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National Liberation Front (Algeria)

The National Liberation Front (جبهة التحرير الوطني; Front de libération nationale) commonly known by its French acronym FLN, is a nationalist political party in Algeria. It was the principal nationalist movement during the Algerian War and the sole legal and ruling political party of the Algerian state until other parties were legalised in 1989.

The FLN was established in 1954 following a split in the Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties from members of the Special Organisation paramilitary; its armed wing, the National Liberation Army, participated in the Algerian War from 1954 to 1962. After the Évian Accords of 1962, the party purged internal dissent and ruled Algeria as a one-party state. After the 1988 October Riots and the Algerian Civil War (1991–2002) against Islamist groups, the FLN was reelected to power in the 2002 Algerian legislative election, and has generally remained in power until 2007, when it started forming coalitions with other parties.

Colonial era
The background of the FLN can be traced back to the growing anti-colonialism and Algerian nationalist sentiments since the outbreak of WWII. The repression against the Algerian Muslim population intensified as Abdelhamid Ben Badis got placed under house arrest and Marshal Pétain's government banned the Algerian Communist Party and Algerian People's Party. As the war turned gradually more in favor of the Western Allies, given the US's global engagement and its ideological campaign against colonialism, the core sentiment amongst the Algerian nationalists was to use the victory in Europe to promote the independence of the country, which is reflected by the issuing of the Manifesto of the Algerian People by Ferhat Abbas. As this objective failed to materialize, a new party Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties (MTDL) founded by the just-released Messali Hadj started to gain momentum and took the lead in the nationalist movement.

However, the Algerian Assembly's double electoral college system stipulated an equal number of 60 representation between the French settlers and the Muslim community while the Muslim community was significantly larger than the settlers. The underrepresentation combined with the unfair election in 1948 limited the MTDL's ability to gain further political power. Consequently, the Algerian nationalists veered to a more military approach as noted in their participation in the Special Organisation (Algeria), which is a paramilitary component of the MTLD and included the important figures in Algerian politics such Ahmed Ben Bella, Hocine Aït Ahmed, and Mohammed Boudiaf.

Later in 1951, the capture of Ahmed Ben Bella and the subsequent dismantling of the Special Organisation temporarily subdued the nationalist movement but sparkled the desire inside the Special Organisation militants to form a new organization – Revolutionary Committee of Unity and Action(CRUA). It initially had a five-man leadership consisting of Mostefa Ben Boulaïd, Larbi Ben M'hidi, Rabah Bitat, Mohamed Boudiaf and Mourad Didouche. They were joined by Krim Belkacem in August, and Hocine Aït Ahmed, Ahmed Ben Bella and Mohamed Khider later in the summer.

The FLN was established on 10 October 1954. It succeeded the CRUA which had been formed earlier in the year because the CRUA failed to provide unity within the MTLD Party. On 1 November 1954, the FLN launched the Algerian War after publishing the Declaration of 1 November 1954 written by journalist Mohamed Aïchaoui. Didouche was killed on 18 January 1955, whilst both Ben Boulaïd and Bitat were captured by the French. Abane Ramdane was recruited to take control of the FLN's Algiers campaign, and went on to become one of its most effective leaders. By 1956, nearly all the nationalist organizations in Algeria had joined the FLN, which had established itself as the main nationalist group through both co-opting and coercing smaller organizations; the most important group that remained outside the FLN was Messali Hadj's Algerian National Movement (MNA). At this time the FLN reorganized into something like a provisional government, consisting of a five-man executive and legislative body, and was organized territorially into six wilayas, following the Ottoman-era administrative boundaries.

The FLN's armed wing during the war was called the National Liberation Army (ALN). It was divided into guerrilla units fighting France and the MNA in Algeria (and wrestling with Messali's followers over control of the expatriate community, in the "Café Wars" in France), and another, stronger component more resembling a traditional army. These units were based in neighbouring Arab countries (notably in Oujda in Morocco, and Tunisia), and although they infiltrated forces and ran weapons and supplies across the border, they generally saw less action than the rural guerrilla forces. These units were later to emerge under the leadership of army commander Colonel Houari Boumediene as a powerful opposition to the political cadres of the FLN's exile government, the GPRA, and they eventually came to dominate Algerian politics.

FLN violence
The Algerian war resulted in between 300,000 and 400,000 deaths. The FLN is considered responsible for over 16,000 civilians killed and over 13,000 disappeared between 1954 and 1962. After the ceasefire of 19 March 1962, the FLN is thought to have massacred thousands of harkis, Muslim Algerians who had served in the French army and whom the French, contrary to promises given, had denied a "repatriation" to France. An example of an FLN massacre is the Philippeville massacre.

Independence and one-party state
The war for independence continued until March 1962, when the French government finally signed the Évian Accords, a ceasefire agreement with the FLN. In July of the same year, the Algerian people approved the cease-fire agreement with France in a referendum, supporting economic and social cooperation between the two countries as well. Full independence followed, and the FLN seized control of the country. Political opposition in the form of the MNA and Communist organizations was outlawed, and Algeria was constituted as a one-party state. The FLN became its only legal and ruling party.

Immediately after independence, the party experienced a severe internal power struggle. Political leaders coalesced into two large camps: a Political Bureau formed by the radical Ahmed Ben Bella, who was assisted by the border army, faced off against the political leadership in the former exile government; Boumédiène's army quickly put down resistance and installed Ben Bella as president. The single most powerful political constituency remained the former ALN, which had returned largely unscathed from exile and was now organized as the country's armed forces; added to this were regionally powerful guerrilla irregulars and others who jockeyed for influence in the party. In building his one-party regime, Ben Bella purged remaining dissidents (such as Ferhat Abbas), but also quickly ran into opposition from Boumédiène as he tried to assert himself independently from the army.

In 1965, the tension between Boumédiène and Ben Bella culminated in a coup d'état, after Ben Bella had tried to sack one of the Colonel's closest collaborators, Foreign Minister Abdelaziz Bouteflika (who was elected President of Algeria in 1999). A statist-socialist and anticolonial nationalist, Boumédiène ruled through decree and "revolutionary legitimacy", marginalizing the FLN in favor of his personal decision-making and the military establishment, even while retaining the one-party system. Boumédiène held tight control over party leadership until his death in 1978, at which time the party reorganized again under the leadership of the military's next candidate, Col. Chadli Bendjedid. The military remained well-represented on the FLN Central Committee and is widely thought to have been the real power-broker in the country. During the 1980s the FLN toned down the socialist content of its programme, enacting some free-market reforms and purging Boumédiène stalwarts.

Multi-party era
It was not until 1988 that massive demonstrations and riots jolted the country towards major political reform. The riots led to the constitution being amended to allow a multi-party system. The first multi-party elections were the 1990 local elections, which saw the FLN heavily defeated by the Islamist Islamic Salvation Front (ISF), which won control of over half the local councils; the FLN received just over a quarter of the vote, retaining control of a similar number of councils. The first round of the parliamentary elections the following year saw the ISF win 188 of the 231 seats, whilst the FLN won only 16, placing third behind the Socialist Forces Front. However, shortly afterwards, due to fears of the ISF forming an Islamic state, a military coup d'état cancelled the election process and forced president Bendjedid to resign, sparking the Algerian Civil War.

Algeria was under direct military rule for several years, during which the party remained in opposition to the government during the first part of the war, notably in 1995 signing the Sant'Egidio Platform, which was highly critical of the military establishment. After internal power struggles and a leadership change, it returned to supporting the presidency. After formal democracy was restored, the FLN initially failed to regain its prominent position; in the 1997 parliamentary elections it emerged as the third-largest party, receiving 14% of the vote and winning 69 of the 231 seats. However, it won a landslide victory in the 2002 elections, winning 199 of the 389 seats.

The party nominated Ali Benflis as its candidate for the 2004 presidential elections. He finished as runner-up to the incumbent Abdelaziz Bouteflika, but received only 6.4% of the vote. In 2005 FLN formed the Presidential Alliance with the National Rally for Democracy (RND) and the Movement of Society for Peace (MSP).

The 2007 parliamentary elections saw the FLN reduced to 163 seats, although the FLN's Abdelaziz Belkhadem remained Prime Minister. Bouteflika was the party's candidate in the 2009 presidential elections, which he won with 90% of the vote.

In 2012, MSP left the Presidential Alliance and joined the Green Algeria Alliance. Despite that, the FLN remained the largest party following the 2012 parliamentary elections, winning 208 of the 462 seats. Bouteflika was re-elected on the FLN ticket in the 2014 presidential elections with 82% of the vote. The elderly and ailing Bouteflika is widely seen as a mere frontman for what has often described as a "shadowy" group of generals and intelligence officers known to the Algerians collectively as le pouvoir (“the power”) and whose individual members are called décideurs with The Economist writing in 2012 "The most powerful man in the land may be Mohamed Mediène, known as Toufiq who has headed military intelligence for two decades". General Mohamed Mediène, the chief of military intelligence from 1990 to 2015 was known to be a leading décideur within le pouvior and for his secrecy with The Economist reporting on 21 September 2013: "Despite his leading role in defeating Islamic militants in a brutal civil war between 1991 and 2000, and his less public role as kingmaker in the pouvoir, General Mediene’s face remains unknown; it is said that anyone who has seen it expires soon after." On 13 September 2015, it was announced that Mediène was retiring and President Bouteflika had appointed General Athmane Tartag to succeed him. Mediène's dismissal was viewed as the culmination of a long "behind-the-scenes power struggle" with Bouteflika, leaving the latter fully in charge and giving him more power to determine his own successor.

In the 2017 parliamentary elections, FLN won 164 of the 462 seats, thus losing 44 seats; however, thanks to the good performance of the RND (which won 100 seats), the Presidential Alliance was able to maintain a parliamentary majority and continue to rule the country.

Relationship with Jewish Algerians
Jews in Algeria were given French citizenship during the colonial era starting in 1870, while Muslims were denied citizenship by the French. The Jews in Algeria were seen as a go-between for French-Muslim relations; however, the lack of citizenship on behalf of the Muslims created tension between the two groups. During the Algerian War, Jews felt as if they were being forced to choose sides; they were either Algerian and fighting with the FLN for independence, or they were French and fighting with the French to keep Algeria as a colony. At the start of the Algerian War, the FLN offered Jews the opportunity to join their efforts, and in return Jews would be given Algerian citizenship when Algeria won independence. Most of the Jews in Algeria sided with the French Government, much to the dismay of the FLN and their supporters. During the course of the war, Jews in Algeria began to feel as if the FLN was targeting Jews and not just the French people living in Algeria. This led to increased tensions between Jews and Muslims in the area. After the war, Algerian citizenship was only extended to Muslims whose fathers and grandfathers were Muslim at the time the FLN won independence from the French Government and those who participated directly or indirectly in the national liberation movement. Algerian Jews were no longer considered Algerian, but they still retained French citizenship. With their French citizenship, the majority of Jews in Algeria decided to emigrate to France, with a small number of Jews deciding to emigrate to Israel and an even smaller number of Jews deciding to stay in Algeria under the rule of the FLN. Between 1961 and 1962, 130,000 out of Algeria's 140,000 Jews left for France, while around 10,000 immigrated to Israel.

Ideology
The FLN's ideology was primarily Algerian nationalist, understood as a movement within a wider Arab nationalism and also a pan-Arab solidarity. It essentially drew its political self-legitimization from three sources: Nationalism, and the revolutionary war against France; Socialism, loosely interpreted as a popular anti-exploitation creed; Islam, defined as the main foundation for the national consciousness, and a crucial factor in solidifying the Algerian identity as separate from that of French Algerians or pied-noirs.

As the name implies, it viewed itself as a "front" composed of different social sectors and ideological trends, even if the concept of a monolithic Algerian polity gradually submerged this vision. A separate party ideology was not well developed at the time of independence, except insofar as it focused on the liberation of Algeria. This latter aspect led to the denial of or refusal to deal with the separate Berber identity held by Algerian Berbers who made up about 20% of Algeria, something which caused fierce opposition and led to the splintering of the movement immediately after independence, as Hocine Aït Ahmed set up the Berberist and pro-democracy Socialist Forces Front (FFS) in Tizi Ouzou and began a rebellion in Kabylia which was defeated by the government in 1965.

Anti-colonialism and Islamism
Anti-Colonialism is widely considered as the core value in Algerian official discourse during its entire contemporary political and social history, especially during the formation of the FLN and later during the Islamist movement. The Muslim population had been discriminated against at a constitutional level, as illustrated by the fact that French settlers formed up to 80% of the membership in three departmental councils in 1875; and at a local level, the metropolitan model composed of a major and municipal council only granted voting right to 5% of the adult male Muslim population until 1919, when the number increase to 25%. Therefore, its nationalist outlook was also closely interwoven with anti-Colonialism and anti-imperialism, something which would remain a lasting characteristic of Algerian foreign policy.

Islamism pertained its dominance in Algerian politics because of the specific social contexts during different periods. The humiliating failure of the Mokrani Revolt in 1871 facilitated the pro-Islamism sentiment in the society as people generally regarded Islam as the long-lasting and never-fading symbolic opposition towards the French rule; also the Italian invasion of Libya in 1911 provoked sympathy in the Muslim community and strengthened the Islamic cultural identity and these two events together consolidated the Islamism-Colonialism opposition rhetoric.

The politicization of the Islamism started with the noticeable wave of Islamic discourse led by religious scholars such as Jamal al-Din al-Afghani (1838–97), Mohammed Abduh (1849–1905) and Rashid Rida (1865–1935) that focused on resisting the foreign economic control and establishing an Islamic country based on the sharia, which were the core values of the Algerian Ulama. The movement absolutely rejected atheism and was not overtly secularist, contrary to widespread perception in the West, and Islamism was perhaps the most important mobilizing ideology during the Algerian War. Still, after independence, the party would in practice assume a strongly modernist interpretation of Islam, supported the social transformation of Algerian society, the emancipation of women, etc., and worked only through secular institutions.

Before Col. Chadli Bendjedid came into power in 1971, the Islamic movement had been rather successfully monitored and subdued by the government during the previous 20 years, but the Iranian Revolution rekindled the movement and posed a greater threat to the state. Since the Algerian independence, Religion had been relegated to the role of legitimizing factor for the party-regime, especially under the presidency of Col. Houari Boumédiènne (1965–78), but even then Islam was considered the state religion and a crucial part of Algerian identity, as Boumédiènne himself took pride in his Quranic training. His predecessor Ahmed Ben Bella (1962–65) was more committed to the Islamic component of the regime, although always viewed as more of an Arab nationalist than an Islamic activist (and he remains far removed from what is today referred to as Algeria's Islamists). During the mid- to late-1980s, Bendjedid reintroduced religiously conservative legislation in an attempt to appease growing Islamist opposition. During and after the Algerian Civil War, the party's position has remained that of claiming Algerian Islam as a main influence, while simultaneously arguing that this must be expressed as a progressive and modern faith, even if the party generally keeps in line with the conservative social mores of Algeria's population. It has strongly condemned the radical-fundamentalist religious teachings of the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) and other Islamist groups, even while supporting the inclusion of non-violent Islamist parties in the political system and working with them.

Arab nationalism and Pan-Arabism
Arab nationalism and Pan-Arabism are considered core principles of the FLN and Algerian nationalism. Arab themes were glorified as the foundation of Algerian nationalism that would fit into Pan-Arabism. Albert Camus argued that Algerian nationalism was closely tied to Nasserism and Pan-Arabism in an essay titled 'Algeria 1958'. A prominent member of the Algerian independence movement, Abdel-Hamid ibn Badis (1889–1940), emphasized the Arab and Muslim character of Algeria through his Association of Algerian Muslim Ulema, and famously coined the often-cited phrase: "Islam is our religion, Algeria is our homeland, Arabic is our language", while his fellow 'alim Ahmad Tawfiq al-Madani (1889–1983) wrote extensive historical writings in Arabic celebrating the Muslim and Arab ancestors of Algeria.

During the Algerian war of independence, the FLN emerged as the main socialist group after uniting with several smaller independence groups, and was strongly committed to Pan-Arabism. A major supporter of the Algerian independence movement was Gamal Abdel Nasser, whose mixture of Arab nationalism and revolution appealed to the Arabs in North Africa. He provided financial, diplomatic and military support to the FLN, and based the Algerian provisional government in Cairo. This played a major role in France's decision to wage war against him during the 1956 Suez Crisis. Once Algeria gained independence in 1962, Arab nationalist leader Ahmed Ben Bella was elected president after winning elections with 99.6 per cent of the votes. He composed the Algerian constitution in October 1963, which asserted that Islam was the state religion, Arabic was the sole national and official language of the state, Algeria was an integral part of the Arab world, and that Arabization was the first priority of the country to reverse French colonization.

Ben Bella was succeeded by Houari Boumédiène in 1965, who also pursued Arab socialist and Pan-Arabist policies. He drafted a new Algerian constitution in 1976 which declared "the unity of the Arab people is written in the community of the destinies of these people. When there will be the conditions for a unity based on the liberation of the popular masses, Algeria will engage itself in the promotion of the formulas of union, integration or fusion that may fully respond to the legitimate and deep aspirations of the Arab people". Like Ben Bella, Boumédiène imposed Arab socialism as the state ideology and declared Islam the state religion. He was more assertive than Ben Bella in carrying out Arabization, especially between 1970 and 1977. The year 1971 was declared the "year of Arabization". Chadli Bendjedid had talks with Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi in 1988 about forming an Algeria-Libya Arab union. Instead the Arab Maghreb Union was formed in 1989.

Socialism
A historical reference of socialist values is the implementation of the Warnier Law of 1873, which allowed the selling of community land at an individual base toppled the economic power of the Algerian indigenous elites; the elimination of class structure undertoned the later FLN populism and socialist agendas. Such egalitarianism, which implies a liberation struggle, reflects the FLN's militant socialism during Ben Bella's period, who considered the struggle was to invent a new society to release the peasantry's potential.

This ideological construct of the FLN is controversial and disputed but can be analyzed through lenses of different socio-economic contexts. Given the global background of the Cuban Missile Crisis and the Cold War, Algeria was considered the entry point into the Third World in this ideological conflict; the FLN's ideologies under Ben Bella and Boumédiène were largely shaped by the fundamental needs of the country such as radical economic reforms, getting international aids and recognition, along with the domestic Islamic pressure.

Facing the grave economic consequences of the Algerian War of Independence that included the destruction of 8,000 villages and millions of acres of land, a centralized authority, in this case, the FLN, was forced to act and redress the problem through a Leninist and corporatist framework. In response, Ben Bella also experimented the socialist autogestion among the Muslim workers who entered industrial and agricultural businesses that featured profit-sharing and equity. Ben Bella and his supporters in the FLN believed in the harmony between religion and socialism and it was in their political interest to renew the FLN party by leading a popular revolution to integrate Islam and socialism.

Despite being challenged by the Algerian Ulema and other domestic conservatives who criticized Ben Bella on the shallowness of his intentionally Islamism-leaning policies, the FLN kept its Marxist–Leninist organization principles that featured a secular institutional dominance over religion. The later FLN's ideological change towards anti-socialism and anti-communism can be illustrated by Kaid Ahmed's opposition towards Boumédiène's leftist agenda, which featured the radical agrarian revolution that hurt rich landowners who defended themselves on the religious ground and fueled the Islamic movement, which gradually took over the national sentiment later in the century. Starting in 1971 and ending in 1992, the government under Chadli Bendjedid was authoritative but collegial, less rigid on ideologies but more moderate on domestic and international issues, while Bendjedid and his advisers believed in socialism.

Communism
The organization initially committed itself to socialism, but understood this along the lines of Arab socialism, and opposed orthodox Marxism. The existence of different classes in Algerian society was generally rejected, even if several of the party's top ideologues were influenced to varying degrees by Marxist analysis.

Borrowed Marxist terminology was instead commonly reinterpreted by party radicals in terms of the conflict with France, e.g. casting the colonizer in the role of economic exploiter-oppressor as well as national enemy, while the label of "bourgeoisie" was applied to uncooperative or pro-French elites. The FLN absorbed some communist activists into its ranks during the War of Independence for pragmatic reasons but refused to allow them to organize separately from the FLN after the war. The FLN then quickly moved to dissolve the pro-Moscow Algerian Communist Party (PCA). However, since independent Algeria was set up as a one-party system under the FLN soon thereafter, many communist intellectuals were later co-opted into the regime at various stages. The cooperation occurred during the early Ben Bella and late Boumédiènne years when the Socialist Vanguard Party (PAGS), established in 1966, cooperated and tactically consulted with the FLN and recognized the FLN as the sole legitimate party in the country.

Contemporary developments
During all periods of Algerian post-colonial history, except for a few years between 1990 and 1996, the FLN has been a pillar of the political system and has primarily been viewed as a "pro-system" party. Its role as Algeria's liberators has remained the absolute cornerstone of the party's self-perception, and the defining feature of its otherwise somewhat fluid ideology. The FLN was close to former president Abdelaziz Bouteflika, who was made honorary chairman. It mixes its traditional populist interpretations of Algeria's nationalist-revolutionary and Islamic heritage with a pro-system conservatism, and support for gradual pro-market reform qualified by statist reflexes. Since the breakdown of the one-party system and its detachment from the state structure in ca. 1988–1990, the FLN has been in favor of multi-party democracy, whereas it upheld itself as the only organization representing the Algerian people before this period.

The FLN was admitted into Socialist International (SI) as a consultative member at the SI's spring congress on 4–5 February 2013. It was expelled from the Socialist International during the 2019 protests in Algeria.

title: National Liberation Front (Algeria)


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Talk:Greek Old Calendarists

Untitled
Are these the Paleoemerologites ?

Yes.

This article has major POV and verifiability issues. Regarding the sizes of the various GOC groups, they would be impossible to verify. The Matthewites have split into at least three small groups: one headed by Gregorios of Messina, one by Kyrikos and another by Nicholas. Parishes and clergy move back and forth between the Kiousis synod and the Makarios synod almost daily. The split between Kiousis and the Makarians is highly debatable as to who left who and over which of a number of issues. This article needs major revision.Wikigator 03:37, 20 April 2007 (UTC)

Why no communion with Russians?
"However, excepting for groups split-off from ROCOR, no official inter-communion exists between the Greek Old Calendarists and ROCOR at the present day, due to the recent reunification of ROCOR and the Russian Orthodox Church (Moscow Patriarchate)." Why not? What does the reunification of ROCOR and the ROC have to do with it? --Richardson mcphillips (talk) 23:09, 27 May 2015 (UTC)

 * Greek Old Calendarists are in schism with the mainline Orthodox Church; ROCOR, by and large, had likewise so been, but by joining the ROC they have now come into communion with the Patriarch of Constantinople who doesn't even recognize the sacraments of the Greek Old Calendarists. Thus, only split offs from ROCOR who eschew ROCOR as no longer representing true Orthodoxy, analogously to the Greek Old Calendarists likewise not reckoning the Church of Greece as legitimately Orthodox, are in communion with the latter.  Vincent J. Lipsio (talk) 01:38, 28 May 2015 (UTC)

Assessment comment
Substituted at 16:42, 29 April 2016 (UTC)

In need of rewriting
hello. The book I added in the Further readings section could be used to greatly improve the article. You seem to have some knowledge on the subject, so would you be interested in doing this? Veverve (talk) 17:22, 4 September 2021 (UTC)

 * Greetings! While I appreciate your thought and the challenge, there are several dozen Wikipedia edits on my list, mostly for more widely read articles. Nonetheless, there is a second, smaller part of my previous edit that I'll perform some time soon. Vincent J. Lipsio (talk) 20:12, 6 September 2021 (UTC)

"GREEK OLD CALENDARISTS" listed at Redirects for discussion
A discussion is taking place to address the redirect GREEK OLD CALENDARISTS. The discussion will occur at Redirects for discussion/Log/2021 November 10 until a consensus is reached, and readers of this page are welcome to contribute to the discussion. Veverve (talk) 05:42, 10 November 2021 (UTC)

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Talk:Greek Old Calendarists


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John Glas

John Glas (5 October 1695 – 2 November 1773) was a Scottish clergyman who started the Glasite church movement.

Early years
He was born at Auchtermuchty, Fife, where his father was parish minister. He was educated at Kinclaven and Perth Grammar School, graduated from the University of St Andrews in 1713, and completed his education for the ministry at Edinburgh. He was licensed as a preacher by the presbytery of Dunkeld, and soon afterwards ordained by that of Dundee as minister of the parish of Tealing (1719), where his preaching soon drew a large congregation. Early in his ministry he was brought to a halt while lecturing on the Shorter Catechism by the question "How doth Christ execute the office of a king?" This led to an examination of the New Testament foundation of the Christian Church, and in 1725, in a letter to Francis Archibald, minister of Guthrie, Forfarshire, he repudiated the obligation of national covenants.

Separate society
In the same year he formed a society separate from the multitude, numbering nearly a hundred, and drawn from his own and neighbouring parishes. The members of this ecclesiola in ecclesia pledged themselves to join together in the Christian profession, to follow Christ the Lord as the righteousness of his people, to walk together in brotherly love, and in the duties of it, in subjection to Glas as their overseer in the Lord, to observe the Lord's Supper once a month and to submit themselves to the Lord's law for removing offences. From the scriptural doctrine of the essentially spiritual nature of the kingdom of Christ, Glas in his public teaching drew the conclusions that:

 * there is no warrant in the New Testament for a national church
 * the magistrate as such has no function in the church
 * National Covenants are without scriptural grounds
 * the true Reformation cannot be carried out by political and secular weapons but by the word and spirit of Christ only.

Treatise
This argument is most fully exhibited in a treatise entitled The Testimony of the King of Martyrs (1729). For the promulgation of these views, which were at variance with the doctrines of the national church of Scotland, he was summoned (1726) before his presbytery, where in the course of being investigated, he affirmed his belief that every national church established by the laws of earthly kingdoms is anti-Christian in its constitution and persecuting in its spirit, and further declared opinions upon the subject of church government which amounted to a repudiation of Presbyterianism and an acceptance of the puritan type of Independence.

Suspension from ministry
For these opinions he was in 1728 suspended from his ministerial functions, and finally deposed in 1730. The members of the society already referred to, however, for the most part continued to adhere to him, thus constituting the first Glassite or Glasite church. The seat of this congregation was shortly afterwards transferred to Dundee (whence Glas subsequently removed to Edinburgh), where he officiated for some time as an elder. He next laboured in Perth for a few years, where he was joined by Robert Sandeman, who married his daughter Catherine — eventually Sandeman was recognized as the leader and principal exponent of Glas's views; these he developed in a direction which laid them open to the charge of antinomianism.

Restoration to ministry
Ultimately in 1730 Glas returned to Dundee for the remainder of his life. He introduced in his church the primitive custom of the osculum pacis and the agape celebrated as a common meal with broth. From this custom his congregation was known as 'the kail kirk'. In 1739 the General Assembly, without any appeal from him, removed the sentence of deposition against him, and restored him to the status of a minister of the gospel of Christ, but not that of a minister of the Established Church of Scotland, declaring that he was not eligible for a charge until he should have renounced principles inconsistent with the constitution of the church.

Personal life
In 1721 Glas married Katherine Black, the youngest daughter of Rev Thomas Black of St John's Church in Perth. Black was Moderator of the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland.

The couple had a happy marriage and brought forth 15 children – all of whom predeceased him, as did his wife, who died of tuberculosis in 1749, 24 years before him. His son, captain George Glas R.N. was murdered along with his wife and daughter on board a treasure ship traveling from Tenerife to London in 1765. The case was notorious at the time and is believed to be the inspiration behind R.L. Stevenson’s ‘Treasure Island’. Stevenson grew up beside the Glasite church in Edinburgh and the family may have worshiped there. According to the accounts of the time, Glas was a most kind-hearted man, very fond of children, a most humane man, with not a trace of fanaticism or bigotry. One daughter Agnes Glas married Hector Turnbull who developed bleachfields in Luncarty near Perth.

John Glas died on 2 November 1773 and was buried at The Howff in Dundee on 5 November 1773. The grave lies in the south west near a north-south path. The original sandstone monument eroded and was replaced by a long-lasting red granite monument around 1880.

Non-Denominational Christianity
As Glas found inconsistencies with the Church of Scotland and what he found in the New Testament, he led a church movement during the first half of the 18th century which promoted the ideal that the church should be governed by the simple order in the New Testament rather than by human councils and synods. About thirty Churches of Christ were established in Great Britain through the efforts of Glas and others, including his son in law, Robert Sandeman. These churches emphasized the wearing of only New Testament names - usually "Church of Christ," taught baptism is for the remission of sins, and practiced a cappella singing in worship.

Publications
Glas's published works bear witness to his vigorous mind and scholarly attainments. His reconstruction of the True Discourse ef Celsus (1753), from Origen's reply to it, is a competent and learned piece of work. The Testimony of the King of Martyrs concerning His Kingdom (1729) is a classic repudiation of erastianism and defence of the spiritual autonomy of the church under Jesus Christ. His common sense appears in his rejection of John Hutchinson's attempt to prove that the Bible supplies a complete system of physical science, and his shrewdness in his Notes on Scripture Texts (1747). He published a volume of Christian Songs (Perth, 1784; 13th ed., 1847). A collected edition of his works was published at Edinburgh in 1761 (4 vols., 8vo), and again at Perth in 1782 (5 vols., 8vo).

Legacy
Though the Glasite Church is now 'extinct', certain former Glasite chapels, which tended to be of unusual form, survive, e.g. in Edinburgh, Dundee and Perth. The former Dundee Glasite church is still used for religious purposes, having been acquired by the adjacent St Andrew's Parish Church in 1973 and transformed into part of a complex of halls. The archives of the Glasite Church are held by Archive Services, University of Dundee.

title: John Glas


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Talk:Front for National Liberation

Should be merged with FLN. They are the same thing. JidGom 23:15, 15 Dec 2003 (UTC)

title: Talk:Front for National Liberation


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Pamphleteer

A pamphleteer is a historical term used to describe someone who creates or distributes pamphlets, unbound (therefore inexpensive) booklets intended for wide circulation.

Context
Pamphlets were used to broadcast the writer's opinions: to articulate a political ideology, for example, or to encourage people to vote for a particular politician. Early modern news pamphlets also made extensive use of stock imagery to describe, highlight, or criticize various social and cultural events and issues. During times of political unrest, such as the French Revolution, pamphleteers were highly active in attempting to shape public opinion. Before the advent of telecommunications, those with access to a printing press and a supply of paper often used pamphlets to widely disseminate their ideas.

Famous pamphleteers
Thomas Paine's pamphlets were influential in the history of the American Revolutionary War. 17th-century Dutch naval officer Witte de With wrote papers mocking and praising his fellow officers. Poet and polemicist John Milton published pamphlets as well. Jonathan Edwards and John Calvin changed the course of Christianity with their pamphlets.

title: Pamphleteer


text:
Glasite

The Glasites or Glassites were a small Christian church founded in about 1730 in Scotland by John Glas. Glas's faith, as part of the First Great Awakening, was spread by his son-in-law Robert Sandeman into England and America, where the members were called Sandemanians.

Glas dissented from the Westminster Confession only in his views as to the spiritual nature of the church and the functions of the civil magistrate. But Sandeman added a distinctive doctrine as to the nature of faith which is thus stated on his tombstone:
 * That the bare death of Jesus Christ without a thought or deed on the part of man, is sufficient to present the chief of sinners spotless before God.

In a series of letters to James Hervey, the author of Theron and Aspasio, Sandeman maintained that justifying faith is a simple assent to the divine testimony concerning Jesus, differing in no way in its character from belief in any ordinary testimony.

Beliefs and practice
In their practice the Glasite churches aimed at a strict conformity with the primitive type of Christianity, as understood by them. Each congregation had a plurality of elders, pastors, or bishops, who were chosen according to what were believed to be the instructions of Paul, without regard to previous education or present occupation, and who enjoy a perfect equality in office. To have been married a second time disqualified one for ordination, or for continued tenure of the office of bishop.

In all the action of the church unanimity was considered to be necessary; if any member differed in opinion from the rest, he must either surrender his judgement to that of the church, or be shut out from its communion. To join in prayer with anyone not a member of the denomination was regarded as unlawful, and even to eat or drink with one who had been excommunicated was held to be wrong. The Lord's Supper was observed weekly; and between forenoon and afternoon service every Sunday a love feast was held at which every member was required to be present. This took the form not of symbolic morsels of wine and bread, as in other communions, but a (relatively) substantial meal, a custom leading to the Glasites' nickname of 'Kail Kirk' for the Scotch broth that was served at this setting. This custom may have arisen, in part, as a charitable response to the poverty of most members of this Church and also as a pragmatic response to the length of meetings (particularly the sermons) and the distances some members of the congregation had to travel in order to attend.

At Glasite services, any member who "possesses the gift of edifying the brethren", was allowed to speak. The practice of washing one another's feet was at one time observed; and it was for a long time customary for each brother and sister to receive new members, on admission, with a holy kiss.

"Things strangled and blood" were rigorously abstained from. They disapproved of all lotteries and games of chance. The accumulation of wealth they held to be unscriptural and improper.

Churches
A church was set up by Glas in Dundee following his suspension by the Church of Scotland, with its congregation becoming known as Glasites. The first meeting house in Perth followed in 1733. Glasite churches were also founded in Paisley, Glasgow, Edinburgh, Leith, Arbroath, Montrose, Aberdeen, Dunkeld, Cupar, and Galashiels. Buildings built as Glasite chapels survive in Dundee, Edinburgh and Perth (two), Galashiels and possibly elsewhere.

Sandemanian Churches in England
Glas's views were again advanced beyond Scotland with Sandeman's publication of Letters on Theron and Aspasio in 1757. The resulting correspondence between the leading church elders, Glas and Sandeman, and English pastors, Samuel Pike, John Barnard, and William Cudworth among others, led to the adoption of this primitive form of Christianity for their London congregations beginning in the early 1760s. John Barnard's petition to Robert Sandeman brought the latter south to London from Scotland in April 1761 with his brother William and John Handasyde, an Elder from the Northumberland meeting house. This visit led to the establishment of the first legitimately constituted Sandemanian congregation on 23 March 1762 at Glover's Hall. To accommodate larger gatherings, this congregation moved initially to the Bull and Mouth-Street, St. Martin's Le Grand, and then to Paul's Alley in the Barbican in the autumn of 1778. This third London meeting house was that of Michael Faraday's youth. The Sandemanians relocated to Barnsbury Grove, in north London, in 1862 where they met until nearly the turn of the century. Michael Faraday was a Deacon at Paul's Alley in the Barbican during the 1830s, an Elder there from 1840 to 1844 and again from 1860 to 1864, the final two years of which were at the Barnsbury Grove meeting house (see 2008 photograph ). A plaque was installed in the building indicating his seat of prayer. The building was converted into a telephone exchange, and that end of Barnsbury Grove renamed Faraday Close.

Beyond London
As the congregation at the Bull and Mouth-Street, St. Martins-le-Grand, London solidified through the inclusion of noted pastors like Samuel Pike in 1765, other English parishes followed their Sandemanian lead. The first response outside London occurred in Yorkshire with followers of Benjamin Ingham. Ingham discreetly sent two of his preachers, James Allen and William Batty, to Scotland to observe Glasite practices in 1761. Of these three Methodist preachers, only Allen fully converted and began to establish Sandemanian meeting houses in Northern England, to include his hometown of Gayle, Kirkby Stephen, Newby, and Kirkby Lonsdale. By 1768 Allen, together with John Barnard and William Cudworth from London, helped establish congregations in York, Norfolk, Colne, Wethersfield, Liverpool, Whitehaven, Trowbridge and Nottingham. Sandeman personally established fewer than a dozen churches in England including Liverpool before he went to America in 1764. The Trowbridge meeting house, in Wiltshire, was the location to which Samuel Pike moved and at which he preached for the final two years until his death in 1773.

Sandemanian Churches in America
Robert Sandeman sailed into Boston from Glasgow aboard the George and James, captained by Montgomery, on 18 October 1764. At the invitation of Ezra Stiles, Sandeman preached his first sermon in Newport on 28 November. He spent Christmas and most of January 1765 in Danbury, Connecticut, discussing theology and church governance with Ebenezer White and his followers. Over the next four months Sandeman and his party travelled to New York, Philadelphia, New London, Connecticut, Providence, Rhode Island, and finally Portsmouth, New Hampshire. Sandeman established his first church in Portsmouth on 4 May 1765 accompanied by James Cargill, Andrew Oliphant, and his nephews. Within the month Sandeman returned to Boston and established his second meetinghouse in the home of Edward Foster. From Boston, he returned to Danbury and created his third church among White's followers with Joseph Moss White and himself serving as elders. Sandeman referred to his church as formal to distinguish it from Ebenezer White's church that retained traditional church authority.

Colonial resistance to Sandemanianism initially stemmed from the absence of ministerial authority within their congregations. This lack of a central authority challenged the existing social fabric throughout New England which relied upon the state to enforce church orthodoxy. As many colonials rose up in protest of punitive Crown policies in the decade following Robert Sandeman's arrival, his followers remained passively loyal, in Paul's footsteps, setting the stage for bitter estrangement between the factions. It was not until Sandeman's passing in 1771 that the remnants of the Danbury church moved to New Haven and formed the fourth church in America. Sandemanians as a whole were labeled "Loyalists" for their pacifist stance, to conform with Paul's teachings, since they did not oppose the crown like so many of their colonial brethren. In addition to passivism, many of the Boston congregation evacuated with the British and went into exile in Halifax, Nova Scotia, further escalating the fears of their colonial brethren. This relocation to Halifax lead to the formation of the fifth church. A Boston printer, Mr. John Howe, followed the British lead to Canada with his family only to return alone with the British army to document the unfolding war story upon its return to New York. Horace Marshall, in his article History of Danbury, mentions two additional Sandemanian congregations located south of Boston in Newtown and Taunton, Massachusetts. It is not clear what role, if any, Robert Sandeman played in the establishment of these congregations, though the Boston records indicate he performed several marriages in that city during the winter and spring of 1767 to 1768. A great many Loyalist Sandemanians were uprooted during the revolution and lost most of their property. John Howe's story exemplifies this situation. In his case, he sailed to Nova Scotia and became an elder in the congregation that formed.

Decline
The last of the Sandemanian churches in America ceased to exist in 1890. The London meeting house finally closed in 1984. The last Elder of the Church died in Edinburgh in 1999.

Their exclusiveness in practice, neglect of education for the ministry, and the antinomian tendency of their doctrine contributed to their dissolution. Many Glasites joined the general body of Scottish Congregationalists, and the denomination has long been considered extinct.

Critics of Sandemanianism
A prominent critic of Sandemanian beliefs was Baptist Andrew Fuller (1754–1815), who published Strictures on Sandemanianism (1812), in which he argued that if faith concerns the mind only, then there could be no way to distinguish genuine Christians from nominal Christians. He also argued that knowing Christ is more than mental knowledge of facts about Him; it involves a desire for fellowship with Him and a delight in His presence.

John "Rabbi" Duncan said once that Sandemanianism was "the doctrine of justifying righteousness along with the Popish doctrine of faith."

Sandemanian families and notable members
Prominent Sandemanian families include the surnames Barnard, Baynes, Baxter, Boosey, Bell, Deacon, Faraday, Leighton, Mann, Vincent, Whitelaw and Young. There was a strong link between the Sandemanians and scientists. Notable members of the Sandemanian Church include William Godwin, Michael Faraday, Charles Wilson Vincent and James Baynes.

The Sandemanian church and its members are mentioned several times in Edward Everett Hale's short story "The Brick Moon". In Hale's short story "My Double, and How He Undid Me," the main character and narrator is a Sandemanian minister.

Archives
The archives of the Glasite Church are held by Archive Services at the University of Dundee and have attracted researchers from America.

title: Glasite


text:
Talk:Oujda

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The most recent change reads as if there were half a million residents in the 10th century. I doubt if that's correct, but could someone help me to be sure? RickK 23:18, 15 Dec 2003 (UTC)

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title: Talk:Oujda


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Talk:Vexatious litigation

Untitled
Recently I added the text of the judgment in Grepe v Loam to the Vexatious_Litigant website - someone might like to link it. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 86.176.101.224 (talk) 19:28, 19 April 2014 (UTC)

Removed Varian text
Removed the following line:

"It can last for years as in Varian v. Delfino, a case that ended in the California Supreme Court. "

kmccoy (talk) 08:07, 12 Jun 2005 (UTC)

in propria persona
in propria persona occurs three times; if it has an English equivalent, use that. If it's a special and useful term it should have its own entry. If it's a one-shot special term it should be explained parenthetically after its first usage. --AC 15:50, 6 July 2007 (UTC)

Cleanup
Why was the Cleanup template added? The article is not great but it's workable.Cutler 20:25, 2 September 2007 (UTC)

United States
Does this exist in other part of the United States besides California? Having the article mention a lawsuit in Washington DC seems to imply that it does exist in other parts of the US, but the "Law by jurisdiction" section seems to imply otherwise.Ricree101 (talk) 05:52, 14 January 2008 (UTC)

California Cleanup and Added Controversies Section
Cleaned up and completed discussion of California law, and added a discussion on Controversies.

-- I clarified that the California vexatious litigant standard applies to pro-se, or self-represented, litigants only. The use of Latin in the definition needed clarification. Sorry, I couldn't figure out how to make a separate subheading for this. Agnosticaphid (talk) 08:49, 4 February 2009 (UTC)

 * It doesn't apply only to pro se. The first three do, but the fourth (filing a suit on the same subject matter for which the litigant has been declared vexatious in another jurisdiction) does not. TJRC (talk) 21:11, 4 February 2009 (UTC)

 * That's technically true, but not very helpful. There is no further explanation or discussion of the 4th category in the body of the article.  It doesn't seem to be a large category of people.  Unless you've already been found to be a vexatious litigant elsewhere, you can't be declared a vexatious litigant in California unless you're appearing pro se.  Furthermore, the way the California section of the article is structured is extremely difficult to understand at a glance -- there is a heading and then a statutory citation that is cumbersome at best.  I thought that it would be helpful to emphasize the otherwise-mostly-ignored-by-the-article role that pro se plays in the California vexatious litigant statute.  It's nice that you linked to the pro se article but I still think it would be appropriate to mention pro se in this article.  Agnosticaphid (talk) 17:29, 11 February 2009 (UTC)

 * Not sure what you mean by "not very helpful." Misinformation is less helpful.  I added a clause on the intro to clarify that most cases of vexations litigation require pro se, and a short explanation of it.  I have to continue to disagree with including a statement that all vexatious litigants must be pro se, because that's just wrong. I agree the California section is, in general, in need of improvement.  It looks like someone just dumped the text of the statute into the article.  I may take a stab at rewriting it into prose, if you don't get to it first. TJRC (talk) 21:02, 11 February 2009 (UTC)

 * You're right, of course, I didn't mean to be snarky. I think it's a lot more clear now.  The reason I added it in the first place was because of a law review article I'd just read discussing how you need to be pro se to be vexatious under CA law.  But that's a definite oversimplification.  Agnosticaphid (talk) 00:04, 21 February 2009 (UTC)

 * FWIW, it never occurred to me that you were being snarky; so don't worry about it. TJRC (talk) 00:15, 21 February 2009 (UTC)

Commentary moved from article to talk page
The following commentary has been moved from the article to here:

 * Increasingly lately, the pendulum has swung in the other direction, and these laws have been abused by well-heeled and well-represented defendants to thwart lawsuits. As defendants, they frivolously bring meritless vexatious litigant motions as a expedient last resort when summary judgments, anti-SLAPP motions and demurrers seem headed for failure.  Instead of discouraging meritless lawsuits, the law is misused to punish and defeat meritorious lawsuits by less affluent litigants and pro se plaintiffs seeking to vindicate their rights.

 * There is deepseated prejudice currently by judges in US Courts against Pro se legal representation in the United States, against those that attempt to represent themselves, despite the fact that it is Constitutionally guaranteed. US Judges often unjustifably assume that the only reason attorneys are not present is because the suit must be frivolous,  without further examination.  Judges are being trained in continuing education courses to overbroadly conflate self-representation with the anti-government common law movement. "The Anti-Government Movement Handbook", http://tulanelink.net/pdf/anti-gov_movement_guidebook.pdf. In truth, in many areas of the law, the financial incentive for an attorney to take a case is an unattractive one, and the law is essentially a business. Pro bono publico representation for good cases is scarce and not as available as many of these judges believe. The notion that a challenged plaintiff may remedy his situation by providing a bond, as a reason to find this statute Constitutional, is flawed.  “The claim that the [double-bond] requirement operates to screen out frivolous appeals is unpersuasive,” the US Supreme Court noted, “for it not only bars nonfrivolous appeals by those who are unable to post the bond but also allows meritless appeals by others who can afford the bond” Lindsey v. Normet, 405 U.S. 56, 92 S.Ct. 862, 31 L.Ed.2d 36 (1972), and experience teaches that such frivolous lawsuits by well-heeled plaintiffs are not uncommon.

While some citations are found in the text, the cited materials do not appear to support the opinions expressed -- such as "these laws have been abused by well-heeled...." and "There is deepseated prejudice...." and "US Judges often unjustifiably assume....." These kind of statements appear to be unsourced opinions. Stay tuned... Famspear (talk) 21:40, 6 December 2008 (UTC)

Let's look at this statement:

 * Increasingly lately, the pendulum has swung in the other direction, and these laws have been abused by well-heeled and well-represented defendants to thwart lawsuits.

Is this the opinion of the Wikipedia editor who inserted the material, or is this the opinion of a previously-published third party source? If we can find a previously-published third party source who has expressed this opinion, then the material might be appropriate for the article. That does not mean looking for examples of where the laws have been abused, etc., etc. What that means is finding some previously-published third party source who has expressed this opinion.

Now this:

 * As defendants, they frivolously bring meritless vexatious litigant motions as a expedient last resort when summary judgments, anti-SLAPP motions and demurrers seem headed for failure.

Again, this is a statement of opinion. Whose opinion?

And this:

 * Instead of discouraging meritless lawsuits, the law is misused to punish and defeat meritorious lawsuits by less affluent litigants and pro se plaintiffs seeking to vindicate their rights.

Who says so? Whose opinion is this?

And this:

 * There is deepseated prejudice currently by judges in US Courts against Pro se legal representation in the United States, against those that attempt to represent themselves . ..

Who says so?

And this:

 * US Judges often unjustifably assume that the only reason attorneys are not present is because the suit must be frivolous, without further examination.

Again who is it that is saying that U.S. judges do this? Yours, Famspear (talk) 21:48, 6 December 2008 (UTC)

MENZIES, Rowan Gavin Paton
The note does not show that the MENZIES, Rowan Gavin Paton listed by HM Court Service as a vexatious litigant is the same person as the author of 1421: The Year China Discovered the World. 84.23.155.88 (talk) 17:16, 10 November 2009 (UTC)

 * seems different to me, I've moved the entry from the article to here:

 * Gavin Menzies, author of 1421: The Year China Discovered America. User: RJFJR 09:39, December 23, 2009

Here's a good secondary source: Goodman, David S. G. (2006). "Mao and The Da Vinci Code: Conspiracy, Narrative and History". The Pacific Review 19 (3): 359–384. http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/content~db=all~content=a757572630~frm=titlelink. Joja lozzo  18:14, 14 March 2011 (UTC)

Notable vexatious litigants
Is it the purpose of this section to list those VLs who are notable other than as VLs or it it to list those who are notable as VLs or both? Joja lozzo  18:08, 14 March 2011 (UTC)

see also Liebeck v McDonalds
I don't think that the link from this article to Liebeck v. McDonalds, in the "see also" section, is appropriate or helpful. While I know that some people assert (in my view, incorrectly, but that's not relevant) that that case is an example of frivolous litigation, I don't think there's any reason to characterize Ms Liebeck as a vexatious litigant. The article certainly doesn't mention any other cases she's brought.

Does anyone object to me removing this link? AgnosticAphid talk 23:51, 23 July 2012 (UTC)
 * Apparently not, so here goes!  AgnosticAphid  talk 19:44, 9 August 2012 (UTC)

Red.com as a notable vexatious litigant
Red.com vs Epic Games 8:2008-cv-00494

Red.con vs LG Electric 8:2008-cv-00504

Red.com vs Netcast 8:2008-cv-01030

Red.com vs Sony 8:2013-cv-00546

Red.com vs Andrew Reid 8:2010-cv-01505

Red.com vs p Pixellexis 8:2011-cv-01155

Red.com vs Arri 8:2011-cv-01972

Red.com vs Tom Jordan 8:2012-cv-00380

Red.com vs Uniqoptics 2:2011-cv-03611

Red.com vs Nightsky Hostings 8:2012-cv-00034

Red.com vs Wooden Camera 3:2012-cv-01336

Red.com vs 24P,LLC 8:2007-cv-01013

Would someone please look into Oakley, Inc. Same original owner. Same attorneys. — Preceding unsigned comment added by 72.254.12.184 (talk) 22:00, 10 April 2013 (UTC)
 * We don't do original research (or ought not to, anyway; sometimes it happens, but in those cases should be corrected) on Wikipedia. If it's noted in other sources as a vexatious litigant, it can be noted here. TJRC (talk) 23:26, 10 April 2013 (UTC)

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'Vexatiousness' is not just about frivolous claims
Vexatious claims include those where the claimant is themselves a notorious lawbreaker using litigation to subdue or harass opponents, especially those unable to match the claimant's legal funds. Clearly this needs to be referenced with established examples - can someone please help me here?--Richard Comaish (talk) 15:31, 24 January 2020 (UTC)

Dubious
In the current WP:LEAD, the sentence These legal actions occur[dubious – discuss] in some countries of the former..., taken in the context of the sentence that follows it, seems to say, without saying so explicitly, that vexatious litigation only occurs in common law countries. This is highly dubious, because unreasonable people exist all over the world. Probably the intended meaning is Procedures that prohibit vexatious legislation occur in some countries of the former.... If there are any reasons against changing to Procedures that prohibit vexatious legislation occur in some countries of the former..., then please state them. Boud (talk) 16:49, 22 February 2024 (UTC)

 * Maybe it is trying to say that the specific phrase "vexatious legislation" is used in common law countries? Anyway, I agree that is confusing and possibly incorrect. I'm not sure whether we need that paragraph in the lead at all. Your change would still leave it saying "Civil (codified/continental) law systems typically do not have a prohibition against vexatious litigation.[citation needed]" and I'm not even sure that that is correct. Should we remove the whole paragraph?DanielRigal (talk) 17:56, 22 February 2024 (UTC)

title: Talk:Vexatious litigation


text:
Hatay Province

Hatay Province (Hatay ili,, محافظة حطاي) is the southernmost province and metropolitan municipality of Turkey. Its area is 5,524 km2, and its population is 1,686,043 (2022). It is situated mostly outside Anatolia, along the eastern coast of the Levantine Sea. The province borders Syria to its south and east, the Turkish province of Adana to the northwest, Osmaniye to the north, and Gaziantep to the northeast. It is partially in Çukurova, a large fertile plain along Cilicia. Its administrative capital is Antakya (ancient Antioch), making it one of the three Turkish provinces not named after its administrative capital or any settlement. The second-largest city is İskenderun (formerly Alexandretta). It is the only part of the country that lies entirely in the Levant. Sovereignty over most of the province remains disputed with neighbouring Syria, which claims that the province had a demographic Arab majority, and was separated from itself against the stipulations of the French Mandate of Syria in the years following Syria's occupation by France after World War I.

Antiquity
Settled since the early Bronze Age, Hatay was once part of the Akkadian Empire, then of the Amorite Kingdom of Yamhad. Later, it became part of the Kingdom of Mitanni, then the area was ruled by a succession of Hittites and Neo-Hittite peoples that later gave the modern province of Hatay its name.

The Neo-Hittite kingdom of Palistin was also located here.

The area came under the control of Assyrians (except for a brief occupation by Urartu), and later the Neo-Babylonians and the Persians.

The region was the center of the Hellenistic Seleucid Empire, home to the four Greek cities of the Syrian tetrapolis (Antioch, Seleucia Pieria, Apamea, and Laodicea). From 64 BC onwards the city of Antioch became an important regional centre of the Roman Empire.

Among the famous archaeological sites in the province are Alalakh, Tell Tayinat, Tell Judaidah, and Antioch.

Medieval era
The area was conquered by the Rashidun Caliphate in 638 and later it came under the control of the Umayyad and Abbasid Arab dynasties. Tulunids briefly ruled it before Abbasid one was restored. From the 10th century onwards, the region was controlled by the Aleppo-based Hamdanids after a brief rule of Ikhshidids. In 969 the city of Antioch was recaptured by the Byzantine Empire. It was conquered by Philaretos Brachamios, a Byzantine general in 1078. He founded a principality from Antioch to Edessa. It was captured by Suleiman I, who was Sultan of Rum (ruler of Anatolian Seljuks), in 1084. It passed to Tutush I, Sultan of Aleppo (ruler of Syria Seljuks), in 1086. Seljuk rule lasted 14 years until Hatay's capture by the Crusaders in 1098, when parts of it became the centre of the Principality of Antioch. At the same time, much of Hatay was part of the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia, who subsequently allied with the Mongols and took control of the Principality of Antioch in 1254. Hatay was captured from the Mongol-Armenian alliance by the Mameluks in 1268, who subsequently lost it to Timur (Tamerlane) at the start of the 15th century.

Sanjak of Alexandretta
By the time it was taken from the Mameluks by the Ottoman Sultan Selim I in 1516, Antakya was a medium-sized town on 2 km2 of land between the Orontes River and Mount Habib Neccar. Under the Ottomans the area was known as the sanjak (or governorate) of Alexandretta. Gertrude Bell in her book Syria: The Desert & the Sown published in 1907 wrote extensively about her travels across Syria including Antioch & Alexandretta and she noted the heavy mix between Turks and Arabs in the region at that time.

Many believe that Alexandretta had traditionally been a part of Syria. Maps as far back as 1764 confirm this. During the First World War in which the Ottoman Empire was defeated most of Syria was occupied by the British forces. But when the Armistice of Mudros was signed at the end of the war, Hatay was still part of the Ottoman Empire. Nevertheless, after the armistice it was occupied by the British forces an operation which was never accepted by the Ottoman side. Later like the rest of Syria it was handed to France by the British Empire.

After World War I and the Turkish War of Independence, the Ottoman Empire was disbanded and the modern Republic of Turkey was created, and Alexandretta was not part of the new republic, it was put within the French mandate of Syria after a signed agreement between the Allies and Turkey, the Treaty of Sèvres, which was neither ratified by the Ottoman parliament nor by the Turkish National Movement in Ankara. The subsequent Treaty of Lausanne also put Alexandretta within Syria. The document detailing the boundary between Turkey and Syria around 1920 and subsequent years is presented in a report by the Official Geographer of The Bureau of Intelligence and Research of the US Department of State. A French-Turkish treaty of 20 October 1921 rendered the Sanjak of Alexandretta autonomous, and it remained so from 1921 to 1923. Out of 220,000 inhabitants in 1921, 87,000 were Turks. Along with Turks the population of the Sanjak included: Arabs of various religious denominations (Sunni Muslims, Alawites, Greek Orthodox, Greek Catholics, Maronites); Jews; Syriacs; Kurds; and Armenians. In 1923 Hatay was attached to the State of Aleppo, and in 1925 it was directly attached to the French mandate of Syria, still with special administrative status.

Despite this, a Turkish community remained in Alexandretta, and Mustafa Kemal said that Hatay had been a Turkish homeland for 4,000 years. This was due to the contested nationalist pseudoscientific Sun Language Theory prevalent in the 1930s in Turkey, which presumed that some ancient peoples of Anatolia and the Middle East, such as the Sumerians and Hittites, hence the name Hatay, were related to the Turks. Whereas, the Turks first appeared in Anatolia during the 11th century, when the Seljuk Turks occupied the eastern province of the Abbasid Empire and captured Baghdad. Resident Arabs organised under the banner of Arabism, and in 1930, Zaki al-Arsuzi, a teacher and lawyer from Arsuz on the coast of Alexandretta published a newspaper called 'Arabism' in Antioch that was shut down by Turkish and French authorities.

The 1936 elections returned two MPs favouring the independence of Syria from France, and this prompted communal riots as well as passionate articles in the Turkish and Syrian press. This then became the subject of a complaint to the League of Nations by the Turkish government concerning alleged mistreatment of the Turkish populations. Atatürk demanded that Hatay become part of Turkey claiming that the majority of its inhabitants were Turks. However, the French High Commission estimated that the population of 220,000 inhabitants was made up of 46% Arabs (28% Alawites, 10% Sunni, 8% Christians), 39% Turks, 11% Armenians, while the remaining 4% was made up of Circassians, Jews, and Kurds. The sanjak was given autonomy in November 1937 in an arrangement brokered by the League. Under its new statute, the sanjak became "distinct but not separated" from the French mandate of Syria on the diplomatic level, linked to both France and Turkey for defence matters.

Hatay State
Hatay State (Hatay Devleti, État du Hatay, دولة حطاي ), also known informally as the Republic of Hatay, was a transitional political entity that existed from September 7, 1938, to June 29, 1939, in the territory of the Sanjak of Alexandretta of the French Mandate of Syria. The state was transformed de jure into the Hatay Province of Turkey on July 7, 1939, de facto joining the country on July 23, 1939.

Hatay Province of Turkey
On 29 June 1939, following a referendum, Hatay became a Turkish province. This referendum has been labelled both "phoney" and "rigged", and is seen as a way for the French to cede the area to Turkey, in the hope that they would turn on Hitler. For the referendum, Turkey moved tens of thousands of Turks into Alexandretta so they could vote. These Turks were born in Hatay but now they were living in other regions of Turkey. In two government communiqués which were issued in 1937 and 1938, the Turkish government asked all local government authorities to make lists of all of their employees who were originally from Hatay. Those employees whose names were listed were then sent to Hatay so they could register as citizens and vote.

Syrian President Hashim al-Atassi resigned in protest at continued French intervention in Syrian affairs, maintaining that the French were obliged to refuse the annexation under the Franco-Syrian Treaty of Independence of 1936.

The Hassa district of Gaziantep, Dörtyol district (Erzin was nahiya of it) of Adana were then incorporated into Hatay. As a result of the annexation, a number of demographic changes occurred in Hatay. During the six months following the annexation, inhabitants over the age of 18 were given the right to choose between staying and becoming Turkish citizens, or emigrating to the French Mandate of Syria or Greater Lebanon and acquiring French citizenship. If they chose to emigrate, they were given 18 months to bring in their movable assets and establish themselves in their new states. Almost half of the Sunni Arabs left. Many Armenians also left and 1,068 Armenian families were relocated from the six Armenian villages of Musa Dagh to the Beqaa Valley which is located in Lebanon. Many of these Armenians had fled for their lives and settled in the French Mandate of Syria because they were survivors of the genocide which had previously been committed against their people by the government of the Ottoman Empire. The total number of people who left for Syria was estimated to be 50,000 including 22,000 Armenians, 10,000 Alawites, 10,000 Sunni Arabs and 5,000 Arab Christians.

Turkish–Syrian dispute
For much of its premodern history, Alexandretta, with its capital city Antioch, was considered as part of Bilad al-Sham, the area known today as Syria. In Ottoman times, Hatay was part of the Vilayet of Aleppo in Ottoman Syria. In 1920 the sanjak (province) of Alexandretta was warded to Syria by the League of Nations in the guise of a French mandate. In 1936 Alexandretta became the subject of a complaint to the League of Nations by Turkey, which claimed that the privileges of the Turkish plurality in the sanjak were being infringed. (In 1921, there were 87,000 Turks amid a population of 220,000.) Unlike other regions historically belonging to Syrian provinces (such as Aintab, Kilis and Urfa), Alexandretta was confirmed as Syrian territory in the Treaty of Lausanne agreed upon by Kemal Atatürk but was granted a special autonomous status because it contained a Turkish plurality. However, culminating a series of border disputes with France-mandated Syria, Atatürk obtained in 1937 an agreement with France recognizing Alexandretta as an independent state, and in 1939 this state, called the Republic of Hatay, was annexed to Turkey as the 63rd Turkish province following a controversial referendum. Syria bitterly disputed both the separation of Alexandretta and its subsequent annexation to Turkey.

Syria maintains that the separation of Alexandretta violated France's mandatory responsibility to maintain the unity of Syrian lands (article 4 of the mandate charter). It also disputes the results of the referendum held in the province because, according to a League of Nations commission that registered voters in Alexandretta in 1938, Turkish voters in the province represented no more than 46% of the population. Syria continues to consider Hatay part of its territory as of the 2010s, and shows it as such on its maps. At the same time, Turkey and Syria have strengthened their ties and opened the border between the two countries.

Syrians hold the view that this land was illegally ceded to Turkey by France, the mandatory occupying power of Syria in the late 1930s. Syria still considers it an integral part of its own territory. Syrians call this land Liwa' aliskenderun (لواء الاسكندرون) rather than the Turkish name of Hatay. Official Syrian maps still show Hatay as part of Syria.

Under the leadership of Syrian President Bashar al Assad from 2000 onwards, there was a lessening of tensions over the Hatay issue. Indeed, in early 2005, when visits from Turkish President Ahmet Necdet Sezer and Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan opened a way to discussions between two states. These discussions resulted with the Syrian government agreeing to end its demand that the province should be returned under Syrian sovereignty as a condition to end hostilities; however, there was no official announcement by the Syrians relinquishing their rights of sovereignty.

Following changes to Turkish land registry legislation in 2003 a large number of properties in Hatay were purchased by Syrian nationals, mostly people who had been residents of Hatay since the 1930s but had retained their Syrian citizenship and were buying the properties that they already occupied. By 2006 the amount of land owned by Syrian nationals in Hatay exceeded the legal limit for foreign ownership of 0.5%, and sale of lands to foreigners was prohibited.

There has been a policy of cross border co-operation, on the social and economic level, between Turkey and Syria starting in the 2000s. This allowed families divided by the border to freely visit each other during the festive periods of Christmas and Eid. In December 2007 up to 27,000 people crossed the border to visit their brethren on the other side. In the wake of an agreement in the autumn of 2009 to lift visa requirements, nationals of both countries can travel freely. However, out of 50 agreements signed between Turkey and Syria in December 2009, the Hatay dispute stalled a water agreement over the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers. Turkey asked Syria to publicly recognize Hatay as a Turkish territory before signing on to the agreement.

Apart from maps showing Hatay as Syrian territory, the Syrian policy has been to avoid discussing Hatay and giving evasive answers when asked to specify Syrian future goals and ambitions with regard to the area. This has included a complete media silence on the issue. In February 2011 the dispute over Hatay was almost solved. The border separating Syria from Hatay was going to be blurred by a shared Friendship Dam on the Orontes river and as part of this project the two states had agreed on the national jurisdiction on each side of the border. Only weeks before the outbreak of the Syrian uprising and later war, groundbreaking ceremonies were held in Hatay and Idlib. As a result of the Syrian war and the extremely tense Turkish-Syrian relations it brought, construction was halted. As part of the ongoing war, the question of the sovereignty of Hatay has resurfaced in Syria and the Syrian media silence has been broken. Syrian media began broadcasting documentaries on the history of the area, the Turkish annexation and Turkification policies. Syrian newspapers have also reported on demonstrations in Hatay and on organizations and parties in Syria demanding an "end to the Turkish occupation". However, although the Syrian government has repeatedly criticized the Turkish policies towards Syria and the armed rebel groups operating on Syrian territory, it has not officially brought up the question of Hatay.

2023 Turkey–Syria earthquakes
Hatay Province was heavily damaged by the 2023 Turkey–Syria earthquakes. The province registered 23,065 earthquake-related fatalities and 30,762 injuries. More than 13,500 buildings collapsed, 67,346 were heavily damaged and 8,162 had to be demolished. The most affected areas were Antakya, Kırıkhan and İskenderun.

Geography

Hatay is traversed by the north-easterly line of equal latitude and longitude. 46% of the land is mountain, 33% plain and 20% plateau and hillside. The most prominent feature is the north-south leading Nur Mountains and the highest peak is Mığırtepe (2,240m), other peaks include Ziyaret dağı and Keldağ (Jebel Akra or Casius) at 1,739 m. The folds of land that make up the landscape of the province were formed as the land masses of Arabian-Nubian Shield and Anatolia have pushed into each other, meeting here in Hatay, a classic example of the Horst–graben formation. The Orontes River rises in the Bekaa Valley in Lebanon and runs through Syria and Hatay, where it receives the Karasu and the Afrin River. It flows into the Mediterranean at its delta in Samandağ. There was a lake in the plain of the Amik Valley but this was drained in the 1970s, and today Amik is now the largest of the plains and an important agricultural center. The climate is typical of the Mediterranean, with warm wet winters and hot, dry summers. The mountain areas inland are drier than the coast. There are some mineral deposits, İskenderun is home to Turkey's largest iron and steel plant, and the district of Yayladağı produces a colourful marble called Rose of Hatay.

Climate
Hatay has a Mediterranean climate (Köppen: Csa) or a dry-summer humid subtropical climate (Trewartha: 'wet' Cs or Cf) which has hot, long and dry summers and mild, rainy winters.

Districts

Hatay province is divided into 15 districts, listed below with their populations officially estimated as at 31 December 2022:

 * Altınözü (60,344)
 * Antakya (399,045)
 * Arsuz (101,233)
 * Belen (34,449)
 * Defne (165,494)
 * Dörtyol (128,941)
 * Erzin (41,558)
 * Hassa (56,675)
 * İskenderun (251,682)
 * Kırıkhan (121,028)
 * Kumlu (13,333)
 * Payas (43,919)
 * Reyhanlı (108,092)
 * Samandağ (123,447)
 * Yayladağı (36,803)

Demographics

The majority of the population adheres to Islam, belonging to either the Alawi branch of Shia Islam or Sunni Islam, but other minorities are also present, including Syriac Orthodox, Syriac Catholic, Maronite, Antiochian Greek and Armenian communities. The village of Vakıflı in the district of Samandağ is Turkey's last remaining rural Armenian community. Arabs form the majority in three districts out of the twelve: Samandağ (Suwaidiyyah) (Alawi), Altınözü (Qusair) and Reyhanlı (Rihaniyyah) (Sunni). Unlike most Mediterranean provinces, Hatay has not experienced mass migration from other parts of Turkey in recent decades and has therefore preserved much of its traditional culture; for example, Arabic is still widely spoken in the province. To celebrate this cultural mix, in 2005 "Hatay Meeting of Civilisations" congress was organised by Dr Aydın Bozkurt of Mustafa Kemal University and his "Hatay Association for the Protection of Universal Values".

During the Syrian Civil War, the province has experienced an influx of refugees. According to official figures, as of 21 April 2016, 408,000 Syrian refugees lived in the province.

Language
As of 2016, 85% of Arabic-heritage-speaking people in relevant parts of Hatay, specifically those who hear and may use the language on a daily basis, believed its use was decreasing; the rest disagree. The Arabic-speaking Antiochian Greek Christian minority has the right to teach Arabic under the Treaty of Lausanne; however, they tend to refrain from doing so to avoid sectarian tensions as the treaty does not apply to the Muslim majority.

Education
Mustafa Kemal University is one of Turkey's newer tertiary institutions, founded in İskenderun and Antakya in 1992.

Transport
The province is served by Hatay Airport, as well as inter-city buses.

Cuisine
Hatay is warm enough to grow tropical crops such as sweet potato and sugar cane, and these are used in the local cuisine, along with other local specialities including a type of cucumber/squash called kitte. Well-known dishes of Hatay are its local variety of a widespread syrup-rich shredded pastry künefe (kanafeh), squash cooked in onions and tomato paste (sıhılmahsi), aubergine and tahini paste (Baba ghanoush), chickpea and tahini paste hummus and dishes such as kebab found throughout Turkey. Particular spice mixes and herb mixes are popular. Pastes include:
 * walnut and spice paste, muhammara
 * thyme and parsley paste, Za'atar

Animal products include spicy köfte (across western Asia and beyond, kofta): "oruk"; and spicy sun-dried cheese, surke.

Syrup of pomegranate (nar ekşisi) is Hatay's hallmark salad dressing.

Landmarks

 * World's second-largest collection of Roman mosaics in the Hatay Archaeology Museum at Antakya.
 * Habib-i Najjar Mosque, built on a former Pagan temple, where two saints are buried and visited by Muslims.
 * Rock-carved Church of St Peter in Antakya, a site of Christian pilgrimage.
 * Gündüz cinema, once parliament building of the Republic of Hatay.
 * Titus Tunnel of Vespasian, in Samandağı, built as a water channel in the 2nd century.
 * Castles: Koz Castle, Bakras Castle, Payas Castle, Mancınık Castle, Cin Castle, Darbısak Castle

Films

 * Hatay is featured in the movie Indiana Jones and the Last Crusade, where it was portrayed as the final resting place of the Holy Grail in the fictitious "Canyon of the Crescent Moon" outside of Alexandretta. In the movie, set in 1938, the Nazis offer the Sultan of Hatay (a monarchy which the province never had in real life) precious valuables to compensate for removing the Grail from his borders. He ignores the valuables, but accepts their Rolls-Royce Phantom II.
 * The Turkish film Propaganda (1999) by Sinan Çetin, portrays the difficult materialisation of the Turkish-Syrian border in 1948, cutting through villages and families.
 * The 2001 film Şelale by local director Semir Aslanyürek was filmed in Hatay.

Notable people

 * Tayfur Sökmen
 * Cemil Meriç
 * Ümit Meriç
 * Yunus Bülbül
 * Hamdi Alkan
 * Ahmet Bahadırlı
 * Barış Atay
 * Can Atalay
 * Volkan Demirel
 * Jehan Barbur
 * Selami Şahin
 * Gökhan Güney
 * Karsu
 * Kalben
 * Sadullah Ergin

Mayors of Hatay Metropolitan Municipality

 * 1984-1989 Mahmut Alpagot ANAP
 * 1989-1994 Mehmet Şükrü Güçlü SHP, CHP
 * 1994-1999 Bekir Karabacak ANAP
 * 1999-2004 İris Şengül Şentürk CHP
 * 2004-2009 Mehmet Yeloğlu AK Party
 * 2009-2024 Lütfü Savaş AK Party, CHP
 * 2024-present Mehmet Öntürk AK Party

title: Hatay Province


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Supernormal stimulus

A supernormal stimulus or superstimulus is an exaggerated version of a stimulus to which there is an existing response tendency, or any stimulus that elicits a response more strongly than the stimulus for which it evolved.

For example, it is possible to create artificial bird eggs which certain birds will prefer over their own eggs, particularly evident in brood parasitism. Some speculate humans can be similarly exploited by junk food. Organisms tend to show a preference for the stimulus properties (e.g. size, colour, etc.) that have evolved in nature, but when offered an artificial exaggerated stimulus, animals will show behaviour in favour of the artificial stimulus over the naturally occurring stimulus. A variety of organisms display or are susceptible to supernormal stimuli, including insects, birds, and humans.

Supernormal stimuli are present in areas of biology and psychology, but are also studied within other fields like sociology and art.

British academic Nigel Spivey demonstrates the effect in the first episode of the 2005 BBC documentary series How Art Made the World to illustrate neuroscientist Vilayanur S. Ramachandran's speculation that this might be the reason for the exaggerated body image demonstrated in works of art from the Venus of Willendorf right up to the present day.

Causation
Animals exhibiting, or responding to, characteristics that represent a supernormal stimulus usually display them as a result of selective pressures. Co-evolution between animals displaying supernormal stimuli, and the organisms responding to the supernormal stimuli, rely on evolution and propagation of genetics, behavioral patterns, and other biological factors. Supernormal stimuli such as emphasized color, size, patterns, or shapes, are often successful because an organism that exhibits them will often be selected by an organism that favors it. This will ensure survival and increased reproductive fitness of current and later generations.

In biology
In the 1950s, Konrad Lorenz observed that birds would select brooding eggs that resembled those of their own species but which were larger. Niko Tinbergen, coined this term through his research, which discovered that experimenters could display an alternate target that attract an organism's attention more so than the naturally occurring target. Tinbergen studied herring gulls, and found the chicks peck at the red spot located on their parent's bill. The offspring targets the red spot due to the contrast of color (stimulus). They do this in order to receive food through regurgitation from the parent. Tinbergen and colleagues developed an experiment that presented different models to chicks and determined their pecking rates. They used different models including an adult herring gull's natural head, a standard wooden model of its head, the bill only, and a red stick with smaller white markings on it. The pecking rate of the chicks were consistent with the natural head, standard head model, and the bill only model. The pecking rate of the chicks increased when presented with the stick model. This suggests that the chicks preferred the dramatic contrast of the red stick with the yellow markings, therefore the artificial stimulus of the stick model was favored over the basic herring gull head and bill models, proving that the artificial stimuli was favored over the naturally occurring stimuli. Following his extensive analysis of the stimulus features that elicited food-begging in the chick of the herring gull, he constructed an artificial stimulus consisting of a red knitting needle with three white bands painted around it; this elicited a stronger response than an accurate three-dimensional model of the parent's head (white) and bill (yellow with a red spot).

Tinbergen and his students studied other variations of this effect. He experimented with dummy plaster eggs of various sizes and markings finding that most birds preferred ones with more exaggerated markings than their own, more saturated versions of their color, and a larger size than their own. Small songbirds which laid light blue grey-dappled eggs preferred to sit on a bright blue black polka-dotted dummy so large they slid off repeatedly. Territorial male stickleback fish would attack wooden floats with red undersides—attacking them more vigorously than invading male sticklebacks if the underside were redder.

Lorenz and Tinbergen accounted for the supernormal stimulus effect in terms of the concept of the innate releasing mechanism; however this concept is no longer widely used. The core observation that simple features of stimuli may be sufficient to trigger a complex response remains valid, however.

In 1979, the term supernormal stimulus was used by Richard Dawkins and John Krebs to refer to the exaggeration of pre-existing signs induced by social parasites, noting the manipulation of baby birds (hosts) from these, to illustrate the effectiveness of those signals.

In 1983, entomologists Darryl Gwynne and David Rentz reported on the beetle Julodimorpha bakewelli attempting to copulate with discarded brown stubbies (a type of beer bottles) studded with tubercules (flattened glass beads). This work won them the 2011 Ig Nobel Prize in biology.

Another example of this is the study made by Mauck and colleagues, where they evaluated the effects of a plant pathogen named cucumber mosaic virus or CMV. This study showed that the aphids preferred the healthy plants but are still attracted by the infected plants, because of the manipulation of volatile compounds used by plants to attract them.

Insects
Pollinators, like butterflies, show behavioral response(s) to supernormal stimuli through intersexual communication. Butterflies use olfactory cues, but primarily rely on visual forms of communication, due to wind and temperature affecting their sense of smell. Sexually active butterflies will perch and wait for a mate. Once an object is detected, the butterfly can determine if the color and movement patterns are of a sexually receptive butterfly. In certain species, like the silver-washed fritillary butterfly (Argynnis paphia), the male butterfly will exhibit high contrast sensitivity and well-developed visual acuity. A more dramatic contrast of color (or movement pattern) resembling, but further emphasizing the traits of the female butterfly, could alter this usual behavior in males. Studies show that the male silver-washed fritillary butterfly select a monochromatic orange paper model, over receptive female butterflies who portrayed their usual coloration/markings.

Manipulation by parasites
In 2001, Holen et al., analyzed the evolutionary stability of hosts manipulation through exaggerated signals. Their model indicated that intensity of parasitic signals must be below a threshold to ensure acceptance from host. This threshold depends directly on the range of parasitism.

Supernormal stimuli can be exhibited by brood parasites, for example, the parasitic cuckoo chick and parental care by reed warblers. Brood parasites have evolved more dramatic colors, sizes, patterns, and/or shapes that lead to the parasite being interpreted as healthier or more preferable, in contrast to neighboring offspring. Cuckoo chicks are often successful because their begging calls, the supernormal stimulus, are representative of an entire reed warbler brood. Due to the host parent's evolutionary instinct, elicited by selective pressures, they will select this exaggerated form of the stimulus. These calls will cause the host parent to primarily invest energy into the parasitic chick and provide it with additional food resources. Studies show that the supernormal stimuli in cuckoo chicks alter the foraging behavior in parental reed warblers.

For them, the only evolutionary stable strategy is when the host accepts all signs of the parasite with optimal intensity, which must be below the threshold; if this is not the case, the host can use these signals to identify the parasite.

Maladaptive behavior
Maladaptive behaviors are shown by organisms that display a preference for supernormal stimuli over naturally occurring stimuli. This is often based on instinct to gather as many resources as possible in a resource-sparse environment. It can also be instinctual for certain species to select the supernormal stimuli that will suggest the best energy investment of the individual, often parental investment. The selection of the supernormal stimuli must also simultaneously outweigh the cost of the behavior in order for it to evolve. This is shown in the cuckoo chick and the effects on host reed warblers. These parasitic chicks exhibit irresistible begging calls toward the parental host. This occurs as a result of selective pressures. The reed warbler increases foraging efforts to feed the parasitic chick and its own offspring. As a result, this shows a maladaptive behaviour of the host reed warbler as it is investing into a chick that is not biologically related, which does not provide reproductive fitness gain.

Biodiversity concerns
The significance of supernormal stimuli and brood parasitism or in various other species susceptible to environmental manipulation, is that this can drastically reduce the population numbers of the respective species. Brood parasitism can cause host parents to ignore their own offspring or display a higher parental investment into the parasite. Animals that are at risk of extinction, extirpation, or vulnerability will be impacted by supernormal stimuli present in brood parasites.

In psychology
Harvard psychologist Deirdre Barrett argues that supernormal stimulation governs the behavior of humans as powerfully as that of other animals. In her 2010 book, Supernormal Stimuli: How Primal Urges Overran Their Evolutionary Purpose, she examines the impact of supernormal stimuli on the diversion of impulses for nurturing, sexuality, romance, territoriality, defense, and the entertainment industry's hijacking of our social instincts. In her earlier book Waistland, she explains junk food as an exaggerated stimulus to cravings for salt, sugar, and fats and television as an exaggeration of social cues of laughter, smiling faces and attention-grabbing action. Modern artifacts may activate instinctive responses which evolved prior to the modern world, where breast development was a sign of health and fertility in a prospective mate, and fat was a rare and vital nutrient.

In a cross-cultural study, Doyle and Pazhoohi showed that surgically augmented breasts are supernormal stimuli, and they are more attractive than natural breasts, regardless of their size. Also in a theoretical paper, Doyle proposed that how women walk creates supernormal stimuli through continuously alternating motion of the waist and hips causing peak shifts in perceptions of physical attractiveness involving women's waist-to-hip ratio. Furthermore, Pazhoohi et al. (2019) using eye tracking confirmed that lower than optimal waist-to-hip ratios are supernormal stimuli and they may generate peak shifts in responding.

Pascal Boyer has suggested that music is a superstimulus targeting human affinity for speech, and that symmetrical textile and building patterns are superstimuli targeted to the visual cortex.

In art
Costa and Corazza (2006), examining 776 artistic portraits covering the whole history of art, showed that eye roundness, lip roundness, eye height, eye width, and lip height were significantly enhanced in artistic portraits compared to photographic ones matched for sex and age. In a second study, forty-two art academy students were requested to draw two self-portraits, one with a mirror and one without (from memory). Eye and lip size and roundness were greater in artistic self-portraits. These results show that the exaggeration and "supernormalization" of key features linked to attractiveness, such as eye and lip size, are frequently found in art. Pazhoohi et al. (2019) showed that classic contrapposto pose is considered more attractive and provided evidence and insight as to why, in artistic presentation, goddesses of beauty and love are often depicted in contrapposto pose.

title: Supernormal stimulus


text: User talk:82.82.126.246

title: User talk:82.82.126.246