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Deals

Deals (previously stylized as DEAL$) was an American chain of discount variety stores owned by Dollar Tree. The chain operated more than 221 stores located in shopping centers, malls (until 2015), and urban areas in 19 states throughout the United States.

Each store stocked a variety of products including national, regional, and private-label brands, and accepted manufacturers' coupons. Departments found in a Deals store included health and beauty, food and snacks, party, seasonal décor, housewares, glassware, dinnerware, household cleaning supplies, candy, toys, gifts, gift bags and wrap, stationery, craft supplies, teaching supplies, and books. The majority of Deals stores also sold frozen foods and dairy items such as milk, eggs, pizza, ice cream, frozen dinners, and pre-made baked goods.

History
Tom Holley owned the local Grandpa's chain in St. Louis, which he sold in November 1999 to Value City so he could open additional Deal$ stores after the first few proved successful. It eventually evolved into a chain of 41 discount dollar stores located from Missouri to Ohio. Later acquired by SuperValu on May 20, 2002, Deal$ had grown to 53 stores. And finally by March 29, 2006, Dollar Tree, Inc. acquired all Deal$ stores from SuperValu Inc, now 138 outlets.

On March 1, 2016, Dollar Tree converted most of the company's Deals stores into Dollar Tree stores. The conversion was done due to the parent company's acquisition of Family Dollar. The remaining 5 Deals stores were converted to Family Dollar stores.

Since 2018, some Dollar Tree stores previously known as Deals locations, many located in the Northern United States, closed down.

Website
In 2013, Deals launched a full e-commerce website, deals-stores.com, to sell merchandise in both single items and larger quantities to individuals, small businesses, and organizations. The website was also used to advertise in-store events, specials, seasonal promotions, and featured products. As a part of its re-branding in 2016, it now redirects to Dollar Tree's website.

title: Deals


text: User talk:203.147.0.44

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: User talk:203.147.0.44


text:
Adjuntas, Puerto Rico

Adjuntas is a small mountainside town and municipality in Puerto Rico located central midwestern portion of the island on the Cordillera Central, north of Yauco, Guayanilla, and Peñuelas; southeast of Utuado; east of Lares and Yauco; and northwest of Ponce. Adjuntas is spread over 16 barrios and Adjuntas Pueblo (the downtown area and the administrative center of the city). Adjuntas is about two hours by car westward from the capital, San Juan.

Adjuntas is nicknamed "the Switzerland of Puerto Rico", because of its relatively chilly weather. Many Puerto Rican mountain towns have cooler weather than the rest of the island; Adjuntas is no exception: the average yearly weather is 70 °F (21 °C) (High: 83 °F/28 °C; Low: 58 °F/14 °C). Puerto Rico's lowest temperature were recorded in Adjuntas at 38 °F in 2018. Its mild climate attracts a good number of island tourists during the summer months. The town has a small hotel named Monte Rio and a good-sized parador, or country inn, called Villa Sotomayor.

Adjuntas' ZIP Code, 00601, is the lowest standard ZIP code in the United States ZIP code system.

Etymology and nicknames
The name Adjuntas literally translates to "attached" in Spanish. The name is most likely a shortening of "tierras adjuntas a Coamo" or 'lands attached (or in proximity) to Coamo" as the territory was originally part of the lands of Villa de San Blas de Illescas, one of the oldest settlements in Puerto Rico, which the municipality gained autonomy from in 1739.

The municipality has received numerous nicknames throughout its history, such as La Ciudad del Gigante Dormido, Spanish for "city of the sleeping giant" after the mountain that overlooks the town; La Suiza de Puerto Rico ("Puerto Rico's Switzerland") due to its relative cool temperatures and mountainous terrain; and La Tierra de los Lagos ("Land of the Lakes") after the many natural pools or charcas that are formed by the numerous rivers that flow through the municipality.

History
Although there are petroglyphs and traces of Taíno people in Adjuntas, there is no proof that the region was dominated by any specific cacique. Nearby caciques like Guarionex and Urayoán could have had some control over the area.

According to historian Aurelio Tió, during the Spanish colonization of Puerto Rico in the 16th century, it is believed that a Spanish interpreter called Juan González settled in the region. Also, historian Cayetano Coll y Toste wrote a legend about Spanish people looking for gold in the region of Adjuntas. As colonization progressed, Adjuntas became part of the San Blas de Illescas (Coamo village), which was founded in 1579 and became the most important settlement in the south. It is believed that the name "Adjuntas" derives from the term of "being close" to Coamo. As population shifted to Ponce, Adjuntas became more linked to that town, and then to Utuado, being a barrio of this municipality in 1739.

With 20 families established in the region, the residents of Adjuntas asked for the settlement to be officially recognized. The town of Adjuntas was then founded on August 11, 1815, with Diego Maldonado being elected as its representative. A city hall and public square were built shortly after. Adjuntas was one of the main cities where the Anusim, Maranos, and other Sephardi Jews settled in Puerto Rico.

After the mid-19th century, Adjuntas welcomed many immigrants from the Mediterranean islands Corsica and Majorca. Some of them established coffee plantations. During the last decades of the 19th century, the coffee produced in Adjuntas was exported to Europe, United States and even the Vatican.

Adjuntas was proclaimed a "villa", or a first order municipality, by the Spanish Government Monarchy in 1894. Several years after, the town was occupied by the United States Army forces during the Spanish–American War of 1898 and was visited by President Theodore Roosevelt in 1906.

The discovery of rich deposits of copper, gold and other minerals during the 1960s motivated some local community and environmental leaders to oppose the mining. Casa Pueblo, a local community organization settled in Adjuntas, opposed to the mining and advocates for the preservation of natural resources in Puerto Rico.

In 1992, Southern Gold Resources, a US company, was granted permission to explore for gold in Adjuntas and Utuado, Puerto Rico.

Hurricane Maria on September 20, 2017, triggered numerous landslides all across Adjuntas, with its winds and significant amount of rain, 18.38 inches in Adjuntas. The hurricane winds and rain damaged infrastructure and the electrical system of Adjuntas collapsed leaving its over 18,000 residents with no electrical power. PR-10 which connects Adjuntas to Utuado collapsed by 9 feet, and according to the mayor of Adjuntas, 1500 homes were completely destroyed. Nearly 62% of the residents of Adjuntas were already living below the poverty level when Hurricane María hit Puerto Rico. The municipality was also affected by the 2020 earthquakes which caused landslides and power outages in the region.

Folklore
El Gigante Dormido ("the sleeping giant") is a mountain (Cerro El Gigante) and panoramic view that resembles the shape of a man lying on his back, the profile of his face is reflected in the mountain ridges of Adjuntas. Legend says that many years ago a sole resident lived in the region, and he was a giant. The people wanted to live in those fertile lands, but they would observe the giant stretching his arms widely over the area, even peeping his head over the mountain peaks. A witch learned that to kill the giant she would have to hit him in his right eye with a poisoned arrow, which she did one day as he stood up. Being hit in the eye, the giant leapt in pain and fell flat on his back but not before punching the ground hard and that formed an area from where water foamed up. Eventually, the giant on his back became petrified in that position forming the panorama of the profile of his face.

Geography
The terrain of Adjuntas is very mountainous due to its location in the Cordillera Central. It borders Utuado in the north and east, Lares and Yauco to the west, and Guayanilla, Peñuelas, and Ponce to the south.

Historian Pedro Tomás de Córdova described the terrain as "high, and mountainous, and very healthy". He also praised the quality of the terrain for agriculture. Adjuntas' highest peak is Monte Guilarte (3,773 ft), followed by Vaquiñas (3,346 ft). Guilarte itself is the sixth highest peak in Puerto Rico and is located in Guilarte State Forest. Córdova also mentioned the water features, describing 26 rivers and 16 creeks that ran through the region.

Bodies of water
The following rivers flow through Adjuntas: Río Cidra, Río Corcho, Rio de la Ciénaga, Río Garzas, Río Guilarte, Río Limaní, Río Saltillo, Río Toro, Río Vacas, and Río Yahuecas. There aren't any beaches in Adjuntas given that it is landlocked.

Barrios
The municipality of Adjuntas is made up of 17 barrios, including the barrio-pueblo.

 * 1) Adjuntas barrio-pueblo
 * 2) Capáez
 * 3) Garzas
 * 4) Guayabo Dulce
 * 5) Guayo
 * 6) Guilarte
 * 7) Juan González
 * 8) Limaní
 * 9) Pellejas
 * 10) Portillo
 * 11) Portugués
 * 12) Saltillo
 * 13) Tanamá
 * 14) Vegas Abajo
 * 15) Vegas Arriba
 * 16) Yahuecas
 * 17) Yayales

Sectors
Barrios (which are like minor civil divisions) and subbarrios, are further subdivided into smaller areas called sectores (sectors in English). The types of sectores may vary, from normally sector to urbanización to reparto to barriada to residencial, among others.

Climate
Adjuntas features a tropical rainforest climate that borders on a subtropical highland climate. While the town technically features a tropical rainforest climate, due to its high elevation, the climate is noticeably cooler than the norm for this climate category. Summers are warm (83°-85 °F) in the daytime and mild at nighttime (60°-63 °F). Meanwhile, winters are moderately warm with cool temperatures at night. During daytime, high temperatures are around 79 °F in the town and 68 °F in the nearby mountains. Winter night temperatures are between in the 55 °F and 60 °F range, but after cold fronts temperatures can drop down to 45 °F. Adjuntas' summer climate is comparable to higher altitude locations near the equator (albeit with warmer winters), such as Medellin, while its winters are comparable to higher latitude locations at the limit of the tropics such as West Palm Beach.

Demographics
In 2020, Adjuntas had a population of 18,020.

80% of the per capita income of Adjuntas is a product of agriculture. In 2010, unemployment hit 20.2%. According to mayor, Jaime Barlucea, it decreased to 18.7 in 2011. However, according to the Department of Employment of Puerto Rico, it increased to 21.3.

The municipality of Adjuntas previously formed the Adjuntas Micropolitan Statistical Area, and it has been included in the Ponce Metropolitan Statistical Area since the 2020 US Census.

Special Communities
Comunidades Especiales de Puerto Rico (Special Communities of Puerto Rico) are marginalized communities whose citizens are experiencing a certain amount of social exclusion. A map shows these communities occur in nearly every municipality of the commonwealth. Of the 742 places that were on the list in 2014, the following barrios, communities, sectors, or neighborhoods were in Adjuntas: Acueducto neighborhood, Calle del Agua, Guayo barrio, Rullán neighborhood, Saltillo Vaca, Tanamá barrio, and Yahuecas barrio.

Agriculture
Since its foundation in the 19th century, the production of coffee, sugarcane, small fruits, and cattle have formed the foundation of the economy of Adjuntas. During the middle of the 20th century, however, the production of sugar declined with the arrival of manufacturing industries.

Adjuntas is still the main producer of coffee on the island. Other products produced in Adjuntas are tropical crops such as bananas, citron and peaches.

After the economic hardships caused by Hurricane Maria in 2017, some economic gains were being made by a number of women working in agriculture in Adjuntas.

Industry
During the middle of the 20th century, some manufacturing industries established themselves in town as part of Operation Bootstrap. However, as of 2012, most of them have already closed. One of the last manufacturing companies in town, a military uniforms company, closed in March 2012.

Tourism
Although tourism hasn't been an integral part of the economy of Adjuntas, according to historic records, it has been present since the 19th century. Historian Lidio Cruz Monclóva noted that around 1871, some doctors requested patients to travel to Adjuntas to stay in a hotel called "La Adjunteña". The hotel was the property of C.L. Ginestre, and served both tourists and the sick. Cruz noted that doctors believed the colder temperatures of the town were beneficial to health. In 2018, Adjuntas received approximately 700 tourists on weekends, according to mayor Jaime Barlucea. Most of them want to visit the haciendas established there during past centuries. Some of them are: Hacienda Don Juan, Hacienda Bareal, Hacienda El Muerto, Hacienda Arbela, and Hacienda Pietri. Other landmarks are Monte Guilarte, and the Inabón waterfall.

Another known tourist stop in Adjuntas is Casa Pueblo, a local museum and cultural institution founded by a group of activists that fought against the copper mine exploitation of the area for decades. Casa Pueblo is responsible for many environmental projects, namely the preservation of hundreds of acres of woods and bodies of water.

However, some residents and businesspeople from Adjuntas maintain that the government has not taken advantage of the many tourist attractions in town, which include three forests, waterfalls, lakes, and many renowned restaurants. One of the projects that has received media coverage is the Castillo de los Niños, built during the mayoralty of Barlucea. Castillo de los Niños is a recreational park resembling a castle, with gazebos.

Villa Sotomayor is a parador, featuring ecotourism. Villa Sotomayor features food prepared with local ingredients, from a nearby estate Hacienda Nur.

In early 2021, in alliance with neighboring Lares, Adjuntas launched agri-tourism for tourists to visit haciendas where coffee is grown and processed.

There are two places in Adjuntas recognized for their historic significance: Las Cabañas Bridge, a one-lane bridge made of steel and concrete, which was built in 1919, and Quinta Vendrell, a country house built in 1918. The Washington Irving Grade School was also added to the US National Register of Historic Places in 2015.

To stimulate local tourism during the COVID-19 pandemic in Puerto Rico, the Puerto Rico Tourism Company launched the Voy Turistiendo (I'm Touring) campaign in 2021. The campaign featured a passport book with a page for each municipality. The Voy Turisteando Adjuntas passport page lists the Hacienda Tres Angeles (for agritourism), the Bosque Guilarte, and Lago Garza as places of interest for locals.

Education
In all of the island's municipalities, public education is overseen by the Puerto Rico Department of Education. When Puerto Rico was ceded by Spain in the aftermath of the Spanish–American War under the terms of the Treaty of Paris of 1898 and became a territory of the United States, there were already six public schools established in Adjuntas. Historian Cayetano Coll y Toste offered a detailed account of each of them, including the number of students, which at the time totaled 402.

As of 2018–2019 the following public schools were operational in Adjuntas:
 * Domingo Massol is a rural, elementary school located in Saltillo barrio, offering grades K – 6 with about 114 students.
 * Domingo Pietri Ruiz is an urban, elementary school offering K – 3 grades with about 425 students.
 * Rafael Aparicio Jimenez is an urban, intermediate school offering grades 7 – 9 with about 385 students.
 * Hector I Rivera is a rural school located in Yahuecas barrio, offering K – 8 with about 240 students.
 * Jose Emilio Lugo is an urban, high school located in Urbanización Cerros, offering grades 10 – 12 with over 600 students.
 * Jose B. Barcelo Oliver is a rural school for adults located in Saltillo barrio.

Public health
Although there are no hospitals in Adjuntas, the town does have a small treatment and diagnostic center located in Adjuntas Pueblo. Also, Castañer Hospital, which is located on the border between Adjuntas, Lares, and Maricao, offers services to the municipality.

Public safety
According to sources, there has not been a murder in Adjuntas since 2009. However, burglary and theft have increased. Some residents attribute the rise in crime to unemployment and the lack of activities for the youth.

Festivals and events
Adjuntas celebrates its patron saint festival in late July / early August. The Fiestas Patronales de San Joaquin & Santa Ana is a religious and cultural celebration in honor of Saint Joachim and Saint Anne. The festival generally features parades, games, artisans, amusement rides, regional food, and live entertainment.

Other festivals and events celebrated in Adjuntas include:
 * Festival del Frío – February / March
 * El Gigante Marathon – July
 * Cidra Festival – August
 * Feria Agrícola del Gigante Dormido – August
 * Eduardo Vera Marathon – December
 * Troubadour Contest – December
 * Fiesta Del Acabe Del Café – December
 * Businesswomen from the Mountain Market (Mercado de Mujeres Empresarias de La Montaña) once a month

Sports
The town has a professional volleyball team called Gigantes de Adjuntas that plays on the LVSM in Puerto Rico.

Transportation

In 1874, General José Laureano Sanz, Governor of Puerto Rico, sponsored a road from Ponce to Arecibo, going across Adjuntas and Utuado. In 1885, it is believed that the road was under construction.

Nowadays, the main road to Adjuntas is PR-10, that connects the cities of Ponce in the south and Arecibo in the north, going across Adjuntas in the center. Before the PR-10 was built, roads like the PR-123, and other small roads were used to reach town.

There is also a small airport in Adjuntas that caters to private airplanes.

Adjuntas has 30 bridges. Built in 1919, Las Cabañas Bridge, made of steel and concrete is a one-lane, historic bridge which remains in operation.

Government

All municipalities in Puerto Rico are administered by a mayor, elected every four years. As of 2021, the mayor of Adjuntas is José Hiram Soto Rivera, of the Popular Democratic Party (PPD). The mayor before him was Jaime Barlucea. Barlucea has been reelected three times since (2008, 2012, and 2016).

The city belongs to the Puerto Rico Senatorial district V, which is represented by two senators. In 2016, Luis A. Berdiel Rivera and Nelson Cruz, from the New Progressive Party, were elected as district senators.

Symbols
The municipio has an official flag and coat of arms.

Coat of Arms
The coat of arms of Adjuntas is divided in two. The left side features a shepherd's staff crossed with a yarnwinder in a purple field. They symbolize the Old Testament patriarchs, representing Saint Joachim and Saint Anne, parents of the Virgin Mary. An eight-pointed star sits above them representing the Virgin.

The right side of the coat of arms is divided in three fields. The upper and lower field have green crosses in white fields. The crosses, known as "flory or fleury" are also present in the symbols of Coamo, because of the relationship between both towns. Two bells lie in the middle field, also a representation of the name of "Adjuntas".

Two coffee branches surround the coat of arms, representing Adjuntas location and its importance in the coffee industry of the island. The castle at the top represents the title of village given to Adjuntas by Spain in 1894.

Flag
The flag of Adjuntas has similar symbolisms. A white diagonal stripe divides the flag in two triangles. The upper one is purple, while the lower one is green. In the middle of each triangle lies a white "cross fleury". The white color symbolizes purity, while purple represents Saint Joachim's cloth and green the nature of the town.

Anthem
The anthem of Adjuntas was written by José Nieves Pérez and is called "Adjuntas, mi amor".

Nicknames
Adjuntas has several nicknames. One is "La ciudad del gigante dormido" ("The city of the sleeping giant"). This is a reference to one of the mountains of the city, which is compared to a "sleeping giant". Another nickname is "La Suiza de Puerto Rico" ("The Switzerland of Puerto Rico") which is a reference to Adjuntas' relatively low temperatures. Adjuntas has an average yearly weather of 70 degrees Fahrenheit. Finally, Adjuntas is also called "La tierra de lagos" ("The land of lakes") because of its many lakes.

Notable Adjunteños
Among the notable Adjunteños are the following:
 * Aristides A. Moll Boscana – Poet, writer, translator and politician. He was the first Puerto Rican to write a complete modernista poetry book: Mi misa rosa (1905). In United States he worked as a technical writer for the federal government, as a translator of the first Spanish-language edition of the Journal of the American Medical Association, and as Secretary of the Pan American Sanitary Bureau in Washington, DC, where he edited the Latin American edition of its bulletin. He participated of many Latin American public health conferences, the first World Health Organization conference in Paris, France, and represented El Salvador during the WHO constitutional conference in New York. He wrote many public health related essays and prepared two bilingual (Spanish – English) medical dictionaries and a Spanish medical manual for physicians. He published Æsculapius in Latin America, (a History of Medicine in the Americas).
 * César Luis González – The first Puerto Rican pilot in the United States Army Air Forces and the first Puerto Rican pilot to die in World War II. His name is listed on the "Roll of Honor" of the 314th Troop Carrier Group World War II and Adjuntas has honored his memory by naming a street, Calle Cesar González, after him.
 * Norman Maldonado – One of Puerto Rico's leading hematologists and former president of the University of Puerto Rico.
 * Ismael Alicea – Librarian who worked at the New York Public Library for many years.

title: Adjuntas, Puerto Rico


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Donald Winnicott

Donald Woods Winnicott (7 April 1896 – 25 January 1971) was an English paediatrician and psychoanalyst who was especially influential in the field of object relations theory and developmental psychology. He was a leading member of the British Independent Group of the British Psychoanalytical Society, President of the British Psychoanalytical Society twice (1956–1959 and 1965–1968), and a close associate of Marion Milner.

Winnicott is best known for his ideas on the true self and false self, the "good enough" parent, and borrowed from his second wife, Clare, arguably his chief professional collaborator, the notion of the transitional object. He wrote several books, including Playing and Reality, and over 200 papers.

Early life and education
Winnicott was born on 7 April 1896 in Plymouth, Devon, to Sir John Frederick Winnicott and Elizabeth Martha, daughter of chemist and druggist William Woods, of Plymouth. Sir John Winnicott was a partner in the family firm, in business as hardware merchants and manufacturers, and was knighted in 1924 having served twice as mayor of Plymouth; he was also a magistrate and alderman. The Winnicott family were staunch, civic-minded Methodists.

The family was prosperous and ostensibly happy, but behind the veneer, Winnicott saw himself as oppressed by his mother, who tended toward depression, as well as by his two sisters and his nanny. He would eventually speak of 'his own early childhood experience of trying to make "my living" by keeping his mother alive'. His father's influence was that of an enterprising freethinker who encouraged his son's creativity. Winnicott described himself as a disturbed adolescent, reacting against his own self-restraining "goodness" acquired from trying to assuage the dark moods of his mother.

He first thought of studying medicine while at The Leys School, a boarding school in Cambridge, after fracturing his clavicle and recording in his diary that he wished he could treat himself. He began pre-clinical studies in biology, physiology and anatomy at Jesus College, Cambridge, in 1914 but, with the onset of World War I, his studies were interrupted when he was made a medical trainee at the temporary hospital in Cambridge. In 1917, he joined the Royal Navy as a medical officer on the destroyer HMS Lucifer.

Having graduated from Cambridge with a third-class degree, he began studies in clinical medicine at St Bartholomew's Hospital Medical College in London. During this time, he learned from his mentor the art of listening carefully when taking medical histories from patients, a skill that he would later identify as foundational to his practice as a psychoanalyst.

Career
Winnicott completed his medical studies in 1920, and in 1923, the same year as his marriage to the artist Alice Buxton Winnicott (born Taylor). She was a potter and they married on 7 July 1923 in St Mary's Church, Frensham. Alice had "severe psychological difficulties" and Winnicott arranged for her, and his own therapy, to address the difficulties this condition created. He obtained a post as physician at the Paddington Green Children's Hospital in London, where he was to work as a paediatrician and child psychoanalyst for 40 years. In 1923 he began a ten-year psychoanalysis with James Strachey, and in 1927 he began training as an analytic candidate. Strachey discussed Winnicott's case with his wife Alix Strachey, apparently reporting that Winnicott's sex life was affected by his anxieties. Winnicott's second analysis, beginning in 1936, was with Joan Riviere.

Winnicott rose to prominence as a psychoanalyst just as the followers of Anna Freud were in conflict with those of Melanie Klein for the right to be called Sigmund Freud's "true intellectual heirs". Out of the Controversial discussions during World War II, a compromise was reached with three more-or-less amicable groups within the psychoanalytic movement: the "Freudians", the "Kleinians", and the "Middle Group" of the British Psychoanalytical Society (the latter being called the "Independent Group"), to which Winnicott belonged, along with Ronald Fairbairn, Michael Balint, Masud Khan, John Bowlby, Marion Milner, and Margaret Little. During the Second World War, Winnicott served as consultant paediatrician to the children's evacuation programme. During the war, he met and worked with Clare Britton, a psychiatric social worker who became his colleague in treating children displaced from their homes by wartime evacuation. Winnicott was lecturing after the war and Janet Quigley and Isa Benzie of the BBC asked him to give over sixty talks on the radio between 1943 and 1966. His first series of talks in 1943 was titled "Happy Children." As a result of the success of these talks, Quigley offered him total control over the content of his talks but this soon became more consultative as Quigley advised him on the correct pitch.

After the war, he also saw patients in his private practice. Among contemporaries influenced by Winnicott was R. D. Laing, who wrote to Winnicott in 1958 acknowledging his help.

Winnicott divorced his first wife in 1949 and married Clare Britton (1906–1984) in 1951. A keen observer of children as a social worker and a psychoanalyst in her own right, she had an important influence on the development of his theories and likely acted as midwife to his prolific publications after they met.

Except for one book published in 1931 (Clinical Notes on Disorders of Childhood), all of Winnicott's books were published after 1944, including The Ordinary Devoted Mother and Her Baby (1949), The Child and the Family (1957), Playing and Reality (1971), and Holding and Interpretation: Fragment of an Analysis (1986).

Winnicott died on 25 January 1971, following the last of a series of heart attacks and was cremated in London. Clare Winnicott oversaw the posthumous publication of several of his works.

Concept of holding
Winnicott's paediatric work with children and their mothers led to the development of his influential concept concerning the "holding environment". Winnicott claimed that "the foundations of health are laid down by the ordinary mother in her ordinary loving care of her own baby", central to which was the mother's attentive holding of her child.

Winnicott considered that the "mother's technique of holding, of bathing, of feeding, everything she did for the baby, added up to the child's first idea of the mother", as well as fostering the ability to experience the body as the place wherein one securely lives. Extrapolating the concept of holding from mother to family and the outside world, Winnicott saw as key to healthy development "the continuation of reliable holding in terms of the ever-widening circle of family and school and social life".

Winnicott was influential in viewing the work of the psychotherapist as offering a substitute holding environment based on the mother/infant bond. Winnicott wrote: "A correct and well-timed interpretation in an analytic treatment gives a sense of being held physically that is more real...than if a real holding or nursing had taken place. Understanding goes deeper".

His theoretical writings emphasised empathy, imagination, and, in the words of philosopher Martha Nussbaum, who has been a proponent of his work, "the highly particular transactions that constitute love between two imperfect people."

Anti-social tendency
Connected to the concept of holding is what Winnicott called the anti-social tendency, something which he argued "may be found in a normal individual, or in one that is neurotic or psychotic". The delinquent child, Winnicott thought, was looking for a sense of secure holding lacking in their family of origin from society at large. He considered antisocial behaviour as a cry for help, fuelled by a sense of loss of integrity, when the familial holding environment was inadequate or ruptured.

Play and the sense of being real
One of the elements that Winnicott considered could be lost in childhood was what he called the sense of being – for him, a primary element, of which a sense of doing is only a derivative. The capacity for being – the ability to feel genuinely alive inside, which Winnicott saw as essential to the maintenance of a true self –  was fostered in his view by the practice of childhood play.

In contrast to the emphasis in orthodox psychoanalysis upon generating insight into unconscious processes, Winnicott considered that playing was the key to emotional and psychological well-being. It is likely that he first came upon this notion from his collaboration in wartime with the psychiatric social worker, Clare Britton, (later a psychoanalyst and his second wife) who in 1945 published an article on the importance of play for children. By "playing", he meant not only the ways that children of all ages play, but also the way adults "play" through making art, or engaging in sports, hobbies, humour, meaningful conversation, et cetera. At any age, he saw play as crucial to the development of authentic selfhood, because when people play they feel real, spontaneous and alive, and keenly interested in what they are doing. He thought that insight in psychoanalysis was helpful when it came to the patient as a playful experience of creative, genuine discovery; dangerous when patients were pressured to comply with their analyst's authoritative interpretations, thus potentially merely reinforcing a patient's false self. Winnicott believed that it was only in playing that people are entirely their true selves, so it followed that for psychoanalysis to be effective, it needed to serve as a mode of playing.

Two of the techniques whereby Winnicott used play in his work with children were the squiggle game and the spatula game. The first involved Winnicott drawing a shape for the child to play with and extend (or vice versa) – a practice extended by his followers into that of using partial interpretations as a 'squiggle' for a patient to make use of.

The second, more famous instance involved Winnicott placing a spatula (tongue depressor) within the child's reach for him to play with. Winnicott considered that "if he is just an ordinary baby he will notice the attractive object...and he will reach for it....[then] in the course of a little while he will discover what he wants to do with it". From the child's initial hesitation in making use of the spatula, Winnicott derived his idea of the necessary 'period of hesitation' in childhood (or analysis), which makes possible a true connection to the toy, interpretation or object presented for transference.

Many of Winnicott's writings show his efforts to understand what helps people to be able to play, and on the other hand what blocks some people from playing. Babies can be playful when they are cared for by people who respond to them warmly and playfully, like a mother who smiles and says, "Peek-a-boo!" when she sees her baby playfully peeking out from behind his hands. If the mother never responded playfully, sooner or later the baby would stop trying to elicit play from her. Indeed, Winnicott came to consider that "Playing takes place in the potential space between the baby and the mother-figure....[T]he initiation of playing is associated with the life experience of the baby who has come to trust the mother figure". "Potential space" was Winnicott's term for a sense of an inviting and safe interpersonal field in which one can be spontaneously playful while at the same time connected to others (again a concept that has been extrapolated to the practice of analysis).

Playing can also be seen in the use of a transitional object, Winnicott's term for an object, such as a teddy bear, that has a quality for a small child of being both real and made-up at the same time. Winnicott pointed out that no one demands that a toddler explain whether his Binky is a "real bear" or a creation of the child's own imagination, and went on to argue that it is very important that the child is allowed to experience the Binky as being in an undefined, "transitional" status between the child's imagination and the real world outside the child. For Winnicott, one of the most important and precarious stages of development was in the first three years of life, when an infant grows into a child with an increasingly separate sense of self in relation to a larger world of other people. In health, the child learns to bring his or her spontaneous, real self into play with others; in a false self disorder, the child has found it unsafe or impossible to do so, and instead feels compelled to hide the true self from other people, and pretend to be whatever they want instead. Playing with a transitional object can be an important early bridge between self and other, which helps a child develop the capacity to be genuine in relationships, and creative.

Playing for Winnicott ultimately extended all the way up from earliest childhood experience to what he called "the abstractions of politics and economics and philosophy and culture...this 'third area', that of cultural experience which is a derivative of play".

True self and false self
Winnicott wrote that "a word like self...knows more than we do.". He meant that, while philosophical and psychoanalytic ideas about the self could be very complex and arcane, with a great deal of specialised jargon, there was a pragmatic usefulness to the ordinary word "self" with its range of traditional meanings. For example, where other psychoanalysts used the Freudian terminology of ego and id to describe different functions of a person's psychology, Winnicott at times used "self" to refer to both. For Winnicott, the self is a very important part of mental and emotional well-being which plays a vital role in creativity. He thought that people were born without a clearly developed self and had to "search" for an authentic sense of self as they grew. "For Winnicott, the sense of feeling real, feeling in touch with others and with one's own body and its processes was essential for living a life."

True self
"Only the true self can be creative and only the true self can feel real."

Winnicott believed one of the developmental hurdles for an infant to pass is the risk of being traumatised by being too aware too soon of how small and helpless they really are. A baby who is too aware of real-world dangers will be too anxious to learn optimally. A good-enough parent is well enough attuned and responsive to protect the baby with an illusion of omnipotence, or being all-powerful. For example, a well-cared-for baby usually does not feel hungry for very long before being fed. Winnicott thought the parents' quick response of feeding the baby gives the baby a sense that whenever she's hungry, food appears as if by magic, as if the baby herself makes food appear just by being hungry. To feel this powerful, Winnicott thought, allowed a baby to feel confident, calm and curious, and able to learn without having to invest a lot of energy into defences.

False self
In Winnicott's writing, the "False Self" is a defence, a kind of mask of behaviour that complies with others' expectations. Winnicott thought that in health, a False Self was what allowed one to present a "polite and mannered attitude" in public.

But he saw more serious emotional problems in patients who seemed unable to feel spontaneous, alive or real to themselves anywhere, in any part of their lives, yet managed to put on a successful "show of being real". Such patients suffered inwardly from a sense of being empty, dead or "phoney".

Winnicott thought that this more extreme kind of False Self began to develop in infancy, as a defence against an environment that felt unsafe or overwhelming because of a lack of reasonably attuned caregiving. He thought that parents did not need to be perfectly attuned, but just "ordinarily devoted" or "good enough" to protect the baby from often experiencing overwhelming extremes of discomfort and distress, emotional or physical. But babies who lack this kind of external protection, Winnicott thought, had to do their best with their own crude defences.

One of the main defences Winnicott thought a baby could resort to was what he called "compliance", or behaviour motivated by a desire to please others rather than spontaneously express one's own feelings and ideas. For example, if a baby's caregiver was severely depressed, the baby would anxiously sense a lack of responsiveness, would not be able to enjoy an illusion of omnipotence, and might instead focus his energies and attentions on finding ways to get a positive response from the distracted and unhappy caregiver by being a "good baby". The "False Self" is a defence of constantly seeking to anticipate others' demands and complying with them, as a way of protecting the "True Self" from a world that is felt to be unsafe.

Winnicott thought that the "False Self" developed through a process of introjection (a concept developed early on by Freud) or internalising one's experience of others. Instead of basing his personality on his own unforced feelings, thoughts, and initiatives, the person with a "False Self" disorder would essentially be imitating and internalising other people's behaviour – a mode in which he could outwardly come to seem "just like" his mother, father, brother, nurse, or whoever had dominated his world, but inwardly he would feel bored, empty, dead, or "phoney". Winnicott saw this as an unconscious process: not only others but also the person himself would mistake his False Self for his real personality. But even with the appearance of success, and of social gains, he would feel unreal and lack the sense of really being alive or happy.

The division of the True and False self roughly develops from Freud's (1923) notion of the Superego which compels the Ego to modify and inhibit libidinal Id impulses, possibly leading to excessive repression but certainly altering the way the environment is perceived and responded to. However, it is not a close equation as the Id, Ego and Superego are complex and dynamic inter-related systems that do not fit well into such a dichotomy. The theory more closely resembles Carl Rogers' simplified notions of the Real and Ideal self. According to Winnicott, in every person the extent of division between True and False Self can be placed on a continuum between the healthy and the pathological. The True Self, which in health gives the person a sense of being alive, real, and creative, will always be in part or in whole hidden; the False Self is a compliant adaptation to the environment, but in health it does not dominate the person's internal life or block him from feeling spontaneous feelings, even if he chooses not to express them. The healthy False Self feels that it is still being true to the True Self. It can be compliant to expectations but without feeling that it has betrayed its "True Self".

Winnicott on Carl Jung
Winnicott's assessment of the other great pioneer of psychoanalysis, Carl Jung, appeared when he published an extensive review of Jung's partially autobiographical work, Memories, Dreams, Reflections. In it Winnicott focuses on the first three chapters of the work that: "every psychoanalyst must read' and in particular the first chapter, 'First Years'. Winnicott" He discusses Jung's evident early experiences of psychotic illness from around the age of four, from within his own theoretical framework. He goes on to comment on the relationship between Freud and Jung. He also discusses the Jungian 'unconscious' and Jung's concept of the 'self'.

Criticism and influence
Winnicott's theoretical elusiveness has been linked to his efforts to modify Kleinian views. Yet whereas from a Kleinian standpoint, his repudiation of the concepts of envy and the death drive were a resistant retreat from the harsh realities Klein had found in infant life, he has also been accused of being too close to her, of sharing in her regressive shift of focus away from the Oedipus complex to the pre-oedipal.

The psychoanalyst, Jan Abram, a former director of the Squiggle Foundation, intended to promote Winnicott's work, who therefore may be said to be partisan, has proposed a coherent interpretation for the omission of Winnicott's theories from many mainstream psychoanalytic trainings. His view of the environment and use of accessible everyday language, addressing the parent community, as opposed to just the Kleinian psychoanalytic community, may account in part for the distancing and making him somewhat "niche".

Winnicott has also been accused of identifying himself in his theoretical stance with an idealised mother, in the tradition of mother (Madonna) and child. Related is his downplaying of the importance of the erotic in his work, as well as the Wordsworthian Romanticism of his cult of childhood play (exaggerated still further in some of his followers).

His theories of the true/false self may have been over-influenced by his own childhood experience of caring for a depressed mother, which resulted in the development of a prematurely mature self which he was only subsequently able to undo.

Nevertheless, Winnicott remains one of the few twentieth-century analysts who, in stature, breadth, minuteness of observations, and theoretical fertility can legitimately be compared to Sigmund Freud. Along with Jacques Derrida, Winnicott is a fundamental resource for philosopher Bernard Stiegler's What Makes Life Worth Living: On Pharmacology (2010).

Posthumous

 * Deprivation and Delinquency (London: Tavistock, 1984)
 * Human Nature (Winnicott Trust, 1988) notebooks
 * Human Nature (Winnicott Trust, 1988) notebooks

title: Donald Winnicott


text:
Andy Thomas

Andrew Sydney Withiel "Andy" Thomas, AO (born 18 December 1951) is an Australian and American aerospace engineer and a former NASA astronaut. He has dual nationality; he became a U.S. citizen in December 1986, hoping to gain entry to NASA's astronaut program. He is married to fellow NASA astronaut Shannon Walker.

Education
Thomas went to St Andrews Primary School, Adelaide at Walkerville in South Australia and subsequently to St Peter's College, Adelaide. After secondary school, he studied at the University of Adelaide, where he received a BEng degree with First Class Honours in 1973 and a PhD degree in 1978, both in Mechanical Engineering.

He appears in the 1972 edition of the Adelaide University Engineering Society's (AUES) annual publication, Hysteresis. The caption below a photograph of the 21-year-old Thomas reads:

He is the great-great-grandson of Frederick George Waterhouse, first curator of the South Australian Institute Museum, and naturalist of the John McDouall Stuart Expedition 1861–1862.

Early career
As a child, growing up in Fullarton, Adelaide, Thomas was fascinated by space. His father has described how he started building model rockets from cardboard and plastics. After completing his studies, Thomas accepted an offer from Lockheed in Atlanta. By 1990 he was the organisation's principal aerodynamic scientist. His career continued in the field, steering towards more senior research positions.

NASA career
Thomas was selected by NASA in March 1992 and reported to the Johnson Space Center in August 1992. In August 1993, following one year of training, he was appointed a member of the NASA Astronaut Corps and was qualified for an assignment as a mission specialist on Space Shuttle flight crews.

While awaiting space flight assignment, Thomas supported shuttle launch and landing operations as an Astronaut Support Person (ASP) at the Kennedy Space Center. He also provided technical support to the Space Shuttle Main Engine project, the Solid Rocket Motor project and the External Tank project at the Marshall Space Flight Center. In June 1995, Thomas was named as payload commander for STS-77 and flew his first flight in space on Endeavour in May 1996. Although Paul D. Scully-Power had entered orbit as an oceanographer in 1985, Thomas was the first Australia-born professional astronaut to enter space.

He next trained at the Gagarin Cosmonaut Training Center in Star City, Russia in preparation for a long-duration flight. In 1998, he served as Board Engineer 2 aboard the Russian Space Station Mir for 140 days. From August 2001 to November 2003, Thomas served as Deputy Chief of the Astronaut Office. Thomas completed his fourth space flight on STS-114 and has logged over 177 days in space. He was working with issues for the Exploration Branch of the Astronaut Office until his retirement from NASA in February 2014.

NASA officially announced Thomas' retirement on 20 June 2014, which took effect on 1 March 2014, after 22 years with the space agency.

Spaceflights
STS-77 was a mission during which the crew deployed two satellites, tested a large inflatable space structure on orbit and conducted a variety of scientific experiments in a Spacehab laboratory module carried in Endeavour's payload bay. The flight was launched from the Kennedy Space Center on 19 May 1996 and completed 160 orbits 153 nmi above the Earth while traveling 4.1 million miles and logging 240 hours and 39 minutes in space.

On 22 January 1998, Thomas launched aboard Space Shuttle  Endeavour as part of the STS-89 crew to dock with the Mir Space Station. He served aboard Mir as flight engineer 2 and returned to Earth with the crew of STS-91 aboard Space Shuttle  Discovery on 12 June 1998, completing 130 days in space and 2,250 orbits of Earth.

STS-102 Discovery (8–21 March 2001) was the eighth Shuttle mission to visit the International Space Station and Thomas's third flight. Mission accomplishments included the delivery of the Expedition 2 crew and logistics resupply with the Leonardo Multi-Purpose Logistics Module, and then return to Earth of the Expedition 1 crew. During the mission, Thomas performed an EVA of 6.5 hours to install components to the outside of the space station. Mission duration was 307 hours and 49 minutes.

STS-114 Discovery (26 July – 9 August 2005) was the Return to Flight mission following the  Columbia accident during which the crew continued the assembly of the International Space Station. Thomas tested and evaluated new procedures for flight safety and inspection and repair techniques for the Shuttle's thermal protection system. After a 2-week, 5.8 million mile journey in space, the orbiter Discovery and its crew returned to land at Edwards Air Force Base, California. Mission duration was 333 hours, 32 minutes, 48 seconds.

Post-NASA career
On the 20th of November 2020 the Andy Thomas Foundation was launched. The purpose was to advance space education, raise space awareness, and contribute to the Australian space community.

Honours and awards

 * 2000: Appointed Officer of the Order of Australia (AO) "for service to science and technology through the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) programme as an astronaut and for contributions to the human exploration of space."
 * 2001: Centenary Medal
 * 2018: Life Membership of the Space Industry Association of Australia
 * One of the main roads near the International and Domestic Terminal at Adelaide International Airport (ADL) is named Andy Thomas Drive in his honour.

title: Andy Thomas


text:
Labuan

Labuan, officially the Federal Territory of Labuan (Wilayah Persekutuan Labuan), is an island federal territory of Malaysia. Its territory includes and six smaller islands, off the coast of the state of Sabah in East Malaysia. Labuan's capital is Victoria and is best known as an offshore financial centre offering international financial and business services via Labuan IBFC since 1990 as well as being an offshore support hub for deepwater oil and gas activities in the region. It is also a tourist destination for people travelling through Sabah, nearby Bruneians and scuba divers. The name Labuan derives from the Malay word labuhan which means harbour.

History
For three centuries from the 15th century, the north and west coast of Borneo including the island of Labuan was part of the Sultanate of Brunei. In 1775, Labuan was temporarily occupied by the British East India Company after the failure of the company's station at Balambangan Island. The Sultan of Brunei, Omar Ali Saifuddin I tried to secure the British East India Company's support against the Sulu raiders by offering Labuan as an alternative to Balambangan but, instead the company made a second but failed attempt to set up a station on Balambangan. The Sultan's subsequent reoffering of Labuan to the company did not result in the establishment of a permanent British settlement on the island either.

British policy changed in the 19th century, when Labuan started to attract British interest again. Captain Rodney Mundy acquired the island for Britain through the Treaty of Labuan with the Sultan of Brunei, Omar Ali Saifuddin II on 18 December 1846. Mundy took Pengiran Mumin to witness the island's accession to the British Crown on 24 December 1846. Some sources state that during the signing of the treaty, the Sultan had been threatened by a British navy warship ready to fire on the Sultan's palace if he refused to sign the treaty while another source says the island was ceded to Britain as a reward for assistance in combating pirates.

The main reason why the British acquired the island was to establish a naval station to protect their commercial interest in the region and to suppress piracy in the South China Sea. The British also believed the island could be the next Singapore. The island became a Crown Colony in 1848 with James Brooke appointed as the first governor and commander-in-chief, with William Napier as his lieutenant-governor. In 1849, the Eastern Archipelago Company became the first of several British companies to try to exploit Labuan coal deposits. The company was formed to exploit coal deposits on the island and adjacent coast of Borneo but soon became involved in a dispute with James Brooke. Not proving itself a great commercial or strategic asset, administration of Labuan was handed to the British North Borneo Company in 1890. In 1894, a submarine communications cable was built by the British to link the island's communications with North Borneo, Singapore and Hong Kong for the first time. By 30 October 1906, the British Government proposed to extend the boundaries of the Straits Settlements to include Labuan. The proposal took effect from 1 January 1907.

In World War II, Labuan was occupied by Japan from 3 January 1942 until June 1945 and garrisoned by units of the Japanese 37th Army, which controlled Northern Borneo. The island served as the administrative centre for the Japanese forces. During the occupation, the Japanese Government changed the island name to Maida Island (前田島 [Maeda-shima]) on 9 December 1942 after Marquis Toshinari Maeda, as a remembrance to the first Japanese commander in northern Borneo. Maeda was killed in an air crash at Bintulu, Sarawak when en route to the island to open the airfield there. As the Allied counter-attack came closer, the Japanese also developed Labuan and Brunei Bay as a naval base.

The liberation of Borneo by the Allied forces began on 10 June 1945 when the Australian Army under the command of Australian Major General George Wootten launched an attack under the codename of Operation Oboe Six. Labuan became the main objective for the Allied forces to repossess. Soon, the 9th Division of the Australian Army launched the attack with support from airstrikes and sea bombardments until the capture of the Labuan airstrip. Most of the Labuan island area including the main town of Victoria was under the control of Allied forces within four days of the landing on 10 June. On 9 September 1945, the Japanese Lieutenant General Masao Baba officially surrendered at a place now known as Surrender Point near the Layang-layang beach which he had been brought to the 9th Division headquarters on the island to sign the surrender document in front of the Australian 9th Division Army Commander George Wootten.

The name of Labuan was later restored by the British and the island was administered under the British Military Administration together with the rest of the Straits Settlements. Labuan then on 15 July 1946 joined the North Borneo Crown Colony, which in turn became the state of Sabah and Malaysia in 1963. In 1984, the Government of Sabah ceded Labuan to the federal government and later was admitted as a federal territory. It was declared an international offshore financial centre and free trade zone in 1990.

Geography
Labuan's area comprises the main island (Labuan Island – 91.64 km2) and six other smaller islands, Burung, Daat, Kuraman, Big Rusukan, Small Rusukan and Papan island with a total area of 91.64 km2. The islands lie 8 km off the coast of Borneo, adjacent to the Malaysian state of Sabah and to the north of Brunei Darussalam, on the northern edge of Brunei Bay facing the South China Sea. Labuan Island is mainly flat and undulating; its highest point is Bukit Kubong at 148 m above sea level. Over 70% of the island is still covered with vegetation. The main town area of Victoria is located in a position facing Brunei Bay.

Islands

 * Labuan Island
 * Daat Island
 * Papan Island
 * Burung Island
 * Kuraman Island
 * Big Rusukan Island (Pulau Rusukan Besar)
 * Small Rusukan Island (Pulau Rusukan Kecil)

Climate
Labuan has a tropical rainforest climate with no dry season. Over the course of a year, the temperature typically varies from 25 to 32 C and is rarely below 24 °C or above 33 °C. The warm season lasts from 1 April to 13 June with an average daily high temperature above 31 °C. The hottest day of the year is 29 April, with an average high of 32 °C and low of 26 °C. The cold season lasts from 7 January to 17 February with an average daily high temperature below 30 °C. The coldest day of the year is 8 September, with an average low of 25 °C and high of 31 °C. The weather station for Labuan is located at Labuan Airport.

Thunderstorms are the most severe precipitation observed in Labuan during 60% of those days with precipitation. They are most likely around October, when they occur very frequently. Meanwhile, the relative humidity for Labuan typically ranges from 63% (mildly humid) to 96% (very humid) over the course of the year, rarely dropping below 53% and reaching as high as 100% (extremely humid).

Government
Labuan is one of the Malaysian federal government territories. The island is administered by the federal government through the Department of Federal Territories, a department under the Prime Minister's Department (Malaysia). Labuan Corporation is the municipal government for the island and is headed by a chairman who is responsible for the development and administration of the island. Labuan has one representative in each of the Lower and Upper Houses of Parliament. Typically, the current member of the parliament of Labuan will be appointed to become chairman of Labuan Corporation.

The island is represented in the lower house of parliament by MP Suhaili Abdul Rahman of PN and in the upper house by Senator Anifah Aman of Parti Cinta Sabah, making him the first non-Labuan resident senator. Below is the list of administrators of Labuan Corporation from 2001 to the current date:

Administrative subdivision
The Federal Territory is administratively subdivided into the capital Bandar Victoria and 27 kampung (administrative villages), and which are ruled by appointed Ketua Kampung (headmen):

 * 1) Bukit Kalam
 * 2) Durian Tunjung
 * 3) Tanjung Aru
 * 4) Pohon Batu
 * 5) Batu Arang
 * 6) Patau-Patau 2
 * 7) Belukut
 * 8) Sungai Keling
 * 9) Sungai Bedaun / Sungai Sembilang
 * 10) Layang-Layangan
 * 11) Sungai Labu
 * 12) Pantai
 * 13) Gersik / Saguking / Jawa / Parit
 * 14) Sungai Buton
 * 15) Kilan / Kilan Pulau Akar
 * 16) Lajau
 * 17) Rancha-Rancha
 * 18) Nagalang / Kerupang
 * 19) Bebuloh
 * 20) Sungai Lada
 * 21) Lubok Temiang
 * 22) Sungai Bangat
 * 23) Sungai Miri / Pagar
 * 24) Patau-Patau 1
 * 25) Batu Manikar
 * 26) Bukit Kuda
 * 27) Ganggarak / Merinding

Security
Security is the responsibility of the federal government, with naval patrol vessels, a garrison, and an air detachment based on the island. The vigilance of the local Coast Guard and Customs and Excise contribute to the maintenance of Labuan's reputation and status as an international offshore financial centre and free trade zone.

Population and religion

According to Malaysia's Department of Statistics, Labuan's population was 86,908 at the 2010 Census and 95,120 at the 2020 Census. The ethnic composition in 2020 in Labuan was: Malay people (34,068), Kadazan-Dusun including/excluding Rungus (9,408), Bajau (6,866), Murut (1265), Chinese (9,843), Indians (891), Lundayeh and other ethnic groups (21,947), and non-Malaysian citizens (10,832). The majority of Chinese people in Labuan are from the Hokkien dialect group (but has been since decreasing due to migration to the Peninsula as well as overseas); however, there are also many Hakkas, most of whom are migrants or descendants of migrants from mainland Sabah as well as local-born Hakkas, whom are settled for more than 2 to 3 generations in the island dating as long as the colonial period, in which they came as stopover migrants or traders before embarking to the mainland (even when it was still an only island offshore municipality within Sabah state jurisdiction from 1963 to 1984) as well as a negligible minority of Fuzhounese from neighbouring Sarawak, mostly working as government staff and those posted in the petroleum and gas offshore industries and to a lesser extent a large minority of Dayaks also from Sarawak who are resident here and their local-born descendants whom are mostly ethnically Iban with pockets of Bidayuh and Orang Ulu residents.

Census the population of Labuan is 76.0% Muslim, 12.4% Christian, 9.0% Buddhist, 0.4% Hindu, 2.1% follower of other religions, and 0.1% non-religious.

Economy
The economy of Labuan thrives on its vast oil and gas resources and international investment and banking services. Labuan is very much an import-export oriented economy. Virtually all of its commodities including crude oil, methanol, HBI, gas, flour, animal feed, sea products, and ceramic tiles are exported either to Peninsular Malaysia or overseas. Raw materials, parts, and equipments for industrial uses well as consumer products are imported. In 2004, the total value of Labuan's external trade reached MYR11.8 billion from only MYR5.0 billion in 1995 for a net trade surplus of MYR5.1 billion. Among its major trade partners are India, Peninsular Malaysia, Sarawak, and South Korea. 65% of its exports are petroleum and gas-based products.

The Gross Domestic Product (GDP) of Labuan is estimated at MYR3.63 billion in 2012 with a growth rate of 5.8 percent. Labuan GDP per capita in 2012 is MYR39,682. The total employment for Labuan is around 39,800 in 2012. The main economic sectors in Labuan is service and manufacturing which contributed 94.6 percent to the island GDP. The service sector consisted mainly of Finance and Insurance and Real Estate and Business Services. Meanwhile, the manufacturing sector consists mainly of oil and gas industry and support.

The Labuan International Business and Financial Centre Labuan IBFC was created as Malaysia's only offshore financial hub in October 1990 and was operating under the name of Labuan International Offshore Financial Centre (IOFC). At the time it was established to strengthen the contribution of financial services to the Gross National Product (GNP) of Malaysia as well as to develop the island and its surrounding vicinity. The jurisdiction, supervised by the Labuan Offshore Financial Services Authority or LOFSA, offers benefits such as 3% tax on net audited results or a flat rate of Malaysian Ringgit (MYR) 20,000 to trading companies; low operational costs; liberal exchange controls; and a host of other advantages including readily available, experienced and professional service providers. In 2010 the notion "offshore" was excluded from all the statutes of Labuan due to world pressure on the tax havens and offshores.

Since its inception, the jurisdiction has expanded to become a base for more than 4,800 offshore companies and 68 licensed banks. The IBFC also has over 370 registered foundations, 100 partnerships, and over 63 licensed trusts. Labuan IBFC is embarking on an aggressive growth strategy to become the premier international business and financial centre in the Asia Pacific region.

Labuan's business focus is on five core areas: offshore holding companies, captive insurance, Shariah-compliant Islamic Finance structures, public and private funds, and wealth management. Labuan IBFC's position is further enhanced by the launch of the Malaysian International Islamic Finance Centre initiative in August 2006.

Places of interest
There are several attractions and places of interest in Labuan. The Labuan War Cemetery contains various war graves and memorials to the fallen of World War II. This includes British, Australian, Indian, Sarawakian, Bruneian, North Bornean, and Empire troops, with a total of 3,908 graves of fallen soldiers. A memorial service is held on Remembrance Day once every four years. The territory also has a memorial celebrating the surrender of the Japanese to the Australian Forces in 1945. Remnants of Labuan's history as a Royal Navy coaling station include the chimney, a well known local landmark. Labuan also contains a Labuan Maritime Museum.

Labuan is also the base for diving on four popular wreck dives: the Cement wreck, the American wreck, (the first USS Salute), the Australian wreck and the Blue Water wreck.

Labuan has many schools. However, it has only one international school, Labuan International School. Other places of interest include the Labuan International Sea Sport Complex. Newly proposed is the Marina Centre and Labuan Square project which were completed in 2010.

Labuan's own institution of higher education is Universiti Malaysia Sabah Labuan International Campus, a branch of Universiti Malaysia Sabah in Sepanggar Bay, Kota Kinabalu. Labuan also has Kolej Matrikulasi Labuan, the only matriculation college in East Malaysia. All pre-university students from Sabah, Sarawak, and Labuan take their courses at this institution.

Postage stamps and postal history
A post office was operating in Labuan by 1864, and used a circular date stamp as postmark. The postage stamps of India and Hong Kong were used on some mail, but they were probably carried there by individuals, instead of being on sale in Labuan. Mail was routed through Singapore. From 1867, Labuan officially used the postage stamps of the Straits Settlements but began issuing its own in May 1879.

Although initially the design for the first stamp issue was proposed to be depicting a clump of sago palms, for economic reasons, the queen heads design was finally adopted, having been used initially for postage stamps of Grenada. The first stamps of Labuan therefore depict the usual profile of Queen Victoria but are unusual for being inscribed in Malay-Arabic (Jawi) and Chinese scripts in addition to "LABUAN POSTAGE". Perennial shortages necessitated a variety of surcharges in between the several reprints and colour changes of the 1880s. The original stamps were engraved, but the last of the design, in April 1894, were done by lithography.

Beginning in May 1894, the stamps of North Borneo were overprinted "LABUAN". On 24 September 1896, the 50th anniversary of the cession was marked by overprinting "1846 / JUBILEE / 1896" on North Borneo stamps. Additional overprints appeared through the 1890s. In 1899 many types were surcharged with a value of 4 cents.

The last Labuan-only design came out in 1902, depicting a crown and inscribed "LABUAN COLONY". After incorporation into the Straits Settlements in 1906, Labuan ceased issuing its own stamps, although they remained valid for some time. Many of the remainder were cancelled-to-order for sale to collectors and are now worth only pennies; genuine franked/post used stamps are worth much more.

Federal Parliament Seats
List of Labuan representatives in the Federal Parliament (Dewan Rakyat)

Notable residents

 * Hassan Sani, Malaysian and Sabah football player
 * Kelvin Teo, young entrepreneur and season 1 winner of reality show Love Me Do
 * Karen Kong, Hong Kong-based Malaysian pop singer
 * Suresh Singh, right-hand bowler who plays for the Malaysian cricket national team
 * Yussof Mahal, politician from Barisan National party and former Member of Parliament for Labuan

title: Labuan


text:
Blowing Rock (land feature)

Blowing Rock is a rocky outcropping land feature in the town of Blowing Rock, North Carolina, above a gorge in the northern most portion of Caldwell County.

The prevailing wind blows through the gorge toward Blowing Rock. There, at the end of the gorge, the wind's path of least resistance is up the steep slopes surmounted by the outcropping, resulting in a nearly vertical and typically strong wind.

The legend of the Blowing Rock is that a Cherokee brave leapt from the rock into the wilderness below, only to have a gust of wind return him to his lover on top of the rock. This is a typical example of a lover's leap legend. Blowing Rock is private property; a fee for access is payable at the adjacent souvenir shop.

The 2008 feature film Goodbye Solo features Blowing Rock in its concluding scene.

title: Blowing Rock (land feature)


text:
Body dysmorphic disorder

Body dysmorphic disorder (BDD), also known in some contexts as dysmorphophobia, is a mental disorder defined by an overwhelming preoccupation with a perceived flaw in one's physical appearance. In BDD's delusional variant, the flaw is imagined. When an actual visible difference exists, its importance is disproportionately magnified in the mind of the individual. Whether the physical issue is real or imagined, ruminations concerning this perceived defect become pervasive and intrusive, consuming substantial mental bandwidth for extended periods each day. This excessive preoccupation not only induces severe emotional distress but also disrupts daily functioning and activities. The DSM-5 places BDD within the obsessive–compulsive spectrum, distinguishing it from disorders such as anorexia nervosa.

BDD is estimated to affect from 0.7% to 2.4% of the population. It usually starts during adolescence and affects both men and women. The BDD subtype muscle dysmorphia, perceiving the body as too small, affects mostly males. In addition to thinking about it, the sufferer typically checks and compares the perceived flaw repetitively and can adopt unusual routines to avoid social contact that exposes it. Fearing the stigma of vanity, they usually hide this preoccupation. Commonly overlooked even by psychiatrists, BDD has been underdiagnosed. As the disorder severely impairs quality of life due to educational and occupational dysfunction and social isolation, those experiencing BDD tend to have high rates of suicidal thoughts and may attempt suicide.

Signs and symptoms
Dislike of one's appearance is common, but individuals with BDD have extreme misperceptions about their physical appearance. Whereas vanity involves a quest to aggrandize the appearance, BDD is experienced as a quest to merely normalize the appearance. Although delusional in about one of three cases, the appearance concern is usually non-delusional, an overvalued idea.

The bodily area of focus is commonly face, skin, stomach, arms and legs, but can be nearly any part of the body. In addition, multiple areas can be focused on simultaneously. A subtype of body dysmorphic disorder is bigorexia (anorexia reverse or muscle dysphoria). In muscular dysphoria, patients perceive their body as excessively thin despite being muscular and trained. Many seek dermatological treatment or cosmetic surgery, which typically does not resolve the distress. On the other hand, attempts at self-treatment, as by skin picking, can create lesions where none previously existed.

BDD is an obsessive–compulsive disorder but involves more depression and social avoidance despite a degree of overlap with obsessive-compulsive disorder. BDD often associates with social anxiety disorder (SAD). Some experience delusions that others are covertly pointing out their flaws. Cognitive testing and neuroimaging suggest both a bias toward detailed visual analysis and a tendency toward emotional hyper-arousal.

Most generally, one experiencing BDD ruminates over the perceived bodily defect several hours daily or longer, uses either social avoidance or camouflaging with cosmetics or apparel, repetitively checks the appearance, compares it to that of other people, and might often seek verbal reassurances. One might sometimes avoid mirrors, repetitively change outfits, groom excessively, or restrict eating.

BDD's severity can wax and wane, and flareups tend to yield absences from school, work, or socializing, sometimes leading to protracted social isolation, with some becoming housebound for extended periods. Social impairment is usually greatest, sometimes approaching avoidance of all social activities. Poor concentration and motivation impair academic and occupational performance. The distress of BDD tends to exceed that of major depressive disorder and rates of suicidal ideation and attempts are especially high.

Cause
As with most mental disorders, BDD's cause is likely intricate, altogether biopsychosocial, through an interaction of multiple factors, including genetic, developmental, psychological, social, and cultural. BDD usually develops during early adolescence, although many patients note earlier trauma, abuse, neglect, teasing, or bullying. In many cases, social anxiety earlier in life precedes BDD. Though twin studies on BDD are few, one estimated its heritability at 43%. Yet other factors may be introversion, negative body image, perfectionism, heightened aesthetic sensitivity, and childhood abuse and neglect.

Childhood trauma
The development of body dysmorphia can stem from trauma caused by parents/guardians, family, or close friends. In a study published in 2021 about the prevalence of childhood maltreatment among adults with body dysmorphia, researchers found that more than 75% of respondents had experienced some form of abuse as children. Indeed, the researchers found that adults who had a history of emotional neglect as children were especially vulnerable to BDD, though other forms of abuse, including physical and sexual abuse, were also identified as significant risk factors. As the children progress into their adult years, they start to visualise the abuse that has been done to their bodies, and start finding ways to hide, cover, or change it so they are not reminded of the trauma that they endured as an adolescent.

Social media
Constant use of social media and "selfie taking" may translate into low self-esteem and body dysmorphic tendencies. The sociocultural theory of self-esteem states that the messages given by media and peers about the importance of appearance are internalized by individuals who adopt others' standards of beauty as their own. Due to excessive social media use and selfie taking, individuals may become preoccupied about presenting an ideal photograph for the public. Specifically, females' mental health has been the most affected by persistent exposure to social media. Girls with BDD present symptoms of low self-esteem and negative self-evaluation. Due to social media’s expectations, a factor of why individuals have body dysmorphia can come from women comparing themselves with media images of ideal female attractiveness, a perceived discrepancy between their actual attractiveness and the media’s standard of attractiveness is likely to result. Researchers in Istanbul Bilgi University and Bogazici University in Turkey found that individuals who have low self-esteem participate more often in trends of taking selfies along with using social media to mediate their interpersonal interaction in order to fulfill their self-esteem needs. The self-verification theory, explains how individuals use selfies to gain verification from others through likes and comments. Social media may therefore trigger one's misconception about their physical look. Similar to those with body dysmorphic tendencies, such behavior may lead to constant seeking of approval, self-evaluation and even depression.

In 2019 systematic review using Web of Science, PsycINFO, and PubMed databases was used to identify social networking site patterns. In particular appearance focused social media use was found to be significantly associated with greater body image dissatisfaction. It is highlighted that comparisons appear between body image dissatisfaction and BDD symptomatology. They concluded that heavy social media use may mediate the onset of sub-threshold BDD.

Individuals with BDD tend to engage in heavy plastic surgery use. In 2018, the plastic surgeon Dr. Tijon Esho coined term "Snapchat Dysmorphia" to describe a trend of patients seeking plastic surgeries to mimic "filtered" pictures. Filtered photos, such as those on Instagram and Snapchat, often present unrealistic and unattainable looks that may be a causal factor in triggering BDD.

Sociocultural perspective
Historically, body dysmorphic disorder (BDD) was originally coined "dysmorphophobia", a term which was widely applied in research literature among the Japanese, Russians, and Europeans. However, in American literature, the appearance of BDD was still overlooked in the 1980s. It was introduced in the DSM-III by the APA, and the diagnostic criteria were not properly defined, as the non-delusional and delusional factors were not separated. This was later resolved with the revision of the DSM-III, which aided many by providing appropriate treatment for patients. BDD was initially considered non-delusional in European research, and was grouped with "monosymptomatic hypochondriacal psychoses" – delusional paranoia disorders, before being introduced in the DSM-III.

In 1991, the demographics of individuals who experience BDD were primarily single women aged 19 or older. This statistic has not changed over the decades, women are still considered the predominant gender to experience BDD. With the rise of social media platforms, individuals are easily able to seek validation and openly compare their physical appearance to online influences, finding more flaws and defects in their own appearance. This leads to attempts to conceal the defect such as seeking out surgeons to resolve the issue of perceived ugliness.

Universally, it is evident that different cultures place much emphasis on correcting the human body aesthetic, and that this preoccupation with body image is not exclusive to just one society; one example is the binding of women's feet in Chinese culture.

Whilst physically editing the body is not unique to any one culture, research suggests that it is more common throughout Western society and is on the rise. On close observation of contemporary Western societies, there has been an increase in disorders such as Body dysmorphic disorder, arising from ideals around the aesthetic of the human body. Scholars such as Nancy Scheper-Hughes have suggested such demand placed upon Western bodies has been around since the beginning of the 19th century, and that it has been driven by sexuality. Research also shows that BDD is linked to high comorbidity and suicidality rates. Furthermore, it appears that Caucasian women show higher rates of body dissatisfaction than women of different ethnic backgrounds and societies.

Socio-cultural models depict and emphasise the way thinness is valued, and beauty is obsessed over in Western culture, where advertising, marketing, and social media play a large role in manicuring the "perfect" body shape, size, and look. The billions of dollars spent to sell products become causal factors of image conscious societies. Advertising also supports a specific ideal body image and creates a social capital in how individuals can acquire this ideal.

However, personal attitudes towards the body do vary cross-culturally. Some of this variability can be accounted for due to factors such as food insecurity, poverty, climate, and fertility management. Cultural groups who experience food insecurity generally prefer larger-bodied women. However, many societies that have abundant access to food also value moderate to larger bodies. This is evident in a comparative study of body image, body perception, body satisfaction, body-related self-esteem, and overall self-esteem of German, Guatemalan Q’eqchi’ and Colombian women. Unlike the German and Colombian women, the Q’eqchi’ women in this study live in the jungles of Guatemala and remain relatively removed from modern technology and secure food resources. The study found that the Q’eqchi’ women did not have notably higher body satisfaction when compared to the German or Colombian women.

Nevertheless, the Q’eqchi’ women also showed the greatest distortion in their own body perception, estimating their physique to be slimmer than it actually was. It is thought this could be due to a lack of access to body monitoring tools such as mirrors, scales, technology, and clothing choices, but in this instance, body distortion does not seem to influence body satisfaction. This has also been shown in groups of lower-income African American women, where the acceptance of larger bodies is not necessarily equivalent to positive body image.

Similar studies have noted a high prevalence of BDD in East Asian societies, where facial dissatisfaction is especially common, indicating that this is not just a Western phenomenon.

Diagnosis
Estimates of prevalence and gender distribution have varied widely via discrepancies in diagnosis and reporting. In American psychiatry, BDD gained diagnostic criteria in the DSM-IV, having been historically unrecognized, only making its first appearance in the DSM in 1987, but clinicians' knowledge of it, especially among general practitioners, is constricted. Meanwhile, shame about having the bodily concern, and fear of the stigma of vanity, makes many hide even having the concern.

Via shared symptoms, BDD is commonly misdiagnosed as social anxiety disorder, obsessive–compulsive disorder, major depressive disorder, or social phobia. Social anxiety disorder and BDD are highly comorbid (within those with BDD, 12–68.8% also have SAD; within those with SAD, 4.8-12% also have BDD), developing similarly in patients -BDD is even classified as a subset of SAD by some researchers. Correct diagnosis can depend on specialized questioning and correlation with emotional distress or social dysfunction. Estimates place the Body Dysmorphic Disorder Questionnaire's sensitivity at 100% (0% false negatives) and specificity at 92.5% (7.5% false positives). BDD is also comorbid with eating disorders, up to 12% comorbidity in one study. Both eating and body dysmorphic disorders are concerned with physical appearance, but eating disorders tend to focus more on weight rather than one's general appearance.

BDD is classified as an obsessive–compulsive disorder in DSM-5. It is important to treat people with BDD as soon as possible because the person may have already been suffering for an extended period of time and as BDD has a high suicide rate, at 2–12 times higher than the national average.

Medication and psychotherapy
Anti-depressant medication, such as selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), and cognitive-behavioral therapy (CBT) are considered effective. SSRIs can help relieve obsessive–compulsive and delusional traits, while cognitive-behavioral therapy can help patients recognize faulty thought patterns. A study was done by Dr. Sabine Wilhelm where she and her colleagues created and tested a treatment manual specializing in BDD symptoms that resulted in improved symptoms with no asymptomatic decline. Core treatment elements include Psychoeducation and Case Formulation, Cognitive Restructuring, Exposure and Ritual Prevention and Mindfulness/Perceptual Retraining. Before treatment, it can help to provide psychoeducation, as with self-help books and support websites.

Self-improvement
For many people with BDD, cosmetic surgery does not work to alleviate the symptoms of BDD as their opinion of their appearance is not grounded in reality. It is recommended that cosmetic surgeons and psychiatrists work together in order to screen surgery patients to see if they have BDD, as the results of the surgery could be harmful for them.

History
In 1886, Enrico Morselli reported a disorder that he termed dysmorphophobia, which described the disorder as a feeling of being ugly even though there does not appear to be anything wrong with the person's appearance.  In 1980, the American Psychiatric Association recognized the disorder, while categorizing it as an atypical somatoform disorder, in the third edition of its Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM). Classifying it as a distinct somatoform disorder, the DSM-III' s 1987 revision switched the term to body dysmorphic disorder.

Published in 1994, DSM-IV defines BDD as a preoccupation with an imagined or trivial defect in appearance, a preoccupation causing social or occupational dysfunction, and not better explained as another disorder, such as anorexia nervosa. Published in 2013, the DSM-5 shifts BDD to a new category (obsessive–compulsive spectrum), adds operational criteria (such as repetitive behaviors or intrusive thoughts), and notes the subtype muscle dysmorphia (preoccupation that one's body is too small or insufficiently muscular or lean).

The term "dysmorphic" is derived from the Greek word, 'dusmorphíā' – the prefix 'dys-' meaning abnormal or apart, and 'morphḗ' meaning shape. Morselli described people who felt a subjective feeling of ugliness as people who were tormented by a physical deficit. Sigmund Freud (1856–1939), once called one of his patients, a Russian aristocrat named Sergei Pankejeff, "Wolf Man," as he was experiencing classical symptoms of BDD.

title: Body dysmorphic disorder


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Cardigan Bay (horse)

Cardigan Bay was a New Zealand harness racing pacer foaled 1 September 1956. Affectionately known as "Cardy", he was the first Standardbred to win US$1 million in prize money in North America. He was the ninth horse worldwide to win one million dollars, (the first eight were Thoroughbreds). Cardigan Bay won races in New Zealand, Australia, Canada and the United States.

Along with his arch-rival, American champion of the day, Bret Hanover, he has a legitimate claim of being one of the truly great Standardbred racehorses. Cardigan Bay became an overnight sensation in the United States, and appeared with Stanley Dancer on The Ed Sullivan Show as the "million dollar horse".

Breeding
Cardigan Bay was foaled at Mataura in the Southland Region of the South Island of New Zealand. As you drive into Mataura from Gore, there is a sign on the road proclaiming Mataura as the birthplace of Cardigan Bay. He was a first crop foal by a leading sire, Hal Tryax (USA) and his dam Colwyn Bay was by Josedale Dictator (USA). Cardigan Bay was a brother to Thule Bay and a half-brother to Brides Bay.

Racing career
He began racing in the South Island of New Zealand and gained his first stake money in a saddle pace on a grass track, when narrowly beaten into second. Ascending rapidly to the top level, he went on to win many of New Zealand's major open class races including the New Zealand Trotting Cup, a pacing race despite the name, and the Auckland Cup (from a 78 yard handicap). His driver in New Zealand was Peter Wolfenden, who became the country's number one driver during the 1970s. Cardigan Bay even won a major race at Addington Raceway in Christchurch while the grandstand there was on fire. A photo of this race is considered one of the great iconic images in the history of horse racing. While racing in Australasia, Cardigan Bay also notably won an Inter Dominion Pacing Championship final in Adelaide, Australia. Yet impressive as all this was, it was only a prelude to an illustrious North American career fashioned in his later years that eventually saw him become the first pacer worldwide to achieve lifetime earnings of $1 million (US).

1960-61 season
After winning at Forbury Park, Dunedin in April 1961 Cardigan Bay was sold to Merv and Audrey Dean of Auckland for £2500. His record at that time was 12 starts for 5 wins and 2 second places.

1961-62 season
In the spring and early summer of 1961-62 Cardigan Bay continued a winning sequence begun late the previous season before his sale to the Deans. He won the New Zealand Free For All at Addington during a grandstand fire and won the Auckland Pacing Cup which was his 10th consecutive win, equalling the New Zealand record, before finishing fifth to Samantha in the Champion Hcp during the Auckland Cup carnival. He then travelled to Australia to compete in the Inter Dominion Championships at Gloucester Park, Perth, Western Australia. After winning easily on the first and second nights of the Championships Cardigan Bay was to meet James Scott, the only horse handicapped behind him in the series and also an impressive winner on the first two nights, on night three. Cardigan Bay was then involved in a disastrous trackwork accident which could have ended his racing career and placed his life in jeopardy. He was able to be saved but the injury resulted in one hip being permanently lower than the other. The season saw Cardigan Bay win 7 of 9 starts in New Zealand with one second place.

1962-63 season
Cardigan Bay recovered surprisingly well from his injuries and returned to racing in Auckland in September 1962. He travelled to Addington for the New Zealand Cup meeting where his was fifth in the Cup and second in the New Zealand Free For All both behind Lordship. However he won the Matson and Smithson Handicaps on the remaining two days of the meeting. Back in Auckland he finished second from 48 yards behind in the Auckland Pacing Cup and won the Champion Hcp from 36 yards. The season saw him start 12 times in New Zealand for 7 wins and 4 seconds. Cardigan Bay then made a second trip to Australia and won the Summer Cup at Harold Park, Sydney, from a handicap of 24 yards behind. In Adelaide for the 1963 Inter Dominion at the Wayville Showgrounds he won two heats before beating Dusty Miller and fellow New Zealander Waitaki Hanover by 1 ½ yards in the final from 24 yards behind. Racing again Sydney, he started 5 times for four wins and a second place in the Lord Mayors Cup behind Waitaki Hanover from 48 yards. The season saw him start 12 times in New Zealand for 7 wins and 4 seconds.

1963-64 season
Cardigan Bay won the 1963 New Zealand Cup by two lengths from Robin Dundee and the remainder of what was described as one of the best fields for many years. He then won the New Zealand Free For All on the second day of the Cup meeting at Addington. In the Matson Hcp he reduced the national record for 13 furlongs held by False Step from 3.21.0 to 3.18.1 starting from a 54-yard handicap and then won the Ollivier Hcp on the fourth day of the meeting. In December he time trialled in 1.56.1 at Wellington's Hutt Park lowering the previous record of 1.57.3. Then came a win in the Auckland Pacing Cup from 78 yards and in January 1964 he won the Pezaro Memorial at Alexandra Park in his last New Zealand race. He won 10 of 14 New Zealand races during the season with one second and one third place. Visiting Sydney before the 1964 Inter Dominion he was third in the Summer Cup before contesting the Inter Dominion Championships which were held at the Melbourne Showgrounds. During the championships it was announced that he had been sold to American interests for £35,800 (US$100,000). Cardigan Bay won a heat but in the final Minuteman led all the way from the front mark beating Angelique and Tactile with Cardigan Bay only sixth from a 48-yard handicap. A record showgrounds crowd of 45,796 attended. In New Zealand and Australia he had raced 67 times for 43 wins, 9 seconds and 3 thirds.

Major Australasian wins

 * 1961 New Zealand Free For All beating Scottish Command and Smokeaway
 * 1961 Auckland Pacing Cup, beating King Hal and Samantha
 * 1963 Auckland Pacing Cup (handicap of 78 yards), beating Tactile and Vanderford
 * 1963 New Zealand Trotting Cup (handicap of 54 yards), beating Robin Dundee and Master Alan
 * 1963 New Zealand Free For All, beating Sun Chief and Vanderford
 * 1963 Inter Dominion Pacing Championship (handicap of 24 yards) beating Dusty Miller and Waitaki Hanover.

In North America
Cardigan Bay was taken to the USA at the advanced age of eight, on a "racing lease" to New Jersey reinsman Stanley Dancer and his owners for a payment of $US125,000, even though he had only $US137,000 in earnings up to that point and was "down on the hip" from the severe injury suffered in Perth, Western Australia years earlier. He won many races in the US and Canada and defeated U.S. Champion Overtrick in one of three races. He was the only horse to defeat the three U.S. Hall of Fame horses of that era: Overtrick, Bret Hanover, and Meadow Skipper.

In 1964, Overtrick and Cardigan Bay engaged in two races: The Dan Patch Pace and the Dan Patch Encore. Cardigan Bay prevailed by the shortest of noses in the Dan Patch, and Overtrick won the Encore. Overtrick also defeated Cardigan Bay in an earlier race in 1964, prevailing by a neck in a mile and a half race.

In 1965 Cardigan Bay won the American Pacing Classic at Hollywood Park and the National Pacing Derby and Nassau Pace both at Roosevelt Raceway. At Hollywood Park he led a race over 1 1/16 miles helping to establish a world record for the distance of 2.03 2/5 by the winner Adios Vic. Cardigan Bay finished second after leading through the first mile in 1.56. He also had a win over Adios Vic in 1.57 2/5 which was his fastest time in a race.

April 1966 saw Cardigan Bay sweep all three legs of the International Pacing Series, the International Pace, Good Time Pace and National Championship Pace at Yonkers Raceway. It was the first time a horse had won all three legs. Perhaps his most famous encounter was with the great Standardbred horse, Bret Hanover, in the Pace of the Century, in 1966. Cardigan Bay, with Stanley Dancer driving, won that race in front of 45,000 spectators at Yonkers Raceway and became only one of two horses (the other being Adios Vic) up to that time to have beaten Bret Hanover. However, in their next encounter at Roosevelt Raceway, the "Revenge Pace," Bret Hanover reversed that result with Cardigan Bay third before a crowd of 37,000.

At Hollywood Park he raced in the American Pacing Classic but did not repeat his win of 1965. In his last ever race Bret Hanover set a torrid pace reaching the half mile in 56 seconds and the mile in 1.54 3/5 before tiring. True Duane won with Cardigan Bay finishing second and Bret Hanover third. As in 1965 he finished the year by winning the National Pacing Derby and Nassau Pace.

In 1967 Cardigan Bay won the second ever running of the Provincial Cup at Windsor Raceway which at the time was the richest harness race in Canada. He also won the Washington Park Derby in Chicago.

The million dollar pacer
By age 12, 1968, Cardigan Bay competed to reach $1 million in earnings. He needed about $85,000 at the start of the year. He won he Provincial Cup for a second time and the James Clark Memorial at Liberty Bell in Philadelphia. In September at Freehold Raceway in New Jersey, he won his last race, surpassing one million dollars. He became a celebrity and appeared on The Ed Sullivan Show with Stanley Dancer and the Beach Boys.

A month after he reached the million dollar mark, it was, by formal proclamation, "Cardigan Bay Day" in Yonkers, New York. The next evening Cardigan Bay walked down a long red carpet, which led into the living rooms of 20 million viewers, on the Ed Sullivan television show. No immigrant had ever "made it any bigger any faster". Dancer immediately retired him, and he was returned to New Zealand with great fanfare with thousands at harbour awaiting his arrival.

Cardigan Bay is possibly the most well-known racehorse ever to come from New Zealand. He won 80 races in all. Much of his racing was done in the United States, where he teamed up with legendary reinsman Stanley Dancer in his many appearances at Yonkers Raceway near New York City. He was the only horse to defeat the three U.S. Hall of Fame horses of that era: Overtrick, Bret Hanover, and Meadow Skipper. He was a Harness Champion in the United States, being Pacer of the Year in 1965 and 1968.

Tributes
Cardigan Bay was an inaugural inductee into the New Zealand Trotting Hall of Fame with the immortals Caduceus, Harold Logan, Highland Fling, Johnny Globe and Ordeal.

Bruce Skeggs, race caller for many years, rated Cardigan Bay, harness racing's first million dollar earner and winner of the 1963 Adelaide Inter Dominion, as the best pacer he ever saw. Skeggs called a world-record 34,000 harness races through a network of radio stations. He broadcast races in ten different countries – Australia, New Zealand, United States of America, Canada, Italy, Sweden, Denmark, Norway, Germany and Macau.

On the horse's death in 1988, Cardigan Bay's driver Stanley Dancer, reflected on the gelding's last year of racing and said, "At the end he was going on heart alone.....what a mighty heart it must have been".

The New Zealand Post Office issued a postage stamp in 1970 to recognise Cardigan Bay's achievements.

title: Cardigan Bay (horse)