text:
List of rivers of Germany

This article lists rivers that are located in Germany, either entirely or partially, or that form the country's international borders. The rivers of Germany flow into either the Baltic Sea (Ostsee), the Black Sea or the North Sea (Nordsee).

The main rivers of Germany include:
 * flowing into the Baltic Sea: Oder
 * flowing into the Black Sea: Danube (and its main tributaries Inn, Isar, and Lech)
 * flowing into the North Sea: Rhine (and its main tributaries Moselle, Main and Neckar), Weser and Elbe (and its main tributaries Havel and Saale)

An alphabetical list of all German rivers that have an article in Wikipedia appears at the end of the article.

Sorted by drainage basin
Rivers that flow into the sea are sorted geographically, along the coast. Rivers that flow into other rivers are sorted by the proximity of their points of confluence to the sea (the lower in the list, the more upstream).

Some rivers (the Meuse, for example) do not flow through Germany themselves, but they are mentioned for having German tributaries. They appear in italics.

For clarity, only rivers that are longer than 50 km (or have longer tributaries) are included below (see alphabetical list for a more comprehensive list).

Draining into the Baltic Sea
The rivers in this section are sorted north-west (Danish border) to east (Polish border) and drain into the Baltic Sea:
 * Schwentine (in Kiel)
 * Trave (in Lübeck-Travemünde)
 * Stepenitz (near Travemünde)
 * Warnow (in Warnemünde)
 * Nebel (in Bützow)
 * Recknitz (in Ribnitz-Damgarten)
 * Peenestrom (in Peenemünde)
 * Peene (near Anklam)
 * Tollense (in Demmin)
 * branch of river Oder (from Oder Lagoon)
 * Świna/Swine (in Świnoujście, Poland)
 * Uecker (into Oder Lagoon in Ueckermünde)
 * Oder (into Oder Lagoon near Szczecin, Poland)
 * Lusatian Neisse (Lausitzer Neiße) (near Eisenhüttenstadt)

Draining into the Black Sea
These rivers drain into the Black Sea:
 * Danube (in Sulina, Romania)
 * Inn (in Passau)
 * Rott (in Schärding)
 * Rott (in Rott am Inn)
 * Salzach (in Haiming)
 * Saalach (in Freilassing)
 * Alz (in Marktl)
 * Chiemsee (in Seebruck)
 * Tiroler Achen (in Grabenstätt)
 * Isen (in Neuötting)
 * Mangfall (in Rosenheim)
 * Ilz (in Passau)
 * Vils (in Vilshofen)
 * Isar (near Deggendorf)
 * Amper/Ammer (near Moosburg)
 * Loisach (near Wolfratshausen)
 * Große Laber (near Straubing)
 * Regen (in Regensburg)
 * Chamb (in Cham)
 * Naab (near Regensburg)
 * Vils (in Kallmünz)
 * Schwarze Laber (in Sinzing)
 * Altmühl (in Kelheim)
 * Abens (near Neustadt (Donau))
 * Ilm (near Neustadt (Donau))
 * Paar (near Vohburg)
 * Friedberger Ach (near Oberhausen)
 * Lech (near Donauwörth)
 * Wertach (in Augsburg)
 * Schmutter (in Donauwörth)
 * Zusam (in Donauwörth)
 * Wörnitz (in Donauwörth)
 * Brenz (in Lauingen)
 * Mindel (near Günzburg)
 * Kammel (near Offingen)
 * Günz (in Günzburg)
 * Iller (in Ulm)
 * Rot (in Erbach an der Donau)
 * Riß (near Ehingen)
 * Lauchert (near Sigmaringen)

Draining into the North Sea
The rivers in this section are sorted south-west (Netherlands) to east (Danish border) and drain into the North Sea:
 * Maas (main branch at Stellendam, Netherlands)
 * Niers (in Gennep, Netherlands)
 * Rur/Roer (in Roermond, Netherlands)
 * Wurm (near Heinsberg)
 * Inde (in Jülich)
 * Rhine/Rhein (main branch at Hook of Holland, Netherlands) Rhein-Karte2.png}} {{legend|#ff8c35|Lower Rhine}} {{legend|#ffff27|Middle Rhine}} {{legend|#82b143|Upper Rhine}} {{legend|#4abbb7|High Rhine}} {{legend|#2d7cea|Lake Constance (Untersee, Seerhein, Obersee)}} {{legend|#ba7eff|Alpine Rhine, Vorderrhein, Hinterrhein}}]]
 * Lower Rhine (from Bonn to North Sea)
 * Lippe (in Wesel)
 * Alme (in Paderborn)
 * Emscher (near Dinslaken)
 * Ruhr (in Duisburg)
 * Volme (near Hagen)
 * Lenne (near Hagen)
 * Möhne (in Neheim-Hüsten)
 * Erft (in Neuss)
 * Wupper/Wipper (in Leverkusen)
 * Sieg (in Bonn)
 * Agger (in Siegburg)
 * Nister (in Wissen)
 * Middle Rhine (from mouth of River Nahe to Bonn)
 * Ahr (near Sinzig)
 * Wied (in Neuwied)
 * Moselle (in Koblenz)
 * Elzbach (in Moselkern)
 * Alf (in Alf)
 * Lieser (near Bernkastel-Kues)
 * Salm (near Klüsserath)
 * Kyll (near Trier-Ehrang)
 * Saar (near Konz)
 * Nied (near Rehlingen-Siersburg)
 * Prims (in Dillingen)
 * Blies (in Sarreguemines)
 * Schwarzbach (near Zweibrücken)
 * Sauer (in Wasserbillig)
 * Prüm (near Echternach)
 * Nims (in Irrel)
 * Our (in Wallendorf)
 * Lahn (in Lahnstein)
 * Aar (in Diez)
 * Weil (in Weilburg)
 * Dill (in Wetzlar)
 * Ohm (in Cölbe)
 * Nahe (in Bingen)
 * Alsenz (near Bad Kreuznach)
 * Glan (near Bad Sobernheim)
 * Upper Rhine (from Rhine knee in Basel to mouth of River Nahe)
 * Selz (in Ingelheim)
 * Main (in Mainz)
 * Nidda (in Frankfurt-Höchst)
 * Wetter (in Niddatal)
 * Kinzig (in Hanau)
 * Tauber (in Wertheim am Main)
 * Franconian Saale (in Gemünden am Main)
 * Regnitz (in Bamberg)
 * Pegnitz (in Fürth)
 * Rednitz (in Fürth)
 * Franconian Rezat (in Georgensgmünd)
 * Swabian Rezat (in Georgensgmünd)
 * Itz (in Baunach)
 * Red Main (near Kulmbach)
 * Neckar (in Mannheim)
 * Jagst (near Bad Friedrichshall)
 * Kocher (in Bad Friedrichshall)
 * Enz (in Besigheim)
 * Glems (near Markgröningen-Unterriexingen)
 * Murr (in Marbach am Neckar)
 * Rems (in Remseck)
 * Fils (in Plochingen)
 * Queich (near Germersheim)
 * Pfinz (near Germersheim)
 * Lauter (in Lauterbourg)
 * Murg (near Rastatt)
 * Sauer (in Seltz, France)
 * Acher (near Lichtenau)
 * Rench (near Lichtenau)
 * Kinzig (near Kehl)
 * Schutter (near Kehl)
 * Elz (near Lahr)
 * Kander (near Weil am Rhein)
 * Wiese (near Basel, Switzerland)
 * High Rhine (from Lake Constance to Rhine knee at Basel)
 * Wehra (near Bad Säckingen)
 * Murg (in Murg)
 * Alb (in Albbruck)
 * Wutach (in Waldshut-Tiengen)
 * Schlücht (in Waldshut-Tiengen)
 * Steina (in Waldshut-Tiengen)
 * Klingengraben (in Lauchringen)
 * Schwarzbach (near Lauchringen)
 * Biber (near Hemishofen, Switzerland)
 * Lake Constance (Bodensee)
 * Radolfzeller Aach (into Lower Lake Constance in Radolfzell)
 * Stockacher Aach (into Upper Lake Constance in Bodman-Ludwigshafen)
 * Seefelder Aach (into Upper Lake Constance in Uhldingen-Mühlhofen)
 * Brunnisach (into Upper Lake Constance near Friedrichshafen)
 * Rotach (into Upper Lake Constance in Friedrichshafen)
 * Schussen (into Upper Lake Constance in Eriskirch)
 * Scherzach (near Ravensburg)
 * Wolfegger Ach (near Weingarten)
 * Argen (into Upper Lake Constance in Langenargen)
 * Bollenbach (near Tettnang)
 * Leiblach (into Upper Lake Constance near Lindau; Austria–Germany border)
 * IJssel (into the IJsselmeer near Kampen, Netherlands)
 * Berkel (in Zutphen, Netherlands)
 * Oude IJssel/Issel (in Doesburg, Netherlands)
 * Zwarte Water (into the IJsselmeer near Genemuiden, Netherlands)
 * Vechte (near Zwolle, Netherlands)
 * Dinkel (in Neuenhaus)
 * Ems (near Delfzijl, Netherlands)
 * Hase (in Meppen)
 * Weser (near Bremerhaven)
 * Hunte (in Elsfleth)
 * Lesum (in Bremen-Vegesack)
 * Wümme (in Ritterhude)
 * Aller (near Verden (Aller))
 * Böhme (near Rethem)
 * Leine (near Schwarmstedt)
 * Innerste (near Sarstedt)
 * Rhume (in Northeim)
 * Oder (Harz) (in Katlenburg-Lindau)
 * Örtze (in Winsen)
 * Fuhse (in Celle)
 * Oker (in Müden (Aller))
 * Schunter (near Braunschweig)
 * Werre (in Bad Oeynhausen)
 * Diemel (in Bad Karlshafen)
 * Fulda (in Hann. Münden)
 * Eder (in Edermünde)
 * Schwalm (near Fritzlar)
 * Haune (in Bad Hersfeld)
 * Werra (in Hannoversch Münden)
 * Hörsel (near Eisenach)
 * Ulster (in Philippsthal)
 * Elbe (near Cuxhaven)
 * Oste (near Otterndorf)
 * Stör (near Glückstadt)
 * Alster (in Hamburg)
 * Bille (near Hamburg)
 * Ilmenau (near Winsen (Luhe))
 * Jeetzel (in Hitzacker)
 * Löcknitz (near Dömitz)
 * Elde (near Lenzen)
 * Aland (in Schnackenburg)
 * Stepenitz (in Wittenberge)
 * Havel (near Havelberg)
 * Dosse (near Havelberg)
 * Rhin (near Warnau)
 * Plane (near Brandenburg)
 * Nuthe (in Potsdam)
 * Spree (in Berlin-Spandau)
 * Dahme (in Berlin-Köpenick)
 * Ohre (near Burg)
 * Saale (in Barby)
 * Bode (in Nienburg (Saale))
 * Wipper (Saale) (near Bernburg)
 * White Elster (near Halle (Saale))
 * Parthe (in Leipzig)
 * Pleiße (in Leipzig)
 * Weida (near Gera)
 * Unstrut (near Naumburg)
 * Helme (near Kalbsrieth)
 * Ichte (near Pützlingen)
 * Wipper (near Heldrungen)
 * Gera (in Straußfurt)
 * Ilm (in Großheringen)
 * Schwarza (in Schwarza)
 * Mulde (in Dessau)
 * Zwickauer Mulde (near Colditz)
 * Chemnitz (near Wechselburg)
 * Freiberger Mulde (near Colditz)
 * Zschopau (near Döbeln)
 * Black Elster (near Wittenberg)
 * Weißeritz (in Dresden)
 * Wild Weißeritz (in Freital)
 * Wesenitz (in Pirna)
 * Ohře/Eger (in Litoměřice, Czech Republic)
 * Vltava (in Mělník, Czech Republic)
 * Berounka (near Prague, Czech Republic)
 * Mže/Mies (in Plzeň, Czech Republic)
 * Eider (in Tönning)
 * Treene (in Friedrichstadt)

A–E

 * Aabach
 * Aar
 * Abens
 * Acher
 * Agger
 * Ahr
 * Aland
 * Alb (High Rhine)
 * Alb (Upper Rhine)
 * Alf
 * Aller
 * Alme
 * Alsenz
 * Alster
 * Altmühl
 * Alz
 * Ammer (Neckar)
 * Ammer/Amper
 * Argen
 * Aue (Elbe)
 * Aue (Suhle)
 * Berkel
 * Bever
 * Biber (Danube)
 * Biber (Rhine)
 * Biela
 * Bille
 * Bist
 * Black Elster
 * Blau
 * Blies
 * Bode
 * Böhme
 * Bollenbach
 * Breg
 * Breitach
 * Brend
 * Brenz
 * Brigach
 * Brunnisach
 * Chamb
 * Chemnitz
 * Dahme
 * Danube
 * Diemel
 * Dill
 * Dinkel
 * Dosse
 * Dreisam
 * Düssel
 * Echaz
 * Eder
 * Eider
 * Elbe
 * Elde
 * Else
 * Elz (Neckar)
 * Elz (Rhine)
 * Elzbach
 * Ems
 * Emscher
 * Ennepe
 * Enz
 * Enz (Prüm)
 * Erft

F–K

 * Feller Bach
 * Fils
 * Franconian Rezat
 * Franconian Saale
 * Freiberger Mulde
 * Friedberger Ach
 * Fuhse
 * Fulda
 * Garte
 * Gera
 * Glan
 * Gose/Abzucht
 * Gottleuba
 * Große Laber
 * Günz, Hamme
 * Hase
 * Haune
 * Havel
 * Heller
 * Helme
 * Hönne
 * Hörsel
 * Hunte
 * Ichte
 * Ihme
 * Iller
 * Ilm (Bavaria)
 * Ilm (Thuringia)
 * Ilmenau
 * Ilz
 * Inde
 * Inn
 * Innerste
 * Isar
 * Isen
 * Itz
 * Jade
 * Jagst
 * Jeetzel
 * Kammel
 * Kander
 * Kinzig (Main)
 * Kinzig (Rhine)
 * Klingengraben
 * Kocher
 * Kyll

L–O

 * Lahn
 * Lauchert
 * Lauter (Glan)
 * Lauter (Rhine)
 * Lech
 * Leda
 * Leibi
 * Leiblach
 * Leine
 * Lenne
 * Lesum
 * Lieser
 * Lippe
 * Löcknitz
 * Loisach
 * Lusatian Neisse
 * Lutter (Lachte)
 * Lutter (Leine)
 * Lutter (Oder)
 * Main
 * Mandau
 * Mangfall
 * Maurine
 * Mindel
 * Möhne
 * Moselle
 * Mulde
 * Münstersche Aa
 * Murg (Northern Black Forest)
 * Murg (Southern Black Forest)
 * Murr
 * Mže/Mies
 * Naab
 * Nahe
 * Nebel
 * Neckar
 * Neetze
 * Nette (Innerste)
 * Nette (Niers)
 * Nette (Middle Rhine)
 * Nidda
 * Nied, Niers
 * Nims
 * Nister
 * Nuthe, Oder
 * Oder (Harz)
 * Ohm
 * Ohre
 * Ohře/Eger
 * Oker
 * Orla
 * Örtze
 * Oste
 * Oude IJssel
 * Our

P–S

 * Paar
 * Pader
 * Parthe
 * Peene
 * Pegnitz
 * Pfinz
 * Plane
 * Pleiße
 * Prims
 * Prüm
 * Queich
 * Radolfzeller Aach
 * Recknitz
 * Red Main
 * Rednitz
 * Red Weißeritz
 * Regen
 * Regnitz
 * Rems
 * Rench
 * Rheider Au
 * Rhin
 * Rhine
 * Rhume
 * Riß
 * Rot
 * Rotach
 * Rott (Inn, Neuhaus am Inn)
 * Rott (Inn, Rott am Inn)
 * Ruhr
 * Rur, Ruwer
 * Ryck
 * Saalach
 * Saale
 * Saar
 * Salm
 * Salza (Saale)
 * Salza (Unstrut)
 * Salzach
 * Sauer
 * Sauer (Rhine)
 * Scheppau
 * Scherzach
 * Schlücht
 * Schmutter
 * Schozach
 * Schwarze Elster
 * Schunter
 * Schussen
 * Schutter
 * Schwalm (Eder)
 * Schwalm (Meuse)
 * Schwarza
 * Schwarzbach (Blies)
 * Schwarzbach (Klettgau)
 * Schwarze Laber
 * Schwentine
 * Seefelder Aach
 * Seeve
 * Selbitz
 * Selz
 * Sieg
 * Soeste
 * Spree
 * Sprotte
 * Steina
 * Stepenitz (Elbe)
 * Stepenitz (Trave)
 * Stockacher Aach
 * Stör
 * Sulm
 * Swabian Rezat
 * Swist

T–Z

 * Tanger
 * Tauber
 * Tiroler Achen
 * Tollense
 * Trave
 * Treene
 * Uecker
 * Ulster
 * Unstrut
 * Usa
 * Vechte
 * Vils (Danube)
 * Vils (Lech)
 * Vils (Naab)
 * Volme
 * Wakenitz
 * Warnow
 * Weida
 * Weil
 * Wehra
 * Weißeritz
 * Werra
 * Werre
 * Wertach
 * Wesenitz
 * Weser
 * Westfälische Aa
 * Wetter
 * White Elster
 * White Main
 * Wied
 * Wiese
 * Wild Weißeritz
 * Wipper (Saale)
 * Wipper (Unstrut)
 * Wisper
 * Wolfegger Ach
 * Wörnitz
 * Wümme
 * Wupper
 * Würm
 * Wurm
 * Wutach
 * Zaber
 * Zeegenbach
 * Zschopau
 * Zusam
 * Zwickauer Mulde

By state

 * List of rivers of Baden-Württemberg
 * List of rivers of Bavaria
 * List of rivers of Brandenburg
 * List of rivers of Berlin
 * List of rivers of Bremen
 * List of rivers of Hesse
 * List of rivers of Lower Saxony
 * List of rivers of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern
 * List of rivers of North Rhine-Westphalia
 * List of rivers of Rhineland-Palatinate
 * List of rivers of Saarland
 * List of rivers of Saxony
 * List of rivers of Saxony-Anhalt
 * List of rivers of Schleswig-Holstein
 * List of rivers of Thuringia

title: List of rivers of Germany


text:
United Malays National Organisation

The United Malays National Organisation (Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Bersatu; Jawi: ڤرتوبوهن كبڠسان ملايو برساتو); abbreviated UMNO or less commonly PEKEMBAR, is a nationalist right-wing political party in Malaysia. As the oldest (but non-continuous) national political party within Malaysia (since its inception in 1946), UMNO has been known as Malaysia's "Grand Old Party".

UMNO is a founding and the principal dominant member of the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition, which taken along with its predecessor Alliance, had been the main governing party of Malaysia from the independence of Malaya in 1957 until its defeat in the 2018 general election. From 1957 to 2018, every Prime Minister of Malaysia was also the President of UMNO. It has since returned to power twice as a result of the 2020-2022 Malaysian political crisis, firstly as a partner in a Perikatan Nasional-led government and subsequently as the leading party in a BN-led government with UMNO vice-president Ismail Sabri serving as Prime Minister.

A race-focused party, UMNO's goals are to uphold the aspirations of Malay nationalism and the racial concept of Ketuanan Melayu (lit. Malay Supremacy), as well as the dignity of the Malay race, the religion of Islam, as well as the country itself. The party also aspires to protect Malay culture as the national culture and to uphold, defend and expand Islam across Malaysia.

In the 2018 UMNO leadership election, which was considered by many as crucial to the party's progression, former Deputy Prime Minister Ahmad Zahid Hamidi was elected UMNO president in a three-cornered contest, defeating former UMNO Youth Chief Khairy Jamaluddin, and UMNO veteran Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah.

History
After the British returned to Malaya in the aftermath of World War II, the Malayan Union was formed. However, the Union was met with much opposition due to its constitutional framework, which allegedly threatened Malay sovereignty over Malaya.

The first phase of the journey of the UMNO party was the result of a combination of 41 Malay associations in the Malay Peninsula at that time led by a Tricycle Puller Chairman of Lido Beach, Johor Bahru named Ahmad Boestamam who presented a memorandum to Sultan Ismail Ibni Sultan Ibrahim who became the Sultan Johor at that time to rejected the Malayan Union proposal brought by the British.

In the second phase, a series of Malay congresses were held, culminating in the formation of the nationalist party, UMNO on 10 May 1946 at the Third Malay Congress in Johor Bahru, with Datuk Onn Jaafar as its leader. UMNO strongly opposed the Malayan Union, but originally did not seek political power. UMNO had no choice but continue playing a supporting role to the British colonial administration. The British cooperated with UMNO leaders and helped to defeat the communist insurgency.

In 1949, after the Malayan Union had been replaced by the semi-autonomous Federation of Malaya, UMNO shifted its focus to politics and governance. According to at least one official school textbook published during UMNO's time in government, the party fought for other races once they were at the helm of the country.

In 1951, Onn Jaafar left UMNO after failing to open its membership to non-Malay Malayans to form the Independence of Malaya Party. Tunku Abdul Rahman replaced Dato' Onn as UMNO President. In the following year, the Kuala Lumpur branch of UMNO formed an ad hoc and temporary electoral pact with the Selangor branch of Malayan Chinese Association to avoid contesting the same seats in the Kuala Lumpur municipal council elections. UMNO and MCA eventually carried nine out of the twelve seats, dealing a crushing blow to the IMP. After several other successes in local council elections, the coalition was formalised as an "Alliance" in 1954.

In 1954, state elections were held. In these elections, the Alliance won 226 of the 268 seats nationwide. In the same year, a Federal Legislative Council was formed, comprising 100 seats. 52 would be elected, and the rest would be appointed by the British High Commissioner. The Alliance demanded that 60 of the seats be elected, but despite the Tunku flying out to London to negotiate, the British held firm. Elections for the council were held in 1955, and the Alliance, which had now expanded to include the Malayan Indian Congress, issued a manifesto stating its goals of achieving independence by 1959, requiring a minimum of primary school education for all children, protecting the rights of the Malay rulers as constitutional monarchs, ending the Communist emergency, and reforming the civil service through the hiring of more Malayans as opposed to foreigners.

When the results were released, it emerged that the Alliance had won 51 of the 52 seats contested, with the other seat going to PAS (the Pan-Malayan Islamic Party, a group of Islamists that split from UMNO). The Tunku became the first Chief Minister of Malaya.

Throughout this period, the Malayan Emergency had been on-going. The Malayan National Liberation Army (MNLA), the armed wing of the Malayan Communist Party (MCP), committed sabotage campaigns against the British by disrupting transportation and communication networks, attacking police stations, burning down factories, with the goal of gaining independence for Malaya by making British rule in Malaya too expensive to maintain. The colonial government declared the MCP, along with several left-wing political groups, illegal in 1948. In 1955, the Alliance government together with the British High Commissioner declared an amnesty for the communist insurgents who surrendered. Representatives from the Alliance government also met with leaders of the MCP in an attempt to resolve the conflict peacefully, as their manifesto in the election stated. Chin Peng, the MCP Secretary-General, insisted that the MCP be allowed to contest elections and be declared a legal political party as a pre-condition to laying down arms. However, the Tunku rejected this, leading to an impasse.

In 1956, the Tunku led a group of negotiators, comprising Alliance politicians and representatives of the Malay rulers, to London. There, they brokered a deal with the British government for independence. The date of independence was set as 31 August 1957 on the condition that an independent commission is set up to draft a constitution for the country. The Alliance government was also required to avoid seizing British and other foreign assets in Malaya. A defence treaty would also be signed.

The Reid Commission, led by Lord William Reid, was formed to draft the constitution. Although enshrining concepts such as federalism and a constitutional monarchy, the proposed constitution also contained provisions protecting special rights for the Malays, such as quotas in admission to higher education and the civil service, and making Islam the official religion of the federation. It also made Malay the official language of the nation, although the right to vernacular education in Chinese and Tamil would be protected. Although the Tunku and the Malay rulers had asked the Reid Commission to ensure that "in an independent Malaya all nationals should be accorded equal rights, privileges and opportunities and there must not be discrimination on grounds of race and creed," the Malay privileges, which many in UMNO backed, were cited as necessary by the Reid Commission as a form of affirmative action that would eventually be phased out. These measures were included as Articles 3, 152 and 153 of the Constitution.

Independence was declared by the Tunku in Merdeka Stadium on 31 August 1957, marking a transition into a new era of Malayan and Malaysian politics.

Independence
In Malaya's first general elections in 1959, the Alliance coalition led by UMNO won 51.8% of the votes and captured 74 out of 104 seats, enough for a two-thirds majority in parliament, which would not only allow them to form the government again but amend the constitution at will. However, for the Alliance, the election was marred by internal strife when MCA leader Lim Chong Eu demanded his party be allowed to contest 40 of the 104 seats available. When the Tunku rejected this, many of Lim's supporters resigned, and ran in the election as independents, which cost the Alliance some seats.

In 1961, the Tunku mooted the idea of forming a federation named "Malaysia", which would consist of the British colonies of Singapore, Sabah, Sarawak, and also the British Protectorate of Brunei. The reasoning behind this was that this would allow the federal government to control and combat communist activities, especially in Singapore. It was also feared that if Singapore achieved independence, it would become a base for Chinese chauvinists to threaten Malayan sovereignty. To balance out the ethnic composition of the new nation, the other states, whose Malay and indigenous populations would balance out the Singaporean Chinese majority, were also included.

After much negotiation, a constitution was hammered out with some minor changes. For instance, the Malay privileges were now made available to all "Bumiputra", a group comprising the Malays and other indigenous peoples of Malaysia. However, the new states were also granted some autonomy unavailable to the original nine states of Malaya. After negotiations in July 1963, it was agreed that Malaysia would come into being on 31 August 1963, consisting of Malaya, Singapore, Sabah and Sarawak. Brunei ultimately decided to opt out of the federation due in part to an armed revolt by the People's Party (Parti Rakyat Brunei) which objected to the formation of Malaysia, and the Sultan of Brunei Omar Ali Saifuddien III's demand that he be recognised as the most senior Malay ruler—a demand that was rejected.

The Philippines and Indonesia strenuously objected to this development, with Indonesia claiming Malaysia represented a form of neocolonialism and the Philippines claiming Sabah as its territory. The United Nations sent a commission to the region which approved the merger after having delayed the date of Malaysia's formation to investigate. Despite further protests from the Indonesian President, Sukarno, the formation of Malaysia was proclaimed on 16 September 1963. Indonesia then declared a "confrontation" with Malaysia, sending commandos to perform guerilla attacks in East Malaysia (Sabah and Sarawak). The confrontation was ended when Suharto replaced Sukarno as president. The Philippines, which had withdrawn diplomatic recognition from Malaysia, also recognised Malaysia around the same time.

To reflect the change of name to Malaysia, UMNO's coalition partners promptly altered their names to the Malaysian Chinese Association and the Malaysian Indian Congress. Several political parties in East Malaysia, especially Sarawak, also joined the Alliance to allow it to contest elections there.

In the 1963 Singapore state elections, the Alliance decided to challenge Lee Kuan Yew's governing People's Action Party through the Singapore Alliance Party. UMNO politicians actively campaigned in Singapore for the Singapore Alliance, contending that the Singapore Malays were being treated as second-class citizens under the Chinese-dominated PAP government. All of the UMNO-backed Malay candidates lost to PAP candidates. UMNO Secretary-General Syed Jaafar Albar travelled to Singapore to address the Malay populace. At one rally, he called the PAP Malay politicians un-Islamic and traitors to the Malay race, greatly straining PAP-UMNO relations. The PAP politicians, who saw this as a betrayal of an earlier agreement with the Alliance not to contest elections in Malaysia and Singapore respectively, decided on running on the mainland in the 1964 general election. Although the PAP contested nine Parliamentary seats and attracted large crowds at its rallies, it won only one seat. The strain in race relations caused by the communal lines along which the political factions had been drawn led to the 1964 Race Riots in Singapore.

Alliance leaders also were alarmed at Lee's behaviour, which they considered unseemly for the Chief Minister of a state. They thought he was acting as if he were the Prime Minister of a sovereign nation. Finance Minister Tan Siew Sin of the MCA labelled Lee as the "greatest, disruptive force in the entire history of Malaysia and Malaya." Lee now seemed determined to press forward politically and continue contesting elections nationwide, with the formation of the Malaysian Solidarity Council—a coalition of political parties which called for a "Malaysian Malaysia", duplicating the effort introduced earlier by Dato' Onn Ja'afar.

On 7 August 1965, Prime Minister Tunku Abdul Rahman, seeing no alternative to avoid further bloodshed, advised the Parliament of Malaysia that it should vote to expel Singapore from Malaysia. Despite last-ditch attempts by PAP leaders, including Lee Kuan Yew, to keep Singapore as a state in the union, the Parliament on 9 August 1965 voted 126–0 in favour of the expulsion of Singapore.

Tunku opened his speech in Parliament with the words, "In all the 10 years of my leadership of this House I have never had a duty so unpleasant as this to perform. The announcement which I am making concerns the separation of Singapore from the rest of the Federation." On that day, Lee Kuan Yew announced that Singapore was a sovereign independent nation and assumed the role of prime minister. After the separation and independence of Singapore in 1965, the Singapore branch of UMNO was renamed the Singapore Malay National Organisation (Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Singapura).

Post-separation
After the separation of Singapore from the Federation, the Alliance leaders focused on continuing its policies. One involved the Malay language, which was the official language of Malaysia. UMNO sought to reduce the reliance on English in government affairs. In this, it was aided by PAS, the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, which backed special rights for the Bumiputra, and the strengthening of Islam's position in public affairs. However, the PAP's Malaysian branch, which had now become Democratic Action Party (DAP), took a very strong stance against this, and continued the expelled PAP's call for a "Malaysian Malaysia". In 1968, the newly formed Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia or Gerakan, led by Lim Chong Eu, also adopted the DAP's stance.

Matters came to a head in the 1969 general election. When polling closed on the mainland peninsula (West Malaysia) on 10 May, it emerged the Alliance had won less than half of the popular vote, although it was assured of 66 out of 104 Parliamentary seats available. Much of the losses came from the MCA, thus straining relations between the two parties. However, the Alliance was dealt an even larger blow on the state level, losing control of Kelantan, Perak, and Penang.

A major riot broke out in the aftermath of the election on 13 May 1969. The Yang di-Pertuan Agong (King) declared a national emergency after being advised by the national government to do so. Parliament was suspended, with a National Operations Council (NOC) led by Deputy Prime Minister Tun Abdul Razak of UMNO, taking over the government. Further polling in East Malaysia as a continuation of the general election was also postponed indefinitely. Although the Cabinet still met under the Tunku as Prime Minister, his role was largely symbolic, with Tun Razak taking over the role of chief executive.

UMNO backbencher Mahathir Mohamad, who had lost his Parliamentary seat in the election, wrote a letter to the Tunku criticising his leadership. Mahathir organised a campaign with University of Malaya lecturer Raja Muktaruddin Daim, circulating his letter among the student bodies of local universities. Mass demonstrations broke out calling for "Malay sovereignty" and the Tunku's ousting. After the riot, Home Affairs Minister Ismail Abdul Rahman and Tun Razak agreed to expel Mahathir and former Executive Secretary of UMNO Musa Hitam from the party for breaching party discipline.

The suspended elections in East Malaysia were held in 1970, and restored the Alliance government's two-thirds majority in parliament. On 31 August that year, the Tunku announced the national ideology of Rukunegara and his planned retirement as Prime Minister in favour of Tun Razak. He also stated Parliament would be restored the following year.

The New Economic Policy
After Tun Razak succeeded the Tunku in 1970, he began asserting UMNO's leadership in the Alliance more strongly. When the Tunku led the coalition, he had always consulted Alliance leaders regarding policy—if an Alliance leader objected, the policy was not passed. Under Tun Razak, UMNO was the base of the Alliance and thus the government. The NOC which he led until Parliament reconvened consisted of 7 Malays, one Chinese and one Indian.

In Tun Razak's cabinet, the two most powerful men other than him were Ismail Abdul Rahman and Ghazali Shafie, who had declared the Westminster-style Parliamentary system inappropriate for Malaysia. Tun Razak also readmitted to the party "ultras" who had been expelled, like Mahathir and Musa Hitam. Mahathir gained notoriety after his expulsion from UMNO by authoring The Malay Dilemma, a book promptly banned from Malaysia, which posited that the Malays are the definitive people of Malaysia, and thus deserved special rights as the sovereign people of the nation. It also controversially argued that the Malays needed affirmative action to overcome deficiencies in their genetic stock.

Hussein Onn, son of UMNO founder Dato' Onn Ja'afar, soon became a rising star in UMNO. After Ismail died suddenly of a heart attack in 1973, Hussein Onn succeeded him as Deputy Prime Minister. In the cabinet reshuffle that promoted Hussein Onn, Mahathir was given the key post of Minister for Education.

The Tun Razak government announced the New Economic Policy in 1971. Its stated goal was to "eventually eradicate poverty... irrespective of race" through a "rapidly expanding economy" which emphasised to increase the Malays' share in the national economy to a reasonable portion between all the races. The NEP targeted a 30 per cent Malay share of the economy by 1990. The government contended that this would lead to a "just society" ("Masyarakat Adil"), the latter slogan being used to promote acceptance of the policy. Quotas in education and the civil service that the Constitution had explicitly provided for were expanded by the NEP, which also mandated government interference in the private sector. For instance, 30% of all shares in initial public offerings would be disbursed by the government to selective Bumiputras. The old civil service hiring quota of 4 Malays for every non-Malay's was effectively disregarded in practice; between 1969 and 1973, 98% of all new government employees were Malay. Five new universities were opened under the NEP, two of which were targeted to focus on the poor Malays and Muslim citizens.

Tun Razak also began shoring up the government by bringing in several former opposition parties into the fold of the Alliance. Gerakan, PPP, PAS, and several former opposition parties in East Malaysia joined the coalition, which was renamed as Barisan Nasional. Barisan was formally registered as an organisation in 1974, the same year in which a general election was held.

There had been much internal conflict in the National Front regarding the election; in 1973, Lim Keng Yaik and several supporters of his aggressive pro-Chinese stance left the MCA for Gerakan. This contributed to internal strife, as the MCA was no longer the sole representative of Chinese interests in the National Front.

Discontent among student organisations in Malaysian universities soon posed a new problem for the UMNO-led government. However, Mahathir in his capacity as Minister for Education issued a stern warning to university students and faculty not to become involved in politics. However, after stories that children of rubber tappers had died after consuming poisonous wild yam due to poverty, university students reacted by staging the 1974 Baling demonstrations. The demonstrations resulted in the arrest of over 1,000 students, including Anwar Ibrahim who wasdetained under the Internal Security Act. In 1975, parliament passed amendments to the Universities and University Colleges Act which banned students from expressing support of or holding positions in any political party or trade union without written consent from the university's Vice-Chancellor. The act also banned political demonstrations from being held on university campuses. In 1976, however, mass demonstrations were held at the MARA Institute of Technology, protesting the UUCA. Mahathir then threatened to revoke the scholarships of the students, most of whom relied on public support to pay their way through university.

BN was also challenged in Sarawak after the 1974 election, which saw the Sarawak National Party led by James Wong become tied with the DAP as the largest opposition party in Parliament, both of them holding nine seats each. SNAP had campaigned against BN on a platform of opposing Chief Minister Abdul Rahman Ya'kub's pro-Malay policies, charging them with alienating the rural indigenous natives of Sarawak, such as the Iban. SNAP had been expelled from the Alliance in 1965 for supporting increased autonomy for Sarawak. In the aftermath of the election, Abdul Rahman ordered the detention of James Wong under the Sedition Act. SNAP elected a new leader, Leo Moggie, who secured the release of Wong and the entry of SNAP into BN in 1976.

In Sabah, BN controlled the state government through the United Sabah National Organisation (USNO), which strongly backed UMNO's pro-Malay and pro-Islam policies. In 1973, Islam was made the official Sabah state religion (the official religion of Sabah was originally Christianity, as permitted by the agreement signed before the merger), and usage of indigenous languages such as those of the Kadazan people was discontinued in favour of the Malay language. The USNO Chief Minister, Mustapha Harun, was also known for favouring political patronage as a means of allocating valuable timber contracts, and living an extravagant lifestyle, being ferried to his A$1 million Queensland home by jets provided with Sabahan public funds.

UMNO Baru (New UMNO)

On 24 April 1987, UMNO held its Annual General Assembly and triennial Party election. The then Prime Minister and party President, Mahathir Mohamad, faced his first party election in 12 years, having been elected unopposed since the 1975 UMNO election.

The politics of the Malays, particularly UMNO politics, had undergone a sea change in the first few years of the Mahathir stewardship, and the party presidency was challenged for the second time in 41 years. The first challenge was a dull affair in which Hussein Onn was opposed by a minor party official named Sulaiman Palestin. In fact, in the early 1950s, Tunku Abdul Rahman's presidency had also been challenged by C. M. Yusof, who later became the Speaker of the Dewan Rakyat, but Tunku was not properly considered an incumbent then, being only a care-taker president.

The 1987 contest was a vastly different matter. Mahathir was opposed by his very popular former Finance Minister, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah. The press took to referring to Mahathir and his supporters as Team A, and Razaleigh's camp as Team B. Team B included then Deputy Prime Minister Tun Musa Hitam, who was also the incumbent Deputy President of UMNO seeking re-election, as well as Datuk Suhaimi Kamaruddin, the former head of UMNO Youth and president of the Belia 4B youth organisation.

Team B was critical of Mahathir's policies, arguing that the Malaysian New Economic Policy had failed to benefit the poor Malays. It also criticised Mahathir's leadership style, alleging he acted unilaterally without consulting other leaders in UMNO and the Barisan Nasional. Team B was also perceived as less Islamist than Mahathir's faction.

Mahathir claimed that the charges against him were groundless, and suggested that his opponents were fracturing Malay unity and were only motivated by greed.

Eventually, Mahathir was returned to office. However, he was elected with such a small majority of 43 (761 against 718 votes) that questions were immediately raised about his mandate. Team B supporters, many of whom had been anticipating a victory of similar margins, suspected that the election had been fixed. The Team B candidate for Deputy President, Musa Hitam, had also been defeated by Ghafar Baba of Team A, while two of the three vice-presidents were Team A candidates. The Supreme Council comprised 16 Team A candidates and 9 Team B candidates.

Allegations were made that several delegates who had voted were drawn from UMNO branches not properly registered. There were also several unproved allegations being bandied about that the balloting process had not been above board.

Nevertheless, Razaleigh pledged to support Mahathir, provided that a "witch hunt" was not launched. However, Mahathir promptly purged the government cabinet of all Team B members, and launched similar reshuffles in state and local governments.

On 25 June 1987, an appeal was filed by 12 of the UMNO delegates to have the assembly and the election of April 1987 declared null. After one of the delegates, Hussain bin Manap, withdrew unexpectedly in August from filing the appeal, the remaining litigants have since become famous as the "UMNO 11." Although Razaleigh and Musa Hitam were not among the plaintiffs, it was widely believed that Razaleigh was funding the appeal.

After a series of interlocutory hearings over the discovery of documents that took more than seven months, the matter finally came before Justice Harun Hashim in the Kuala Lumpur High Court on 4 February 1988. The judge ruled that under the existing law he had no option but to find the party, UMNO, to be an unlawful society due to the existence of several unregistered branches—an illegal act under the Societies Act of 1966. The question of the Assembly itself being illegal therefore became academic.

"'It is a very hard decision to declare UMNO unlawful,' said Justice Datuk Harun Hashim in his February 4 judgement. 'But the law was made by our Parliament and certainly UMNO was aware [of the Societies Act] because they were in the majority [in Parliament] at all times [when the law was made].' Under the 1966 Act, amended five times over the years, and most recently by Mahathir's government, each of the society's branches has to register separately with the Registrar...."

The Tunku set up a new party called UMNO Malaysia, which claimed to be the successor to the old UMNO. UMNO Malaysia was supported mainly by members of the Team B faction from UMNO, but Mahathir was also invited to join the party leadership. However, the party collapsed after the Registrar of Societies refused to register it as a society without providing an explanation.

Mahathir showed no interest in reviving UMNO, and instead he set in motion the machinery to form a new surrogate party, and in due course, registered a party formally called Pertubuhan Kebangsaan Melayu Bersatu (Baru) or UMNO (New) a week after UMNO Malaysia's registration was rejected. Eventually the suffix "(New)" was dropped, and UMNO (Baru) became both the de facto and de jure successor of original UMNO, dropping the 'Baru' suffix with the old UMNO's assets handed over. Most of its leaders, however, were selected from Team A of the old UMNO, with Team B ignored.

In 10th general election in 1999, rocked by the arrest and trial of former UMNO deputy Anwar Ibrahim and the subsequent formation of the Barisan Alternatif opposition coalition, UMNO's share dipped to 54% of the vote and 102 out of 144 seats.

Post-Mahathir
After Mahathir stepped down as President of UMNO in 2003, he was replaced by his designated successor, Abdullah Ahmad Badawi, who became Prime Minister of Malaysia. Najib Razak, the son of Tun Abdul Razak, took over as the Deputy Prime Minister of Malaysia.

In the 11th general election in 2004, Barisan Nasional, under Abdullah's leadership, enjoyed a landslide victory. However, in the 12th general election in 2008, the coalition for the first time fell short of a two-thirds majority in the Parliament. UMNO Chief Ministers were ousted in the states of Selangor, Perak, Penang and Kedah. As a result, Abdullah resigned as President of UMNO and Prime Minister in 2009. He was succeeded by Najib.

Under Najib's leadership, UMNO gained a total of 9 seats in the 13th general election and retook the state of Kedah.

In 2018, UMNO was required to hold an leadership election 19 April by the requirements of the Registry of Societies (RoS), to hold a leadership election within five years of the last leadership election, as the last leadership election was in 2013. In April, some UMNO members filed a suit to declare UMNO illegal but was dismissed by the High Court. UMNO announced in May that the RoS had in 2017 allowed UMNO to postpone the election until 19 April 2019.

On 9 May 2018, Mahathir and the Pakatan Harapan coalition won the 14th General Election ending UMNO's 61 year long rule as part of the Alliance and later Barisan Nasional coalition. UMNO experienced a mass exodus of rank-and-file members, state chiefs, as well as Members of Parliament in favour of Mahathir's Bersatu and regionalist parties such as Parti Warisan Sabah in the months after the election.

After the general election defeat, UMNO held the UMNO leadership election in June 2018 instead of 2019. Ahmad Zahid Hamidi won the election and became the president of UMNO.

In September 2019, UMNO decided to form a pact with the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party called Muafakat Nasional. Its main purpose is to unite the Malay Muslim communities for electoral purposes. There is however no formal agreement with the other parties of Barisan Nasional, although there are calls for Barisan Nasional to migrate to Muafakat Nasional. Barisan Nasional continued to function as a coalition of four parties comprising UMNO, MCA, MIC and PBRS, but aligned themselves with Perikatan Nasional to form a new government in March 2020 after the collapse of the Pakatan Harapan government.

In February 2020, in the leadup to the 2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis, UMNO leaders Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and Ismail Sabri Yaakob, along with Bersatu President Muhyiddin Yassin, PAS President Abdul Hadi Awang and PKR defector members led by Azmin Ali, collectively convened at the Sheraton Petaling Jaya hotel to initiate a change in government, thus causing political instability by depriving the elected Pakatan Harapan government of a majority within the 14th Malaysian Parliament. As a result, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad (along with the Seventh Mahathir cabinet) tendered their resignation. In March 2020, after the Yang di-Pertuan Agong consulted all members of the 14th Malaysian Parliament, Muhyiddin Yassin, with the support of UMNO and other parties, was deemed to have the greatest support within Parliament and was selected as the 8th Prime Minister of Malaysia.

In Muhyiddin cabinet, which formed on 10 March 2020, six UMNO MP's became Ministers & eight UMNO MP's became Deputy Ministers.

In July 2021, further political instability ensued when UMNO, at the direction of its President Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, withdrew support for the government led by Muhyiddin along with his cabinet. Zahid claimed that as Muhyiddin failed to spearhead economic recovery and effectively handle the Covid-19 pandemic, therefore Zahid claimed Muhyiddin failed to fulfil the conditions underlined by UMNO when it backed Muhyiddin to become prime minister in March 2020. In August 2021, after the Yang di-Pertuan Agong required all members of the 14th Malaysian Parliament to submit a statutory declaration (SD) indicating their preference of Prime Minister, Ismail Sabri Yaakob possessed the greatest support within Parliament (with 114 affirmative SDs out of a possible 222) and was selected as the 9th Prime Minister of Malaysia (without an electoral mandate).

In the 2022 election, UMNO, as a part of BN, faced the worst-ever result in Malaysian history, with only winning 26 out of 222 seats. Several key figures including Noh Omar, Tengku Razaleigh Hamzah, Mahdzir Khalid, Azeez Rahim, Tengku Zafrul Aziz, Khairy Jamaluddin, lost to either PN or PH candidates. UMNO was also defeated at several state elections held in Pahang, Perlis and Perak. Ahmad Zahid Hamidi, the party president, was re-elected with a slim majority.

Ideology
UMNO overtly represents the Malays of Malaysia, although any Bumiputra (indigenous Malaysian, a category which includes people such as the non-Malay and usually non-Muslim Kadazan, Iban, Dayak, etc. of East Malaysia) may join the party. The party propagates Ketuanan Melayu, the concept that the Bumiputra, including ethnic Malays, enjoy a special status within the country by virtue of their earlier settlement of the lands that now form Malaysia and as a result of the recognition of Malays in Article 153 of the Constitution of Malaysia.

Bumiputera policies
In 2018, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad announced the cabinet's decision for the government to "ratify all remaining core UN instruments related to the protection of human rights", including International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and other five previously unratified conventions at a United Nations General Assembly, UMNO, PAS along with various non-governmental organisations, staged an anti-ICERD rally that was held at the Dataran Merdeka, Kuala Lumpur, to protest against the ratifications of the relevant international conventions, due to their perception that these human rights instruments contravene with the special position of the Malays, bumiputera and Islam within the country; all of which are enshrined within the Malaysian Constitution.

On 23 November 2018, the Prime Minister's Office announced they would not ratify the convention and would continue defending the Federal Constitution, which they said represents a social contract that was agreed upon by all races during the formation of the country.

In 2021, a new equity policy for bumiputeras in the Twelfth Malaysia Plan (12MP) attracted controversy which were announced by Ismail Sabri Yaakob. It is said to ensure sustainable equity holdings by bumiputeras, an equity safety net would be launched to guarantee that the sale of shares or bumiputera-owned firms would only be sold solely to bumiputera-owned companies, consortium or individuals. Syed Saddiq said that the new rulings were unfair as they would be tantamount to taking equity from the non-bumiputeras and giving them to bumiputeras. Former Health Minister, Dzulkefly Ahmad had also described the policy as "suicidal" and claimed that the new policy would only kill the bumiputera companies economically if that is their intention. He also said that based on the feedback from Malay businessmen, most were against the idea of the new bumiputera-only policy being implemented. Ismail Sabri announced it after revealing that the government’s target to raise bumiputera equity ownership to 30% had yet to be achieved. He also announced funding to improve bumiputera businesses’ sustainability to hit 15% contribution in gross domestic product (GDP) by bumiputera micro, small and medium enterprises by 2025.

Current office bearer
Official source

 * Permanent Chairperson:
 * Badruddin Amiruldin
 * Deputy Permanent Chairperson:
 * Abdul Fattah Abdullah
 * President:
 * Ahmad Zahid Hamidi
 * Deputy President:
 * Mohamad Hasan
 * Vice Presidents:
 * Wan Rosdy Wan Ismail
 * Mohamed Khaled Nordin
 * Johari Abdul Ghani
 * Women's Chief:
 * Noraini Ahmad
 * Youth Chief:
 * Muhamad Akmal Saleh
 * Women's Youth Chief:
 * Nurul Amal Mohd Fauzi
 * Secretary-General:
 * Asyraf Wajdi Dusuki
 * Treasurer-General:
 * Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor
 * Information Chief:
 * Azalina Othman Said
 * Executive Secretary:
 * Mohd Sumali Reduan
 * Election Director:
 * Reezal Merican Naina Merican
 * State Chairman:
 * Perlis: Rozabil Abd Rahman
 * Kedah: Mahdzir Khalid
 * Kelantan: Ahmad Jazlan Yaakub
 * Terengganu: Rozi Mamat
 * Penang: Musa Sheikh Fadzir
 * Perak: Saarani Mohamad
 * Pahang: Wan Rosdy Wan Ismail
 * Selangor: Megat Zulkarnain Omardin
 * Federal Territories: Johari Abdul Ghani
 * Negeri Sembilan: Jalaluddin Alias
 * Malacca: Ab Rauf Yusoh
 * Johor: Onn Hafiz Ghazi
 * Sabah: Bung Moktar Radin
 * State Deputy Chairman:
 * Perlis: Fathul Bari Mat Jahya
 * Kedah: Abdul Azeez Abdul Rahim
 * Kelantan: Mohamad Fatmi Che Salleh
 * Terengganu: Nik Dir Nik Wan Ku
 * Penang: Shaikh Hussein Mydin
 * Perak: Azian Osman
 * Pahang: Abdul Hamid Nazahar
 * Selangor: Johan Abd Aziz
 * Federal Territories: Shafei Abdullah
 * Negeri Sembilan: Hasim Rusdi
 * Malacca: Rais Yasin
 * Johor: Ahmad Maslan
 * Sabah: Abdul Rahman Dahlan

 * Supreme Council Members (elected):
 * Shamsul Anuar Nasarah
 * Zambry Abdul Kadir
 * Ahmad Maslan
 * Tengku Zafrul Aziz
 * Bung Mokhtar Radin
 * Ahmad Jazlan Yaakub
 * Abdul Azeez Abdul Rahim
 * Shahaniza Shamsuddin
 * Azian Osman
 * Md Alwi Che Ahmad
 * Shaik Hussein Mydin
 * Zahida Zarik Khan
 * Mohd Razlan Muhammad Rafii
 * Mohd Sharkar Shamsudin
 * Abdul Rahman Mohamad
 * Mohd Puad Zarkashi
 * Jamil Khir Baharom
 * Johan Abd Aziz
 * Abdul Rahman Dahlan
 * Lokman Noor Adam
 * Ahmad Said
 * Rosnah Shirlin
 * Mohd Rafi Alli Hassan
 * Abdul Razak Abdul Rahman
 * Supreme Council Members (appointed):
 * Shahrizat Abdul Jalil
 * Mohamad Fatmi Che Salleh
 * Ahmad Ismail
 * Nur Jazlan Mohamed
 * Mohd Shafei Abdullah
 * Hasmuni Hassan
 * Mohd Hasnol Ayub
 * Mohd Faizal Ramli
 * Mohd Arrif Abdul Majid
 * Jailani Johari
 * Norliza Abdul Rahim
 * Mohd Hairi Mad Shah
 * Siti Sokhleha Nordin
 * Supreme Council Members (in attending):
 * Mohamad Alamin
 * Siti Aminah Aching
 * Reezal Merican Naina Merican
 * Kamaruddin M Said

Senators
• # Zunairah Musa – appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong

• # Arman Azha Abu Hanifah – appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong

• # Azhar Ahmad – appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong

• # Mohd Hisamudin Yahaya – appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong

• # Junhais Abdul Aziz – elected by the Pahang State Legislative Assembly

• # Ajis Sitin – elected by the Pahang State Legislative Assembly

• # Aziz Ariffin – elected by the Perlis State Legislative Assembly

• # Seruandi Saad – elected by the Perlis State Legislative Assembly

• # Noraini Idris @ Judith Fedelis – elected by the Sabah State Legislative Assembly

• # Shamsuddin Abdul Ghafar – elected by the Perak State Legislative Assembly

• # Mohamad Fatmi Che Salleh – appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong

• # Ros Suyati Alang – appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong

• # Zambry Abdul Kadir – appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong

• # Tengku Zafrul Aziz – appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong

• # Nur Jazlan Mohamed – appointed by the Yang di-Pertuan Agong

• # Mustafa Musa – elected by the Malacca State Legislative Assembly

• # Abdul Halim Suleiman – elected by the Johor State Legislative Assembly

Members of Parliament of the 15th Malaysian Parliament
UMNO has 26 MPs in the House of Representatives.

Dewan Undangan Negeri (State Legislative Assembly)
Malacca State Legislative Assembly Johor State Legislative Assembly Negeri Sembilan State Legislative Assembly Pahang State Legislative Assembly

Sabah State Legislative Assembly Perak State Legislative Assembly Penang State Legislative Assembly Selangor State Legislative Assembly

Kelantan State Legislative Assembly Perlis State Legislative Assembly Kedah State Legislative Assembly Terengganu State Legislative Assembly

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: United Malays National Organisation


text:
Talk:Hybrid (biology)

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment
This article is or was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment. Further details are available on the course page. Student editor(s): Mur537.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 00:05, 17 January 2022 (UTC)

Unsubstantiated claim
There is an image in this wiki article with a caption that makes an unsubstantiated claim (see below). In the book Trilliums by Frederick and Roberta Case, we find the following contradictory claim: "No hybrids of Trillium grandiflorum have ever been documented." This is the same Frederick Case who authored the Trilliums section in Flora of North America. I believe the burden of proof is on the claim in the wiki article: it should be removed unless it can be substantiated.

Feedbacks
This page is very excellent to understand the hybridization of biology. The citation based sentences are great, and very clear to understand with the clear grammars. This could be very useful for non science readers too. Pictures are relevant too. Only comment is, it could be more informative if there could be separate sections for animals and plants (or even multiple other small sections). Overall, this is a really nice page for understanding hybridization concept and examples. Karkataceace (talk) 16:45, 12 December 2022 (UTC)

Wikipedia Ambassador Program course assignment
This article was the subject of an educational assignment at Louisiana State University supported by the Wikipedia Ambassador Program during the 2011 Spring term. Further details are available on the course page.

The above message was substituted from by Primefac (talk) on 15:35, 2 January 2023 (UTC)

title: Talk:Hybrid (biology)


text:
Random act of kindness

A random act of kindness is a nonpremeditated, inconsistent action designed to offer kindness towards the outside world. The phrase "random kindness and senseless acts of beauty" was written by Anne Herbert on a placemat in Sausalito, California in 1982. It was based on the phrase "random acts of violence and senseless acts of cruelty". Herbert's book Random Kindness and Senseless Acts of Beauty was published in February 1993 speaking about true stories of acts of kindness.

The phrase is commonly expressed as the suggestion to "Practice random acts of kindness." There are groups around the world who are sharing acts of spontaneous kindness.

Examples of events or groups that have received publicity

 * On 14 November 2012 an NYPD officer, Lawrence DePrimo, was photographed giving socks and a pair of boots he had purchased for a bare-footed homeless man. The photograph later went viral.
 * Started in February 2014, the Feed the Deed campaign has inspired over 10,000 random acts of kindness around the world.
 * A Chicago man, Ryan Garcia, gained a significant following after doing a different random act of kindness each day of the year in 2012. His 366 random acts have spun off into State of Kind, a mission to do an act of kindness in all 50 states in order to raise awareness for 22q11.2 deletion syndrome.

In film and literature

 * 1993: Random Kindness and Senseless Acts of Beauty, a 1993 children's book published by Volcano Press and authored by Anne Herbert, Margaret Paloma Pavel, and illustrated by Mayumi Oda, with a 20th-anniversary edition published in 2014 with a foreword by Archbishop Desmond Tutu, and a 30th-anniversary edition published in 2024, both by New Village Press.
 * 1993: A wordplay of the phrase is evident in the dystopian novel Random Acts of Senseless Violence, by Jack Womack. The novel depicts a society in which the opposite phenomenon occurs, as the title suggests.
 * In 1984, Dobbs Ferry Police officer Robert Cunningham split a winning lottery ticket with Sal's Pizzeria waitress Phyllis Penzo, netting Phyllis approx. $3M. A 1994 romantic comedy, It Could Happen to You starring Nicolas Cage and Bridget Fonda was made based on this event but moving the movie's location to New York City.
 * 2002: Join Me is a book written by humorist Danny Wallace; in which he tells of the cult he started by accident, the group's purpose is to encourage members (called Joinees and collectively known as the KarmaArmy) to perform random acts of kindness, particularly on Fridays which are termed "Good Fridays". Wallace has also published a book called Random Acts of Kindness: 365 Ways to Make the World a Nicer Place.
 * 2007: The film Evan Almighty ends with God telling the main character, Evan, that the way to change the world is by doing one Act of Random Kindness ("ARK") at a time.
 * 2009: Karen McCombie's book The Seventeen Secrets of the Karma Club revolves around two girls who (inspired by their favourite film Amélie) start up their 'Karma Club', the intention of which, is to do random acts of kindness anonymously.
 * An Australian TV show named Random Acts of Kindness, on Channel 9, shows hosts Karl Stefanovic, Scott Cam and Simmone Jade Mackinnon giving gifts to people they identify as heroes.
 * 2020: The Rotary Club of Makati Central of District 3830 launches a social media challenge for members of Rotaract to join the Random Act of Kindness Award or RAK Award, for short.

title: Random act of kindness


text:
Talk:Secretary of State for Scotland

Discussion
Who is Alistair Darling Secretary of State for Scotland responsible for appointing

"Bobbin' John" appears as John Erskine, 6th Earl of Mar under Earl of Mar, but John Erskine, 23rd Earl of Mar here: please sort it out and correct Jacobitism. Thanks, dave souza 06:53, 17 Sep 2004 (UTC)

Before the Union
The assertion that the post of Scottish Secretary was created-setting the case of Lauderdale aside- after the parliamentary union is wrong. It had existed since the Union of the Crowns, with varying degrees of importance. Apart from Lauderdale, those who held the post prior to 1707 included the earl of Melfort, under James VII, and Sir John Dalrymple of Stair, under William III. Also the post did not 'lapse' in 1746; it was abolished. After this Scottish affairs came under the control of the Lord Advocate; and so it remained until 1827, when responsibility passed to the Home Office. Rcpaterson 23:15, 19 July 2006 (UTC)

 * William II, surely? john k 00:09, 20 July 2006 (UTC)

The pre-Union Secretary of State is dealt with separately at Secretary of State, Scotland. A link between the two might be helpful,--George Burgess 14:41, 20 July 2006 (UTC)
 * Link made. Peterkingiron (talk) 18:46, 17 February 2010 (UTC)

Merger proposal

 * Support -- The distinction between Secretary for Scotland and Secretary of State for Scotland is a narrow one. I sorted out a link across the period of the Act of Union/Treaty of 1707, but did not think of doing this.  Most of the information is already duplicated, and done better here than in the other.  However, a redirect should be retained.  Peterkingiron (talk) 23:01, 12 March 2010 (UTC)

 * Support -- Secretary of State for Scotland is the current title and will probably remain so until independence. Renata

From Talk:Secretary_for_Scotland
There was a Secretary of Scotland, commonly referred to as the Clericus Regis long before the Union of parliaments. (Some have confused this position with that of Lord Clerk Register but that is incorrect). So this article needs some re-writing to get the history correct. David Lauder 08:55, 26 August 2007 (UTC)

That earlier post is dealt with in the separate article on Secretary of State, Scotland --George Burgess 15:21, 26 August 2007 (UTC)

 * Ah. My suggestion is that the titles for these pages should be reversed. The post-Union chap was called Secretary of State for Scotland. The pre-Union fellow was called Secretary of Scotland. Regards, David Lauder 20:07, 26 August 2007 (UTC)

 * Afraid that doesn't work. The post-union chap was only a Secretary of State from 1926 - from 1885 until then he was a mere Secretary for Scotland.--George Burgess 13:40, 1 September 2007 (UTC)

 * What is your reference that the pre-1709 Secretary was "Secretary of State for Scotland". I can't find one. That is why I think the page entitled Secretary of State, Scotland is incorrectly titled, when it should be Secretary of Scotland. Regards, David Lauder 11:02, 2 September 2007 (UTC)

It sounds as if we should MOVE the other article, but ensure that we keep the links between the two separately named positions, since there is a direct succession form one to the other. I will leave others to sort this out. Peterkingiron (talk) 22:15, 24 May 2010 (UTC)

Needs expanding
I put down some bare bones of an expansion since the age seems pretty bare but much of it was just placeholding so if anyone would like to contribute more I'd welcome it especially in terms of historical role and current views of the role. — Preceding unsigned comment added by Iamnotacylon (talk • contribs) 16:08, 18 January 2017 (UTC)

A Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion
The following Wikimedia Commons file used on this page or its Wikidata item has been nominated for deletion: Participate in the deletion discussion at the nomination page. —Community Tech bot (talk) 12:08, 17 January 2023 (UTC)
 * Thomas Mackinnon Wood.jpg

title: Talk:Secretary of State for Scotland


text:
Lydia Maria Child

Lydia Maria Child ( Francis; February 11, 1802 – October 20, 1880) was an American abolitionist, women's rights activist, Native American rights activist, novelist, journalist, and opponent of American expansionism. Her journals, both fiction and domestic manuals, reached wide audiences from the 1820s through the 1850s. At times she shocked her audience as she tried to take on issues of both male dominance and white supremacy in some of her stories.

Despite these challenges, Child may be most remembered for her poem "Over the River and Through the Wood." Her grandparents' house, which she wrote about visiting, was restored by Tufts University in 1976 and stands near the Mystic River on South Street, in Medford, Massachusetts.

Early life and education
Lydia Maria Francis was born in Medford, Massachusetts, on February 11, 1802, to Susannah (née Rand) and Convers Francis. She went by her middle name, and pronounced it Ma-RYE-a. Her older brother, Convers Francis, was educated at Harvard College and Seminary, and became a Unitarian minister. Child received her education at a local dame school and later at a women's seminary. Upon the death of her mother, she went to live with her older sister in Maine, where she studied to be a teacher. During this time, her brother Convers, by then a Unitarian minister, saw to his younger sister's education in literary masters such as Homer and Milton. In her early 20s, Francis lived with her brother and met many of the top writers and thinkers of the day through him. She also converted to Unitarianism.

Francis chanced to read an article in the North American Review discussing the field offered to the novelist by early New England history. Although she had never thought of becoming an author, she immediately wrote the first chapter of her novel Hobomok. Encouraged by her brother's commendation, she finished it in six weeks and had it published. From this time until her death, she wrote continually.

Francis taught for one year in a seminary in Medford, and in 1824 started a private school in Watertown, Massachusetts. In 1826, she founded the Juvenile Miscellany, the first monthly periodical for children published in the United States, and supervised its publication for eight years. After publishing other works voicing her opposition to slavery, much of her audience turned against her, especially in the South. The Juvenile Miscellany closed down after book sales and subscriptions dropped.

In 1828, she married David Lee Child and moved to Boston.

Early writings
Following the success of Hobomok, Child wrote several novels, poetry, and an instruction manual for mothers, The Mothers Book; but her most successful work was ''The Frugal Housewife. Dedicated to those who are not ashamed of Economy''. This book contained mostly recipes, but also contained this advice for young housewives, "If you are about to furnish a house, do not spend all your money.... Begin humbly." First published in 1829, the book was expanded and went through 33 printings in 25 years. Child wrote that her book had been "written for the poor ... those who can afford to be epicures will find the best of information in the Seventy-five Receipts" by Eliza Leslie.

Child changed the title to The American Frugal Housewife in 1832 to end the confusion with the British author Susannah Carter's The Frugal Housewife first published in 1765, and then printed in America from 1772. Child wrote that Carter's book was not suited "to the wants of this country". To add further confusion, from 1832 to 1834 Child's version was printed in London and Glasgow.

Abolitionism and women's rights movements
In 1831, William Lloyd Garrison began publication of his influential abolitionist newspaper, The Liberator. Lydia Child and her husband read it from the beginning and began to identify themselves with the anti-slavery cause. Personal contact with Garrison was another factor. Child was a women's rights activist, but did not believe significant progress for women could be made until after the abolition of slavery. She believed that white women and enslaved people were similar in that white men held both groups in subjugation and treated them as property, instead of individual human beings. As she worked towards equality for women, Child publicly said that she did not care for all-female communities. She believed that women would be able to achieve more by working alongside men. Child, along with many other female abolitionists, began campaigning for equal female membership and participation in the American Anti-Slavery Society, provoking a controversy that later split the movement.

In 1833, she published her book An Appeal in Favor of that Class of Americans Called Africans. It argued, as did Garrison, in favor of the immediate emancipation of the enslaved people without compensation to their legal owners. She is sometimes said to have been the first white woman to have written a book in support of this policy. She "surveyed slavery from a variety of angles—historical, political, economic, legal, and moral" to show that "emancipation was practicable and that Africans were intellectually equal to Europeans." In this book, she wrote that "the intellectual inferiority of the negroes is a common, though most absurd apology, for personal prejudice." The book was the first anti-slavery work printed in America in book form. She followed it with several smaller works on the same subject. Her Appeal attracted much attention, and William Ellery Channing, who attributed to it part of his interest in the slavery question, walked from Boston to Roxbury to thank Child for the book. She had to endure social ostracism, but from this time was considered a conspicuous champion of anti-slavery.

Child, a strong supporter and organizer in anti-slavery societies, helped with fundraising efforts to finance the first anti-slavery fair, which abolitionists held in Boston in 1834. It was both an educational and a major fundraising event, and was held annually for decades, organized under Maria Weston Chapman. In 1839, Child was elected to the executive committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society (AASS), and became editor of the society's National Anti-Slavery Standard in 1840. While she was editor of the National Anti-Slavery Standard, Child wrote a weekly column for the paper called "Letters from New-York", which she later compiled and published in book form. Child's management as editor and the popularity of her "Letters from New-York" column both helped to establish the National Anti-Slavery Standard as one of the most popular abolitionist newspapers in the US. She edited the Standard until 1843, when her husband took her place as editor-in-chief. She acted as his assistant until May 1844. During their stay in New York, the Childs were close friends of Isaac T. Hopper, a Quaker abolitionist and prison reformer. After leaving New York, the Childs settled in Wayland, Massachusetts, where they spent the rest of their lives. Here, they provided shelter for runaway slaves trying to escape the Fugitive Slave Law. Child also served as a member of the executive board of the American Anti-Slavery Society during the 1840s and 1850s, alongside Lucretia Mott and Maria Weston Chapman.

During this period, she also wrote short stories, exploring, through fiction, the complex issues of slavery. Examples include "The Quadroons" (1842) and "Slavery's Pleasant Homes: A Faithful Sketch" (1843). She wrote anti-slavery fiction to reach people beyond what she could do in tracts. She also used it to address issues of sexual exploitation, which affected both the enslaved persons and the slaveholder family. In both cases she found women suffered from the power of men. The more closely Child addressed some of the abuses, the more negative the reaction she received from her readers. She published an anti-slavery tract, The Duty of Disobedience to the Fugitive Slave Act: An Appeal to the Legislators of Massachusetts, in 1860.

Eventually Child left the National Anti-Slavery Standard, because she refused to promote violence as an acceptable weapon for battling slavery. She did continue to write for many newspapers and periodicals during the 1840s, and she promoted greater equality for women. However, because of her negative experience with the AASS, she never worked again in organized movements or societies for women's rights or suffrage. In 1844, Child published the poem "The New-England Boy's Song about Thanksgiving Day" in Flowers for Children, Volume 2, that became famous as the song "Over the River and Through the Wood".

In the 1850s, Child responded to the near-fatal beating on the Senate floor of her good friend Charles Sumner, an abolitionist Senator from Massachusetts, by a South Carolina congressman, by writing her poem entitled "The Kansas Emigrants". The outbreak of violence in Kansas between anti- and pro-slavery settlers, prior to voting on whether the territory should be admitted as a free or slave state, resulted in Child changing her opinion about the use of violence. Along with Angelina Grimké Weld, another proponent for peace, she acknowledged the need for the use of violence to protect anti-slavery emigrants in Kansas. Child also sympathized with the radical abolitionist John Brown. While she did not condone his violence, she deeply admired his courage and conviction in the raid on Harper's Ferry. She wrote to Virginia Governor Henry A. Wise asking for permission to travel to Charles Town to nurse Brown, but although Wise had no objection, Brown did not accept her offer.

In 1860, Child was invited to write a preface to Harriet Jacobs's slave narrative, Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl. She met Jacobs and agreed not only to write the preface but also became the editor of the book.

Native American rights work
Child published her first novel, the historical romance Hobomok, A Tale of Early Times, anonymously under the gender-neutral pseudonym "an American". The plot centers on the interracial marriage between a white woman and a Native American man, who have a son together. The heroine later remarries, reintegrating herself and her child into Puritan society. The issue of miscegenation caused a scandal in the literary community and the book was not a critical success.

During the 1860s, Child wrote pamphlets on Native American rights. The most prominent, An Appeal for the Indians (1868), called upon government officials, as well as religious leaders, to bring justice to American Indians. Her presentation sparked Peter Cooper's interest in Indian issues. It contributed to the founding of the U.S. Board of Indian Commissioners and the subsequent Peace Policy in the administration of Ulysses S. Grant.

Freethought beliefs
Born to a strict Calvinist father, Child slept with a bible under her pillow when she was young. However, although she joined the Unitarians in 1820, as an adult she was not active in that, or any other, church. In 1855 she published the 3-volume "The Progress of Religious Ideas Through Successive Ages", within which she rejected traditional theology, dogma, and doctrines and repudiated the concept of revelation and creeds as the basis for moral action, arguing instead "It is impossible to exaggerate the evil work that theology has done in the world" and, in commenting on the efforts of theologians, "What a blooming paradise would the whole earth be if the same amount of intellect, labor, and zeal had been expended on science, agriculture, and the arts!"

Child's An Appeal in Favor of that Class of Americans Called Africans pushed for emancipation by highlighting the life of an enslaved Muslim man named Ben Solomon. In underscoring Ben Solomon's excellence and intelligence as an Arabic teacher and a man of Muslim faith, Child not only drove racial acceptance but religious acceptance as well.

Personal life
Lydia Francis taught school until 1828, when she married Boston lawyer David Lee Child. His political activism and involvement in reform introduced her to the social reforms of Indian rights and Garrisonian abolitionism. She was a long-time friend of activist Margaret Fuller and frequent participant in Fuller's "conversations" held at Elizabeth Palmer Peabody's North Street bookstore in Boston.

Child died in Wayland, Massachusetts, aged 78, on October 20, 1880, at her home at 91 Old Sudbury Road. She was buried at North Cemetery in Wayland. At her funeral, abolitionist Wendell Phillips shared the opinion of many within the abolition movement who knew her, "We felt that neither fame, nor gain, nor danger, nor calumny had any weight with her."

Legacy

 * Child's friend, Harriet Winslow Sewall, arranged Child's letters for publication after her death.
 * The first volume of History of Woman Suffrage, published in 1881, states, “THESE VOLUMES ARE AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED TO THE Memory of Mary Wollstonecraft, Frances Wright, Lucretia Mott, Harriet Martineau, Lydia Maria Child, Margaret Fuller, Sarah and Angelina Grimké, Josephine S. Griffing, Martha C. Wright, Harriot K. Hunt, M.D., Mariana W. Johnson, Alice and Phebe Carey, Ann Preston, M.D., Lydia Mott, Eliza W. Farnham, Lydia F. Fowler, M.D., Paulina Wright Davis, Whose Earnest Lives and Fearless Words, in Demanding Political Rights for Women, have been, in the Preparation of these Pages, a Constant Inspiration TO The Editors”.
 * The Liberty ship Lydia M. Child, named after Child, was launched on January 31, 1943, and saw service during World War II.
 * Child was inducted into the National Women's Hall of Fame in 2007.
 * In 2007, Child was inducted into the National Abolition Hall of Fame, in Peterboro, New York.

Writings

 * Hobomok, A Tale of Early Times. 1824
 * Evenings in New England: Intended for Juvenile Amusement and Instruction. 1824
 * The Rebels; or, Boston Before the Revolution (1825). 1850 ed.
 * The Juvenile Miscellany, a children's periodical (editor, 1826–1834)
 * The Frugal Housewife: Dedicated to Those Who are Not Ashamed of Economy, a book of kitchen, economy and directions (1829; 33rd edition 1855) 1832
 * The Mother's Book (1831), an early American instructional book on child rearing, republished in England and Germany
 * A collection of verses
 * The American Frugal Housewife: Dedicated to those who are not ashamed of Economy (1832) 1841
 * The Ladies' Family Library, a series of biographies (5 vols., 1832–1835)
 * The Girl's Own Book, new ed. by Mrs. R. Valentine. London: William Tegg, 1863
 * An Appeal in Favor of that Class of Americans Called Africans 1833
 * (two volumes).
 * A romance of Greece set in the days of Pericles
 * Includes stories such as The Quadroons
 * A short story
 * Letters from New-York, written for the National Anti-Slavery Standard while Child was the editor (2 vols., 1841–1843)
 * "The New-England Boy's Song about Thanksgiving Day" (1844), later known by its opening line, "Over the River and Through the Wood". A poem originally published in Flowers for Children, vol. 2. Text of poem
 * "Hilda Silfverling: A Fantasy". 1845
 * Flowers for Children (3 vols., 1844–1846)
 * The Progress of Religious Ideas, Through Successive Ages, an ambitious work, showing great diligence, but containing much that is inaccurate (3 vols., New York, 1855)
 * A Few Scenes from a True History. 1858.
 * A novel promoting interracial marriage
 * A volume of her letters, with an introduction by John G. Whittier and an appendix by Wendell Phillips, was published after her death (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1882)
 * Lydia Maria Child: Selected Letters, 1817-1880 (Meltzer, Milton, and Holland, Patricia G., eds.). Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1982
 * Flowers for Children (3 vols., 1844–1846)
 * The Progress of Religious Ideas, Through Successive Ages, an ambitious work, showing great diligence, but containing much that is inaccurate (3 vols., New York, 1855)
 * A Few Scenes from a True History. 1858.
 * A novel promoting interracial marriage
 * A volume of her letters, with an introduction by John G. Whittier and an appendix by Wendell Phillips, was published after her death (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1882)
 * Lydia Maria Child: Selected Letters, 1817-1880 (Meltzer, Milton, and Holland, Patricia G., eds.). Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1982
 * A Few Scenes from a True History. 1858.
 * A novel promoting interracial marriage
 * A volume of her letters, with an introduction by John G. Whittier and an appendix by Wendell Phillips, was published after her death (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1882)
 * Lydia Maria Child: Selected Letters, 1817-1880 (Meltzer, Milton, and Holland, Patricia G., eds.). Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1982
 * A novel promoting interracial marriage
 * A volume of her letters, with an introduction by John G. Whittier and an appendix by Wendell Phillips, was published after her death (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1882)
 * Lydia Maria Child: Selected Letters, 1817-1880 (Meltzer, Milton, and Holland, Patricia G., eds.). Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1982
 * A volume of her letters, with an introduction by John G. Whittier and an appendix by Wendell Phillips, was published after her death (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1882)
 * Lydia Maria Child: Selected Letters, 1817-1880 (Meltzer, Milton, and Holland, Patricia G., eds.). Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1982
 * A volume of her letters, with an introduction by John G. Whittier and an appendix by Wendell Phillips, was published after her death (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1882)
 * Lydia Maria Child: Selected Letters, 1817-1880 (Meltzer, Milton, and Holland, Patricia G., eds.). Amherst, MA: University of Massachusetts Press, 1982

title: Lydia Maria Child


text:
Talk:Open Society Foundations

Criticism section
I find it very strange that this page has no controversy/criticism section as is typical on organization pages. For reference: World_Health_Organization Clinton_Foundation

To ensure neutrality and ward off claims of bias I propose we rename the section head to 'controversies' as is the general practice-moving positive commentary to another section as required.

--103.42.218.196 (talk) 19:50, 24 November 2019 (UTC)
 * Per WP:CSECTION, we should avoid sections on negative criticism. Where other articles include them, it is bad practice that should be removed rather than spread into better-structured articles. Ralbegen (talk) 22:41, 24 November 2019 (UTC)
 * I believe you are misinterpreting the WP:CSECTION. It clearly states- in bold- that criticism sections are entirely appropriate for pollitical and philosophical topics. You may note that most articles on wikipedia relating to political groups have a "controversy" or "criticism" section, A good example might be the Bill and melinda gates foundation which has a 'criticism and reform" section.
 * the term "reception" is only generally applied to works and publications, not to organisations- in that context it functions as a euphemism.
 * As it appears there is a long running edit war about the approprietness of a "criticizm category" and all editors seem partisan I'm throwing this out for comment
 * --Willthewanderer (talk) 05:51, 8 April 2020 (UTC)
 * It's appropriate to state all viewpoints. It doesn't have to be criticism, just difference (that may involve rewording).  Information leaving out viewpoints, is lacking and biased.  2601:187:C07F:B4C0:0:0:0:BDD4 (talk) 16:33, 27 October 2020 (UTC)
 * In this case, that means paranoid conspiracy theories about Soros. Tgeorgescu (talk) 05:15, 28 October 2020 (UTC)
 * In this case, that means paranoid conspiracy theories about Soros. Tgeorgescu (talk) 05:15, 28 October 2020 (UTC)

Selectively chosen article, only to drag in Trump Admin
Why is this included on this Page? "In 2017, Open Society Foundations and other NGOs that promote open government and help refugees have been targeted for crackdowns by authoritarian and populist governments who have been emboldened by encouraging signals from the Trump Administration. Several politicians in eastern Europe, including Liviu Dragnea in Romania and typically right-wing figures Szilard Nemeth in Hungary, Macedonia's Nikola Gruevski, who called for a "de-Sorosization" of society, and Poland's Jaroslaw Kaczynski, who has said that Soros-funded groups want "societies without identity", regard many of the NGO groups to be irritants at best, and threats at worst.[36]

There are many article written that talk about all the reasons other governments have wanted to crackdown on OSF, yet only this article is chosen, as if to drag in the Trump admin. This is selective bias even though you don't want to admit it. This is the type of crap that makes people say Wikipedia is biased. There is no reason this amount of detail from only 1 reference needs to be included here - unless it is for political purposes.

I'm not going to let this go. I'll appeal to the highest I have to. 2001:569:FB72:8F00:B495:C542:1A69:D4AA (talk) 16:06, 29 March 2020 (UTC)
 * Um, who is the highest? Doug Weller  talk 16:18, 29 March 2020 (UTC)
 * About Dragnea: it was empty rhetoric, he just knew his prison sentence was coming. It is empty rhetoric because several prominent members of his party benefited from OSF sponsorships. And no, Romania does not have a problem with refugees, since usually they don't want to remain in Romania. Tgeorgescu (talk) 03:51, 30 March 2020 (UTC)

xref “Open Govt” Talk pages re adding, increasing technological advances
Following is the copy of my comments on the referenced Talk page: I have to ask, have you looked at whitehouse.gov recently? I have noticed a great deal of info available to public under (oh my, dare I utter it?) the Trump Administration. I would also hope mention is made of the serious dangers to U.S. security and protection of the American ppl if EVERYthing, esp re U.S. military were transparent to the public. It seems all too obvious with recent events, and historical ones, that plenty of ppl in and out of the U.S. are ready and willing to use/sell/do anything that might damage the U.S. in any way. That’s why our military is set up such that even the President is not made privy to the most sensitive info, for his or her protection as well as the protection of the country as a whole. So I just hope that the info HERE includes that side of the thinking that must go into expanding transparency of govt, ESPECIALLY w/regard to using technology to expand it, or expanding the technology used. The entire concept of technological help in U.S. govt transparency is potentially extremely dangerous to the entire population, given that technological access to sensitive info increases the possibility of access to the very ppl who would use the info to do harm. Hackers don’t just all hang together and advertise their skills. They’re not listed in the yellow pages. They live and work among us all, and those with deep pockets can find them and pay them any amount to find out anything and everything there is to know to decimate us—quickly or slowly, any way they can. So plz find & incl sources for that kind of content as well. Dbreyna (talk) 00:17, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

 * I think you are confused. "Open Society Foundations financially support civil society groups around the world, with a stated aim of advancing justice, education, public health and independent media." I can see no relationship between your comments (wrong about the president by the way) and this article. Doug Weller  talk 14:22, 6 July 2020 (UTC)

News since 2018
The last grants listed on their website are from 2018, and the news on this page also stops at 2018.

I'm still seeing new accusations against these people fly wildly. Is there any new information on what is going on for them? 2601:187:C07F:B4C0:0:0:0:BDD4 (talk) 16:30, 27 October 2020 (UTC)

title: Talk:Open Society Foundations


text:
List of aircraft of the Israeli Air Force

List of aircraft of the Israeli Air Force:


text:
Nigerian (disambiguation)

Nigerian may refer to:
 * Something of, from, or related to Nigeria, located in West Africa
 * Nigerians, people from Nigeria
 * Nigerian cuisine
 * There is no language called "Nigerian". For the most widely spoken languages in Nigeria, see Languages of Nigeria.

title: Nigerian (disambiguation)