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Communist Party of Vietnam

The Communist Party of Vietnam (CPV) is the founding and sole legal party of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Founded in 1930 by Hồ Chí Minh, the CPV became the ruling party of North Vietnam in 1954 and then all of Vietnam after the collapse of the South Vietnamese government following the Fall of Saigon in 1975. Although it nominally exists alongside the Vietnamese Fatherland Front, it maintains a unitary government and has centralized control over the state, military, and media. The supremacy of the CPV is guaranteed by Article 4 of the national constitution. The Vietnamese public generally refer to the CPV as simply "the Party" (Đảng) or "our Party" (Đảng ta).

The CPV is organized on the basis of democratic centralism, a principle conceived by Russian Marxist revolutionary Vladimir Lenin. The highest institution of the CPV is the party's National Congress, which elects the Central Committee. The Central Committee is the supreme organ on party affairs in between party congresses. After a party congress, the Central Committee elects the Politburo and Secretariat, and appoints the First Secretary, the highest party office. In between sessions of the Central Committee, the Politburo is the supreme organ on party affairs. However, it can only implement decisions based on the policies which have been approved in advance by either the Central Committee or the party's National Congress. , the 12th Politburo has 19 members.

The party is known for its advocacy of what it calls a "socialist-oriented market economy" and Hồ Chí Minh Thought. The CPV was aligned with the Soviet Union and its allies during the Cold War, and implemented a command economy in Vietnam, before introducing economic reforms, known as Đổi Mới, in 1986. While continuing to nominally hold to Marxism–Leninism, most independent sources have argued that it has lost its monopolistic ideological and moral legitimacy since the introduction of a mixed economy in the late 1980s and 1990s. In recent years, the party has stopped representing a specific class, but instead the "interests of the entire people", which includes entrepreneurs. The final class barrier was removed in 2006, when party members were allowed to engage in private activities. De-emphasising Marxism–Leninism, the party has placed emphasis on Vietnamese nationalism, developmentalism, and ideas from the American and French Revolutions, along with Hồ Chí Minh's personal beliefs. The CPV participates in the annual International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties.

Rise to power (1925–1945)
The Communist Party of Vietnam traces its history back to 1925, when Hồ Chí Minh established the Vietnamese Revolutionary Youth League (Hội Việt Nam Cách mạng Thanh niên), commonly shortened to the Youth League (Hội Thanh niên). The Youth League's goal was to end the colonial occupation of Vietnam by France. The group sought political and social objectives—national independence and the redistribution of land to working peasants. The Youth League's purpose was to prepare the masses for a revolutionary armed struggle against the French occupation. His efforts in laying the groundwork for the party was financially supported by the Comintern.

In 1928 the headquarters of the Youth League in Canton (present-day Guangdong), China, were destroyed by the Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party) and the group was forced underground. This led to a national breakdown within the Youth League, which indirectly led to a split. On 17 June 1929, more than 20 delegates from cells throughout the Tonkin (northern) region held a conference in Hanoi, where they declared the dissolution of Youth League and the establishment of a new organization called the Communist Party of Indochina (Đông Dương Cộng sản Đảng). The other faction of the Youth League, based in the Cochinchina (southern) region of the country, held a conference in Saigon and declared themselves the Communist Party of Annam (An Nam Cộng sản Đảng) in late 1929. The two parties spent the rest of 1929 engaged in polemics against one another in an attempt to gain a position of hegemony over the radical Vietnamese liberation movement. A third Vietnamese communist group which did not originate from the Youth League emerged around this time in the Annam (central) region, calling itself the Communist League of Indochina (Đông Dương Cộng sản Liên Đoàn). The Communist League of Indochina had its roots in another national liberation group which had existed in parallel with the Youth League, and saw itself as a rival to the latter.

The Communist Party of Indochina and Communist Party of Annam, together with individual members of the Communist League of Indochina, merged to form a united communist organization called the Communist Party of Vietnam (Đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam), founded by Hồ Chí Minh at a "Unification Conference" held in Wah Yan College in Kowloon, British Hong Kong, from 3–7 February 1930. At a later conference, per the request of the Comintern, the party changed its name to the Indochinese Communist Party (Đảng Cộng sản Đông Dương), often abbreviated as ICP. During its first five years of existence, the ICP attained a membership of about 1,500 and had a large contingent of sympathizers. Despite the group's small size, it exerted an influence in a turbulent Vietnamese social climate. Poor harvests in 1929 and 1930 and an onerous burden of debt served to radicalize many peasants. In the industrial city of Vinh, May Day demonstrations were organized by ICP activists, which gained critical mass when the families of the semi-peasant workers joined the demonstrations to express their dissatisfaction with the economic circumstances they faced.

As three May Day marches grew into mass rallies, French colonial authorities moved in to quash what they perceived to be dangerous peasant revolts. Government forces fired upon the crowds, killing dozens and enraging the population. In response, councils were organized in villages in an effort to govern themselves locally. Repression by the colonial authorities began in the autumn of 1931; around 1,300 people were eventually killed by the French and many more were imprisoned or deported as government authority was reasserted and the ICP was effectively wiped out in the region. General Secretary Tran Phu and a number of Central Committee members were arrested or killed. Lê Hồng Phong was assigned by the Comintern to restore the movement. The party was restored in 1935, and Lê Hồng Phong was elected its general secretary. In 1936, Hà Huy Tập was appointed general secretary instead of Lê Hồng Phong, who returned to the country to restore the Central Committee. In the mid 1930s the party was forced publicly to abandon much of its opposition to French colonialism as Soviet leader Joseph Stalin cared more about strengthening a left-inclined government in France. Hồ Chí Minh was also removed from the party leadership in the early 1930s.

The French colonial apparatus in Vietnam was disrupted during World War II. The fall of France to Nazi Germany in June 1940 and the subsequent collaboration of Vichy France with the Axis powers of Germany and Japan served to delegitimize French claims of sovereignty. The European war made colonial governance from France impossible and Indochina was occupied by Japanese forces. As a result, the communists also sought the opportunity to establish a grassroots organization throughout most of the country.

At the beginning of the war, the ICP instructed its members to go into hiding in the countryside. Despite this, more than 2,000 party members, including many of its leaders, were rounded up and arrested. Party activists were particularly hard hit in the southern region of Cochinchina, where the previously strong organization was wiped out by arrests and killings. After an uprising in Cochinchina in 1940, most of the Central Committee, including Nguyễn Văn Cừ (general secretary) and Hà Huy Tập, were arrested and killed, and Lê Hồng Phong was deported to Côn Đảo and later died. A new party leadership, which included Trường Chinh, Phạm Văn Đồng, and Võ Nguyên Giáp emerged. Together with Hồ Chí Minh, these individuals would provide a unified leadership over the next four decades.

Hồ Chí Minh returned to Vietnam in February 1941 and established a military-political front known as the League for the Independence of Vietnam (Việt Nam Độc Lập Đồng Minh Hội), commonly known as the Viet Minh (Việt Minh). The Viet Minh was a broad organization that included many political parties, military groups, religious organizations and other factions who sought independence for Vietnam. The Viet Minh was heavily influenced by the leadership of the ICP. It was the most uncompromising fighting force against the Japanese occupation and gained popular recognition and legitimacy in an environment that would become a political vacuum. Despite its position as the core of the Viet Minh, the ICP remained very small throughout the war, with an estimated membership of between 2,000 and 3,000 in 1944.

Left opposition
The party, particularly in the south, was rivalled by other nationalist and left-wing groups, notably Trotskyist organisations. In November 1931, dissidents emerging from within the party formed the October Left Opposition (Tả Đối Lập Tháng Mười) around the clandestine journal Tháng Mười (October). These included Hồ Hữu Tường and Phan Văn Hùm who, protesting a leadership of "Moscow trainees", had formed an Indochinese group within the Communist League (Liên Minh Cộng Sản Đoàn), the French section of the International Left Opposition, in Paris in July 1930. Once considered "the theoretician of the Vietnamese contingent in Moscow", Tường was calling for a new "mass-based" party arising directly "out of the struggle of the real struggle of the proletariat of the cities and countryside". Tường was joined in endorsing Leon Trotsky's doctrines of "proletarian internationalism" and of "permanent revolution" by Tạ Thu Thâu of the Annamite Independence Party (Đảng Việt Nam Độc Lập). Rejecting (in the wake of the Shanghai massacre) the Comintern's "Kuomintang line", Thâu argued against a nationalist accommodation with the indigenous bourgeoisie and for immediate "proletarian socialist revolution".

Recognizing the Trotskyists' relative strength in organizing Saigon's factories and waterfront, the ICP cells in the city maintained a unique pact with the Trotskyists for four years in the mid-1930s. The two groups published a common paper, La Lutte ("The Struggle"), and presented joint "workers' lists" for Saigon municipal and colonial-council elections. After they rallied in August 1945 with other non-Communist forces demanding arms against the French, the Trotskyists were systematically hunted down and eliminated by their former party collaborators under the direction of Tran Van Giau, a fate shared by large numbers of Caodaists, independent nationalists and their families.

First Indochina War (1945–1954)
Following the August Revolution, Hồ Chí Minh became Chairman of the Provisional Government (Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam) and issued a Proclamation of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. Although he convinced Emperor Bảo Đại to abdicate, his government was not recognized by any country. He repeatedly petitioned American President Harry S. Truman for support for Vietnamese independence, citing the Atlantic Charter, but Truman did not respond. After the successful establishment of an independent Democratic Republic of Vietnam in Hanoi, Vietnam was taken over by Chinese nationalist forces in the north and the French-British joint forces in the south.

In response to French attempts to sow disunity within the Viet Minh, the ICP was officially dissolved and was downgraded to the "Institute for Studying Marxism in Indochina" (Hội Nghiên cứu Chủ nghĩa Marx tại Đông Dương). This symbolic gesture was intended to encourage unity between Vietnamese communists and non-communists in their struggle against the French and their sympathizers. In practice, the Viet Minh became the leading force in the struggle for Vietnamese independence. The ICP was ostensibly dissolved, but its core was still functioning. According to the United States' Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), membership in the Viet Minh grew to about 400,000 members by 1950. In 1951, during the war for independence, the officially dissolved Indochinese Communist Party was officially re-established and renamed the Worker's Party of Vietnam (Đảng lao động Việt Nam), often abbreviated as the WPV. The Indochinese War against French forces lasted until the Vietnamese victory at the Battle of Điện Biên Phủ in 1954.

Vietnam was partitioned following the 1954 Geneva Conference, with the communists ruling the northern half of the country. Almost immediately, the party's Marxist ideologues believed that their party had lost sight of its real Marxist purpose of guiding the working class in a struggle against the bourgeoisie in its efforts of national independence. By 1955, they had launched a significant campaign to promote personnel with a background in class struggle, at the cost of communists whose claims to authority were based on their leadership in the resistance against the French.

Vietnam War (1955–1975)
At the second party congress it was decided that the Communist Party would be split into three; one party for each of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia. However, in an official note it said that the "Vietnamese party reserves the right to supervise the activities of its brother parties in Cambodia and Laos". The Khmer People's Revolutionary Party was established in April 1951 and the Lao People's Party was formed four years later on 22 March 1955. The third party congress, held in Hanoi in 1960, formalized the tasks of constructing socialism in what was by then North Vietnam, or the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV), and committed the party to the "liberation" of South Vietnam. In the south, the United States helped establish an anti-communist state, the Republic of Vietnam (RVN), in 1955. In 1960 the DRV established a military-political front in the south called the National Liberation Front of Southern Vietnam (Mặt trận Dân tộc Giải phóng Miền Nam Việt Nam) or NLF for short. American soldiers commonly referred to the NLF as the Viet Cong (Việt Cộng) or VC for short.

The Vietnam War (or Second Indochina War) broke out between the communists which included the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (North Vietnam) and the National Liberation Front (Viet Cong), and the anti-communists which included the United States, the Republic of Vietnam (South Vietnam) and their allies, such as Australia, South Korea, and Thailand. The communists received support from the People's Republic of China and the Soviet Union. The war lasted from 1960 to 1975 and spilled over into Laos and Cambodia. The Cambodian Civil War broke out between the communist Khmer Rouge and GRUNK, and the pro-American Khmer Republic. The Laotian Civil War broke out between the communist Pathet Lao and the pro-American Kingdom of Laos. The Cambodian and Laotian communists received training and support from the DRV and NLF. During the war the Worker's Party of Vietnam also established its sub-branch in the south called the People's Revolutionary Party of South Vietnam (Đảng Nhân dân Cách mạng Miền Nam Việt Nam), which aimed to lead the NLF. After the withdrawal of American troops from Indochina and the collapse of the RVN on 30 April 1975, Vietnam was unified under the leadership of the communists. At the fourth party congress in 1976, the Workers' Party of Vietnam merged with the People's Revolutionary Party of South Vietnam to create the Communist Party of Vietnam (Đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam), commonly abbreviated as CPV. The party explained that the merger and name change was made in light of the "strengthened proletariat dictatorship, the development of the leadership of the working class... a worker-peasant alliance".

Ruling party (1976–present)

The fourth party congress comprised 1,008 delegates who represented 1,553,500 party members, an estimated three per cent of the Vietnamese population. A new line for socialist construction was approved at the congress, the Second Five-Year Plan (1976–1980) was approved and several amendments were made to the party's constitution. The party's new line emphasized building socialism domestically and supported socialist expansion internationally. The party's economic goal was to build a strong and prosperous socialist country in 20 years. The economic goals set for the Second Five-Year Plan failed to be implemented, and a heated debate about economic reform took place between the fourth and fifth party congresses. The first was at the sixth Central Committee plenum of the fourth party congress in September 1979, but the most revealing one occurred at the tenth Central Committee plenum of the fourth party congress which lasted from 9 October to 3 November 1981. The plenum adopted a reformist line but was forced to moderate its position when several grassroot party chapters rebelled against its resolution. At the fifth party congress, held in March 1982, General Secretary Lê Duẩn said the party had to strive to reach two goals; to construct socialism and to protect Vietnam from Chinese aggression, but priority was given to socialist construction. The party leadership acknowledged the failures of the Second Five-Year Plan, claiming that their failure to grasp the economic and social conditions aggravated the country's economic problems. The Third Five-Year Plan (1981–1985) emphasized the need to improve living conditions and the need for more industrial construction, but agriculture was given top priority. Other points were to improve the deficiencies in central planning, improve economic trade relations with the COMECON countries, Laos and Kampuchea.

While Lê Duẩn continued to believe in the goals set in the Third Five-Year Plan, leading members within the Communist Party were losing their trust in the system. It was in this mood that the 1985 price reform was introduced—market prices were introduced, which led to a sudden increase in inflation. By 1985, it became apparent that the Third Five-Year Plan had failed miserably. Attacks against the interests of the well-to-do were part of the Communist ideas of class struggle. The majority of the educated came from well-off families, and the middle and upper classes held education and abilities that were critical to the country's prosperity, but the Communist Party's attitude toward those groups has frequently hampered their effective use of their education and skills. As a result, Vietnam's most pressing needs, such as the rebuilding of a shattered economy and the establishment of long-term economic development, had largely gone unfulfilled. The Communist Party's personnel lacked the skills to tackle these issues, and the Communists' monopolization of power made it impossible for those who did have the skills to put them to use in the decade following the war's end. Vietnam was one of the poorest countries in the world during Lê Duẩn's rule. Lê Duẩn died on 10 July 1986, a few months before the sixth party congress. A Politburo meeting held between 25 and 30 August 1986, paved the way for more radical reforms; the new reform movement was led by Trường Chinh. At the sixth party congress, Nguyễn Văn Linh was elected the new general secretary – this was a victory for the party's old guard reformist wing. The new leadership elected at the Congress would later launch Đổi Mới and establish the framework for the socialist-oriented market economy. The economic reforms were initiated alongside a relaxation of state censorship and freedom of expression. The Chinese Communist Party praised the CPV's economic and political reforms, which continued into the early 2000s.

At the seventh party congress in which Nguyễn Văn Linh retired from politics, he reaffirmed the party's and country's commitment to socialism. Đỗ Mười succeeded Nguyễn Văn Linh as general secretary, Võ Văn Kiệt, the leading reformist communist, was appointed prime minister and Lê Đức Anh, was appointed president. In 1994, four new members were appointed to the seventh Politburo, all of whom opposed radical reform. At the June 1997 Central Committee meeting, both Lê Đức Anh and Võ Văn Kiệt confirmed their resignations to the ninth National Assembly, which was dissolved in September. Phan Văn Khải was approved as Võ Văn Kiệt's successor, and the relatively unknown Trần Đức Lương succeeded Lê Đức Anh as president. At the fourth Central Committee plenum of the eighth party congress, Lê Khả Phiêu was elected general secretary and Đỗ Mười, Lê Đức Anh and Võ Văn Kiệt officially resigned from politics and were elected Advisory Council of the Central Committee. Nông Đức Mạnh succeeded Lê Khả Phiêu in 2001 as general secretary. Nông Đức Mạnh held the top spot until the 11th National Congress in 2011, when he was succeeded by Nguyễn Phú Trọng. Trong is seen as a conservative and closer to China. In 2021, General Secretary of the Communist Party, Nguyen Phu Trong, was re-elected for his third term in office, meaning he is Vietnam's most powerful leader in decades.

National Congress
The National Congress is the party's highest organ, and is held once every five years. Delegates decide the direction of the party and the Government at the National Congress. The Central Committee is elected, delegates vote on policies and candidates are elected to posts within the central party leadership. After decisions taken at the National Congress are ratified, the congress is dissolved. The Central Committee implements the decisions of the National Congress during the five-year period between congresses. When the Central Committee is not in session, the Politburo implements the policies of the National Congress.

Central Committee
The Central Committee is the CPV's most powerful institution. It delegates some of its powers to the Secretariat and the Politburo when it is not in session. When the Vietnam War ended in 1975, the Vietnamese leadership, led by Lê Duẩn, began to centralize power. This policy continued until the sixth National Congress, when Nguyễn Văn Linh took power. Linh pursued a policy of economic and political decentralization. The party and state bureaucracy opposed Linh's reform initiatives; because of this, Linh tried to win the support of provincial leaders, causing the powers of the provincial chapters of the CPV to increase in the 1990s. The CPV lost its power to appoint or dismiss provincial-level officials in the 1990s; Võ Văn Kiệt tried to wrestle this power back to the centre during the 1990s without success. These developments led to the provincialization of the Central Committee; for example, increasing numbers of Central Committee members have a background in provincial party work.

Because of these changes, power in Vietnam has become increasingly devolved. The number of Central Committee members with a provincial background increased from 15.6 per cent in 1982 to 41 per cent in 2001. Because of the devolution of power, the powers of the Central Committee have increased substantially; for example, when a two-thirds majority of the Politburo voted in favour of retaining Lê Khả Phiêu as General Secretary, the Central Committee voted against the Politburo's motion and voted unanimously in favour of removing him from his post of General Secretary. The Central Committee did this because most of its members had a provincial background, or were working in the provinces. These members were the first to be affected when the economy began to stagnate during Lê Khả Phiêu's rule. The Central Committee elects the Politburo in the aftermath of the Party Congress.

General Secretary
The General Secretary of the Central Committee is the highest office within the Communist Party, is elected by the Central Committee, and can remain in post for two five-year terms. The general secretary presides over the work of the Central Committee, the Politburo, the Secretariat, is responsible for issues such as defence, security and foreign affairs, and chairs meetings with important leaders. The general secretary holds the post of Secretary of the Central Military Commission, the party's highest military affairs organ.

Politburo
The Politburo is the highest organ of the Communist Party between Central Committee meetings, which are held twice a year. The Politburo can implement policies which have been approved by either the previous Party Congress or the Central Committee. It is the duty of the Politburo to ensure that resolutions of the Party Congress and the Central Committee are implemented nationally. It is also responsible for matters related to organization and personnel, and has the right to prepare and convene a Central Committee plenary session. The Politburo can be overruled by the Central Committee, as happened in 2001 when the Politburo voted in favour of retaining Lê Khả Phiêu as general secretary; the Central Committee overturned the Politburo's decision, dismissed Lê from politics, and forced the Politburo to elect a new general secretary after the ninth National Congress.

The members of the Politburo are elected and given a ranking by the Central Committee immediately after a National Party Congress. According to David Koh, the Politburo ranking from the first plenum of the 10th Central Committee onwards is based upon the number of approval votes by the Central Committee. Lê Hồng Anh, the Minister of Public Security, was ranked second in the 10th Politburo because he received the second-highest number of approval votes. Tô Huy Rứa was ranked lowest because he received the lowest approval vote of the 10th Central Committee when he stood for election to the Politburo. The 11th Politburo was elected by the Central Committee after the 11th National Congress and consists of 16 members. Decisions within the Politburo are made through collective decision-making.

Since 10th Central Committee, the duties and responsibilities of the members of the Politburo and those of the General Secretary, President, Prime Minister, the Chairman of the National Assembly and the Permanent member of the Secretariat have been specified separately.

Secretariat
The Secretariat is headed by the general secretary and decisions within it are made through collective decision-making. The Secretariat is elected and the membership size is decided by the Central Committee immediately after the National Congress. It is responsible for solving organizational problems and implementing the demands of the Central Committee. The Secretariat oversees the work of the Departments of the Central Committee. It is also responsible for inspecting and supervising the implementation of resolutions and directives on fields regarding the party on economic, social, defence, security and foreign affairs, and it is directly responsible for the coordination of a number of party bodies. The Secretariat supervises the preparation for issues raised at Politburo meetings.

Central Military Commission
The Central Military Commission is appointed by the Politburo and includes members from the military. The commission is responsible to the Central Committee and between meetings, the Politburo and the Secretariat. The Secretary of the Central Military Commission is the party's general secretary while the post of deputy secretary is held by the Minister of National Defence. The commission can issue guidelines on military and defence policies, and has leadership in all aspects of the military. The General Political Department is subordinate to the commission.

Central Inspection Commission
The Central Inspection Commission is the party organ responsible for combating corruption, disciplining members and wrongdoing in general. It is the only organ within the party which can sentence or condemn party members. The Commission, and its chairman and deputy chairmen, are elected by the first plenum of the Central Committee after a National Party Congress. Due to the party's policy of democratic centralism, a local inspection commission can only investigate a case if the inspection commission directly superior to it consents to the investigation.

Central Theoretical Council
The Central Theoretical Council was established on 22 October 1996 by a decision of the Central Committee. The 4th Central Theoretical Council was formed on 7 September 2016, and is currently headed by Politburo member Đinh Thế Huynh. It functions as an advisory body to the Central Committee, the Politburo and the Secretariat on conceiving and developing party theory in line with Marxism. It is responsible for studying topics put forth by the Politburo and the Secretariat, and topics set forth by its own members.

Ideology
Vietnam is a socialist republic with a one-party system led by the Communist Party. The CPV espouses Marxism–Leninism and Hồ Chí Minh Thought, the ideologies of Hồ Chí Minh. The two ideologies serve as guidance for the activities of the party and state. According to the Constitution, Vietnam is in a period of transition to socialism. Marxism–Leninism was introduced to Vietnam in the 1920s and 1930s, and Vietnamese culture has been led under the banners of patriotism and Marxism–Leninism. Hồ Chí Minh's beliefs were not systematized during his life, nor did this occur quickly following his death. Trường Chinh's 1973 biography of Hồ emphasized his revolutionary policies. The thoughts of Hồ were systematized in 1989 under the leadership of Nguyễn Văn Linh. Hồ Chí Minh Thought and Marxism–Leninism became the official ideologies of the CPV and the state in 1991. The CPV's claim to legitimacy was retained after the collapse of communism elsewhere in 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 by its commitment to the thoughts of Hồ Chí Minh, according to Sophie Quinn-Judge. According to Pierre Brocheux, the current state ideology is Hồ Chí Minh Thought, with Marxism–Leninism playing a secondary role. Some claim that Hồ Chí Minh Thought is used as a veil for a party leadership that has stopped believing in communism, but others rule this out on the basis that Hồ Chí Minh was an avid supporter of Lenin and the dictatorship of the proletariat. Still others see Hồ Chí Minh Thought as a political umbrella term whose main function is to introduce non-socialist ideas and policies without challenging socialist legality.

Marxism–Leninism has lost its ideological stronghold in Vietnamese politics since the introduction of a mixed economy in the late 1980s and 1990s. Because of the Đổi Mới reforms, the party could not base its rule on defending only the workers and the peasants, which was officially referred to as the "working class-peasant alliance". In the constitution introduced in 1992, the State represented the "workers, peasants and intellectuals". In recent years, the party has stopped representing a specific class, but instead the "interests of the entire people", which includes entrepreneurs. The final class barrier was removed in 2006, when party members were allowed to engage in private activities. In the face of de-emphasising the role of Marxism–Leninism, the party has acquired a broader ideology, laying more emphasis on nationalism, developmentalism and becoming the protector of tradition. Minh himself stated that what originally attracted him to Communism was not its doctrines, which he did not at that time understand, but the simple fact that the Communists supported the independence of countries like Vietnam.

Transition to socialism
"Characters of a new social regime were formed in Hồ Chí Minh's thoughts through, first of all, the method of transforming features of old regime into its contrary facets. It was the dialectical thinking method. According to this method, the process of formulating the people's democratic regime in reality was considered the process of wiping out comprehensively fundamental features of colonial-feudal regime." According to Hồ Chí Minh, before it becomes socialist, a society must evolve through national liberation and the construction of a people's democratic regime. While national liberation is the means of taking power, the establishment of a people's democratic regime requires the total destruction of the feudalist, colonialist and imperialist society. Only through this destruction can Vietnam transit to socialism. Lai Quoc Khanh, a journalist in the theoretical Tạp chí Cộng Sản wrote: "The people's democratic regime is an objective necessity in the development course of Vietnamese society". A people's democratic regime, however, is not a socialist regime. For instance, in a people's democratic regime private ownership still exists, while in a communist or socialist stage of development, ownership does not exist. Vietnamese communists consider the distribution of land during Hồ Chí Minh's early rule as an example of people's democracy.

However, this is not the only difference. The logic is that difference in the ownership of productions lead to different modes of production. Hồ Chí Minh said that the basic economic tenets of a people's democratic regime was state ownership of certain segments of production—considered socialist since the state belongs to the people, cooperatives, which were half-socialist in nature but would develop into fully socialist economic entities, and the personal economics of individual handicraft and peasantry, which would later develop into cooperatives, private capitalism and state capitalism, where the state shares capital with capitalists to develop the country further. Since these economic basics relied on different types of ownership, the economy of the people's democratic regime cannot be considered socialist, hence the regime is not socialist. For example, in the socialist-oriented market economy, the state-owned sector will be the dominant sector, hence the socialist character of the economy dominates. The political platform of the second party congress held in 1951 stated: "The people's democratic revolution is neither an old-type capitalist democratic revolution nor socialist revolution, it is a new-type capitalist democratic revolution which will evolve into socialist revolution without experiencing a revolutionary civil war." To be more specific, the people's democratic regime is a substage in capitalist development. While Hồ Chí Minh supported the position that Vietnam had entered the stage of transition to socialism in 1954, he held the belief that Vietnam was still "a democratic regime in which people are the masters" and not socialist. To reach the socialist stage of development, the development of the state sector was of utmost importance—the lack of which according to Hồ Chí Minh would lead to failure. The platform of the 11th National Congress held in January 2011 stated: "This is a profound and thorough revolutionary process and a complicated struggle between the old and the new for qualitative changes in all aspects of social life. It is essential to undergo a long period of transition with several steps of development and several mixed social and economic structures".

According to the party's General Secretary Nguyễn Phú Trọng, during the transition to socialism, socialist factors of development compete with non-socialist factors, which include capitalist factors. Nguyễn said: "Along with positive aspects, there will always be negative aspects and challenges that need to be considered wisely and dealt with timely and effectively. It is a difficult struggle that requires spirit, fresh vision, and creativity. The path to socialism is a process of constantly consolidating and strengthening socialist factors to make them more dominant and irreversible. Success will depend on correct policies, political spirit, leadership capacity, and the fighting strength of the Party".

"Superiority of socialism"
"There has never been a scientific and revolutionary theory like Marxism–Leninism. It is a 'comprehensively and logically tight theory which gives people a total world view' and a theory that not only aims at 'understanding the world, but also changing it'.... Capitalism will certainly be replaced by socialism, because that is the law of human history, which no one can deny."

The Communist Party believes that socialism is superior to other ideologies and state systems. According to Marxism–Leninism, socialism is the second-to-last stage of socio-economic development before pure communism. To build a socialist society, communists have to imagine, outline and study society. The party believes that socialism leads to human liberation from every oppressive situation, exploitation and injustice. While the founders of Marxism–Leninism forecasted the main characteristics of a socialist society, the founders are not considered by the party to hold the whole truth. The main outline of this ideology is upheld by the party—that is, a social mode superior and more advanced:
 * 1) The highest goal of socialism is to liberate the people from every yoke of exploitation and economic slavery of the spirit, enabling comprehensive human development.
 * 2) The facilities of socialism are the forces generated by modern advanced production.
 * 3) Socialism is the gradual abolition of private property and capitalism and changes to the means of production.
 * 4) Socialism creates labour organizations and a new form labourer with high discipline and productivity.
 * 5) Socialism means the implementation of the principle of each according to his contribution.
 * 6) State socialism is a new kind of democracy, reflecting the nature of the working class and representing the interests, power and will of the working people.
 * 7) In a socialist society, the relationship between class and ethnicity will be resolved through a combination of international and class solidarity—nationalism will be replaced by internationalism.

Socialist-oriented market economy
Proponents of the socialist-oriented market economy claim that the system is neither socialist nor capitalist, but that it is "socialist-oriented". The Communist Party rejects the view that a market economy has to be capitalist. According to the party, "a socialist market-oriented economy is a multi-sectoral commodity economy, which operates in accordance with market mechanisms and a socialist orientation". According to Nguyễn Phú Trọng, "[i]t is a new type of market economy in the history of the market economy's development. It is a kind of economic organization which abides by market economy rules but is based on, led by, and governed by the principles and nature of socialism reflected in its three aspects – ownership, organization, and distribution – for the goal of a prosperous people in a strong nation characterized by democracy, fairness, and civilization". There are multiple forms of ownership in a socialist-oriented market economy. Economic sectors operate in accordance with the law and are equal under the law in the interest of co-existence, cooperation and healthy competition. Nguyễn Phú Trọng said:

"The state economy plays a key role; the collective economy is constantly consolidated and developed; the private economy is one of the driving forces of the collective economy; multiple ownership, especially joint-stock enterprises, is encouraged; the state and collective economies provide a firm foundation for the national economy. The relations of distribution ensure fairness, create momentum for growth, and operate a distribution mechanism based on work results, economic efficiency, contributions by other resources, and distribution through the social security and welfare system. The State manages the economy through laws, strategies, plans, policies, and mechanisms to steer, regulate, and stimulate socio-economic development."

Unlike in capitalist countries, a socialist-oriented market economy does not "wait for the economy to reach a high level of development before implementing social progress and fairness, nor 'sacrifice' social progress and fairness to the pursuit of mere economic growth". Policies are enacted for the sole purpose of improving the people's standard of living.

Role of classical Marxism

Classical Marxist texts still play a prominent role in the Communist Party's ideological development. The Communist Manifesto, written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, is considered an "immortal work". According to the party, the real value of The Communist Manifesto is not that it can provide answers to present revolutionary problems, but the way it explains the gradual liberation of the working class and labourers. It functions as a basis for the most basic theoretical beliefs upheld by the party. According to Tô Huy Rứa, currently a member of the 11th Politburo: "By participating in the process of globalization complete with its opportunities and challenges, as was predicted by Marx and Engels in the Manifesto, the Vietnamese Communist Party and people will further find guidelines for a precious world outlook and methodologies. Sustainable values of this immortal theoretical work and political platform will remain forever". Trần Bạch Đằng wrote:

"The reality of Vietnam after the revolution is different from what I imagined when I joined the party... Life has shown us that it is much more complicated. The thing is, we received Marxism in a theoretical sense, not in a full sense, and the information was not very precise. Marxism came to Vietnam through the interpretation of Stalin and Mao. It was simplified to a great extent. And now we read the classic works of Marx and other founders, and we find that things were not so simple. Though the social conditions under which Marx wrote his works are not the same as now, the principles are the same. Yet those principles were not interpreted precisely correctly."

Criticism
The CPV's ideology has been criticized from the left for its supposed departure from communist principles. Critics have argued that the socialist-oriented market economy is a re-capitalized system which allows massive capitalist markets, enriches the bourgeoisie, and increases foreign direct investment, at the cost of expanding economic inequality and social unrest. Leftist dissident Bui Tin opined that "the Communist Party [of Vietnam] is full of opportunists and privileged elites. The morality is lost. All is the search for dollars."

Party-to-party relations
In a resolution of the 10th National Party Congress, it was decided to renovate and strengthen the party's foreign policy. , the Commission for External Relations of the Central Committee has good relations with 222 political parties in 115 countries. According to the party, this is an "important contributions to accelerating the renovation process, industrialization and modernization of Vietnam". The party does not only have foreign relations with communist parties; relations with non-communist parties have been established because their countries are economically important to Vietnam. Relations with other communist and workers' parties are very important and built on "solidarity, friendship, mutual support in the struggle for socialism in the spirit of Marxism-Leninism and pure internationalism of the working class". It exchanges views with such parties on theoretical and practical issues regarding socialist construction, party building and current problems. The CPV is active in international communist and workers party gatherings, such as the International Meeting of Communist and Workers' Parties.

The CPV currently maintains relations with over 100 communist and workers' parties. The party has emphasized the importance of relations with the Lao People's Revolutionary Party and the Cambodian People's Party. It also maintains good relations with the Chinese Communist Party, the Communist Party of Cuba, and the Workers' Party of Korea. The CPV sent delegations to the 8th Congress of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in 2008, the 5th Congress of the Party of Italian Communists in 2008, the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of India in 2008, the 9th Communist Party of India (Marxist) in 2008, the 18th Congress of Communist Party of Greece in 2009, the 9th Congress of the Communist Party of Denmark in 2009, the 18th Congress of the Communist Party of Spain in 2009, the 8th Congress of the Communist Party of Nepal (Marxist–Leninist) in 2009, the 12th Congress of the Communist Party of Brazil in 2009 and that of the Peruvian Communist Party in 2010.

The CPV maintains also friendly relations with Latin American left-wing political parties. A delegation from the CPV participated in the 22nd Meeting of Foro de São Paulo in El Salvador in June 2016.

Books

 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR
 * Smith, R.B., "The Foundation of the Indochinese Communist Party, 1929-1930", Modern Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. 4 (October 1998), pp. 769–805. In JSTOR

title: Communist Party of Vietnam


text:
Ruthenian Voivodeship

The Ruthenian Voivodeship (Palatinatus russiae; Województwo ruskie; Руське воєводство) was a voivodeship of the Crown of the Kingdom of Poland from 1434 until the First Partition of Poland in 1772, with its center in the city of Lwów (now Lviv). Together with a number of other voivodeships of southern and eastern part of the Kingdom of Poland, it formed Lesser Poland Province, with its capital city in Kraków. Following the Partitions of Poland, most of Ruthenian Voivodeship, except for its northeastern corner, was annexed by the Habsburg monarchy, as part of the province of Galicia. Today, the former Ruthenian Voivodeship is divided between Poland and Ukraine.

History
Following the Galicia–Volhynia Wars, the Kingdom of Galicia–Volhynia was divided between Poland and Lithuania. In 1349 the Polish portion was transformed into the Ruthenian domain of the Crown, while the Duchy of Volhynia was held by Prince Lubart. With the death of Casimir III the Great, the Kingdom of Poland was passed on to the Kingdom of Hungary and the Ruthenian domain was governed by Ruthenian starosta general, one of whom was Wladyslaw of Opole.

The voivodeship was created in 1434 based on the 1430 Jedlnia-Cracow Privilege (Przywilej jedlneńsko-krakowski) on territory that belonged to the Kingdom of Galicia–Volhynia. Between 1349 and 1434, the territory along with the Western Podolie was known as Ruthenian Domain of the Crown and in such manner the King of Poland were titled as the Lord of Ruthenian lands. Western Podolie was added to the domain in 1394. In 1434 on territory of the domain were created Ruthenian Voivodeship and Podolian Voivodeship.

In Polish sources, western outskirts of the region was called Ziemia czerwieńska, or "Czerwień Land", from the name of Cherven, a town that existed there. Today there are several towns with this name, none of them related to Red Ruthenia.

This area was mentioned for the first time in 981, when Vladimir the Great of Kievan Rus' took it over on the way into Poland. In 1018 it attached to Poland and 1031 back to Kievan Rus'. For approximately 150 years it existed as the independent Principality of Galicia and Kingdom of Galicia–Volhynia, before being conquered by Casimir III of Poland in 1349. Since these times the name Ruś Czerwona is recorded, translated as "Red Ruthenia" ("Czerwień" means red in Slavic languages, or from the Polish village Czermno), applied to a territory extended up to Dniester River, with priority gradually transferred to Przemyśl. Since the times of Władysław II Jagiełło, the Przemyśl voivodeship was called Ruthenian Voivodeship (województwo ruskie), with its center eventually transferred to Lwów. It consisted of five lands: Lwów, Sanok, Halych, Przemyśl, and Chełm. The territory was controlled by the Austrian Empire from 1772 to 1918, when it was known as the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria.

Zygmunt Gloger, in his monumental book Historical Geography of the Lands of Old Poland, provides this description of the Ruthenian Voivodeship:

"In the 10th and 11th centuries, Przemysl and Czerwien were the largest gords in this region. Later on, Halych emerged as the capital of the province, while the city of Lwów was founded only in 1250. In ca. 1349, King Casimir III of Poland took control over Principality of Halych. The province was governed by royal starostas, the first one of whom was a man named Jasiek Tarnowski. Most probably in final years of reign of King Władysław II Jagiełło, it was named the Ruthenian Voivodeship, as at that time the voivodes of Przemysl began calling themselves the voivodes of Rus'. Firs such voivode was Jan Mezyk of Dabrowa."

"The Ruthenian Voivodeship consisted of five ziemias: those of Lwów, Przemysl, Sanok, Halych and Chelm. The two last ones had their own local authorities; furthermore, the Land of Chelm was completely separated from other Ruthenian lands by the Belz Voivodeship. Therefore, we should speak separately of four Ruthenian lands, and the Land of Chelm, whose history was much different after the Partitions of Poland (...) The lands of Lwow, Przemysl and Sanok had their sejmiks, which took place in their respective capitals. General sejmiks for these three lands were at Sadowa Wisznia, where seven deputies were elected to the Polish Sejm: two from each land, and one from the County of Zydaczow. Starostas resided at Lwów, Zhydachiv, Przemysl and Sanok. The voivodeship had six senators: the Archbishop of Lwow, the Bishop of Przemysl, the Voivode of Ruthenia, the Castellan of Lwow, and Castellans of Przemysl and Sanok (...) The city of Lwów was the seat of a separate Lesser Poland Tribunal for the voivodeships of Ruthenia, Kijow, Volhynia, Podolia, Belz, Braclaw and Czernihow (...) The County of Zydaczow, even though officially part of Lwow Land, was often regarded as a separate ziemia, with its own coat of arms, granted in 1676. In that years, Lwow Land had 618 villages and 42 towns, while County of Zydaczow had 170 villages and 9 towns."

"The Land of Przemysl was divided into two counties: those of Przemysl and Przeworsk. In 1676, the County of Przemysl had 657 villages and 18 towns, while the County of Przeworsk had 221 villages and 18 towns (...) The Land of Sanok, located in the Carpathian Foothills, was not divided into counties. In 1676, it had 371 villages and 12 towns (...)"

"The Land of Halicz, with its own separate local government, was divided into the counties of Trembowla, Halicz and Kolomyja. It had its own sejmik at Halicz, where six deputies were elected to the Polish Sejm (two from each county), also one deputy to the Crown Tribunal and one to the Treasury Tribunal at Radom. The Land of Halicz had one senator, and starostas, who resided in Halicz, Trembowla, Kolomuja, Tlumacz, Rohatyn, Jablonow, Sniatyn, Krasnopol, and other locations. In 1676, it had 565 villages and 38 towns." "The Land of Chelm was an enclave, separated from Ruthenian Voivodeship by Belz Voivodeship. The Bug river divided this land into two parts, and since the 10th century, Chelm was contested by Poland and Rus. In the course of the time, the Lithuanians also joined the conflict. It was ended in 1377, when King Louis annexed Chelm. The Land of Chelm had its own local offices, and a sejmik, where two deputies to the Sejm and one deputy to the Lesser Poland Tribunal were elected. It was divided into counties of Chelm and Krasnystaw, starostas resided in Chelm, Krasnystaw, Ratno, Luboml, Hrubieszow, and other locations. The Land of Chelm had two senators: the Bishop of Chelm and the Castellan of Chelm. In 1676, there were 427 villages and 23 towns in both counties (...) Southern part of the Land of Chelm belonged to the vast Zamoyski Family Fee Tail, which stretched beyond the region, into Urzedow County of Lublin Voivodeship."

Municipal government
Seat of the Voivodeship Governor (Wojewoda):
 * Lwów

Regional Sejmik (sejmik generalny) for all Ruthene lands
 * Sądowa Wisznia

Seats of Regional Sejmik (sejmik poselski i deputacki):
 * Lwów
 * Halicz
 * Sądowa Wisznia
 * Przemyśl
 * Sanok
 * Chełm

Administrative divisions

 * Chełm Land (Ziemia Chełmska), Chełm
 * Chełm County, (Powiat Chełmski), Chełm
 * Hrubieszów County, (Powiat Hrubieszowski), Hrubieszów
 * Krasnystaw County, (Powiat Krasnystawski), Krasnystaw
 * Luboml County, (Powiat Lubomelski), Luboml
 * Ratno County, (Powiat Ratneński), Ratno
 * Halych Land (Ziemia Halicka), Halicz
 * Halicz County, (Powiat Halicki), Halicz
 * Kolomyja County, (Powiat Kołomyjski), Kolomyja
 * Trembowla County, (Powiat Trembowelski), Trembowla (later transferred to Podolie Voivodeship)
 * Lwów Land (Ziemia Lwowska), Lwów
 * Lwów County, (Powiat Lwowski), Lwów
 * Żydaczów County, (Powiat Żydaczowski), Żydaczów
 * Przemyśl Land (Ziemia Przemyska), Przemyśl
 * Przemyśl County (Powiat Przemyski), Przemyśl
 * Sambor County, (Powiat Samborski), Sambor
 * Drohobycz County, (Powiat Drohobycki), Drohobycz
 * Stryj County, (Powiat Stryjski), Stryj
 * Sanok Land (Ziemia Sanocka), Sanok
 * Sanok County (Powiat Sanocki), Sanok

Voivods

 * Stanisław Chodecki de Chotcza, (from 1466–1474)
 * Jakub Buczacki – from 1501
 * Stanisław Kmita de Wiśnicz, (from 1500 -)
 * Jan Odrowąż, (from 1510 -)
 * Jan Tarnowski (from April 2, 1527)
 * Stanisław Odrowąż (from 1542)
 * Piotr Firlej (1545–1553)
 * Hieronim Jarosz Sieniawski (from 1576)
 * Jan Daniłowicz de Olesko, (from 1605)
 * Stanisław Lubomirski, (1628–1638)
 * Jakub Sobieski (from June 1641)
 * Jeremi Michał Wiśniowiecki (from April 1646 to 1651)
 * Stefan Czarniecki (from 1651)
 * Stanisław Jan Jabłonowski (from 1664)
 * Jan Stanisław Jabłonowski, (1697–1731)
 * August Aleksander Czartoryski (from 1731)
 * Stanisław Szczęsny Potocki (from 1782)

Neighboring voivodeships and regions

 * Kraków Voivodeship
 * Sandomierz Voivodeship
 * Brzesc Litewski Voivodeship
 * Wolhynian Voivodeship
 * Bełz Voivodeship
 * Podole Voivodeship
 * Moldavia
 * Zemplín
 * Uzh county
 * Máramaros

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Ruthenian Voivodeship


text:
User talk:Unkamunka

Hello Unkamunka, welcome to Wikipedia.

You might find these links helpful in creating new pages or helping with the above tasks: How to edit a page, How to write a great article, Naming conventions, Manual of Style. You should read our policies at some point too.

If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my talk page. I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian!

Angela. 23:12, 13 Dec 2003 (UTC) You can already add the full stop automatically. Go to Special:Preferences, and in the box for your nickname, type something like
 * unkamunka]][[User talk:Unkamunka|.

When you sign, it will come out with the full stop after your normal sig, which will be a link to your talk page. Angela. 20:54, 16 Dec 2003 (UTC)

You're quite welcome; I'm a big fan so it caught my eye. Just standardized the first paragraph and ran a spellcheck though, didn't really give it a thorough going-over. - Hephaestos 01:00, 18 Dec 2003 (UTC)

Hi, you can't use images from other Wikipedia's directly here. You have to upload them to the English Wikipedia first. Angela. 01:33, 19 Dec 2003 (UTC)

Hi, if there's still a problem over Transylvania, you could add a dispute notice by typing at the top. I don't have time to look at it now, but if you think it needs someone to help out, you could list it at current disputes over articles. Good luck with it, Angela. 17:27, 24 Dec 2003 (UTC)

Thanks for the offer to translate it, but if it is just vandalism, I would think there is not much point. It would probably be best to delete it and start from scatch whenever someone who wants to write about this in English comes along. Angela. 04:08, Jan 12, 2004 (UTC)

I thought you were saying they wasn't valid content. If you think there is then I think it's a worthy topic to include. Angela. 04:31, Jan 12, 2004 (UTC)

Yeah, rename it whatever you think best. If you want the old title deleted once it's just a redirect, let me know. Angela. 05:45, Jan 12, 2004 (UTC)

I've deleted the Key server redirect. I think the MD5 - A Message Digest Algorithm could stay as that might be useful for people searching under that title or is there a reason to delete it? Angela. 19:37, Jan 12, 2004 (UTC)

Please take more care with your editing. Yesterday you deleted half of the Kosovo article and you've just duplicated the same half with your latest edit. -- ChrisO 09:52, 12 Jan 2004 (UTC)

Thanks for your work on Fascist manifesto. There's lots more pages that need help at Cleanup if you like working on pages that need help. Angela. 06:14, Jan 16, 2004 (UTC)

User categorization
You were listed in the User:Grin/hu page as living in or being associated with Hungary. As part of the User categorisation project, these lists are being replaced with user categories. If you would like to add yourself to the category that is replacing the page, please visit Category:Wikipedians in Hungary for instructions. Adam78 00:12, 9 August 2005 (UTC)

WikiProject Romania
--Codrin.B (talk) 06:15, 21 January 2012 (UTC)

title: User talk:Unkamunka


text:
User talk:Phidgt

Hello Phidgt, welcome to Wikipedia.

You might find these links helpful in creating new pages or helping with the above tasks: How to edit a page, How to write a great article, Naming conventions, Manual of Style. You should read our policies at some point too.

If you have any questions, see the help pages, add a question to the village pump or ask me on my talk page. I hope you enjoy editing here and being a Wikipedian!

Angela. 23:13, 13 Dec 2003 (UTC)

authors: Template namespace initialisation script

title: User talk:Phidgt


text:
Talk:DBQ

Untitled
I'm going to write a stub here, explaining a DBQ as Document Based Question. I'm then going to start the writing of a HowTo at How to write a DBQ - Pingveno 23:14, 13 Dec 2003 (UTC)

Well, maybe I'll write that at Document Based Question (redirect in place) - Pingveno 23:16, 13 Dec 2003 (UTC)

title: Talk:DBQ


text:
User:Greenmountainboy/publicdomain

United States Government

 * http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/ammemhome.html
 * http://www.archives.gov/research_room/research_topics/american_west/american_west.html
 * http://www.cr.nps.gov/history/online_books/steamtown/shst.htm
 * http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/today/may10.html
 * http://coastal.er.usgs.gov/navassa/history/mining1.html
 * http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/gmdhtml/rrhtml/rrintro.html
 * http://users.rcn.com/brill/freudarc.html
 * http://www.hoover.archives.gov/exhibits/Hooverstory/gallery02/gallery02.html
 * Public Domain Tornado images

Other

 * http://teachpol.tcnj.edu/amer_pol_hist/
 * http://kclibrary.nhmccd.edu/decades.html
 * http://www.davidrumsey.com/

Link Compiliations

 * http://www.princetonol.com/groups/iad/links/clipart.html

title: User:Greenmountainboy/publicdomain


text: User talk:152.163.253.102

title: User talk:152.163.253.102


text:
Batignolles Cemetery

The Batignolles Cemetery (Cimetière des Batignolles) is a cemetery in Paris.

History
Batignolles Cemetery opened on 22 August 1833. Part of the cemetery had to be closed and the graves moved because of the construction of the great ring road (Boulevard Périphérique, between the exits of Porte de Clichy and Porte de Saint-Ouen).

Description
Extending over nearly eleven hectares, slightly larger than the Montmartre Cemetery, Batignolles Cemetery contains approximately fifteen thousand graves, and it is the fourth cemetery intra muros of Paris, in terms of the number of graves. In terms of land area, only the Père Lachaise Cemetery and the Montparnasse Cemetery are larger. Within its perimeter, there are approximately nine hundred mature trees, mostly chestnuts and maples. Because of the construction of apartment buildings next to the cemetery, the Avenue des Fortifications is no longer accessible (from 2009-?).

Notable burials
Batignolles is now the home for the earthly remains of André Barsacq, Alexandre Benois, André Breton, Alfred Bruneau, Lucienne Bréval, Gaston Calmette, Blaise Cendrars, Clémentine de Vère, Léon Dierx, Pierre Dreyfus, Marguerite Durand, Hélène Dutrieu,  Jean L'Herminier, Cora Pearl, Joséphin Péladan, Benjamin Péret, Ray Ventura, Paul Vidal, Édouard Vuillard and André Zirnheld (in the family grave), among others.

Before the opening of Sainte-Geneviève-des-Bois Russian Cemetery the cemetery was a popular burial place for members of the Russian Orthodox community. Many are buried in the carré russe-orthodoxe, division 25. Among them Léon Bakst, Sergei Lyapunov, Pavel Milyukov and Pavel Ryabushinsky. Feodor Chaliapin was buried here but his remains were later reburied in Novodevichy Cemetery in Moscow.

The grave of Paul Verlaine was originally in division 20 but had to be moved to the roundabout (at the crossing of Avenue Principale and Avenue Transversale).

The cemetery contains one British Commonwealth war grave, that of a Royal Air Force officer of 1918.

Location
The cemetery is located in the Épinettes district, in the northeastern part of the 17th arrondissement. The entry to the cemetery is at the intersection of Rue Saint-Just and Avenue du Cimetière des Batignolles. The cemetery is lodged between the Boulevard Périphérique and the Lycée International Honoré de Balzac.

Public transport
The Batignolles Cemetery is a short walk from the Porte de Clichy station, which can be reached by taking line 13 or the C line commuter train. Other nearby Métro stations are Brochant, Mairie de Clichy and Porte de Saint-Ouen.

The Batignolles Cemetery is also served by bus lines 54, 74, 138, 173, PC

There are Vélib' stations at Avenue de la Porte de Clichy (17014 and 17114) and at Boulevard Berthier (17106).

title: Batignolles Cemetery


text:
Talk:Communist Party of Cuba

Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment
This article was the subject of a Wiki Education Foundation-supported course assignment, between 25 January 2021 and 12 May 2021. Further details are available on the course page. Peer reviewers: KarlosMarquitos, Joao E. Ribeiro.

Above undated message substituted from Template:Dashboard.wikiedu.org assignment by PrimeBOT (talk) 18:10, 16 January 2022 (UTC)

untitled
The official history (badly translated by google) mentions entities under different names that merged. Secretlondon 23:35, Dec 13, 2003 (UTC)

 * i'm getting my info from http://search.britannica.com/eb/article?eu=25395&tocid=0&query=fulgencio%20batista&ct=

Morwen 23:34, Dec 13, 2003 (UTC)

Needs more working doing on it - which I will do later Secretlondon 23:35, Dec 13, 2003 (UTC)

 * Hopefully I've decoded it ok. Seems to fit History of Cuba and Fidel Castro. Morwen 23:44, Dec 13, 2003 (UTC)

I deleted the phrase claiming a Cuban/Angolan/Soviet victory over South African forces at Cuito Cuanavale. There are far to many conflicting accounts that indicate a tactical victory by SADF forces and the inflicting of hundreds of casualties by the SADF on the Cuban/Angolans. In the interests of fairness I've made the commentary on this neutral. Virgil61 07:35, 11 January 2006 (UTC)

Removed the victory at cuito cuanavale
The Battle is extremely disputed and an MPLA/Cuban victory is questioned. The Battle started with an advance of Cuban and Angolan forces which were then repelled. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 41.18.252.176 (talk) 13:04, 27 August 2009 (UTC)

Largely absent has been the development of a personality cult.
I'm sorry, I'm not a native speaker so I probably misunderstand. Do you mean "Largery present ...?" Xx236 15:27, 20 January 2006 (UTC)

Machados role
Machado was a member of the Liberal Party and did not participate along with Mella and others to establish the communist party. Take a look at e.g. http://www.historyofcuba.com/history/machado.htm Jan R 01:59, 4 June 2006 (UTC)

LANCE WROTE

This entire article is incorrect. The Communist Party in Cuba is restricted to 20% of the seats.

I suggest all of those involved witj this article read Dalhousie Professor Isaac Saney's book "Cuba - A Revolution in Motion".

Cuba has a "One Party" non-confrontational democratic government. While Raul is a member of the Communist Party.. his brother Fidel who has consistently been elected President of the Government is not a member of the Communist party.

Read Saney's book and get your head around a form of government similar to a University student council where everyone works together to head forward.

What you have presented here is pretty much a regurgitation of US / CIA propaganda. —The preceding unsigned comment was added by Meraloma (talk • contribs).

 * Fidel Castro certainly is a member of the Communist party. He is the first secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba -- Z leitzen  (talk)  18:52, 6 March 2007 (UTC)

First Secretary?
I notice that an IP editor changed the position of party leader and First Secretary from Fidel to Raul Castro. I have reverted this change. I've done some searching around and see no evidence that this transition of office has ever taken place. Raul has succeeded Fidel as president, but I think the top two Communist Party offices remain the same, at least in title, even if Fidel is no longer active in a leadership role. Peter G Werner (talk) 00:26, 27 December 2010 (UTC)

fact tagging
It's well known that F. Castro, et. al., developed whatever Marxist Leninist theoretical pretensions they may have had or do have after the fact of the Cuban revolution. In fact the Cuban revolution is just the most complete example of a bourgeois national liberation regime with Marxist trappings, basically an ideological skin for a rule by a New Class composed of that section of the Cuban bourgeoisie that the Castro brothers led. It's even much less authentically Marxist than the Soviet Union after Stalin and basically adopted it opportunistically as a foreign graft in reaction to the threat from the US rather than as an expression of an organic native communist or socialist movement. Unlike the DPRK, Republic of Vietnam, etc. where cadres were established decades before the actual revolution, if there were any such in Cuba they were not continuous with the Castro regime. Put fact tags on the statements which assert the opposite. 72.228.177.92 (talk) 07:20, 21 April 2011 (UTC)

Has anyone actually checked how many of the MP's are formal party members?
, here you added statistics, claiming that 100% of the MP's (delegates to the National Assembly) are members of the Communist party of Cuba. Did you check this with someone who hasn't assumed that it must be so by not understanding the formal system?

I do not in any manner question that the C.P. has an absolute 100% informal control of the assembly. However, formally, any party is barred from participating as a party in the election. Since the C.P. controls the nomination committee which ultimately picked the 612 candidates for the 612 seats in the assembly, it indeed has full control. However, what I want to know is how it choose to exert this control. Did it really decide to pick only party members?

I'm old enough to remember that in the Supreme Soviet there usually were some non-party members. The reason, I believe, had to do with trying to increase the legimacy of the election process, in the eyes of the electorate and of foreigners. (I'm not claiming that this stratagem was very successful.) Have you checked how the Cubans handle this; or did you add the number "612 out of 612" merely by surmise? JoergenB (talk) 00:32, 11 August 2014 (UTC)
 * Maybe I made a mistake, I saw on other pages on Wikipedia, for example here, in which was written that the CPC had the 100% of seats in the Assembly, but maybe it is not correct; I am not sure of this. So it will be great if you find a source where is explained the exact composition of the Cuban Assembly, because probably you have right, and the CPC have not got the 100% of seats in the Parliament. -- Nick.mon (talk) 8:27, 11 August 2014 (UTC
 * Well, the timing seems to be wrong, for this particular instance; but, let's anyhow pass the question.
 * , when you introduced this claim here, together with a lot of other information about the C.P. parliamentary representation, did you have a source for the claim thatt all Cuban MP's were party members? (If you incidently used the statement in Communist Party of Cuba which added the month before, then we're not helped. If you have some independent source, we might be.) JoergenB (talk) 09:52, 11 August 2014 (UTC)
 * I tried to look a little at official Cuban texts about their MP's. I didn't find much; some links were stale.  Here is a brief description of the composition of the 2008 assembly (in Spanish, which I suppose at least you Italians can read). As you can see, there is nothing about party membership there.  Fooling around a little from that address, I found lists with names, photos, and brief CV's for `candidates'; I do not know if this was for the 2008 or the 2013 election; and I glanced at the Havanna candidates. A few stated that they had joined the party this or that year. Many others of them didn't mention this, but did mention wotking in party positions at one or another level; which implies membership. A few did not; these persons seemed to be locally employed, coming from the municipality assemblies, and might also add merits like "chairman of the local CDR" (which really is a rather small unit). Such candidates probably belonged to those put up on the lists by the municipality assemblies. The national election nomination committees get such lists from the municipality assemblies on the one hand, and from the "mass organisations" on the other (higher level trade unions, CDR, organisations for women, youth, farmers, et cetera); and the nomination committe is obligued to chhose from these lists in general, and to a certain percentage from municipal assembly delegates in particular.  (Since there is some real choice involved for voters at the municipality level, this very very indirectly may introduce a very tiny bit of electorate influence on the parlament.) It is not impossible that some of the latter candidates were not party members; I just note that they didn't include membership or party work in their CV's. That's as far as I got. JoergenB (talk) 11:02, 11 August 2014 (UTC)
 * I literally copied that info from the Communist Party of Cuba article itself... I tried now, unsuccessfully, to find out on Cuba's parliament own website (but the site is under maintenance)... But yes, you're probably right - I don't believe either that all of the members are PCC members (since Cuba has a very "liberal" electoral system, if comparing to other existing and former communist states)... I'll try and find out. --TIAYN (talk) 13:41, 11 August 2014 (UTC)
 * Do you read Spanish? I noted that English web-pages unde Granma were "under construction", while I could find more of the Spanish. The top page for some score of articles with connection to the 2008 election seemed to be this. If you add /1xx.html, where 1xx is a number between 101 and approximately 120, I think that you'll find a bunch of Granma articles about that election.  I've not succeeded to find the 2013 election information (yet), though.  However, the Spanish parliament webpage, http://www.parlamentocubano.cu, indeed also seems to be "under reconstruction", whence this won't help for the latest (eighth) parliament. JoergenB (talk) 23:34, 11 August 2014 (UTC)

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Please cease the disruptive vandalism
Fidel admired Jose Marti

 * That might be true, but "Martism" is still not an ideology of its own, and might in the case of the CPC just be another element of Castroism and thus not something to mention in the article infobox. It is also important that there is so far nothing that suggests that the CPC values the ideals of Jose Marti above those of socialism and communism, particularly Fidel's form of marxist-leninist thought! Vif12vf/Tiberius (talk) 02:37, 29 January 2020 (UTC)

No dispute in RS that the party leads an authoritarian state
Peer-reviewed academic content on the ways in which the Communist Party of Cuba rules a single-party authoritarian state was removed with the rationale, "while its true (I agree with you), its also WP:POV. Its supporters believe its a force for democratisation..." That's a perfect example of WP:FALSEBALANCE. We don't balance peer-reviewed academic studies with the feelings of partisans. Snooganssnoogans (talk) 13:06, 27 July 2021 (UTC)
 * I'm pretty sure if we find some peer-reviewed academic content from China and Cuba they would say something else... --Ruling party (talk) 13:11, 27 July 2021 (UTC)
 * It's unclear to me why we should care what imaginary non-RS might say about the topic. We don't say that North Korea is a democracy just because the propaganda outlets in North Korea might say it's a democracy. Snooganssnoogans (talk) 13:32, 27 July 2021 (UTC)

 * Snooganssnoogans, I agree with you and I've re-added the studies. It is bizarre to me that peer-reviewed studies were removed, and I saw no rationale for it that is consistent with our policies. (The belief of unspecified "supporters" or hypothetical nonexistent other sources doesn't influence, let alone dictate, our content decisions.) Even more bizarre is that the same user re-added content cited to a Lenin article from 1906 (decades before the Communist Party of Cuba was founded). The latter is patently original research. Neutralitytalk 23:58, 27 July 2021 (UTC)
 * I googled it once . The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences is a peer-reviewed institution which produces a hell of a lot of sciences. https://www.radiorebelde.cu/english/news/scientists-from-cuba-and-china-will-exchange-on-social-sciences-20181015/
 * As for North Korea I agree with you. The near total control and the inability to accept even a slight difference makes that unsound. But China and Cuba are not North Korea. Chinese and Cubans social scientists can actually travel abroad, and North Koreans cannot.
 * Here is another one from CASS; http://socialism-center.cass.cn/gwshzyydjgcdfz/201006/t20100603_2404800.shtml ... I can also find articles that discuss the democratic nature of CHinese socialism if you want...
 * AS I said; do I agree with it? No. But do I think Wikipedia's role is to censure the other point of view? No. --Ruling party (talk) 08:34, 28 July 2021 (UTC)

 * Neither of those sources are reliable. Snooganssnoogans (talk) 13:03, 28 July 2021 (UTC)
 * So scholars that take master's degrees and doctorates are not reliable? How can you decide on that alone? --Ruling party (talk) 20:22, 28 July 2021 (UTC)
 * They are not reliable because they are neither editorially independent of the government nor peer-reviewed. And even if they weren't unreliable, they would be undue weight. This is pretty basic stuff. Neutralitytalk 19:15, 29 July 2021 (UTC)
 * I disagree. The government and party does not tell them what to write, if they did the whole point of CASS would be gone... So they don't tell them what to write.
 * CASS is China's leading science institutes... It even partners and collaborates with Western scientific institutions... --Ruling party (talk) 05:49, 30 July 2021 (UTC)
 * , Why do you insist on blanking that the party leads an authoritarian state where individuals are repressed? These are very basic facts backed up by multiple high-quality sources. Dr. Swag Lord (talk) 19:50, 31 July 2021 (UTC)

 * I've restored this content. I see three editors here favoring its inclusion. I see one opposing it, with zero reference to the encyclopedia's policies and guidelines., if you want to bring this to a formal RfC, be my guest, but you don't get a veto power. Neutralitytalk 17:39, 1 August 2021 (UTC)

 * I don't have a strong opinion on the actual real-world value of the Communist Party of Cuba, but the intro that someone keeps trying to restore is really off-the-charts incompatible with Wikipedia's NPOV, and sounds like Marco Rubio is trying to rant in the intro paragraph, which is not the style we usually try to convey. The red flags are numerous: we bring the "criticisms" section into the first few sentences, we add 15 citations to random news articles to somehow try to hide behind these being Well Cited Criticisms, etc. It is really quite a mess imo. --Delirium (talk) 05:53, 5 August 2021 (UTC)
 * You've not expressed a single reason why the content is inconsistent with Wikipedia policy. Your comment even goes so far as to suggest that the presence of a large number of citations is a reason to exclude thee content. "I don't have a strong opinion on the actual real-world value of the Communist Party of Cuba" - That's strange because your sole contribution to this article is to scrub peer-reviewed academic content from the best possible sources for the sole reason that you personally disagree with what those source say. You are the one violating NPOV by discriminately scrubbing all RS content which does not portray this party like supporters of it would like. Snooganssnoogans (talk) 12:54, 5 August 2021 (UTC)

 * It's not "random news articles"; it's peer-reviewed academic publications. For you to try to compare this with a "Marco Rubio rant" or a "National Review blog post" is just bizarre and reprehensible. This is whitewashing, this is denial of the reliable sources, and it is disruptive. Neutralitytalk 15:45, 5 August 2021 (UTC)
 * Agreed with you and Snooganssnoogans. This whitewashing is completely unacceptable and may need admin intervention if it continues. Crossroads -talk- 20:00, 10 August 2021 (UTC)

MOS:LEAD issues
The lead of this article is terrible because it: Editors keep removing the sentence "The party leads a one-party authoritarian regime in Cuba where dissidence and political opposition are prohibited and repressed." because they think the claim or sourcing is biased (everything is biased; the question is do they comply with WP:RS and the answer is they do), but the issue is that it sounds out of place in the lead as the second sentence, and its citations (which are excessive) belong in the article body. Yue 🌙 20:59, 2 July 2022 (UTC)
 * 1) Does not summarise the article body.
 * 2) Introduces new information which belongs in the article body.

Why isn’t this article semi-protected
There are so many IP people griefing this. CubanoBoi (talk) 22:40, 3 September 2022 (UTC)

Flag sources
https://www.crwflags.com/fotw/flags/cu%7D.html#cpc And https://havanatimes.org/diaries/dimitri/the-forgotten-flag/ CubanoBoi (talk) 22:49, 3 September 2022 (UTC)

title: Talk:Communist Party of Cuba


text:
Abseiling

Abseiling ( or  ; ), also known as rappelling (  or  ; ), is the controlled descent of a steep slope, such as a rock face, by moving down a rope. When abseiling, the person descending controls their own movement down a static or fixed rope, in contrast to lowering off, in which the rope attached to the person descending is paid out by their belayer.

Description
The technique is used by climbers, mountaineers, cavers, canyoners, search and rescue and rope access technicians to descend cliffs or slopes when they are too steep and/or dangerous to descend without protection. Many climbers use this technique to protect established anchors from damage. Rope access technicians also use this as a method to access difficult-to-reach areas from above for various industrial applications like maintenance, construction, inspection and welding.

To descend safely, abseilers use a variety of techniques to increase the friction on the rope to the point where it can be controlled comfortably. These techniques range from wrapping the rope around their body (e.g. the Dülfersitz technique) to using custom-built devices like a rack or a figure of 8. Practitioners choose a technique based on speed, safety, weight and other circumstantial concerns.

In the United States, the term "rappelling" is used. In the United Kingdom, both terms are understood, but "abseiling" is more common. In Australia, New Zealand and Canada, the two terms are used interchangeably. Globally, the term "rappelling" appears in books written in English more often than "abseiling".

History
Abseiling has existed, both using body abseil and descenders for centuries, with body abseiling being mentioned in the late 1400s, and descenders being described in the early 1600s.

The origin of the term rappel in reference to the technique is attributed by Mountaineering author Roger Frison-Roche circa 1944. Frison-Roche in turn attributed the technique of rappelling to, a Chamonix guide who lived from 1840 to 1925. However, at the time, the term rappel meant to use a doubled rope that could be pulled down afterwards, and did not necessarily refer to abseiling, and while Frison-Roche may have used a doubled rope technique, he did not use an abseiling technique devised by Charlet-Straton. Different approaches for using a doubled rope had already been described in the late 1700s and by Edward Whymper around 1860, though neither case were used with what would be considered abseiling. Charlet-Straton then used another doubled rope technique which was called the rappel during a failed solo attempt of Petit Dru in 1876. The technique he used to descend the rope would not normally be considered abseiling, and had already been described numerous times long before he used it, with most authors saying it risked injuries. After many attempts, some of them solo, he managed to reach the summit of the Petit Dru in 1879 in the company of two other hired Chamonix guides, Prosper Payot and Frédéric Folliguet. During that ascent, Charlet-Straton again used the technique, with his companions assisting.

Equipment

 * Ropes: Static rope is ideal, but often dynamic rope is used.
 * Anchors: Usually constructed from trees, boulders, ice or rock features, using webbing/cordelette, or rock climbing equipment. Some areas have fixed anchors such as bolts or pitons.
 * Descender: A friction device or friction hitch that allows the rope to be played out in a controlled fashion, under load, with minimal effort by the person controlling it.
 * Climbing harness: Fixed around the waist or whole body used to secure the descender. Fit is important to prevent suspension trauma.
 * Safety back-up: Typically a friction hitch such as a Prusik, Klemheist knot, or autoblock knot wrapped around the rope as to prevent uncontrolled descents.
 * Helmets: Used to protect the head from bumps and falling rocks.
 * Gloves: Used to protect hands from the rope and from colliding with the wall. May increase the risk of an accident by becoming caught in the descender.
 * Boots or climbing shoes: Used to increase friction against the rock
 * Knee pads (and sometimes elbow-pads)

Application

Abseiling is used in a number of applications, including:
 * Climbing – for returning to the base of a climb or to a point where one can try a new route.
 * Recreation
 * Canyoning – to descend tall waterfalls and/or cliffs.
 * Mountaineering
 * Caving and speleology – where underground pitches need to be accessed.
 * Adventure racing
 * Industrial/commercial applications – to access parts of structures or buildings so as to perform maintenance, cleaning or construction, known as rope access.
 * Access to wildfires.
 * Confined spaces access – e.g. ballast tanks, manholes
 * Rescue applications – used to access injured people on or nearby cliffs.
 * Military applications – tactical heliborne insertion of troops, including special forces, into the battlefield close to the objective when proper landing zones are not available.

Styles/techniques

 * Australian rappel — Used in the military. The abseiler descends facing downwards allowing them to see where they are going.
 * Tandem or spider abseiling — Used in climbing. Involves two climbers descending on the same belay device. This is useful in rescue situations when one of the climbers is incapacitated or the descent needs to be done quickly. The set-up is similar to a regular rappelling, with the incapacitated climber suspended from the descender (and backed up on the primary climbers harness).
 * Simul-rappelling or simultaneously rappelling — Used in climbing and canyoning. Two climbers descend simultaneously on the same length of rope, where one climber's weight counterbalances the other. Generally the technique is considered less safe than the regular rappelling; however, it is useful in case of emergencies, or for rapping off opposite sides of a fin or spire where there are no anchor points. This is common in places like the Needles of South Dakota’s Black Hills.
 * Counterbalance abseiling — Used in climbing. This rescue technique is typically used by a leader to reach an injured second. The leader abseils off on one strand of rope, using the incapacitated second's weight on the other strand of the rope as a counterbalance.
 * Releasable abseil — Used by guides. This safety technique allows a leader to descend with inexperienced abseilers. A rope about twice the length of the descent is anchored with a munter mule hitch. The client descends on a single isolated strand of the rope. If the client becomes stuck halfway down the guide will be able to unlock the other strand and lower the client to the ground using the hitch as a belay device. This could be useful if the client panics, or gets clothing or hair entangled in the descender.
 * Classical (non-mechanical methods), e.g. the Dülfersitz — Used in emergencies. These technique are more dangerous than modern alternatives and only used when no other option is available. They involve descending without aid of mechanical devices, by wrapping the rope around the body, and were used before the advent of harnesses and hardware.
 * South African classical abseil (double-roped) — Used in emergencies. This is a type of classical abseil where the user has a spare hand.
 * Fireman's Belay — Safety backup. A partner stands on the ground below holding the rope(s). If the abseiler begins to fall they will be able to pull down on the rope to arrest the descent.

Safety
Abseiling can be dangerous and presents risks, especially to unsupervised or inexperienced abseilers. According to German mountaineer Pit Schubert, about 25% of climbing deaths occur during abseiling, most commonly due to failing anchors. An analysis of American Alpine Club accident reports shows that this is followed by inadequate safety backups and rappelling off the ends of ropes.

Environmental concerns
Abseiling is prohibited or discouraged in some areas, as it may cause environmental damage, conflict with climbers heading upwards, and/or endanger people on the ground.

title: Abseiling


text:
Talk:Beta (disambiguation)

older
Quote: The American pronunciation is "bA-ta" with a long "A" whereas the British pronunciation is "bE-ta" with a long "E"

Question: What's the Greek pronunciation?

The modern Greek pronunciation is (IPA or SAMPA)/vi.ta/,.

 * I think including the modern and ancient greek pronunciations could improve this article. – Quoth 14:51, 8 May 2005 (UTC)

Under the life science section, there should be a link to Beta Sheets, dealing with secondary protein structure. —Preceding unsigned comment added by 129.74.116.23 (talk) 03:40, 8 May 2008 (UTC)

rollback
I've rolled this back to the last version prior to the cut and paste move - brenneman  {L}  15:00, 22 March 2006 (UTC)

missing beta as a transistor gain parameter in electronics —Preceding unsigned comment added by 82.42.230.211 (talk) 13:31, 26 November 2008 (UTC)

the amplification factor in some transistor model, and the drive constant in MOST modelling —Preceding unsigned comment added by 82.42.230.211 (talk) 13:36, 26 November 2008 (UTC)

* Wikipedia beta, the wiki project that put those little beta symbols in the upper-left of this page.

 * Wikipedia beta, the wiki project that put those little beta symbols in the upper-left of this page.

Please, someone explain an actual cogent reason. It did take me several weeks to figure this out. This website is used by many who are no good @ esp.

[[ hopiakutaPlease do sign your communiqué.%7e%7eThank You, DonFphrnqTaub Persina.]] 02:00, 14 September 2009 (UTC)

Primary topic
Isn't Beta (letter) the primary topic here? Then, per MOS:DAB, the page should begin, "Beta (letter) or β is the second letter of the Greek alphabet. Beta or BETA may also refer to:" etc. Cnilep (talk) 17:21, 6 January 2010 (UTC)

title: Talk:Beta (disambiguation)


text:
Fdisk

fdisk is a command-line utility for disk partitioning. It has been part of DOS, DR FlexOS, IBM OS/2, and early versions of Microsoft Windows, as well as certain ports of FreeBSD, NetBSD, OpenBSD, DragonFly BSD and macOS for compatibility reasons. Windows 2000 and its successors have replaced  with a more advanced tool called.

DOS
IBM introduced the first version of fdisk (officially dubbed "Fixed Disk Setup Program") in March 1983, with the release of the IBM PC/XT computer (the first PC to store data on a hard disk) and the IBM PC DOS 2.0 operating system. version 1.0 can create one FAT12 partition, delete it, change the active partition, or display partition data. fdisk writes the master boot record, which supports up to four partitions. The other three were intended for other operating systems such as CP/M-86 and Xenix, which were expected to have their own partitioning utilities.

Microsoft first added  to MS-DOS in version 3.2. MS-DOS versions 2.0 through 3.10 included OEM-specific partitioning tools, which may have been named fdisk.

PC DOS 3.0, released in August 1984, added support for FAT16 partitions to handle larger hard disks more efficiently. PC DOS 3.30, released in April 1987, added support for extended partitions. (These partitions do not store data directly but can contain up to 23 logical drives.) In both cases,  was modified to work with FAT16 and extended partitions. Support for FAT16B was first added to Compaq's  in MS-DOS 3.31. FAT16B later became available with MS-DOS and PC DOS 4.0.

The undocumented  switch in , which could repair the master boot record, soon became popular.

IBM PC DOS 7.10 shipped with the new fdisk32 utility.

ROM-DOS, DR DOS 6.0 FlexOS, PTS-DOS 2000 Pro, and FreeDOS, include an implementation of the fdisk command.

Windows

Windows 95, Windows 98, and Windows ME shipped with a derivative of the MS-DOS fdisk. Windows 2000 and its successors, however, came with the more advanced  and the graphical Disk Management utilities.

Starting with Windows 95 OSR2,  supports the FAT32 file system.

The version of  that ships with Windows 95 does not report the correct size of a hard disk that is larger than 64 GB. An updated fdisk is available from Microsoft to correct this issue. In addition, fdisk cannot create partitions larger than 512 GB, even though FAT32 supports partitions as big as 2 TB. This limitation applies to all versions of fdisk supplied with Windows 95 OSR 2.1, Windows 98 and Windows ME.

IBM OS/2
Before version 4.0, OS/2 shipped with two partition table managers. These were the text mode fdisk and the graphical fdiskpm. The two have identical functionality, and can manipulate both FAT partitions and the more advanced HPFS partitions.

OS/2 4.5 and higher (including eComStation and ArcaOS) can use the JFS file system, as well as FAT and HPFS. They replaced fdisk with the Logical Volume Manager (LVM).

Mach and 386BSD
fdisk for Mach Operating System was written by Robert Baron. It was ported to 386BSD by Julian Elischer, and the implementation is being used by FreeBSD, NetBSD and DragonFly BSD, all as of 2019, as well as the early versions of OpenBSD between 1995 and 1997 before OpenBSD 2.2.

Tobias Weingartner re-wrote fdisk in 1997 before OpenBSD 2.2, which has subsequently been forked by Apple Computer, Inc in 2002, and is still used as the basis for fdisk on macOS as of 2019.

For native partitions, BSD systems traditionally use BSD disklabel, and fdisk partitioning is supported only on certain architectures (for compatibility reasons) and only in addition to the BSD disklabel (which is mandatory).

Linux
In Linux,  is a part of a standard package distributed by the Linux Kernel organization,. The original program was written by Andries E. Brouwer and A. V. Le Blanc and was later rewritten by Karel Zak and Davidlohr Bueso when they forked the  package in 2006. An alternative, ncurses-based program, cfdisk, allows users to create partition layouts via a text-based user interface (TUI).

title: Fdisk


text:
Dudley, Iowa

Dudley is a ghost town in Wapello County, Iowa, United States. Both 1908 and 1920 surveys of northwestern Wapello County show a post office at Dudley. A sign on the former edge of town reads: "Population 12 and God only knows how many dogs and cats."

History
Dudley's population was 55 in 1902, and 64 in 1925.

Dudley's population was 64 in 1940.

title: Dudley, Iowa