement.

Popular culture
Asterix used the two finger salute in The Legionary.

title: Two-finger salute


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Dragan Čović

Dragan Čović (born 20 August 1956) is a Bosnian Croat politician who served as the 4th Croat member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina from 2002 to 2005 and from 2014 to 2018. He is the current president of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ BiH) and has been serving as a member of the national House of Peoples since 2019, having previously served from 2011 to 2014.

Born in Mostar, Čović graduated from the Faculty of Engineering at University Džemal Bijedić in his hometown in 1979. He also attended studies at the University of Sarajevo and holds a PhD from the University of Mostar, obtaining it in 1996. Prior to the Bosnian War, Čović worked as a manager at Yugoslav aircraft manufacturer SOKO. He entered into politics by joining the HDZ BiH in 1994, becoming its president in 2005. As president of the HDZ BiH, he took part in many constitutional reform talks, most notably in those regarding the Prud Agreement between 2008 and 2009, and in the 2010–2012 government formation.

Earlier in his career, Čović served as Federal Minister of Finance from 1998 to 2001 and was the acting Federal Prime Minister in 2001. At the 2002 general election, Čović was elected Croat member of the Bosnian Presidency, serving as its member until 2005, when he was removed from office by High Representative Paddy Ashdown, for abuse of power and position. After serving a term in the national House of Peoples from 2011 to 2014, he was once again elected Croat member of the Presidency at the 2014 general election. Čović served as a member until 2018, after losing his bid for re-election at the 2018 general election. Since 2019, he has again been serving as a member of the national House of Peoples.

In November 2006, Čović was sentenced to five years in prison for exempting the Ivanković-Lijanović company of paying taxes on meat imports. The Bosnian Court, on appeal, annulled the sentence and acquitted him for lack of jurisdiction. In 2009, he was accused of spending public funds to buy private homes for certain people. In April 2010, he was acquitted. In May 2010, a third indictment for Čović and six other persons was confirmed by the Court of the Herzegovina-Neretva Canton, this time for abuse of power and position. In May 2012, he was acquitted.

Education and managerial career
Čović attended elementary school and technical high school of mechanical engineering in Mostar until 1975. He graduated as a mechanical engineer from the Faculty of Engineering at the University Džemal Bijedić of Mostar in 1979.

In 1980, he joined the aircraft manufacturer SOKO in Mostar, where he worked in the technology and control sections. From 1986 to 1992, Čović was a manager at SOKO, including as director of business unit, director of production and vice president for industrialization. From 1992 until 1998, he took over as director-general of SOKO.

Čović gained a master's degree in 1989 at the Faculty of Engineering in Mostar, and, from 1989 to 1991, he attended studies of management at the Faculty of Economy at the University of Sarajevo. He obtained a PhD from the University of Mostar in 1996.

From 1994 to 1996, he taught Economics and Organization of Production as a senior assistant at the Faculty of Engineering in Mostar, after which he was named assistant professor and taught Development of Production Systems. Four years later, Čović became an associate professor and in 2004 he was a full professor at the University of Mostar. He worked at the Faculty of Economy in Mostar, and also in regular and postgraduate studies. In 2007, he became visiting professor at the University of Mostar's Faculty of Philosophy, and in 2014 member of the Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Early political career
In 1994, Čović joined the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ BiH). Two years later, he became a member of the cantonal committee of the HDZ BiH. In 1997, he became the president of the city committee of the HDZ BiH in Mostar.

In 1998, Čović became vice president of the HDZ BiH, while in 2002, he became the party's presidency member. In 2005, he was elected HDZ BiH president. From 1998 to 2001, Čović served as the Federal Minister of Finance. From 10 January 2001 to 12 March 2001, he served as Acting Prime Minister of the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina, succeeding the Party of Democratic Action's Edhem Bičakčić. Čović served as Acting Prime Minister for two months, before he himself was succeeded by Alija Behmen of the Social Democratic Party.

First presidency (2002–2005)
At the 2002 general election, Čović was elected member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina with 114,606 votes. He served as Presidency member until 29 March 2005, when he was removed from office by the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina, Paddy Ashdown, for abuse of power and position.

Post-presidency (2005–2014)

Since 2005, Čović has been President of the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ BiH).

In May 2011, he became a member of the national House of Peoples and in February 2012, he was named Chairman of the House of Peoples. Čović would chair the House once more in 2014. In 2011, he was also appointed President of the Croatian National Assembly.

During the numerous failed negotiations to implement the 2009 ECtHR Sejdić-Finci judgment, Čović has been singled out by analysts as blocking a solution, maintaining that Bosnian Croats must be able to elect their own member in the Presidency.

Prud Agreement
Together with the leaders of the three most important 'nationalist' political parties in Bosnia and Herzegovina, who acted as representatives of the constituent peoples, Milorad Dodik of the Alliance of Independent Social Democrats (SNSD) and Sulejman Tihić of the Party of Democratic Action, Čović created the Prud Agreement or Prud Process, an agreement that pertained to state property, census, constitutional changes, reconstructing the Council of Ministers of Bosnia and Herzegovina and solving the legal status of Brčko District. The agreement was created in the village of Prud on 8 November 2008. The reforms promised by the agreement would "build the ability of the State to meet the requirements of the EU integration process".

At a subsequent meeting in Banja Luka on 26 January 2009, the party leaders set out a plan for Bosnia and Herzegovina as a decentralized country with three levels of government. The middle level of government was anticipated to be made up of four territorial units with legislative, executive and judicial branches of government.

Controversy surrounded the creation of a third entity, Republika Srpska’s territorial integrity, and the division of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

A further meeting was held in Mostar on 23 February 2009, hosted by Čović.

On 20 July 2009, the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina, Valentin Inzko suggested that the process between the three 'nationalist' parties had effectively ended. Instead, it had changed into a process involving many more political parties. Inzko believed that minor-level constitutional reform could be delivered through the meetings.

When the Prud process failed, Milorad Dodik and his SNSD party became close partners to Čović's HDZ BiH party.

2010–2012 government formation

Following the 2010 general election, a process of formation of Bosnia and Herzegovina's Council of Ministers (i.e. the national government) began. The resulting election produced a fragmented political landscape without a coalition of a parliamentary majority more than a year after the election. The centre-left Social Democratic Party (SDP BiH), and the Bosnian Serb autonomist SNSD, each had 8 MPs of the total 42 MPs of the House of Representatives.

The major Croat (HDZ BiH and HDZ 1990) and Serb parties (SNSD and SDS) contended that a gentlemen's agreement existed in which the chairmanship of the Council of Ministers rotates between the three constitutional nationalities. In this case, it would be the turn of a Croat politician to chair the Council. As the Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ BiH), led by Čović, and the Croatian Democratic Union 1990 (HDZ 1990) received the overwhelming share of Croat votes at the 2010 general election, the parties demanded that a member of one of them receive the position of Chairman. The SDP BiH on the other hand, claimed that the only necessity is the ethnicity of the individual, and not the party, demanding the right to appoint a Croat Chairman from SDP BiH ranks, calling upon the right of having assumed most votes nationwide.

The European Union and the Office of the High Representative repeatedly attempted negotiations to appease the Bosniak–Bosnian and Serb–Croat divided political blocs, in parallel to the Bosnian constitutional crisis, all ending in failure. The Bosniak-Bosnian coalition insisted that the seat would have to go to them as the party that received the largest number of votes, while the Serb–Croat alliance insisted that due to the fact that according to tradition, the next Chairman of the Council of Ministers must be an ethnic Croat, it must come from an authentic Croat party (Croatian Democratic Union), and not the multi-ethnic SDP BiH.

A round of talks between party leaders was held in Mostar on 5 September 2011, hosted by Croat politicians Božo Ljubić and Čović, with Milorad Dodik, Mladen Bosić, Sulejman Tihić and Zlatko Lagumdžija in attendance. The parties agreed to a further round of discussion in mid-September. A meeting between the six major party leaders was held in Sarajevo on 15 September, hosted by Zlatko Lagumdžija. Topics discussed at the meeting included holding a national census, military assets and the Sejdić-Finci ruling. On the same day, an EU spokesperson warned that the country risked losing funding through the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance if the political situation did not stabilize. Another meeting on 26 September 2011 failed as well.

An agreement was finally reached on 28 December 2011 between the six political parties: the Social Democratic Party, the Party of Democratic Action (SDA), the Croatian Democratic Union, the Croatian Democratic Union 1990, the Serb Democratic Party and the Alliance of Independent Social Democrats. Vjekoslav Bevanda, a Bosnian Croat, became the new Chairman of the Council of Ministers.

Constitutional reform

As “credible efforts” towards the implementation of the Sejdić–Finci ruling remained the outstanding condition for the entry into force of the Stabilisation and Association Agreement, in June 2012, Czech Commissioner Štefan Füle launched a High Level Dialogue on the Accession Process (HLAD) with Bosnia and Herzegovina, tackling both the Sejdić–Finci issue and the need for a coordination mechanism for the country to speak with a single voice in the accession process. Talks were held in June and November 2012, with little success.

In the summer of 2012, Čović and SDP BiH leader Lagumdžija agreed on the indirect election of the Bosnian Presidency members by the Bosnian Parliament, but the deal was not turned into detailed amendments. The HDZ BiH kept calling for electoral reform to prevent new Komšić cases. The same Željko Komšić left the SDP BiH, in dissent with the agreement which would have excluded him from acceding to power again. The SDA also opposed it, as it would have created a further asymmetry, with one Presidency member (from Republika Srpska) elected directly, and two elected indirectly.

In February 2013, the European Commission decided to step up its involvement, with the direct facilitation of talks by Füle, in coordination with the Council of Europe's Secretary-General Thorbjørn Jagland. In March and April 2013, with the support of the Director-General for Enlargement Stefano Sannino, the EU Delegation in Sarajevo facilitated a series of direct talks between party leaders, with no concrete outcome.

During the summer of 2013, Čović and Bosnian Presidency member Bakir Izetbegović reached a political agreement on several files, from Mostar to Sejdić–Finci, in parallel to the initiative led by the U.S. Embassy for a constitutional reform of the Federal entity. An agreement on principles on how to solve the Sejdić–Finci issue was signed by political leaders in Brussels on 1 October 2013, but it evaporated right after. Three further rounds of negotiations among political leaders were led together with Štefan Füle, in a castle near Prague in November 2013, and later in Sarajevo in the first months of 2014, also with the presence of the U.S. and the Venice Commission. Despite high hopes, a solution could not be found, as the HDZ BiH required the absolute arithmetical certainty of being able to occupy the third seat of the Bosnian Presidency – which, given that the Sejdić–Finci ruling was actually about removing ethnic discrimination in the access to the same Presidency, could not be provided by any possible model. Talks were ended on 17 February 2014, while popular protests were ongoing in Sarajevo and in the rest of the country.

Second presidency (2014–2018)

At the 2014 general election, Čović was re-elected as Croat member of the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina. He chaired the Presidency between November 2015 and March 2016, during which period on 15 February 2016, Bosnia and Herzegovina submitted its EU membership application. Čović held again the chair of the Presidency in the July–November 2017 period.

On 7 June 2015, he met with Pope Francis in Sarajevo, as part of the Popes's 2015 papal visit to Bosnia and Herzegovina.

At the 2018 general election, Čović lost his bid for re-election as Croat member of the Bosnian Presidency to Željko Komšić (former member of the Presidency from 2006 until 2014). He and the HDZ BiH accused Komšić of garnering support from Bosniak rather than Croat voters and thus not being a legitimate representative of Bosnian Croats in the country's Presidency.

Investigations and indictments

In November 2006, Čović was sentenced to five years in prison for exempting the Ivanković-Lijanović company from paying taxes on meat imports. The Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, on appeal, annulled the sentence and acquitted him for lack of jurisdiction.

In 2009, Čović was accused of spending public funds to buy private homes for certain people. In April 2010, he was acquitted.

On 14 May 2010, a third indictment for Čović and six other persons was confirmed by the Court of the Herzegovina-Neretva Canton, this time for abuse of power and position. He and other committee members of the Croatian Post and Telecom (HPT) were accused of transferring a debt of nearly 4,7 million convertible marks from the non-existing Ministry of Defence of the Croatian Defence Council to three private companies. By receiving the debt, those three companies became owners of shares in HT Eronet, the most profitable telecommunicational section of the HPT. At the time, Čović was Federal Minister of Finance and president of the Steering Committee of the HPT. The Court of the HNC asked that this case be brought in front of the Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but the Federal Supreme Court ruled the case had to be tried in Mostar. In May 2012, Čović was acquitted.

In March 2021, Čović was sanctioned by the Conflict of Interest Commission of Bosnia and Herzegovina with a reduction of 10% of his parliamentary salary for violation of the Law on Conflict of Interest, as in 2017 he received double compensation, both as a member of the national House of Peoples and of the Croatian National Assembly.

Personal life
Čović is married to Bernardica Prskalo and together they have two children.

On 19 July 2020, it was confirmed that he tested positive for COVID-19, amid its pandemic in Bosnia and Herzegovina; by 4 August, he had recovered.

title: Dragan Čović


text:
Stanisław Kasznica

Stanisław Józef Bronisław Kasznica (July 25, 1908 – May 12, 1948) was the last commander of the National Armed Forces (NSZ), an anti-communist, and anti-Nazi paramilitary organization, which was part of the Polish resistance movement in World War II and in the period following it.

He was born in Lwów, and his father, Stanisław Wincenty Antoni Kasznica, was rector and professor of the Poznań University in Greater Poland. During World War II he initially fought in the Polish Army, joining the National Armed Forces resistance group after the defeat of Polish military. After the war he did not cease the fight for Poland's freedom and fought with the NSZ against the Soviet-installed communist regime.

He was arrested by the Polish communist secret police, the Urząd Bezpieczeństwa, in February 1947, tortured and condemned to death by a communist Polish court. He was executed on May 12, 1948, in the Warsaw Mokotów Prison. His symbolic grave is located at Warsaw Powązki Cemetery.

Kasznica used numerous nom de guerres, including Stanisław Wąsacz, Wąsowski, Przepona, Służa, Maszkowski, and Borowski.

Honours and awards

 * Silver Cross of Virtuti Militari
 * Grand Cross of the Order of Polonia Restituta (posthumously, 2009)
 * Cross of Valour
 * Cross of the National Armed Deed (posthumously, 1993)
 * Silver Cross of the National Deed Armed with Swords (1944)

title: Stanisław Kasznica


text:
NSZ

NSZ can refer to:

 * Nanking Safety Zone, a demilitarized area in Nanking, China in 1937-1938
 * Narodowe Siły Zbrojne (National Armed Forces), World War II resistance movement in Poland

title: NSZ


text:
President of Gabon

The president of Gabon (Président du Gabon) is the head of state of Gabon. A total of three people have served as president (not counting two acting presidents) since the post was formed in 1960.

The current transitional president, Brice Oligui, took power in a coup on 30 August 2023 from Ali Bongo.

Election
The president of the republic is elected for a presidential term of seven (7) years, by universal and direct suffrage. The president is re-electable. There was a two-term limit for the president in the Constitution of Gabon. This limit was lifted for Omar Bongo in 2003.

The election is won by the candidate who obtains the largest number of votes.

All Gabonese citizens, male and female, who are at least forty (40) years old, have resided in Gabon for at least twelve (12) months, and who enjoy their full civil and political rights are eligible to run for the seat of the presidency.

The Constitutional Court may extend the provisioned time periods conforming to Article 11 below, but the elections may not take place more than thirty-five (35) days after the date of the decision of the Constitutional Court.

If an application of the policies in the present paragraphs postpones the election to a date beyond the last day in office of the current president, the president will remain in office until the election of the successor.

The ways and means by which the present article may be applied are fixed by organic law.

The presidential term begins on the day he presents himself for the presidential oath and finishes at the end of the seventh year following his election.

The election of the president of the republic takes place at least a month and at most two months before the end of the previous president's term.

A current president may not shorten his or her term in any manner to run for another term.

If the current president of the republic runs for the next presidential term, the National Assembly of Gabon may not be dissolved. The president may also not exercise his power to legislate by ordinance from the moment he announces his candidacy up to the election. In cases of necessity, Parliament may convene in an extraordinary session.

Oath of office
The presidential oath marks the beginning of the presidential term. It may not take place before the Constitutional Court's decision to proclaim the official election results.

At the moment of the president's entry into office, the president of the republic will solemnly take the oath below, before the Parliament and the Constitutional Court, the left hand on the Constitution, and the other hand raised before the national flag:

"I promise to devote all my energies to the good of the Gabonese people, to assure their well-being and to protect them from all misfortune, to respect and defend the Constitution and the State of law, to fulfill conscientiously the duties of my position and to be just to all."

Vacancy
In case of a vacancy of the presidential office for whatever reason, or a permanent impairment of the current president, affirmed by the Constitutional Court called upon by the government through an absolute majority of its members, or failing that, by the bureaus of the two chambers of Parliament with a majority of their members, the president of the Senate will temporarily exercise the duties of the president of the republic, or in case of permanent impairment of the president of the Senate, affirmed by the Constitutional Court called upon in the same conditions, the first vice-president of the Senate will temporarily carry out the duties of the presidential office.

The authority that assumes the presidential office in the interim will be temporarily invested with the full duties and powers of the president of the republic, to the exclusion of certain duties and powers provisioned by Articles 18, 19, and the first paragraph of 116. The temporary president may not present him or herself as a candidate of the next presidential election.

Before his or her entry into office, the authority concerned will take the oath of office according to the conditions of Article 12 above.

In the case of a vacancy, or if the president's impairment is declared permanent by the Constitutional Court, the polls for the election of the new president, excluding cases of emergency announced by the Constitutional Court, will take place at least thirty (30) days or at most sixty (60) days after the beginning of the vacancy or the declaration of a permanent impairment of the president.

List of officeholders
{{legend||Gabonese Democratic Bloc (BDG) → Gabonese Democratic Party (PDG)|border=1px solid #AAAAAA}} {{legend||Democratic and Republican Alliance (ADERE)|border=1px solid #AAAAAA}}
 * Political parties

{{legend||Military|border=1px solid #AAAAAA}}
 * Other factions

{{legend|#E6E6AA|Denotes acting or transitional president}}
 * Status

Died in office
 * Symbols

title: President of Gabon


text:
Talk:A fortiori

untitled
What was the source for this sentence?

"One might say we are sometimes deceived by tricks of light, so we should not always unquestioningly accept what we think we see as truth, a fortiori we can not trust absolutely the testimony of others, since they could also be so deceived, but beyond that they may have some reason to lie."

redirect
Current version of the article is little more than a dictionary definition. I have redirected to List of Latin phrases. If/when someone has enough more to say to turn this into a full stand-alone article, please revert this redirect to the prior version. Rossami 21:34, 1 Jun 2004 (UTC)

title: Talk:A fortiori


text:
Ignacy Oziewicz

Ignacy Oziewicz, pseudonyms: "Czesław", "Czesławski", "Netta", "Jenczewski" (7 May 1887 – 10 January 1966) was a colonel of the Polish Army and a commandant of the National Armed Forces from 1942 to 1943.

Early life and military career
Oziewicz was born on 7 May 1887 in the village of Linkmenys, near Švenčionys, Russian Empire (current Lithuania). After graduation from a Vilnius high school (1907), he voluntarily joined the Imperial Russian Army. In 1911, he graduated from a Military School in Vilna, and during World War I was an officer of the 103rd Infantry Regiment, part of 26th Infantry Division. Between April and October 1917, he served in 193rd Infantry Division, leaving the Russian army after the October Revolution. Between October 1917 and late 1918, Oziewicz managed real estate in Podolia.

In February 1919, Oziewicz joined the Polish Army. In October of that year, he was named commandant of 41st Infantry Regiment, and on 20 August 1920, he became commandant of 17th Infantry Regiment. In October 1925, he was named commandant of 76th Lida Infantry Regiment, stationed at Grodno. On 16 March 1927, President Ignacy Mościcki, upon a request of Minister of Military Affairs Józef Piłsudski, promoted him to Colonel. In 1935, Oziewicz was transferred to 16th Pomeranian Infantry Division, stationed in Grudziądz, where he commanded infantry. On 25 October 1938 he was appointed commandant of 29th Grodno Infantry Division.

World War II
During the 1939 German Invasion of Poland, he commanded the 29th Grodno Infantry Division. After breaking it, he managed to get to Lithuania, where he was interned. He escaped and returned to occupied Poland.

From 1941 to 1942, he was deputy of the Commander-in-Chief and head of the operational department of the National Military Organization (NOW). Oziewicz did not accept the decision to merge this organization with the Home Army (AK) because he considered it politically controlled by the Sanation. In the summer of 1942, he headed the split in NOW. He began to form the National Armed Forces (NSZ). On 20 September 1942, he became the first commandant of the NSZ.

He attempted to communicate with general Stefan Rowecki to include NSZ in the Home Army. On 9 June 1943, he was arrested by the Gestapo and imprisoned in Pawiak prison. In October of the same year, he was sent to Auschwitz concentration camp. In January 1945 he was evacuated to Flossenbürg concentration camp.

Post-war life
After being released by the United States Army in April 1945, Oziewicz was in Allied-occupied Germany. Then he moved to France, where he became active in Polish émigré social organizations. He was the representative of the NSZ community before the Home Army Verification Commission in London. In July 1949 he became the president of the "Ogniwo" organization founded in France.

In 1958 Oziewicz returned to the Poland. He settled with his family in Gdynia. He died in 1966, due to leukemia.

Honours and awards

 * Virtuti Militari, Silver Cross
 * Cross of Valour, 4 times
 * Officer's Cross of the Order of Polonia Restituta
 * Gold Cross of Merit

title: Ignacy Oziewicz


text:
Mireya Moscoso

Mireya Elisa Moscoso Rodríguez (born 1 July 1946) is a Panamanian politician who served as the President of Panama from 1999 to 2004. She is the country's first and to date only female president.

Born into a rural family, Moscoso became active in the 1968 presidential campaign of three-time president Arnulfo Arias, following and marrying him when he went into exile after a military coup. After his death in 1988, she assumed control of his coffee business and later his political party, the Arnulfista Party (PA). During the 1994 general elections for the presidency, she narrowly lost to the Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) candidate Ernesto Pérez Balladares by 4% of the vote. In the 1999 general election, she defeated the PRD candidate Martín Torrijos by 7% to become Panama's first female president.

During her tenure in office, she presided over the handover of the Panama Canal from the US to Panama and the economic downturn that resulted from the loss of US personnel. Hobbled by new spending restrictions passed by the opposition-controlled Legislative Assembly, and her administration's corruption scandals, she had difficulty passing her legislative initiatives. Her popularity declined, and her party's candidate José Miguel Alemán lost to the PRD's Torrijos in the subsequent general elections to succeed her.

Background
Moscoso was born on 1 July 1946 into a poor family in Pedasí, Panama, as the youngest of six children. Her schoolteacher father died when she was ten, and Moscoso began working as a secretary upon completing her high school education. She joined the 1968 presidential campaign of Arnulfo Arias; Arias had already served two partial terms as president, both times being deposed by the Panamanian military. He won the presidency but was again deposed by the military, this time after only eleven days in office.

Arias went into exile in Miami, Florida, in the US, and Moscoso followed, marrying him the subsequent year. She was 23, and he was 67. During this period, Moscoso studied interior design at Miami-Dade Community College. After Arias' 1988 death, she inherited his coffee business. On 29 September 1991, almost two years after the US invasion of Panama that overthrew Manuel Noriega, she became president of her late husband's Arnulfista Party.

Also in 1991, Moscoso married businessman Richard Gruber. The couple adopted a son, Ricardo (born c. 1992). Moscoso and Gruber divorced in 1997.

Presidential campaigns
In 1994, Moscoso ran as the presidential candidate of her deceased husband's Arnulfista Party (PA) in the general election, seeking to succeed PA president Guillermo Endara. Her main rivals were Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) candidate Ernesto Pérez Balladares and salsa singer Rubén Blades, who was then president of the party Papa Egoro. Moscoso and Blades sought to emphasize Pérez Balladares' connection with military ruler Manuel Noriega, broadcasting pictures of the two together, while Pérez Balladares worked to position himself as a successor to military ruler Omar Torrijos, who was regarded as a national hero. Moscoso's campaign, meanwhile, was hindered by public dissatisfaction with the perceived incompetence and corruption of Endara's government. Pérez Balladares ultimately won the election with 33% of the vote, with Moscoso receiving 29% and Blades receiving 17%.

Moscoso was named the PA candidate again in the 2 May 1999, general election. Her main opponent this time was Martín Torrijos, Omar Torrijos' son, named to represent the PRD after the failure of a constitutional referendum that would have allowed Pérez Balladares to run for a second term. Torrijos was selected in part to try to win back left-leaning voters after the privatizations and union restrictions instituted by Pérez Balladares. Moscoso ran on a populist platform, beginning many of her speeches with the Latin phrase "Vox populi, vox Dei" ("the voice of the people is the voice of God"), previously used by Arias to begin his own speeches. She pledged to support education, reduce poverty, and slow the pace of privatization. While Torrijos ran in large part on his father's memory—including using the campaign slogan "Omar lives" —Moscoso evoked that of her dead husband, leading Panamanians to joke that the election was a race between "two corpses". Torrijos allies also criticized Moscoso for her lack of government experience or college degree. However, unlike in 1994, it was now the PRD that was hampered by the scandals of the previous administration, and Moscoso defeated Torrijos with 45% of the vote to 37%.

Presidency (1999–2004)

Moscoso took office on 1 September 1999. Because she was divorced when she assumed the presidency, her older sister Ruby Moscoso de Young served as her First Lady.

Facing a PRD-controlled Legislative Assembly, Moscoso was limited in her ability to make new policy. She was also hampered by strict new restraints Pérez Balladares had passed on spending public money in the final days of his term, targeted specifically at her administration.

On 31 December 1999, Moscoso oversaw the handover of the Panama Canal from the US to Panama under the Torrijos–Carter Treaties. Her government then faced the challenge of cleaning up environmental problems in the Canal Zone, where the US Army had long tested bombs, biological agents, and chemical weapons. Remaining issues included lead contamination, unexploded munitions, and stockpiles of depleted uranium. Though Moscoso fired all of Pérez Balladares' appointments from the Panama Canal Authority and appointed supermarket magnate (and future president) Ricardo Martinelli as its head, the Authority retained its autonomy from her administration. At the same time, Panama's economy began to struggle due to the loss of income from American canal personnel.

Moscoso worked to end Panama's role in international crime, passing new laws against money laundering and supporting tax transparency. The legislation allowed Panama to be removed from international lists of tax havens. Meanwhile, violent crime rose sharply during Moscoso's tenure. In September 2000, under pressure from the US and some Latin American governments, Moscoso's government gave temporary asylum to former Peruvian spy chief Vladimiro Montesinos, who had fled Peru after being videotaped bribing a member of its congress.

In December 2000, human remains were discovered at a Panamanian National Guard base, incorrectly believed to be those of Jesús Héctor Gallego Herrera, a priest murdered during the Omar Torrijos dictatorship. Moscoso appointed a truth commission to investigate the site and those at other bases. The commission faced opposition from the PRD-controlled National Assembly, who slashed its funding, and from PRD's president Balbina Herrera, who threatened to seek legal action against the president for its creation. It ultimately reported on 110 of the 148 cases it examined, of which 40 had disappeared and 70 were known to be murdered. The report concluded that the Noriega government had engaged in "torture [and] cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment", and recommended further exhumation and investigation.

During her term, Moscoso was often accused of nepotism for her administrative appointments and faced several corruption scandals, such as the unexplained gift of US$146,000 in watches to Legislative Assembly members. By 2001, her second year in office, Moscoso's approval rating had fallen to 23%, due to corruption scandals and concern for the economy. That year, she attempted to pass a tax reform package through the Legislative Assembly, but the proposal was opposed by both the private sector and organized labor. In 2003, the US ambassador publicly criticized Moscoso for the growth of corruption during her term. By the end of her term, her presidency was "criticized as rife with corruption and incompetence" and "widely regarded as weak and ineffectual".

She was criticized in 2004 when the press revealed that she had spent hundreds of thousands of dollars at public expense on luxury clothing and jewelry during her presidency.

Herself barred by the Constitution of Panama from a second consecutive term, Moscoso was succeeded by her former rival Martín Torrijos in the 2004 election. Shortly before leaving office, Moscoso sparked controversy by pardoning four men—Luis Posada Carriles, Gaspar Jiménez, Pedro Remon, and Guillermo Novo Sampol—who had been convicted of plotting to assassinate Cuban president Fidel Castro during a 2000 visit to Panama. Cuba broke off diplomatic relations with the country, and Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez recalled the nation's ambassador. Moscoso stated that the pardons had been motivated by her mistrust of Torrijos, saying, "I knew that if these men stayed here, they would be extradited to Cuba and Venezuela, and there they were surely going to kill them there." Moscoso also issued pardons to 87 journalists for defamation convictions dating back as far as 14 years. On 2 July 2008, all of the 180 pardons Moscoso had issued were overturned as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court.

Post-presidency
During the Torrijos presidency, Moscoso remained an active member of the opposition. In September 2007, she criticized the appointment as the head of the National Assembly of PRD politician Pedro Miguel González, who was wanted in the US for the murder of US Army sergeant Zak Hernández. In the same year, she joined Endara and Pérez Balladares in lobbying the Organization of American States to investigate the Hugo Chávez government's refusal to renew the broadcasting license of opposition station Radio Caracas Televisión Internacional in Venezuela.

Since leaving office, Moscoso has also served as a member of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars' Council of Women World Leaders,  a network intended "to promote good governance and enhance the experience of democracy globally by increasing the number, effectiveness, and visibility of women who lead at the highest levels in their countries."

Foreign honours

 * Italy
 * Two Sicilian Royal Family: Knight Grand Cross of the Two Sicilian Royal Sacred Military Constantinian Order of Saint George, Special Class
 * Monaco: Knight Grand Cross of the Order of Saint-Charles

title: Mireya Moscoso


text:
Tadeusz Kurcyusz

Tadeusz Kurcyusz (pseudonyms: Fiszer, gen. Mars, Morski, Żegota) (15 October 1881, Warsaw - 22 or 23 April 1944) was a colonel of the Polish Army. He was in command of the National Armed Forces (NSZ) from August 1, 1943 until his death in April 1944. He was posthumously given the rank of Brigadier General.

title: Tadeusz Kurcyusz


text:
List of heads of state of the Gambia

This is a list of the heads of state of The Gambia, from the independence of The Gambia in 1965 to the present day.

From 1965 to 1970 the head of state under the Constitution of 1965 was the queen of the Gambia, Elizabeth II, who was also the queen of the United Kingdom and the other Commonwealth realms. The monarch was represented in the Gambia by a governor-general. The Gambia became a republic within the Commonwealth under the Constitution of 1970 and the monarch and governor-general were replaced by an executive president.

Monarch (1965–1970)
The succession to the throne was the same as the succession to the British throne.

Governor-general
The governor-general was the representative of the monarch in the Gambia and exercised most of the powers of the monarch. The governor-general was appointed for an indefinite term, serving at the pleasure of the monarch. Since the Gambia was granted independence by the Gambia Independence Act 1964, rather than being first established as a semi-autonomous dominion and later promoted to independence as defined by the Statute of Westminster 1931, the governor-general was to be always appointed solely on the advice of the Cabinet of the Gambia without the involvement of the British government, with the sole exception of John Paul, the former colonial governor, who served as governor-general temporarily until he was replaced by Farimang Mamadi Singateh. In the event of a vacancy the chief justice would have served as the officer administering the government.

Republic (1970–present)
{{legend||People's Progressive Party (PPP)|border=1px solid #AAAAAA}} {{legend||Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC)|border=1px solid #AAAAAA}} {{legend||National People's Party (NPP)|border=1px solid #AAAAAA}}
 * Political parties

{{legend||Military|border=1px solid #AAAAAA}} {{legend||Independent|border=1px solid #AAAAAA}}
 * Other factions

First Republic (1970–1994)
Under the Constitution of 1970, the first constitution of the Republic of the Gambia, the president replaced the monarch as executive head of state. The president was elected by the National Assembly for a five-year term. In the event of a vacancy the vice-president served as acting president.

Military rule (1994–1996)
Colonel Yahya Jammeh led a coup d'état which overthrew President Jawara and his government, all political parties and Parliament were dissolved.

Second Republic (1996–present)
Under the current constitution of the Republic of The Gambia, the president is executive head of state. The president is elected by popular vote for a five-year term. In the event of a vacancy, the vice-president will serve as acting president.

title: List of heads of state of the Gambia


text:
West Slavic

West Slavic may refer to:

 * West Slavic languages, one of three branches of the Slavic languages
 * West Slavs, a subgroup of Slavic peoples who speak the West Slavic languages

title: West Slavic


text:
Zeppelin mail

Zeppelin mail was mail carried on zeppelins, the German airships that saw civilian use from 1908 to 1939. Almost every zeppelin flight carried mail, sometimes in large quantities; the covers usually received special postmarks, and a number of nations issued postage stamps specifically intended for use on mail carried by the zeppelins.

First period, 1908 to 1914
The first zeppelin to carry mail was LZ 4, in July 1908, followed shortly by LZ 3. The early flights did not use any special markings; the first was an oval reading "LUFTSCHIFF / SIGNALPOST" around the edge and "Z III" in the center, used on LZ 6 (Z 3) from August to October 1909. By 1911 a number of different postmarks were in use; a typical example was a circle reading "AN BORD DES / ZEPPELIN / LUFTSCHIFFES", with a date in the center and the name of the zeppelin at bottom. These were actually applied on board the zeppelin while in flight, at a small postal station.

The zeppelins were taken into military service in 1914, and thereafter did not carry civilian mail, although military commanders had special handstamps applied to their mail.

Inter-war period, 1919 to 1939
In late 1919, LZ 120 Bodensee resumed flights and mail carriage, using postmarks much as before the war, until 1921 when it was given to Italy as a war reparation. LZ 126 carried mail briefly in 1924 before it was delivered to the United States and renamed the Los Angeles (ZR-3). The Los Angeles carried mail between Lakehurst, New Jersey, Bermuda, and Mayagüez, Puerto Rico, several times.

LZ 127 Graf Zeppelin had a long and celebrated career. Within weeks of its first flight in September 1928, the Graf Zeppelin carried the first airmail to go directly from Germany to the US and vice versa. Germany issued special 2-mark and 4-mark stamps for the occasion. On the return trip, the zeppelin carried almost 52,000 postcards and 50,000 letters. In 1929, Graf Zeppelin circled the globe, with stops in Tokyo and Los Angeles. By the time it was taken out of service in June 1937, the zeppelin had made 590 flights, each flight carrying up to 12 tons of mail to and from dozens of countries around the world.

Although LZ 129 Hindenburg is most famous for its fiery end, for the 14 months of its existence, it carried considerable amounts of mail overseas, and many of those are readily available today. Most of the 17,609 pieces of mail on the last flight were destroyed in the fire, but a handful were recovered, and today they are highly prized crash covers.

The LZ 130 Graf Zeppelin II was the last of the zeppelins to carry mail; it was in civilian service for only a few months, from October 1938 to August 1939, and made only 30 trips, all within Germany.

Zeppelin stamps
Zeppelin stamps were issued by a few countries to pay the postage for mail carried on Zeppelin flights during the late 1920s and early 1930s when Zeppelins flew passengers and mail from Germany to other countries and on return flights. Some stamps were regular issues overprinted while other were specially designed.

Notes, references and sources

 * Notes

 * References

 * Sources
 * Zeppelinpost Spezial-Katalog (Sieger) (in German)

title: Zeppelin mail


text:
Hao Lulu

Hao Lulu (, born 9 January 1979) is a Manchu Chinese woman who has become well known for having undergone extensive cosmetic surgery in 2003 to alter her appearance, tagged "The Artificial Beauty" (人造美女).

Early years and education
Born in Beijing, Hao entered the China University of Geosciences in 1999. After graduation in 2001, she studied for a master's degree in gemology in the United Kingdom until 2003.

Career
She became a freelance fashion writer briefly until July 19, 2003, to August 14, 2003, when she started a series of operations to modify her eyes, nose, chin, breasts, abdomen, buttocks, legs, and skin, at just 24 years old.

In before-and-after photographs widely circulated in the media, her appearance was indeed radically altered, in particular her eyes, which were given double eyelids to give her a more occidental appearance (see Asian blepharoplasty). The color of her skin was also lightened.

The transformation of Lulu, the "Beauty Dreamwork Project" (治造美人), was organized by EverCare (伊美尔), a Beijing cosmetic surgery clinic, to promote its business, which had been languishing in the aftermath of the SARS epidemic. Evercare organized a press conference around Lulu to promote the company's cosmetic surgery services. The clinic came out with numerous ads, that claimed they have the confidence and capacity to help Chinese women create new physiques through the use of advanced technologies and surgical skills. After her surgeries, Hào then worked as a spokesperson for the cosmetic surgery clinic that transformed her body.

The company's actions have been criticized in China by doctors, who deplored it as a publicity stunt. However, it led to a great upsurge in interest in cosmetic surgery among China's nouveau riche. After her transformation, news stories on body alternations increased tremendously in China's mainstream media, marginalized tabloids, and cyberspace, from a number of different beauty companies.

Diary
Hao's diary, published on the clinic's website, stated the pain and numbness she felt after certain procedures. She also constantly expressed her wish to go home tomorrow, where "freedom" is. In the second last entry, she concluded, however, that all pain is gone and that it was such a relief: "How wonderful all these things are; I have no regret for my very first choice!" (这一切是多么的美好，我无悔我最初的选择！)

title: Hao Lulu


text:
Festus Mogae

Festus Gontebanye Mogae (born 21 August 1939) is a Botswana politician and economist who served as the third President of Botswana from 1998 to 2008. He succeeded Quett Masire as President in 1998 and was re-elected in October 2004; after ten years in office. He stepped down in 2008 and was succeeded by Lieutenant General Seretse Khama Ian Khama.

Early life
Mogae studied economics in the United Kingdom, first at University College, Oxford, and then at the University of Sussex. He returned to Botswana to work as a civil servant before taking up posts with the International Monetary Fund and the Bank of Botswana. He later then served as the governor of Bank of Botswana from 1980 to 1981. He served as the Minister of Finance from 1989 to 1998. He was Vice-President of Botswana from 1991 to 1998.

Presidency
Mogae's party, the Botswana Democratic Party (BDP), retained power in the October 1999 general election, and Mogae was sworn in for a five-year term on 20 October 1999 by Chief Justice Julian Nganunu at the National Stadium in Gaborone. On this occasion, he vowed to focus on the fight against poverty and unemployment.

Following the BDP's victory in the October 2004 general election, Mogae was sworn in for another term on 2 November 2004. Mogae promised to tackle poverty and unemployment, as well as the spread of HIV-AIDS, which he pledged to stop in Botswana by 2016.

On 14 July 2007, Mogae affirmed his intention to resign nine months later. He stepped down as President on 1 April 2008 and was succeeded by Vice-President Lieutenant General Seretse Khama Ian Khama.

Post-presidency
Mogae currently serves as Special Envoy of the United Nations Secretary-General on Climate Change. In 2010, he joined the advisory board of US nonprofit TeachAids. He also currently serves as chairman of the Choppies supermarket group where he earned Pula 529,000 in 2011.

In 2013, along with former President Benjamin Mkapa of Tanzania, Mogae co-chaired a sustainable development symposium, hosted by the UONGOZI Institute in collaboration with Club de Madrid, organisation of which Mkapa was also a member.

Personal life
Festus Mogae married Barbara Mogae in 1967. They have three daughters, born between 1969 and 1987: Nametso, Chedza and Boikaego.

Honours and awards
Mogae was awarded the Grand Cross of the Légion d'honneur by French President Nicolas Sarkozy on 20 March 2008 for his "exemplary leadership" in making Botswana a "model" of democracy and good governance.

 * Presidential Order of Honour of Botswana (1989)
 * Officier de I’Order Nationale D’e Cote d’Ivoire (1979)
 * Honorary Degree of Doctor of Laws – University of Botswana (September 1998)
 * I’Order Nationale du Mali and the HATAB's Award for Outstanding Contribution to Botswana's Tourism Industry (1997)
 * the Global Marketplace Award by the Corporate Council on Africa - Houston, USA (May 1999)
 * Honorary Fellowship of the Botswana Institute of Bankers – Gaborone, Botswana (July 1999)
 * Distinguished Achievement Award for AIDS Leadership in Southern Africa by the Medunsa Trust - Washington DC, USA (June 2000)
 * AIDS Leadership Award by Harvard AIDS Institute – Gaborone (December 2001)
 * 2002 Congressional Black Caucus Annual Legislative Conference Weekend Chairman's Award – Washington D.C., USA (September 2002)
 * Africa-America Institute National Leadership Award – New York, USA (September 2002)
 * Honorary Fellow – University College Oxford (2003)
 * The Knight Commander of the Most Courteous Order of the Kingdom of Lesotho – Maseru, Lesotho (April 2004)
 * The Baylor International Pediatric AIDS Initiative (BIPAI) International Leadership Award – Gaborone (October 2004)
 * The Golden Plate Award by the Academy of Achievement - New York, USA (June 2005)
 * The Pan African Tsetse and Tryponofomiasis (PATTEC) by the African Union – Addis Ababa, Ethiopia (January 2007)
 * Doctorate of Humanity by the University of Limkokwing, Gaborone Botswana (January 2008)
 * The Commander of the Legion d’Honneur Grand Croix of the Republic of France – Paris, France (March 2008)
 * Taylor and Francis Award for significant contribution to women's development and welfare – Gaborone, Botswana (July 2008)
 * Honorary Doctor of Humane Letters from the University of Southern California
 * Croix - Highest award in Madagascar granted to dignitaries of the Nation) Antananarivo, Madagascar (June 2006)

Mogae won the 2008 Ibrahim Prize for Achievement in African Leadership, and will receive US$5 million over 10 years and US$200,000 annually for life thereafter. At London's City Hall on 20 October 2008, former United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan stated: "President Mogae's outstanding leadership has ensured Botswana's continued stability and prosperity in the face of an HIV/AIDS pandemic which threatened the future of his country and people."

In addition, he has received a number of honours such as the Naledi Ya Botswana order in 2003 and also received the Golden Plate Award of the American Academy of Achievement in 2005.

A Trustee of the Rhodes Trust since 2010, and in 2016, Mogae was appointed a Foreign Honorary Member of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.

title: Festus Mogae


text:
Microtrauma

Microtrauma is any of many possible small injuries to the body.

Microtrauma can include the microtearing of muscle fibres, the sheath around the muscle and the connective tissue. It can also include stress to the tendons, and to the bones (see Wolff's law). It is unknown whether or not the ligaments adapt like this. Microtrauma to the skin (compression, impact, abrasion) can also cause increases in a skin's thickness, as seen from the calluses formed from running barefoot or the hand calluses that result from rock climbing. This might be due to increased skin cell replication at sites under stress where cells rapidly slough off or undergo compression or abrasion.

Most microtrauma cause a low level of inflammation that cannot be seen or felt. These injuries can arise in muscle, ligament, vertebrae, and discs, either singly or in combination. Repetitive microtrauma which are not allowed time to heal can result in the development of more serious conditions.

Negative effects
Back pain can develop gradually as a result of microtrauma brought about by repetitive activity over time. Because of the slow and progressive onset of this internal injury, the condition is often ignored until the symptoms become acute, often resulting in disabling injury. Acute back injuries can arise from stressful lifting techniques done without adequate recovery, especially when experimenting with more ballistic work, or work where the extensor spinae are stressed during spinal flexion when much of the load is commonly taken up by the slower to heal ligaments which may not adapt progressively to the stress. While the acute injury may seem to be caused by a single well-defined incident, it may have been preventable or lessened if not for the years of injury to the musculoskeletal support mechanism by repetitive microtrauma.

Positive effects
After microtrauma from stress (such as lifting weights) to muscles, they can be rebuilt and overcompensate to reduce the likeliness of re-injury.

title: Microtrauma


text:
Stefan Rowecki

Stefan Paweł Rowecki (pseudonym: Grot, "Spearhead", hence the alternate name, Stefan Grot-Rowecki; 25 December 1895 – 2 August 1944) was a Polish general, journalist and the leader of the Armia Krajowa. He was murdered by the Gestapo in prison on the personal order of Heinrich Himmler.

Life
Rowecki was born in Piotrków Trybunalski. In his home town he was one of the organizers of a secret scouting organization. During World War I he was conscripted into the Austro-Hungarian army and later into the First Brigade of the Polish Legion. He was interned in August 1917 after the majority of his unit had refused to pledge loyalty to the Emperor of Austria. In February 1918, he was released from the internment camp in Beniaminów and joined the Polska Siła Zbrojna. After the establishment of the newly independent Poland, he joined the Polish Army.

Rowecki fought in the Polish–Soviet war (1919–1920). After the war, he remained in the army and organized the first military weekly periodical (Przegląd Wojskowy). From 1930 to 1935, he commanded the 55th Infantry Regiment in Leszno.

World War II
From June 1939, Rowecki organised the Warsaw Armoured Motorized Brigade (Warszawska Brygada Pancerno-Motorowa, 7TP, TKS tanks). On 1 September 1939 the Nazi-German Army invaded Poland. Although Rowecki's unit did not reach full mobilization, it did, however, take part in the defense of Poland.

After the Polish defeat, Rowecki managed to avoid capture and returned to Warsaw. In October 1939, he became one of the leaders, then in 1940 commander, of the Union of Armed Struggle (ZWZ). In 1941, Rowecki organized sabotage in the territories east of the Polish pre-war borders Wachlarz. From 1942, he was commander of the Armia Krajowa (Home Army).

As commander of the Home Army, Rowecki instituted policies favorable to Jews. In February 1943, he ordered the Home Army to help the Jewish underground seeking to mount ghetto uprisings. In particular, Rowecki authorized aid to the Jewish underground in the Warsaw Ghetto before and during the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising by providing arms and mounting diversionary attacks.

On 30 June 1943 he was arrested by the Gestapo in Warsaw and sent to Berlin. Rowecki was arrested due to his betrayal by Ludwik Kalkstein "Hanka", Eugeniusz Świerczewski "Genes" and Blanka Kaczorowska "Sroka" who were Gestapo agents. All of them were members of the Home Army but in fact collaborated with the Gestapo. Swierczewski, Kalkstein and Kaczorowska were sentenced to death for high treason by the Secret War Tribunal of the Polish Secret State. The sentence on Eugeniusz Swierczewski was carried out by troops commanded by Stefan Rys ("Jozef"). Swierczewski was hanged in the basement of the house at 74 Krochmalna Street in Warsaw. Kalkstein received protection from the Gestapo and was not harmed. He fought in a Waffen SS unit during the Warsaw Uprising of 1944 under the name of Konrad Stark. After the war, he worked for the Polish Radio station in Szczecin and was later recruited as an agent by the Urząd Bezpieczeństwa. In 1982, he emigrated to France; he died in 1994. Blanka Kaczorowska also survived the war. Her death sentence was not carried out because she was pregnant. After the war, she also worked as a secret agent for the Urząd Bezpieczeństwa and later for the renamed Służba Bezpieczeństwa. She emigrated to France in 1971. She died in 2002.

In Berlin he was imprisoned at Oranienburg and was questioned by many prominent Nazi officials (including Ernst Kaltenbrunner, Heinrich Himmler and Heinrich Müller). He was offered an anti-bolshevik alliance, but refused. He was probably executed in August 1944 in Sachsenhausen. His execution was ordered by Heinrich Himmler.

There have been claims that the arrest of Rowecki on 30 June 1943 was a result of a wider intelligence operation against the Polish Underground State with the goal of eliminating top commanders and political leaders of the Polish resistance. During the same period, the Gestapo arrested the commander of National Armed Forces (NSZ), Colonel Ignacy Oziewicz on 9 June 1943. On 4 July 1943, General Władysław Sikorski died in a plane crash under mysterious circumstances. Within a period of two months, the Polish Army had lost three top commanders.

Medals

 * Order of the White Eagle, posthumously (11 November 1995)
 * Virtuti Militari Golden Cross (1942; Silver Cross in 1923)
 * Polonia Restituta, Officer's Cross
 * Cross of Valour 8 times, 4 times for Polish-Soviet War and 4 times for Polish Defensive War of 1939
 * Gold Cross of Merit twice
 * Cross of Independence with Swords
 * Medal Pamiątkowy za Wojnę 1918-1921
 * Medal 10-lecia Odzyskania Niepodległości
 * Armia Krajowa Cross, posthumously (1967)
 * Star of Perseverance (Gwiazda Wytrwałości, posthumously)
 * Legion of Merit Commander, posthumously by Ronald Reagan (USA 9 August 1984)
 * Légion d'honneur, Officer's Cross (France 1937)

title: Stefan Rowecki


text:
User talk:Penta~enwiki

Hello, welcome to Wikipedia. Here are some useful links in case you haven't already found them;

 * How to edit a page
 * How to write a great article
 * Naming conventions
 * Manual of Style

If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my talk page. I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian!

Tip: you can sign your name with ~

snoyes 19:41, 7 Dec 2003 (UTC)

Wow! Someone talking to me!:-) I feel so proud.:-D

Thanks for the tip, Snoyes. -Penta 19:50, 7 Dec 2003 (UTC)

I must disappoint you a bit ;-) The above is a bit of a generic greeting I post to new users talk pages. --snoyes 19:56, 7 Dec 2003 (UTC)

You need to go to the page and vote regarding the changes some are trying to make there.

Penta: Regarding Israel and the United Nations... it's a subject that certainly deserves coverage. (I commented on its talk page also. You might also want to take a close look at History of Israel if you haven't already ) I should warn you that just about any article relating to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict tends to around strong feelings from many people, and articles on the subject have a tendency to become embroiled in edit wars between proponents of various viewpoints... This means, though, that we badly need folks who can help us steer a neutral line between the two sides and emphasize facts over ideology. Be bold in adding content to these articles, but be careful to be fair. -- Seth Ilys 02:00, 21 Feb 2004 (UTC)

Oh... and one other (minor) note I forgot. When creating new articles, it's considered to good form to do so by first creating (or following) a link to the new article from an existing article. Otherwise we end up with "orphaned" articles with nothing that links to them -- they then sometimes get lost and neglected in the Wikipedia backwaters. - Seth Ilys 02:04, 21 Feb 2004 (UTC)

Noted, but where would I link this one to? -Penta 02:46, 21 Feb 2004 (UTC)

I'd suggest somewhere in History of Israel; if it can't be easily worked into the text, you can always put it at then end of a relevant paragraph like this: (See also Israel and the United Nations) -- Seth Ilys 05:02, 21 Feb 2004 (UTC)

Hey, you ran out on me in the assassin page - I'd appreciate a follow-up to your comments! Wally 20:38, 9 Apr 2004 (UTC)

Voting By Mail
Greetings, Penta! I've posted a couple comments at Reference_desk re the discussion about poll closing times and absentee ballots. Ave! PedanticallySpeaking 14:18, Oct 23, 2004 (UTC)

Disability etiquette
Hi...i was on the disability etiquette page. My God what a set of arguments. Not that they are bad but its certainly been contentious. One would think there might be the possibility of two pages or a clear set of distintions made in the page (disability covers a wide range of issues). I've put a fair amount up on the talk page if you are still interested....there are no dates before you but i get the idea its been a while as dates have shown up since i started here a while ago (in May) i'm pretty sure.

It sounds like you are in your second year of doing political science (credit wise i don't know). I'm Canadian so i started university at 19, not 18 (depends on the province and when....people a few years behind me started at 18 and theoretically when i went you could finish high school in four years...if you knew for sure what you wanted to do in 10th grade!).

I have a B.A Honours in Political Science with a minor in women's studies and did voluteer work in a cross disability centre on campus (as well as other types of volunteer work) over the years..i thought it might be interesting to talk. I believe if you give Wiki you email address you can be sent mail...not sure how it works and i'm not sure if still have the same email address. If you are interested in talking non wiki stuff i could give you an email address. You can look at my user page but its less developed than yours at the moment i would say. My biggest suggestion about the page was that maybe it should be restarted from scratch and that perhaps there should be notes that the type of disability might influence the type of etiquette.I have found that people here are open (in my few experiences) to those with learning disabilities...i have an extreemly hard time editing from a screen and currently have no printer and someone was bitching about all the spelling errors and such and could people please proof their stuf (in fact i had). I left a note on his page explaining the problem and without a printer (no funds at the moment) that i was not sure what to do but i appreciated him cleaning up to make thigns clearer. He suggested i cut and paste it into my word processor on my talk page---something that had only occured to me for the odd work i couldn't find in the dictionary....i've been using it today and i'm finding its increasing the speed of my word and it looks a lot better.Nice change from if you are writing stuff what are you doing here with an LD...what i sometimes get.--Marcie 18:13, 23 Oct 2004 (UTC)

Republics
Need your help and/or advice. The British Wikipedian Republican Party sought fit to delete Wikinfo:Classical definition of republic from Wikipedia. There is a terrible brouhaha at Talk:Republic. They won't even allow an external link! SimonP really doesn't know what he is doing. They deleted the Classical definition of republic and created mixed government and politeia instead. The official title of mixed government is a Republic and the Romans translated "politiea" as Republic. And then to top it off the new article Classical republicanism doesn't refer to the Classical republics of Crete, Sparta, Solonic Athens, or Rome but to Machiavelli's ideology. How can that be when Venice in the 13th century instituted a mixed government and called herself a "Republic".

With Jwrosenwieg and Kim Bruning there was a tacit agreement a year ago to have republic be the modern meaning and a [Classical definition of republic] to describe the ancient republics of Hellas and Rome and their influence. To say the least the "Republic section" is all messed up. We need some clarification. I have new information but User:Snowspinner won't let me bring this back up for undelete. (I do grant that a little bit of the Classical definition is original but the rest is not.) I will not let Sparta be called anything but a republic! I will not let the British wikipedian modern republicans strip Sparta, (my heritage and roots) of her rightful name. She is a Classical republic and needs to be called such! At the least, where is the damage in having an external link?WHEELER 15:37, 17 Mar 2005 (UTC)

New article on Judaisms view of holy people
Since you at one point of time particapated in a discussion about this. Please see my proposal on talk:chabad about starting a new article about Judaism's view of holy people which would combine the parts from chabad Breslov Hasidic Judaism etc. into one article about it. --PinchasC | £€åV€ m€ å m€§§åg€  14:30, 10 August 2005 (UTC)

Teudat Zehut
Hi Penta, as per your request, I translated the Hebrew wiki article (he:%D7%AA%D7%A2%D7%95%D7%93%D7%AA_%D7%96%D7%94%D7%95%D7%AA), adding and enhancing where I saw fit. It's mostly wikified, but I'd appreciate another pair of eyes going over it for proofreading and improving. I still need to add some categories and wikilinks from other articles. Let me know if you need my help on other Hebrew language articles. Owen× ☎  20:38, 25 September 2005 (UTC)

Moving out some stuff OneVoice posted by mistake at Talk:Penta
There was this comment seemingly intended for you, but mistakenly posted on the Penta talk page. :-) I'll just repost it here for you before removing it from there. Note the age though, this looks like some quite old stuff. -- Jugalator 12:10, 2 January 2006 (UTC)
 * Penta, Welcome to wikipedia.  I applaud your efforts at defining terrorism.  It appears to be a very reasonable and rather considered (not rash) effort. You may wish to look at the Terrorism page. Generally, Wikipedia is about reporting and consolidating rather than Wikipedians developing new ideas.  Nonetheless your definition is a very good working model. I look forward to working with you on this and other issues here at Wikipedia. OneVoice 00:19, 11 Feb 2004 (UTC)

The German Penta greets the Britisch Penta as Pink Penta
I don't know, if you will read this lines. I am sure, that any confusion because of similar nicks is impossible. My pink signature and the Pink Panther-figure makes it obvious. I will be happy, when you answer on my User talk in future. -- Pink Penta Phink Pink 16:21, 30 July 2007 (UTC)

NP
I answered your question on the NP page, feel free to ask more there if you have more; I thought I would comment here as that page has pretty low traffic.129.82.217.44 (talk) 19:48, 23 December 2007 (UTC)

Thanks for the compliment!
Unfortunately, since I've been quite unable to find an equivalent published source for providing an equally clear understanding aircraft unit costs, it just constitutes "original research". :( Askari Mark (Talk) 02:54, 22 July 2008 (UTC)

Your account will be renamed
Hello,

The developer team at Wikimedia is making some changes to how accounts work, as part of our on-going efforts to provide new and better tools for our users like cross-wiki notifications. These changes will mean you have the same account name everywhere. This will let us give you new features that will help you edit and discuss better, and allow more flexible user permissions for tools. One of the side-effects of this is that user accounts will now have to be unique across all 900 Wikimedia wikis. See the announcement for more information.

Unfortunately, your account clashes with another account also called Penta. To make sure that both of you can use all Wikimedia projects in future, we have reserved the name Penta~enwiki that only you will have. If you like it, you don't have to do anything. If you do not like it, you can pick out a different name. If you think you might own all of the accounts with this name and this message is in error, please visit Special:MergeAccount to check and attach all of your accounts to prevent them from being renamed.

Your account will still work as before, and you will be credited for all your edits made so far, but you will have to use the new account name when you log in.

Sorry for the inconvenience.

Yours, Keegan Peterzell Community Liaison, Wikimedia Foundation 02:07, 20 March 2015 (UTC)

Renamed
 This account has been renamed as part of single-user login finalisation. If you own this account you can |log in using your previous username and password for more information. If you do not like this account's new name, you can choose your own using this form after logging in: . -- Keegan (WMF) (talk) 17:32, 22 April 2015 (UTC)

title: User talk:Penta~enwiki