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Sani Abacha

Sani Abacha ((20 September 1943 – 8 June 1998) was a Nigerian military dictator and statesman who ruled Nigeria with an iron-fist as the military head of state from 1993 following a palace coup d'état until his sudden death in 1998.

Abacha's seizure of power was the last successful coup d'état in Nigerian military history. He wielded power with an unyielding attitude and his rule heralded an unprecedented total disregard for human rights with several political assassinations and summary executions of dissidents and political opponents in Nigeria. His rule drew disrepute to the country with Nigeria becoming a pariah state in international relations particularly with regards to the execution of environmental activist Ken Saro-Wiwa. At the same time his regime oversaw the achievement of several economic feats.

Sani Abacha was one of the twentieth centuries most corrupt dictators as a kleptocrat for the alleged embezzlement of US$2–5 billion. Abacha, and his family allegedly hid most of the loot abroad in Switzerland, as well as in other jurisdictions including Liechtenstein, the United Kingdom and the United States. Abacha's death on 8 June 1998 brought about the Nigerian Fourth Republic a year later and he was succeeded as Nigeria's head of state by General Abdulsalami Abubakar.

Early life
Abacha was born and brought up in Kano to a Kanuri family originally from present-day Borno State. He attended the Nigerian Military Training College in Kaduna, and was commissioned in 1963 after he had attended the Mons Officer Cadet School in Aldershot, England.

Military career
Abacha was involved in all the military coups in Nigeria during his military career. In 1966, when he was still a second lieutenant with the 3rd Battalion in Kaduna, he took part in the July 1966 Nigerian counter-coup from the conceptual stage. He could well have been a participant in the Lagos or Abeokuta phases of the coup the previous January as well. In 1969, he fought during the Nigerian Civil War as a platoon and battalion commander. He later became commander of the 2nd Infantry Division in 1975. In 1983, Abacha was general officer commanding of the 2nd Mechanised Division, and was appointed a member of the Supreme Military Council.

In 1983, Abacha played a prominent role in the 1983 Nigerian coup d'état which brought General Muhammadu Buhari to power; and the 1985 Nigerian coup d'état which removed Buhari and brought General Ibrahim Babangida to power. When General Ibrahim Babangida was named President and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in 1985, Abacha was named Chief of Army Staff. He was later appointed Minister of Defence in 1990.

Abacha served as Chief of Army Staff from 1985 to 1990, as Chief of Defence Staff from 1990 to 1993, and as Minister of Defence. Abacha is noted for having been the first Nigerian Army officer to attain the rank of a full military general without skipping a single rank.

Seizure of power
Abacha was the defence minister and most senior official within the military hierarchy during the crisis of the Third Republic. He orchestrated the coup d'état of 1993 which overthrew the Interim National Government of Ernest Shonekan. In his nationwide broadcast, Abacha portrayed the overthrow as an act of stability brought about through the socio-political uncertainties caused by the 1993 presidential election.

Head of state
Abacha ruled as Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria from 1993 to 1998. In September 1994, he issued a decree that placed his government above the jurisdiction of the courts effectively giving him absolute power. Another decree gave him the right to detain anyone for up to three months without trial. He further abrogated Decree 691 of 1993.

Regime maintenance
Abacha assembled a personal security force of 3,000 men trained in North Korea. Abacha's chief security officer Hamza al-Mustapha had an iron grip on the apparatus of military-security. The Nigeria Police Force underwent a large scale retraining. The state cracked down ruthlessly on criminals and dissidents, the National Democratic Coalition was attributed with several bombings across the country, and several members were arrested. When Moshood Abiola proclaimed himself president, he was jailed for treason and subsequently died in custody. Also, former military ruler Olusegun Obasanjo was jailed for treason and accused of plotting a coup together with General Oladipo Diya. In 1997, General Shehu Yar'Adua who was also jailed died in custody. Abacha's regime was accused of human rights abuses, especially after the hanging of Ogoni activist Ken Saro-Wiwa (only one of several executions of Ogoni activists opposed to the exploitation of Nigerian resources by the multinational petroleum company, Royal Dutch Shell), whose death later led to the eviction of Nigeria from the Commonwealth Nations. Wole Soyinka was charged in absentia with treason. Abacha's regime suffered opposition externally by pro-democracy activists.

National economy
Abacha's administration oversaw an increase in the country's foreign exchange reserves from $494 million in 1993 to $9.6 billion by the middle of 1997, and reduced the external debt of Nigeria from $36 billion in 1993 to $27 billion by 1997. Abacha also constructed between 25 and 100 km of urban road in major cities such as Kano, Gusau, Benin, Funtua, Zaria, Enugu, Kaduna, Aba, Lagos, Lokoja and Port Harcourt. Abacha brought the privatisation programs of the Ibrahim Babangida administration to a halt, reduced an inflation rate of 54% inherited from Ernest Shonekan to 8.5% between 1993 and 1998, all while the nation's primary commodity, oil was at an average of $15 per barrel. GDP growth, despite being estimated to be higher than the 2.2% growth in 1995, was largely limited to the petroleum sector.

Embezzlement of state funds
The unprecedented economic achievements coincided with the rapid expansion of embezzlement hitherto unseen in the history of corruption in Nigeria in the alleged saga known as "Abacha loot". Abacha's national security adviser, Alhaji Ismaila Gwarzo, was accused by the government of President Olusegun Obasanjo to have played a central role in the looting and transfer of money to overseas accounts. Abacha's son, Mohammed Abacha and best friend Alhaji Mohammed M. Sada were also involved. A preliminary report published by the Abdulsalam Abubakar transitional government in November 1998 described the process. The report mentioned that Sani Abacha told Ismaila Gwarzo to provide fake national security funding requests, which Abacha approved. The funds were usually sent in cash or traveller's cheques by the Central Bank of Nigeria to Gwarzo, who took them to Abacha's house. Mohammed Sada then arranged to launder the money to offshore accounts. An estimated $1.4 billion in cash was delivered in this way.

In 2004, a list of the ten most self-enriching leaders in the previous two decades was released; in order of amount allegedly stolen, the fourth-ranked of these leaders was Abacha and his family who are alleged to have embezzled between $1 billion – $5 billion. In 2002, rumours circulated that Abacha's family purportedly agreed to return $1.2 billion. Sources in the Obasanjo administration disclosed that the whole Abacha loot was politicised by the administration for his re-election bid. On 7 August 2014, the United States Department of Justice announced the forfeiture of US$480 million, the largest in its history, to the Nigerian government. Jersey discovered more than $267 million in funds that were allegedly laundered through the U.S. banking system and deposited in a Jersey account (£210m in British pounds). In 2019, more than 20 years after his death the U.S. Justice Department, Jersey courts and the government of Nigeria completed a civil asset forfeiture against the funds and they will be divided between those countries.

National politics
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Abacha oversaw the re-organisation of Nigeria into six geopolitical zones, in order to reflect cultural, economic, and political realities of the regions:

 * North Central: Benue State, Kogi State, Kwara State, Nasarawa State, Niger State, Plateau State and Federal Capital Territory, Nigeria.
 * North East: Adamawa State, Bauchi State, Borno State, Gombe State, Taraba State and Yobe State.
 * North West: Jigawa State, Kaduna State, Kano State, Katsina State, Kebbi State, Sokoto State and Zamfara State.
 * South East: Abia State, Anambra State, Ebonyi State, Enugu State and Imo State.
 * South South: Akwa Ibom State, Bayelsa State, Cross River State, Delta State, Edo State and Rivers State.
 * South West: Ekiti State, Lagos State, Ogun State, Ondo State, Osun State and Oyo State.

This was achieved after adding additional six states to the already existing 30 to make up the present 36 states in the country.

Abacha held a constitutional conference between 1993 and 1995. Early in 1998, Abacha announced that elections would be held on 1 August, with a view toward handing power to a civilian government on 1 October. It later became apparent that Abacha had no intention of relinquishing power. By April 1998, Abacha had coerced the country's five political parties into endorsing him as the sole presidential candidate.

Foreign policy
In 1995, following the execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa, Nigeria was suspended from the Commonwealth of Nations. While hosting Nelson Mandela, Abacha admitted he was advised against interfering with Saro-Wiwa's trial—but made assurances that he would use his rank in government to commute the sentence if death sentence was pronounced. Justice Ibrahim Auta was the judge presiding over the proceedings, and sentenced Saro-Wiwa to death by hanging. Abacha did not commute the sentence.

In 1997, Muammar Gaddafi's West African Tour to Sani Abacha to mark the new Islamic year directly infringed United Nations Sanctions on Libya, yet he was greeted by thousands of Abacha's supporters who came out to demonstrate their loyalty in Kano. The Libyan leader sought to strengthen relations with the country, as a way to strengthen his agenda of Pan-Africanism.

Abacha intervened in the Liberian Civil War. Through the Economic Community of West African States Monitoring Group, Abacha sent troops to Liberia to fight against the rising insurgency in the country. The Civil War, which began in 1989, saw an influx of Nigerian troops from 1990 when Abacha was defence minister.

Despite being repeatedly condemned by the US State Department, Abacha did have a few ties to American politicians. In 1997, Senator James Inhofe (R-Oklahoma) travelled to Nigeria to meet with Abacha as a representative of the "Family", a group of evangelical Christian politicians and civic leaders. Abacha and the Family had a business and political relationship from that point until his death. Abacha also developed ties with other American political figures such as Senator Carol Moseley Braun (D-Illinois) Rev. Jesse Jackson and Minister Louis Farrakhan. Several African American political leaders visited Nigeria during his reign and Farrakhan supported his administration.

Personal life and death
Abacha was married to Maryam Abacha and had seven sons and three daughters. As of 2018, he had thirty-three grandchildren.

The scars on his face were tribal markings.

On Monday 8 June 1998, Abacha died in the Aso Rock Presidential Villa in Abuja. He was buried on the same day according to Muslim tradition and without an autopsy, fueling speculation that he may have been assassinated. The government identified the cause of death as a sudden heart attack. It is believed by foreign diplomats, including United States intelligence analysts, that he may have been poisoned. His chief security officer, Hamza al-Mustapha, believed he was poisoned by Israeli operatives in the company of Yasser Arafat. At the time of his death, he was allegedly about to transfer power to a civilian government in October 1998, implemented in October 1995. After Abacha's death, General Abdulsalami Abubakar became head of state, whose short tenure ushered in the Fourth Nigerian Republic.

title: Sani Abacha


text:
Talk:Primrose

Untitled
''The yellow primrose is a well-known flower and a common spring-flowering British Beaconsfield, whose favourite flower was reputed to be the primrose. The League continues to do valuable work for the Conservative cause, a genus of perennial herbs of the family Primulaceae. They have a persistent rhizome, a low habit, and a basal rosette born at Reus in Catalonia. They opposed Espartero and led risings against him at Reus and New Brunswick and Nova Scotia, and forest products predominate in the island's economy although Britain in 1908 lies in an anchorage and remains of huts from old sealing days lie on the mountains in December. A meteorological station was established by the South African government on a beach created prince of Wales, being the duke of Cornwall and baron of B& a fashionable resort for residents of Istanbul between Princess Astrid. See Hypotenuse.''

Above nonsense copied from article. It looks like it started out as good quality stuff from the first sentence. Anyone want to sort it out? Graham :) 22:15, 7 Dec 2003 (UTC)

это хуня а не примула — Preceding unsigned comment added by 77.243.99.40 (talk) 15:19, 24 January 2012 (UTC)

Wrong pictures
The pictures in the gallery show a specimen of fireweed, Chamerion angustifolium, and dogrose, Rosa canina. None of these are, to my knowledge, called primrose.

I suggest they be removed. — Preceding unsigned comment added by VonPalm (talk • contribs) 17:12, 14 July 2016 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Primrose


text:
Khamtai Siphandone

General Khamtai Siphandone (ຄຳໄຕ ສີພັນດອນ; born 8 February 1924) is a Laotian politician who was Chairman of the Lao People's Revolutionary Party from 24 November 1992 to 21 March 2006 and President of Laos from 24 February 1998 to 8 June 2006, when he was replaced by Choummaly Sayasone. He was a member of the Communist Party of Indochina in 1954 and a member of the Central Committee of the Lao People's Revolutionary Party in 1956.

Early life
Siphandone was born on 8 February 1924. He comes from a peasant family from the far south of Laos. His first job was as a postman. He joined the national liberation movement Lao Issara after the end of the Second World War, which stood for the independence of Laos and against the return of the French protectorate administration. Before the French regained control of Savannakhet in March 1946, Siphandone seized the entire provincial fund (150,000 piastres). He became an officer of the armed wing of the movement and in 1948 their representative for southern Laos. After the split of Lao Issara in 1950 he joined the Viet Minh-backed Pathet Lao.

In 1954 he became a member of the Communist Party of Indochina, and in 1955 the Lao People's Party, whose central committee he was from 1957. He was considered a close confidant of the first Secretary-General Kaysone Phomvihane. In 1962 he became his successor as chief of staff of the armed units of the Pathet Lao. In 1966 he became commander-in-chief of the resulting "Lao People's Liberation Army", which fought with North Vietnamese support, in the Laotian Civil War against the royal troops. In 1972 he rose to the Politburo of the LPRP.

Political career
Siphandone was the military commander of the Pathet Lao rebellion. After the successful Communist takeover in 1975, he became the Minister of Defense and a Deputy Prime Minister of Laos. During the 5th Party Congress in 1991, Siphandone was the third highest-ranking member of the party leadership, after Kaysone Phomvihane and Nouhak Phoumsavanh. On 15 August 1991, he succeeded Kaysone as Prime Minister of Laos, who had left office to become President. After the death of longtime party leader Kaysone in 1992, Siphandone became Chairman of the Lao People's Revolutionary Party.

Siphandone succeeded Nouhak Phoumsavanh as president in 1998. At the 8th Party Congress in 2006, he became an advisor to the LPRP Central Committee.

Siphandone remained as party leader until 21 March 2006, when he was replaced by Choummaly. He stepped down as president in June, following the 2006 Laotian parliamentary election.

Family and personal life
Siphandone is married to Thongvanh Siphandone. His son Sonexay joined the LPRP Politburo in 2016 and became Prime Minister of Laos in 2022. His daughter Viengthong currently serves as President of the State Audit Organization.

On 8 February 2024, he turned 100, and was sent congratulatory messages by General Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam Nguyễn Phú Trọng and President of Vietnam Võ Văn Thưởng. The Vietnamese ambassador to Laos Nguyen Ba Hung presented a birthday gift to Siphandone to his son Sonexay.

Awards and honors

 * Laos:
 * LAO_Gold_Medal_of_the_Nation_BAR.svg National Gold Medal
 * Order_of_Phoxay_Lane_Xang.png Order of Phoxay Lane Xang

 * Brunei:
 * BRU_Family_Order_of_Brunei_1st_Class.svg Family Order of Laila Utama (2004)

 * Vietnam:
 * Vietnam_Gold_Star_ribbon.png Gold Star Order

 * Soviet Union:
 * SU_Order_of_the_Red_Banner_ribbon.svg Order of the Red Banner (1984)

title: Khamtai Siphandone


text:
Obafemi Awolowo

Chief Obafemi Jeremiah Oyeniyi Awolowo ( Ọbáfẹ́mi Oyèéníyì Awólọ́wọ̀; 6 March 1909 – 9 May 1987) was a Nigerian nationalist and politician who played a key role in Nigeria's independence movement (1957–1960). Awolowo founded the Yoruba nationalist group Egbe Omo Oduduwa, and was the first Leader of Government Business and Minister of Local Government and Finance, and first Premier of the Western Region under Nigeria's parliamentary system, from 1952 to 1959. He was the official opposition leader in the federal parliament to the Balewa government from 1959 -1963.

As a young man he was an active journalist, editing publications such as the Nigerian Worker, on top of others as well. He later became founder & publisher of Nigerian Tribune of African Newspapers of Nigeria Ltd. After receiving his bachelors of commerce degree in Nigeria, he traveled to London to pursue his degree in law. Obafemi Awolowo was the first premier of the Western Region and later federal commissioner for finance, and vice chairman of the Federal Executive Council during the Nigerian Civil War. He was thrice a major contender for the country's highest office.

A native of Ikenne in Ogun State of south-western Nigeria, Awolowo started his career, like some of his well-known contemporaries, as a nationalist in the Nigerian Youth Movement in which he rose to become Western Provincial Secretary. Awolowo was responsible for much of the progressive social legislation that has made Nigeria a modern nation. In 1963, he was tried and jailed for 10 years on charges of sedition. He was pardoned by the government until 1966, after which he appointed the Minister of Finance. In recognition of all of this, Awolowo was the first individual in the modern era to be named as the leader of the Yorubas (Yoruba: Asíwájú Àwọn Yorùbá or Asíwájú Ọmọ Oòduà).

Early life
Obafemi Awolowo, SAN, GCFR was born Jeremiah Obafemi Oyeniyi Awolowo on 6 March 1909 in the Remo town of Ikenne (present-day Ogun State of Nigeria). He was the only son of David Shopolu Awolowo, a farmer and sawyer, and Mary Efunyela Awolowo. He had two sisters and one maternal half-sister. Awolowo's father was born to a high chief and member of the Iwarefa, the leading faction of the traditional Osugbo group that ruled Ikenne.

In 1896, Awolowo's father became one of the first Ikenne natives to convert to Christianity. Awolowo's paternal grandmother, Adefule Awolowo, whom Awolowo adored, was a devout worshipper of the Ifá. Adefule, Awolowo's grandmother, believed that Obafemi was a reincarnation of her father (his great-grandfather). Awolowo's father's conversion to Christianity often went at odds with his family's beliefs. He often challenged worshippers of the god of smallpox, Obaluaye. His father ultimately died on April 8, 1920, of smallpox when Obafemi was about eleven years old.

He attended various schools, including Baptist Boys' High School (BBHS), Abeokuta; and then became a teacher in Abeokuta, after which he qualified as a shorthand typist. Subsequently, he served as a clerk at the Wesley College Ibadan, as well as a correspondent for the Nigerian Times.

Following his education at Wesley College, Ibadan, in 1927, he enrolled at the University of London as an External Student and graduated with the degree of Bachelor of Commerce (Hons.). He went to the UK in 1944 to study law at the University of London and was called to the Bar by the Honorable Society of the Inner Temple on 19 November 1946. In 1949, Awolowo founded the Nigerian Tribune, a private Nigerian newspaper, which he used to spread nationalist consciousness among Nigerians.

Politics
In 1945, he attended the fifth Pan-African Congress in Manchester as a representative of the Nigerian Youth Movement along with H. O. Davies. Also attending was an illustrious list of participants which included Kwame Nkrumah, Hastings Banda, Jomo Kenyatta and Jaja Wachuku, among others.

As Premier
Awolowo was Nigeria's foremost federalist. In his Path to Nigerian Freedom (1947) – the first systematic federalist manifesto by a Nigerian politician – he advocated federalism as the only basis for equitable national integration and, as head of the Action Group, he led demands for a federal constitution, which was introduced in the 1954 Lyttleton Constitution, following primarily the model proposed by the Western Region delegation led by him. He was also a keen advocate of minority rights and the relocation of the Federal Capital away from Lagos, advocating for Lagos rights to be governed by the Western region of largely Yoruba stock.

As premier, he proved to be and was viewed as a man of vision and a dynamic administrator. Awolowo was also the country's leading social democratic politician. He supported limited public ownership and limited central planning in government. He believed that the state should channel Nigeria's resources into education and state-led infrastructural development. Controversially, and at considerable expense, he introduced free primary education for all and free health care for children in the Western Region, established the first television service in Africa in 1959, and the Oduduwa Group, all of which were financed from the highly lucrative cocoa industry which was the mainstay of the regional economy.

His Valedictory Speech on November 3, 1959 to the Western Region House of Assembly recounting his achievements in office between 1952 and 1959, provides context to his work ethic and achievements as an administrator.

In opposition
From the eve of independence, he led the Action Group as the Leader of the Opposition in the federal parliament, leaving Samuel Ladoke Akintola as the Western Region Premier. Disagreements between Awolowo and Akintola on how to run the Western region led the latter to an alliance with the Tafawa Balewa-led NPC federal government. A constitutional crisis led to the declaration of a state of emergency in the Western Region, eventually resulting in a widespread breakdown of law and order.

Excluded from national government, Awolowo and his party faced an increasingly precarious position. Akintola's followers, angered at their exclusion from power, formed the Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP) under Akintola's leadership. Having previously suspended the elected Western Regional Assembly, the federal government then reconstituted the body after manoeuvres that brought Akintola's NNDP into power without an election. Shortly afterwards Awolowo and several disciples were arrested, charged, convicted (of treason), and jailed under Balewa for conspiring with the Ghanaian authorities to overthrow the federal government.

As National Leader
As Minister of Finance, he helped negotiate the joint venture rights of Nigeria in its new oil find, ushering in a decade of oil boom and providing the bulwark of national wealth. He also helped developed the system of national revenue sharing and fiscal allocation (FAAC), which enabled newly created states that boosted minority rights to thrive and survive to this day. He is also credited with naming the new national currency, the NIGERIAN NAIRA introduced under his leadership.

Regarding the blockade of Biafra during which more than 1 million Igbo children died of starvation, Awolowo was quoted as saying, "All is fair in war, and starvation is one of the weapons of war. I don’t see why we should feed our enemies fat, only to fight us harder."

As Presidential Candidate
In 1979 and 1983, he contested under the Unity Party's platform as a presidential candidate, but lost to the northern-based National Party of Shehu Shagari. In 1979, he contested his loss in court, making a case for electoral college decision because the winning candidate couldn't have said to have won having not fulfilled the majority in 2/3 of states (then 19) which led to the landmark Supreme Court decision of 1979 with Chief Justice Fatai Williams presiding.

Legacy
In 1992, the Obafemi Awolowo Foundation was founded as an independent, non-profit, non-partisan organisation committed to furthering the symbiotic interaction of public policy and relevant scholarship with a view to promoting the overall development of the Nigerian nation. The Foundation was launched by the President of Nigeria at that time, General Ibrahim Babangida, at the Liberty Stadium, Ibadan. However, his most important bequests (styled Awoism) are his exemplary integrity, his welfarism, his contributions to hastening the process of decolonisation and his consistent and reasoned advocacy of federalism-based on ethno-linguistic self-determination and uniting politically strong states-as the best basis for Nigerian unity. Awolowo died peacefully at his Ikenne home, the Efunyela Hall (so named after his mother), on 9 May 1987, at the age of 78 and was laid to rest in Ikenne, amid tributes across political and ethno-religious divides.

Honours
He is featured in the 100 Naira banknote since 1999.

In addition to a variety of other chieftaincy titles, Chief Awolowo held the title of the Odole Oodua of Ile-Ife.

title: Obafemi Awolowo


text:
Paul Bérenger

Paul Raymond Bérenger (born 26 March 1945) is a Mauritian politician who was Prime Minister of Mauritius from 2003 to 2005. He has been Leader of the Opposition on several occasions – from 1983 to 1987, 1997 to 2000, 2005 to 2006, 2007 to 2013, October 2013 to 15 September 2014, and again from December 2014 to December 2016 when he was replaced by Xavier-Luc Duval. Following his party's defeat in the 2014 general elections, he became Leader of the Opposition for the sixth time, making him the longest ever to serve in this constitutional position. He was also deputy prime minister from 1995 to 1997 and again from 2000 to 2003, and he was a cabinet minister in the government of Anerood Jugnauth in 1982 and 1991. Bérenger, a Christian of Franco-Mauritian descent, has been the only non-Hindu prime minister of Mauritius, or, more particularly, the only prime minister who has not belonged to the Jugnauth or Ramgoolam families.

Early life, education and family
Bérenger was born to Mauritian parents whose ancestors arrived in Mauritius from France in the 1700s. Geneviève Bérenger, his mother, was the daughter of Auguste Esnouf, an engineer and author who used pen name Savinien Mérédac to write novels and newspaper articles. He completed his secondary schooling at the college du St Esprit in Quatre Bornes. He travelled to the UK to study Philosophy and French, attended the Sorbonne in Paris and graduated from the Bangor University with a BA Hons in philosophy and French. He later worked as a Trade Unionist from 1970 to 1982 and was elected to the Legislative Assembly for the first time in December 1976.

Political career
Bérenger founded the Mauritian Militant Movement in 1969 along with Dev Virahsawmy and the Jeerooburkhan brothers. This party has always received more than 40% of direct votes in general elections.

1976 general elections
Paul Bérenger was elected in Constituency No. 18 (Belle Rose and Quatre Bornes) at the December 1976 elections. The remaining 2 seats were secured by Independence Party (Labour-CAM) candidates James Burty david and Heeralall Bhugaloo. The general elections of 1976 turned out to be a three-way contest between the Independence Party (Labour-CAM coalition), the Parti Mauricien Social Démocrate (PMSD), and the MMM. There was a hung parliament, with 34 of the 70 seats in the National Assembly going to the MMM, 28 seats to the Labour Party, and 8 seats to the PMSD. Ramgoolam remained in office, however, by forging a coalition with the PMSD for a bare majority. Anerood Jugnauth was appointed Leader of the Opposition.

1982 general elections
At the June 1982 general elections Paul Bérenger was elected in Constituency No. 18 (Belle Rose and Quatre Bornes) at the top of the list as a candidate of the MMM-PSM coalition. His running mates Kailash Ruhee and Devanand Routho secured the remaining seats in that constituency. The MMM won all 60 directly elected seats in the Legislative Assembly (except for two seats allocated to Rodrigues Island). Anerood Jugnauth became prime minister, Harish Boodhoo was appointed as deputy prime minister. Bérenger became the Minister of Finance.

In early 1983, Bérenger proposed a constitutional amendment removing the executive powers of the prime minister and entrusting them to the Cabinet collectively. In this he was supported by Harish Boodhoo, but Jugnauth strongly objected. Bérenger then sought a parliamentary motion of no confidence to have Jugnauth replaced as prime minister by Prem Nababsing. Before the Legislative Assembly could vote on the matter, however, Jugnauth dissolved Parliament without any notice and called for new elections in August 1983.

1983 general elections
At the August 1983 general elections Paul Bérenger stood as candidate of the MMM in Constituency No. 18 (Belle Rose and Quatre Bornes). But this time he was not elected whilst his rivals Michael Glover, Anil Gayan and Raj Virahsawmy of the MSM-Labour coalition were elected in that constituency.

1987 general elections
Bérenger was once again candidate of the MMM in Constituency No. 18 (Belle Rose and Quatre Bornes) but he was not elected. His rivals of the MSM-Labour coalition (Michael Glover, Balkrishn Gokulsing and Raj Virahsawmy) were elected to the Legislative Assembly.

1991 general elections
At the August 1991 general elections Bérenger was elected to the Legislative Assembly under the MSM-MMM coalition in Constituency No. 19 (Stanley and Rose Hill) behind his running mates Jayen Cuttaree and Jean Claude de L'Estrac.

On 18 August 1993, Jugnauth dismissed Bérenger and all Members of the MMM from the government and formed a new majority with the other parties.

1995 by elections
In January 1995 Bérenger and Jean Claude de L'Estrac resigned from parliament, triggering by-elections in Constituency No.19. Bérenger was elected under the banner of the Labour-MMM coalition.

1995 general elections
As a candidate of the Labour-MMM coalition Bérenger was elected in Constituency No. 19 (Stanley and Rose Hill) at the December 1995 elections, ahead of his running mates Siddick Chady and Jayen Cuttaree. This alliance won the 1995 elections with a 60-nil sweep of mainland Mauritian constituencies. Ramgoolam became prime minister with Bérenger as his deputy. On 20 June 1997, however, Ramgoolam dismissed Bérenger and formed a new government without the MMM.

2000 elections
In 1999, the national opinion polls showed that Prime Minister Navin Ramgoolam's Labour Party was the favorite to win the elections due in 2000. In an hour-long meeting organized by Bodhoo, Berenger made up his quarrel with Jugnauth and agreed to an electoral alliance and a power-sharing deal, should they win the election. The MSM and the MMM would each contest 30 of the 60 mainland seats. If successful, Jugnauth would serve as prime minister for three years; he would then resign, assume the (largely, but not entirely, ceremonial) office of President of Mauritius and make way for Bérenger to succeed him as prime minister, with Jugnauth's son Pravind Jugnauth as his deputy.

The MSM/MMM alliance won 54 of the 60 seats. Jugnauth became prime minister again, appointing a 25-member Cabinet with Bérenger as deputy prime minister.

The power-sharing agreement was briefly in doubt when, in 2001, Bérenger faced a charge of aiding and abetting a murder suspect to escape arrest. Swaleha Joomun, a widow, was suing the deputy premier for facilitating the escape of Bissessur who was wanted in connection with a triple murder which occurred on 26 October 1996 in Port Louis. Joomun's husband was a victim of the murder. Bérenger defended himself by saying that the reason he had helped Bissessur was because the latter wanted to reveal what he knew on the escadron de la mort (death squad). A second private prosecution was lodged against Bérenger by Raju Mohit (a member of the Movement Republicain) but in both cases, the Director of Public Prosecutions of Mauritius gave a Nolle Prosequi.

In 2003, Bérenger duly succeeded Jugnauth, who assumed the presidency, as agreed.

Prime minister
In 2003, Berenger took office as prime minister following the resignation of then Prime Minister Jugnauth after serving as his deputy for three years. He led the MSM/MMM coalition government for a period of one year and nine months before his alliance lost the elections to the Labour Party in 2005. He was the first and only non-Hindu prime minister.

Paul Berenger remained Deputy Prime Minister of Mauritius for three years and following the agreement, Anerood Jugnauth resigned in September 2003 after serving for three years.

Leader of the Opposition
Berenger subsequently tried to run on his own but lost the 2005 elections to Ramgoolam's Labour Party Paul Berenger has been the leader of the opposition since 2007 after the MMM lost the general elections in 2005 to the Alliance Sociale coalition led by Dr Navin Ramgoolam. The MMM also lost the subsequent elections in 2010.

In January 2013, Berenger announced that he had tonsil cancer in a press conference, and let the population know of his plans for treatment in France and that Alan Ganoo was to lead the MMM during his absence. Overall he appeared in good spirits and was confident of a return to mainstream politics. Different sources relayed by the lexpress.mu website also announced the entry into politics of his son, Emmanuel Bérenger. Following his successful treatment for cancer, he returned to his position as Leader of the Opposition on 1 October 2013.

After his party ended its alliance with the Militant Socialist Movement (MSM), Berenger negotiated an alliance with the Labour Party on a power-sharing deal whereby each party would nominate 30 candidates and, if successful in the election, would provide an equal number of Cabinet Ministers. Navin Ramgoolam would remain prime minister until a new constitution could be adopted to enhance the powers of the President, before resigning to make place for Bérenger to succeed him. This alliance lost the December 2014 elections, however, and Sir Aneerood Jugnauth, who had come out of retirement to lead L'alliance Lepep (Alliance of the People) was sworn in prime minister again, at the age of 84. In October 2019 Berenger went into the general elections with MMM not contracting any alliance with anyone. The MSM of Pravind Jugnauth won an overwhelming victory, although short of a three-quarter majority. Dr. Arvind Boolell of the labour party was appointed as leader of the opposition, as Navin Ramgoolam lost in his constituency. MMM managed to elect only nine MPs. Several petitions were lodged in the Supreme Court challenging the validity of the election results.

1971 Azor Adelaide murder
In 1971 Bérenger narrowly escaped a murder attempt, whilst his assistant Azor Adelaide died soon after being shot by rival political activists on Chasteauneuf Street in Curepipe.

1978 Affaire Sheik Hossen
Following the building fire at the head office of newspaper Le Mauricien on 11 June 1978, the MMM's propaganda paper Le Militant published a front-page article in which MMM activist Jean-Paul Sheik Hossen accused several members of the local intelligence police (Special Branch) to have planned the arson attack. Sheik Hossen made allegations against Special Branch's director Fulena, his deputy Sénèque, officers Jean-Paul Venkatachellum and Jean Ramiah. Security guard Yves Bedos supported Sheik Hossen's allegations. The Labour-PMSD-CAM government was alleged to be concerned by Le Mauricien's adoption of the new offset printing technology which would strengthen Bérenger's MMM. Under cover of parliamentary immunity Bérenger further reiterated the accusations against the intelligence police, which led to a lengthy investigation and court appearances. Bérenger eventually has to publicly apologise for having blindly believed in Sheik Hossen's allegations.

1982 Microphone snatching incident
In 1982, although Anerood Jugnauth was his superior in the hierarchy of the MMM and short-term government, Paul Bérenger snatched the microphone off Jugnauth at a public appearance. This incident infuriated the witnesses from within the party as it confirmed Bérenger's lack of respect for others as well as his unpredictable nature.

1983 Coup d'État and Operation Lal Dora
In 1983 a military intervention in Mauritius by India, code named Operation Lal Dora, nearly occurred after the official leader of the new MMM-PSM government (PM Anerood Jugnauth) had alerted Indian PM Indira Gandhi of an imminent coup d'état, which would be led by his deputy prime minister Paul Bérenger.

2001 Illovo Deal for Franco-Mauritian companies
The 2001 Illovo Deal, which Bérenger labelled as mari deal (literally meaning "amazing deal") has been criticized to have favoured a small number of elite Franco-Mauritian capitalists, to the detriment of the rest of the Mauritian population, especially the small planters. Bérenger formed part of the government at the time of the Illovo Deal, and his adviser and broker Jean-Mée Desvaux negotiated with Anerood Jugnauth at the latter's office in order for the elite Franco-Mauritian conglomerate to pocket Rs 6 Billion whilst the State would only receive Rs 3 Billion of the deal involving the sale of more than 10,000 arpents of agricultural land. Prior to the Desvaux-Jugnauth meeting the Rs 6 Billion worth of land would have been acquired by the State (to be on sold and distributed to interested small planters).

2008 sexist insults towards women
As Leader of the Opposition Paul Bérenger showed disrespect towards women when he publicly insulted Nita Deerpalsing during a session of the National Assembly in August 2008. In response to MP Nita Deerpalsing's expression of support for then Attorney General Rama Valayden Bérenger commented rode ene mari pou li marié do! (meaning "go find her a husband so she can finally get married"). Paul Bérenger's loyal acolyte Rajesh Bhagwan defended Bérenger's insults on the basis that he had been upset by so much support for his opponent Rama Valayden.

2020 St Louis Gate bribery
Following an investigation by financier African Development Bank (ADB), Paul Bérenger was named as one of the recipients of bribes via local company PAD & Co. Ltd. on behalf of Danish firm Burmeister & Wain Scandinavian Contractor (BWSC), which won the contract for the major upgrade of ailing St Louis diesel power station. The scandal became known as St Louis gate.

Awards and decorations

 * 🇲🇺 Mauritius:
 * [[File:Order of the Star and Key of the Indian Ocean - GCSK, GOSK, CSK (Mauritius) - ribbon bar.png|70px]] Grand Commander of the Order of the Star and Key of the Indian Ocean (2003)

title: Paul Bérenger


text:
Norteño

Norteño (Spanish: "northerner") may refer to:

 * Norteño (music) is a style of Mexican music related to polka and corridos
 * Norteño refers to the people originally from Northern Mexico in hispanic countries
 * Norteño (band) is a tango nuevo band from Ottawa, Ontario, Canada
 * Norteño is an alcoholic beverage (aguardiente), from Ecuador
 * Norteño refers to the people and the culture of north central and north eastern New Mexico.
 * The Norteños are a large organization of largely Mexican-American street gangs in the United States

title: Norteño


text:
Alexander Bustamante

Sir William Alexander Clarke Bustamante (born William Alexander Clarke; 24 February 1884 – 6 August 1977) was a Jamaican politician and labour leader, who, in 1962, became the first prime minister of Jamaica.

Early life and education
He was born to Mary Clarke (née Wilson), a woman of mixed race, and her husband, Robert Constantine Clarke, the son of Robert Clarke, an Irish Catholic planter, in Blenheim, Hanover. His grandmother, Elsie Clarke-Shearer, was also the grandmother of Norman Washington Manley.

William said that he took the surname Bustamante to honour a Spanish sea captain who he claims adopted him in his early years and took him to Spain where he was sent to school and later returned to Jamaica.

However, Bustamante did not leave Jamaica until 1905, when he was 21 years old—and he left as part of the early Jamaican migration to Cuba, where employment opportunities were expanding in the sugar industry. He returned to Jamaica permanently about 30 years later in the 1930s.

Little is known about Bustamante's 30 years spent outside of Jamaica.

Political career in colonial Jamaica
He became a leader in activism against colonial rule. He gained recognition by writing frequent letters on the issues to the Daily Gleaner newspaper. In 1937 he was elected as treasurer of the Jamaica Workers' Union (JWU), which had been founded by labour activist Allan G.S. Coombs. During the 1938 labour rebellion, he quickly became identified as the spokesman for striking workers, who were mostly of African and mixed-race descent. Coombs' JWU became the Bustamante Industrial Trade Union (BITU) after the revolt, and Bustamante became known as "The Chief ".

In 1940, he was imprisoned on charges of subversive activities. The widespread anti-colonial activism finally resulted in Parliament's granting universal suffrage in 1944 to residents in Jamaica. He was defended by N.W. Manley and released from prison in 1943, Bustamante founded the Jamaica Labour Party the same year. Previously he had belonged to the People's National Party (founded in 1938 by his first cousin Norman Manley).

In the 1944 Jamaican general election, Bustamante's party won 22 of 32 seats in the first House of Representatives elected by universal suffrage. He became the unofficial government leader, representing his party as Minister for Communications. Under the new charter, the British governor, assisted by the six-member Privy Council and ten-member Executive Council, remained responsible solely to the Crown. The Jamaican Legislative Council became the upper house, or Senate, of the bicameral Parliament. House members were elected by adult suffrage from single-member electoral districts called constituencies. Despite these changes, ultimate power remained concentrated in the hands of the governor and other high officials. He was acquitted. In 1952 he was arrested by the American authorities while he was on official business in Puerto Rico.

The 1949 Jamaican general election was much closer. The PNP received more votes (203,048) than the JLP (199,538), but the JLP secured more seats; 17 to the PNP's 13. Two seats were won by independents. The voter turnout was 65.2%.

The parties lobbied the colonial government for a further increase in constitutional powers for the elected government, and in June 1953 a new constitution provided for the appointment of a chief minister and seven other Ministers from the elected House of Representatives. They now had a majority over the official and nominated members. For the first time, the Ministers could now exercise wide responsibility in the management of the internal affairs of the island. The only limits placed on their powers pertained to public security, public prosecutions and matters affecting members of the Civil Service, which still fell under the Colonial Secretary. In 1953, Bustamante became Jamaica's first chief minister (the pre-independence title for head of government).

Bustamante held this position until the JLP was defeated in 1955. In the 1955 Jamaican general election, the PNP won for the first time, securing 18 out of 32 seats. The JLP ended up with 14 seats, and there were no independents. The voter turnout was 65.1%. As a result, Norman Manley became the new chief minister.

The 1959 Jamaican general election was held on 28 July 1959, and the number of seats was increased to 45. The PNP secured a wider margin of victory, taking 29 seats to the JLP's 16.

Manley was appointed Jamaica's first premier on 14 August 1959. He served 4 years in office.

Federation and independence
Though initially a supporter of the Federation of the West Indies, during the 1950s, Bustamante gradually opposed the union. He agitated for Jamaica to become independent of Great Britain. He said that the JLP would not contest a by-election to the federal parliament.

In the 1961 Federation membership referendum Jamaica voted 54% to leave the West Indies Federation. After losing the referendum, Manley took Jamaica to the polls in April 1962, to secure a mandate for the island's independence. On 10 April 1962, of the 45 seats up for contention in the 1962 Jamaican general election, the JLP won 26 seats and the PNP 19. The voter turnout was 72.9%.

This resulted in the independence of Jamaica on 6 August 1962, and several other British colonies in the West Indies followed suit in the next decade. Bustamante had replaced Manley as premier between April and August, and on independence, he became Jamaica's first prime minister.

After Jamaica was granted independence in 1962, Bustamante served as the first Prime Minister until 1967. In April 1963 he ordered the police and army to "Bring in all Rastas, dead or alive" and over 150 Rastas were detained and an unknown number killed. In 1965, after suffering a stroke, he withdrew from active participation in public life. The true power was held by his deputy, Donald Sangster.

On 21 February, in the 1967 Jamaican general election, the JLP were victorious again, winning 33 out of 53 seats, with the PNP taking 20 seats. Two days later, Bustamante retired, and Sangster became Jamaica's second prime minister.

Marriage and family
He was married four times. His fourth wife was Gladys Longbridge, who he married on 7 September 1962, at the age of 78. He had no children. His parents were Robert Constantine Clarke, and wife Mary née Wilson.

Legacy and honours
Bustamante was commended in 1955 for his public services in Jamaica. He was awarded an honorary LLD degree from the Fairfield University in 1963. In 1964, he was made a member of the Privy Council of the United Kingdom (PC). In 1966, an honorary LLD degree was conferred on him by the University of the West Indies. In the same year, he was also awarded the Special Grand Cordon of the Order of Brilliant Star by the Republic of China. On 9 June 1967, Bustamante was appointed a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the British Empire (GBE).

In 1969, Bustamante became a Member of the Order of National Hero (ONH) in recognition of his achievements, this along with Norman Manley, the black liberationist Marcus Garvey, and two leaders of the 1865 Morant Bay rebellion, Paul Bogle and George William Gordon. His portrait graces the Jamaican one dollar coin.

Bustamante died in 1977 at the Irish Town Hospital and was buried in the National Heroes Park in Kingston.

Bustamante backbone
A Jamaican candy, the Bustamante backbone, is named after him. It is a grated coconut and dark brown sugar confection flavored with fresh grated ginger, cooked to a hard consistency, "which is said to represent his firmness of character." Bustamante was considered a "buster", "a champion of the common man and tough article." The candy is also nicknamed Busta.

title: Alexander Bustamante


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Lexical

Lexical may refer to:

Linguistics

 * Lexical corpus or lexis, a complete set of all words in a language
 * Lexical item, a basic unit of lexicographical classification
 * Lexicon, the vocabulary of a person, language, or branch of knowledge
 * Lexical (semiotics) or content word, words referring to things, as opposed to having only grammatical meaning
 * Lexical verb, a member of an open class of verbs that includes all verbs except auxiliary verbs
 * Lexical aspect, a characteristic of the meaning of verbs
 * Lexical form, the canonical form of a word, under which it appears in dictionaries
 * Lexical definition or dictionary definition, the meaning of a term in common usage
 * Lexical semantics, a subfield of linguistic semantics that studies how and what the words of a language denote

Computing

 * Lexical analysis, the process of converting a sequence of characters into a sequence of tokens
 * Lexical Markup Framework, the ISO standard for natural language processing and machine-readable dictionary lexicons
 * Lexical scope, a scope in computer programming

Other uses

 * Lexical approach, a method of teaching foreign languages
 * Lexical hypothesis, a widely used theory in personality psychology

title: Lexical


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Tubal Uriah Butler

Tubal Uriah "Buzz" Butler (21 January 1897 – 20 February 1977), was a Grenadian-born Spiritual Baptist preacher and labour leader in Trinidad and Tobago. He is best known for leading a series of labour riots between 19 June and 6 July 1937 and for forming a series of personalist political parties (the British Empire Citizens' and Workers' Home Rule Party, the Butler Home Rule Party, and finally the Butler Party) that focused its platform on the improvement of the working class.

Biography
Butler was born in St. George's, Grenada, where he attended the Anglican School. Unable to find work after completing his primary school education, at 17 he became a volunteer in the British West Indies Regiment in World War I, serving in the British Army from 1914 to 1918, stationed in Egypt. Returning from military service at the end of the war in 1918, he became active in political pressure groups and workers unions, establishing the Grenada Representative Government Movement, and the Grenada Union of Returned Soldiers. In 1921, aged 24, he went to south Trinidad and was employed at the Roodal Oilfields as a pipe-fitter. He became influenced by the philosophy of Marcus Garvey, according to Garvey's son Dr Julius Garvey.

Butler first came to prominence in 1935 when he led a "hunger march" from the oilfields to Port of Spain. In 1936 he was expelled from the Trinidad Labour Party for his "extremist tendencies". He then formed the British Empire Citizens' and Workers' Home Rule Party. On 19 June 1937 a strike in protest of working conditions, wages, racism and exploitation began in the oilfields in the southern Trinidad. Police attempted to arrest Butler as he addressed a meeting in Fyzabad. His supporters prevented the police from doing so and Charlie King, a police officer was killed. The Labour riots of 1937 resulted in turmoil throughout the oilfields. When strikes spread to the sugar factories, the Colonial government responded by issuing an arrest warrant for Butler. Butler went into hiding and the colonial authorities were unable to locate him. He stayed in contact with the authorities through Adrian Cola Rienzi and although he was promised safe passage by the colonial authorities to testify at a commission of enquiry into the events of June 1937, he was arrested by the colonial government when he emerged to do so.

Butler was imprisoned from 9 September 1937 to May 1939. With the outbreak of World War II in September 1939, he was re-arrested and detained for the duration of the war. After release from prison he formed the Butler Home Rule Party, which later became the Butler Party. The Butler Party captured the largest block of seats in the Legislative Council, but the Governor chose to exclude Butler and instead Albert Gomes became the first chief minister.

In the 1956 General Elections the Butler Party only won two seats. Butler, the fiery radical, was deemed too unstable and threatening to the nation's economic well-being by Eric Williams and the People's National Movement.

Butler is looked upon as the founding father of the Oilfields Workers' Trade Union (OWTU) and the labour movement and is honoured with a statue in Fyzabad. He was awarded the Trinity Cross, the nation's highest honour, in 1970.

Legacy
The Uriah Butler Highway is named in his honour.

title: Tubal Uriah Butler


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Cerinthus

Cerinthus (Κήρινθος; fl. c. 50-100 CE) was an early Gnostic, who was prominent as a heresiarch in the view of the early Church Fathers. Contrary to the Church Fathers, he used the Gospel of Cerinthus, and denied that the Supreme God made the physical world. In Cerinthus' interpretation, the Christ descended upon Jesus at baptism and guided him in ministry and the performing of miracles, but left him at the crucifixion. Similarly to the Ebionites, he maintained that Jesus was not born of a virgin, but was a mere man, the biological son of Mary and Joseph.

Early Christian tradition describes Cerinthus as a contemporary to and opponent of John the Evangelist, who may have written the First Epistle of John and the Second Epistle of John to warn the less mature in faith and doctrine about the changes Cerinthus was making to the original gospel. According to early Christian sources, the Apostle John wrote his gospel specifically to refute the teachings of Cerinthus.

All that is known about Cerinthus comes from the writing of his theological opponents.

Biography
Cerinthus flourished during the second half of the first century, though the date of his birth and his death are unknown. None of Cerinthus' actual writings seem to have survived. Our most detailed understanding of the man Cerinthus' teachings are from the 4th century Bishop Epiphanius of Salamis, a few centuries after his death, though Irenaeus of Lyon (c. 135–202) briefly outlines Cerinthus' beliefs in his five books against Gnosticism. Publication of surviving fragments of Hippolytus of Rome's (c. 170–235) Capita Adversus Caium demonstrate Epiphanius drew heavily from Hippolytus' Refutation of the Thirty-two Heresies. Irenaeus writes that Cerinthus was educated in the Gnosis of the Egyptians. According to Epiphanius, Cerinthus was the instigator of trouble against the Apostles Paul and Peter at Jerusalem, and had sent out men to Antioch commanding that gentile converts must be circumcised and keep the Law, prompting the convention of the Jerusalem Council (c. 50). After these things, Epiphanius says that Cerinthus founded a school in the Roman province of Asia Minor, which at its height spread into the province of Galatia. According to Galatian tradition, Paul wrote his epistle to the Galatians against Cerinthus' followers who were troubling the church.

In Asia, early Christian writers identify Cerinthus as an adversary of the Apostle John. According to Irenaeus, his teacher Polycarp, himself a student of John, told the story that John rushed out of a bathhouse at Ephesus without bathing when he found out Cerinthus was inside, exclaiming, "Let us fly, lest even the bath-house fall down, because Cerinthus, the enemy of the truth, is inside!" Irenaeus also relates that John sought by proclamation of his gospel "to remove that error which by Cerinthus had been disseminated among men".

Beliefs
We do not have a fully developed understanding of Cerinthus' teachings. The earliest surviving account of Cerinthus is that in Irenæus' refutation of Gnosticism, Adversus haereses, which was written about 170 AD. According to Irenæus, Cerinthus, a man educated in the wisdom of the Egyptians, claimed angelic inspiration.

The Epistula Apostolorum, a little-known 2nd-century text discovered in 1895, which is roughly contemporary (c. 160–170) with the above work of Irenaeus, was written polemically against the teachings of Cerinthus, beginning with an admonition to those who might follow the teachings of Simon and Cerinthus.

Scripture
Cerinthus utilized a gospel identical to that of the Ebionites, which the early church fathers identify as an unorthodox version of the Gospel of Matthew. Unlike Marcion of Sinope, a 2nd-century Gnostic who was hostile to the God of the Hebrews proclaimed in the Law and prophets, Cerinthus recognized Jewish scripture and professed to follow the God of the Hebrews, though Cerinthus denied that he made the world.

Creation
Cerinthus taught that the visible world and heavens were not made by the supreme being, but by a lesser power (Demiurge) distinct from him. He taught that this power was ignorant of the existence of the Supreme God.

His use of the term demiurge (literally, craftsman) for the creator fits Platonic, Neopythagorean, Middle Platonic, and Neoplatonic schools of philosophy, which dominated the learned environment of the eastern Mediterranean, see also Hellenistic Judaism. Unlike true Gnostics that followed him, Cerinthus taught that the demiurge was not evil, more like Philo's logos than the egotistical demiurge taught by Valentinus.

Jesus
Cerinthus distinguished between the man Jesus and the Christ. He denied the supernatural virgin birth of Jesus, making him the biological son of Joseph and Mary, and taught that the Christ descended upon him in the form of a dove from the Supreme Ruler at baptism (see also Adoptionism) and left him again at his crucifixion—never to embody the flesh. Cerinthus is also said to have taught that Jesus will be raised from the dead at the Last Day, when all men will rise with him.

In describing Jesus as a natural-born man, Cerinthus agreed with the Ebionites. In portraying Christ as a spirit that came from heaven, undertook its divine task in the material world, and then returned, he anticipates the fully developed Christian Gnosticism in later decades. Irenaeus numbers Cerinthus among those Gnostics who denied that Jesus is the Logos (Word).

Jewish law
Cerinthus instructed his followers to maintain strict adherence to both Written and Oral Torah Mosaic law for the attainment of salvation. This soteriological worldview is termed legalism. This view contradicts the soteriology conveyed at the Council of Jerusalem (c. 50 AD), when Paul of Tarsus established the understanding that Christians are not required to be circumcised to attain salvation. The Book of Acts chapter lists only four lifestyle requirements for Gentile converts to Christianity for the purpose of their attending synagogue, after which they would learn the law of Moses as it was preached every Shabbat (Acts 15:21). Many scholars see these four requirements set out by the Jerusalem Council as a parallel to Noahide Law. Conversely, certain Jewish Christian sects, including the Cerinthians, recognized Mosaic law as both practicable and necessary.

Eschatology
Eusebius of Caesarea, in his Ecclesiastical History, relates how, according to Caius of Rome, Cerinthus,"...by means of revelations which he pretends were written by a great apostle, brings before us marvelous things which he falsely claims were shown him by angels; and he says that after the resurrection the kingdom of Christ will be set up on earth, and that the flesh dwelling in Jerusalem will again be subject to desires and pleasures. And being an enemy of the Scriptures of God, he asserts, with the purpose of deceiving men, that there is to be a period of a thousand years for marriage festivals."It is, however, improbable that this statement is true of Cerinthus' beliefs. Caius of Rome is identified with those whom Epiphanius of Salamis styles the Alogi, who, "refusing to accept an 'apocryphon' because of the deep and difficult sayings in the Revelation . . . say that they are not John's composition but Cernthus', and have no right to a place in the church." Caius' view was refuted by his contemporary, Hippolytus of Rome, in a lost work entitled Capita Adversus Caium (Heads Against Caius), of which only fragments preserved in a commentary of Dionysius Bar-Salibi survive.

Works attributed to Cerinthus
Cerinthus may be the alleged recipient of the Apocryphon of James (codex I, text 2 of the Nag Hammadi library), although the name written is largely illegible. A late second century Christian sect (later dubbed the Alogi) headed by Caius of Rome alleged Cerinthus was the true author of the Gospel of John and Book of Revelation. According to Catholic Encyclopedia: Caius: "Additional light has been thrown on the character of Caius's dialogue against Proclus by Gwynne's publication of some fragments from the work of Hippolytus "Contra Caium" (Hermathena, VI, p. 397 sq.); from these it seems clear that Caius maintained that the Apocalypse of John was a work of the Gnostic Cerinthus." The Book of Revelation (Apocalypse) is attributed to John by Christians before that time; third century theologian Tertullian indicates that all John's foster churches (i.e., the churches of Asia Minor) when traced back to the beginning all rested on the Apostle John as its author, and that it receives the same recognition in all the other churches. Irenaeus makes consistent remarks.

Cerinthus in literature
Cerinthus is featured in John's Story: The Last Eyewitness, part of Christian writer Tim LaHaye's The Jesus Chronicles. In the book Cerinthus, much to the disciple John's frustration, has begun spreading his gnostic teachings to the populace, whereupon John is moved to write his counter-argument: the Gospel of John.

Cerinthus is mentioned in Robert Browning's poem A Death in the Desert, which recounts the death of John the Apostle. The poem concludes with the line "But 'twas Cerinthus that was lost."

title: Cerinthus


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Leopold II

Leopold II commonly refers to:

 * Leopold II, Holy Roman Emperor (1747–1792)
 * Leopold II of Belgium (1835–1909)

It may also refer to:

 * Leopold II, Margrave of Austria (1050–1095)
 * Leopold II, Duke of Austria (1328–1344)
 * Leopold II, Prince of Anhalt-Dessau (1700–1751)
 * Leopold II, Prince of Lippe (1796–1851)
 * Leopold II, Grand Duke of Tuscany (1797–1870)

title: Leopold II


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Fahd

Fahd (فهد, "leopard" or "cheetah"), also transliterated Fahed or Fahad, can refer to:

Fahad

 * Fahad Ali (born 1987), Indian television actor
 * Fahad Babar (born 1992), Pakistani born American cricketer
 * Fahad Al-Bishi (born 1965), Saudi football player
 * Fahad Belal Al-Salik (born 1991), Saudi basketball player
 * Fahad Albutairi (born 1985), Saudi stand-up comedian
 * Fahad Ensour (born 1934), Jordanian politician
 * Fahad Fazil, Indian actor
 * Fahad Mustafa (born 1983), Pakistani actor
 * Fahad Shah, Kashmiri journalist
 * Fahad Usman (born 1976), UAE cricketer

Fahd

 * Fahd of Saudi Arabia (1921–2005), king of Saudi Arabia, 1982–2005
 * Fahd bin Abdul Rahman Balghunaim (born 1952), Saudi engineer
 * Fahd Ballan (1933–1997), popular Syrian Druze singer
 * Fahd Jaradat (1930–2015), Jordanian soldier and politician
 * Fahd Jassem al-Freij (born 1950), Syrian politician and minister
 * Fahd Faraj al-Juwair (1969–2006), high-ranking member of al-Qaeda
 * Fahd Hariri (born 1980s), Lebanese businessman
 * Fahd Al-Hayyan (born 1971), Saudi Arabian actor
 * Fahd Al-Rasheed, Saudi businessman
 * Fahd bin Mahmoud al Said (born 1940), deputy prime minister of the Sultanate of Oman
 * Fahd bin Abdullah Al Saud (born 1941), Saudi royal and former deputy defense minister
 * Fahd bin Salman Al Saud (1955–2001), Saudi royal and businessman
 * Fahd bin Saud Al Saud (1923–2006), Saudi Arabian royal and businessman
 * Fahd bin Sultan Al Saud (born 1950), Saudi royal and governor of Tabuk Province
 * Fahd Qawasmi (1934–1984), Palestinian engineer and politician

Fahed

 * Fahed Attal (born 1985), Palestinian football player
 * Fahed Boodai, Kuwaiti investment banker and businessman

Fahad

 * Ghanima Al-Fahad (born 1973), Kuwaiti media personality

Fahed

 * Rony Fahed (born 1981), Lebanese basketball player

Nickname

 * Fahad, nom de guerre of Yusuf Salman Yusuf (1901–1949), Iraqi communist leader

Other uses

 * Fahd (armored personnel carrier), a 4x4 Egyptian armored personnel carrier
 * Al-Fahd, a Saudi armoured vehicle
 * Al Fahd 300, a Saudi missile

title: Fahd