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Emilio Segrè

Emilio Gino Segrè (1 February 1905 – 22 April 1989) was an Italian and naturalized-American physicist and Nobel laureate, who discovered the elements technetium and astatine, and the antiproton, a subatomic antiparticle, for which he was awarded the Nobel Prize in Physics in 1959 along with Owen Chamberlain.

Born in Tivoli, near Rome, Segrè studied engineering at the University of Rome La Sapienza before taking up physics in 1927. Segrè was appointed assistant professor of physics at the University of Rome in 1932 and worked there until 1936, becoming one of the Via Panisperna boys. From 1936 to 1938 he was director of the Physics Laboratory at the University of Palermo. After a visit to Ernest O. Lawrence's Berkeley Radiation Laboratory, he was sent a molybdenum strip from the laboratory's cyclotron accelerator in 1937, which was emitting anomalous forms of radioactivity. Using careful chemical and theoretical analysis, Segrè was able to prove that some of the radiation was being produced by a previously unknown element, named technetium, the first artificially synthesized chemical element that does not occur in nature.

In 1938 and while Segrè was visiting the Berkeley Radiation laboratory, Benito Mussolini's fascist government passed antisemitic laws barring Jews from university positions. As a Jew, Segrè was rendered an indefinite émigré. At the Berkeley Radiation Lab, Lawrence offered him an underpaid job as a research assistant. There, Segrè helped discover the element astatine and the isotope plutonium-239, which was later used to make the Fat Man nuclear bomb dropped on Nagasaki. From 1943 to 1946 he worked at the Los Alamos National Laboratory as a group leader for the Manhattan Project. He found in April 1944 that Thin Man, the proposed plutonium gun-type nuclear weapon, would not work due to the presence of plutonium-240 impurities. In 1944, he became a naturalized citizen of the United States. On his return to Berkeley in 1946, he became a professor of physics and of history of science, serving until 1972. Segrè and Owen Chamberlain co-headed a research group at the Lawrence Radiation Laboratory that discovered the antiproton, for which the two shared the 1959 Nobel Prize in Physics.

Segrè was an active photographer who took many pictures documenting events and people in the history of modern science, which were donated to the American Institute of Physics after his death. The American Institute of Physics named its photographic archive of physics history in his honor.

Early life
Emilio Gino Segrè was born into a Sephardic Jewish family in Tivoli, near Rome, on 1 February 1905, the son of Giuseppe Segrè, a businessman who owned a paper mill, and Amelia Susanna Treves. He had two older brothers, Angelo and Marco. His uncle, Gino Segrè, was a law professor. He was educated at the ginnasio in Tivoli and, after the family moved to Rome in 1917, the ginnasio and liceo in Rome. He graduated in July 1922 and enrolled in the University of Rome La Sapienza as an engineering student.

In 1927, Segrè met Franco Rasetti, who introduced him to Enrico Fermi. The two young physics professors were looking for talented students. They attended the Volta Conference at Como in September 1927, where Segrè heard lectures from notable physicists including Niels Bohr, Werner Heisenberg, Robert Millikan, Wolfgang Pauli, Max Planck and Ernest Rutherford. Segrè then joined Fermi and Rasetti at their laboratory in Rome. With the help of the director of the Institute of Physics, Orso Mario Corbino, Segrè was able to transfer to physics, and, studying under Fermi, earned his laurea degree in July 1928, with a thesis on "Anomalous Dispersion and Magnetic Rotation".

After a stint in the Italian Army from 1928 to 1929, during which he was a commissioned as a second lieutenant in the antiaircraft artillery, Segrè returned to the laboratory on Via Panisperna. He published his first article, which summarised his thesis, "On anomalous dispersion in mercury and in lithium", jointly with Edoardo Amaldi in 1928, and another article with him the following year on the Raman effect.

In 1930, Segrè began studying the Zeeman effect in certain alkaline metals. When his progress stalled because the diffraction grating he required to continue was not available in Italy, he wrote to four laboratories elsewhere in Europe asking for assistance and received an invitation from Pieter Zeeman to finish his work at Zeeman's laboratory in Amsterdam. Segrè was awarded a Rockefeller Foundation fellowship and, on Fermi's advice, elected to use it to study under Otto Stern in Hamburg. Working with Otto Frisch on space quantization produced results that apparently did not agree with the current theory; but Isidor Isaac Rabi showed that theory and experiment were in agreement if the nuclear spin of potassium was +1/2.

Physics professor
Segrè was appointed assistant professor of physics at the University of Rome in 1932 and worked there until 1936, becoming one of the Via Panisperna boys. In 1934, he met Elfriede Spiro, a Jewish woman whose family had come from Ostrowo in West Prussia, but had fled to Breslau when that part of Prussia became part of Poland after World War I. After the Nazi Party came to power in Germany in 1933, she had emigrated to Italy, where she worked as a secretary and an interpreter. At first she did not speak Italian well, and Segrè and Spiro conversed in German, in which he was fluent. The two were married at the Great Synagogue of Rome on 2 February 1936. He agreed with the rabbi to spend the minimal amount on the wedding, giving the balance of what would be spent on a luxury wedding to Jewish refugees from Germany. The rabbi managed to give them many of the trappings of a luxury wedding anyway. The couple had three children: Claudio, born in 1937, Amelia Gertrude Allegra, born in 1937, and Fausta Irene, born in 1945.

After marrying, Segrè sought a stable job and became professor of physics and director of the Physics Institute at the University of Palermo. He found the equipment there primitive and the library bereft of modern physics literature, but his colleagues at Palermo included the mathematicians Michele Cipolla and Michele De Franchis, the mineralogist Carlo Perrier and the botanist Luigi Montemartini. In 1936 he paid a visit to Ernest O. Lawrence's Berkeley Radiation Laboratory, where he met Edwin McMillan, Donald Cooksey, Franz Kurie, Philip Abelson and Robert Oppenheimer. Segrè was intrigued by the radioactive scrap metal that had once been part of the laboratory's cyclotron. In Palermo, this was found to contain a number of radioactive isotopes. In February 1937, Lawrence sent him a molybdenum strip that was emitting anomalous forms of radioactivity. Segrè enlisted Perrier's help to subject the strip to careful chemical and theoretical analysis, and they were able to prove that some of the radiation was being produced by a previously unknown element. In 1947 they named it technetium, as it was the first artificially synthesized chemical element.

Radiation Laboratory
In June 1938, Segrè paid a summer visit to California to study the short-lived isotopes of technetium, which did not survive being mailed to Italy. While Segrè was en route, Benito Mussolini's fascist government passed racial laws barring Jews from university positions. As a Jew, Segrè was now rendered an indefinite émigré. The Czechoslovakian crisis prompted Segrè to send for Elfriede and Claudio, as he now feared that war in Europe was inevitable. In November 1938 and February 1939 they made quick trips to Mexico to exchange their tourist visas for immigration visa. Both Segrè and Elfriede held grave fears for the fate of their parents in Italy and Germany.

At the Berkeley Radiation Lab, Lawrence offered Segrè a job as a research assistant—a relatively lowly position for someone who had discovered an element—for US$300 1939 a month for six months. When Lawrence learned that Segrè was legally trapped in California, he took advantage of the situation to reduce Segrè's salary to $116 a month. Working with Glenn Seaborg, Segrè isolated the metastable isotope technetium-99m. Its properties made it ideal for use in nuclear medicine, and it is now used in about 10 million medical diagnostic procedures annually. Segrè went looking for element 93, but did not find it, as he was looking for an element chemically akin to rhenium instead of a rare-earth element, which is what element 93 was. Working with Alexander Langsdorf, Jr., and Chien-Shiung Wu, he discovered xenon-135, which later became important as a nuclear poison in nuclear reactors.

Segrè then turned his attention to another missing element on the periodic table, element 85. After he announced how he intended to create it by bombarding bismuth-209 with alpha particles at a Monday meeting Radiation Laboratory meeting, two of his colleagues, Dale R. Corson and Robert A. Cornog carried out his proposed experiment. Segrè then asked whether he could do the chemistry and, with Kenneth Ross MacKenzie, successfully isolated the new element, which is today called astatine. Segrè and Wu then attempted to find the last remaining missing non-transuranic element, element 61. They had the correct technique for making it, but lacked the chemical methods to separate it. He also worked with Seaborg, McMillan, Joseph W. Kennedy and Arthur C. Wahl to create plutonium-239 in Lawrence's 60 in cyclotron in December 1940.

Manhattan Project

The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941 and the subsequent United States declaration of war upon Italy rendered Segrè an enemy alien and cut him off from communication with his parents. Physicists began leaving the Radiation Laboratory to do war work, and Raymond T. Birge asked him to teach classes to the remaining students. This provided a useful supplement to Segrè's income, and he established important friendships and professional associations with some of these students, who included Owen Chamberlain and Clyde Wiegand.

In late 1942, Oppenheimer asked Segrè to join the Manhattan Project at its Los Alamos Laboratory. Segrè became the head of the laboratory's P-5 (Radioactivity) Group, which formed part of Robert Bacher's P (Experimental Physics) Division. For security reasons, he was given the cover name of Earl Seaman. He moved to Los Alamos with his family in June 1943.

Segrè's group set up its equipment in a disused Forest Service cabin in the Pajarito Canyon near Los Alamos in August 1943. His group's task was to measure and catalog the radioactivity of various fission products. An important line of research was determining the degree of isotope enrichment achieved with various samples of enriched uranium. Initially, the tests using mass spectrometry, used by Columbia University, and neutron assay, used by Berkeley, gave different results. Segrè studied Berkeley's results and could find no error, while Kenneth Bainbridge likewise found no fault with New York's. However, analysis of another sample showed close agreement. Higher rates of spontaneous fission were observed at Los Alamos, which Segrè's group concluded were due to cosmic rays, which were more prevalent at Los Alamos due to its high altitude.

The group measured the activity of thorium, uranium-234, uranium-235 and uranium-238, but only had access to microgram quantities of plutonium-239. The first sample plutonium produced in the nuclear reactor at Oak Ridge was received in April 1944. Within days the group observed five times the rate of spontaneous fission as with the cyclotron-produced plutonium. This was not news that the leaders of the project wanted to hear. It meant that Thin Man, the proposed plutonium gun-type nuclear weapon, would not work and implied that the project's investment in plutonium production facilities at the Hanford Site was wasted. Segrè's group carefully checked their results and concluded that the increased activity was due to the plutonium-240 isotope.

In June 1944, Segrè was summoned into Oppenheimer's office and informed that while his father was safe, his mother had been rounded up by the Nazis in October 1943. Segrè never saw either of his parents again. His father died in Rome in October 1944. In late 1944, Segrè and Elfriede became naturalized citizens of the United States. His group, now designated R-4, was given responsibility for measuring the gamma radiation from the Trinity nuclear test in July 1945. The blast damaged or destroyed most of the experiments, but enough data was recovered to measure the gamma rays.

Later life
In August 1945, a few days before the surrender of Japan and the end of World War II, Segrè received an offer from Washington University in St. Louis of an associate professorship with a salary of US$5000 1945. The following month, the University of Chicago also made him an offer. After some prompting, Birge offered $6,500 and a full professorship, which Segrè decided to accept. He left Los Alamos in January 1946 and returned to Berkeley.

In the late 1940s, many academics left the University of California, lured away by higher-salary offers and by the university's peculiar loyalty oath requirement. Segrè chose to take the oath and stay, but this did not allay suspicions about his loyalty. Luis Alvarez was incensed that Amaldi, Fermi, Pontecorvo, Rasetti and Segrè had chosen to pursue patent claims against the United States for their pre-war discoveries and told Segrè to let him know when Pontecorvo wrote from Russia. He also clashed with Lawrence over the latter's plan to create a rival nuclear-weapons laboratory to Los Alamos in Livermore, California, in order to develop the hydrogen bomb, a weapon that Segrè felt would be of dubious utility.

Unhappy with his deteriorating relationships with his colleagues and with the poisonous political atmosphere at Berkeley caused by the loyalty oath controversy, Segrè accepted a job offer from the University of Illinois at Urbana–Champaign. The courts ultimately resolved the patent claims in the Italian scientists' favour in 1953, awarding them US$400000 1952 for the patents related to generating neutrons, which worked out to about $20,000 after legal costs. Kennedy, Seaborg, Wahl and Segrè were subsequently awarded the same amount for their discovery of plutonium, which came to $100,000 after being divided four ways, there being no legal fees this time.

After turning down offers from IBM and the Brookhaven National Laboratory, Segrè returned to Berkeley in 1952. He was elected to the United States National Academy of Sciences that same year. He moved his family from Berkeley to nearby Lafayette, California, in 1955. Working with Chamberlain and others, he began searching for the antiproton, a subatomic antiparticle of the proton. The antiparticle of the electron, the positron had been predicted by Paul Dirac in 1931 and then discovered by Carl D. Anderson in 1932. By analogy, it was now expected that there would be an antiparticle corresponding to the proton, but no one had found one, and even in 1955 some scientists doubted that it existed. Using Lawrence's Bevatron set to 6 GeV, they managed to detect conclusive evidence of antiprotons. Chamberlain and Segrè were awarded the 1959 Nobel Prize in Physics for their discovery. This was controversial, because Clyde Wiegand and Thomas Ypsilantis were co-authors of the same article, but did not share the prize.

Segrè served on the university's powerful Budget Committee from 1961 to 1965 and was chairman of the Physics Department from 1965 to 1966. He supported Teller's successful bid to separate the Lawrence Berkeley Laboratory from the Lawrence Livermore Laboratory in 1970. He was elected to the American Philosophical Society in 1963. He was one of the trustees of Fermilab from 1965 to 1968. He attended its inauguration with Laura Fermi in 1974. During the 1950s, Segrè edited Fermi's papers. He later published a biography of Fermi, Enrico Fermi: Physicist (1970). He published his own lecture notes as From X-rays to Quarks: Modern Physicists and Their Discoveries (1980) and From Falling Bodies to Radio Waves: Classical Physicists and Their Discoveries (1984). He also edited the Annual Review of Nuclear and Particle Science from 1958 to 1977 and wrote an autobiography, A Mind Always in Motion (1993), which was published posthumously.

Elfriede died in October 1970, and Segrè married Rosa Mines in February 1972. He was elected to the American Academy of Arts and Sciences in 1973. That year he reached the University of California's compulsory retirement age. He continued teaching the history of physics. In 1974 he returned to the University of Rome as a professor, but served only a year before reaching the mandatory retirement age. Segrè died from a heart attack at the age of 84 while out walking near his home in Lafayette. Active as a photographer, Segrè took many photos documenting events and people in the history of modern science. After his death Rosa donated many of his photographs to the American Institute of Physics, which named its photographic archive of physics history in his honor. The collection was bolstered by a subsequent bequest from Rosa after her death from an accident in Tivoli in 1997.

Archival collections

 * Emilio Segre lectures and other collected recordings, 1968-1997, Niels Bohr Library & Archives

title: Emilio Segrè


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Singapore Zoo

The Singapore Zoo, formerly known as the Singapore Zoological Gardens or Mandai Zoo, is a 28 ha zoo located on the margins of Upper Seletar Reservoir within Singapore's heavily forested central catchment area. It is operated by the Mandai Wildlife Group, which also manages the neighbouring Night Safari, River Wonders, Bird Paradise as well as the forthcoming Rainforest Wild Park.

All five parks makes up the Mandai Wildlife Reserve, which consists of more than 15,000 animals from 1,000 species. Opened in 1973, the zoo was built at a cost of $9 million that was granted by the government of Singapore. Within the zoo, there are about 315 species of animals, of which some 16 percent are considered to be a threatened species. The zoo attracts about 2 million visitors every year.

Singapore Zoo has always exhibited animals in naturalistic, 'open' exhibits with hidden barriers, moats, and glass between the animals and visitors. It houses the largest captive colony of orangutans in the world. The Singapore Zoo has been highly ranked by various international metrics.

History
Prior to the establishment of Singapore Zoo, there were other short-lived zoos in Singapore's history, including the first recorded zoo founded in the early 1870s at the present-day Singapore Botanic Gardens, a zoo opened in the 1920s in Ponggol (present-day Punggol) by animal trader William Lawrence Soma Basapa and two zoos run by two brothers by the surname of Chan during the 1960s.

The conception of the Singapore Zoo dates from 1969. At the time, the Public Utilities Board (PUBG) decided to use some of its land holdings around reservoirs for parks and open recreational facilities. The executive chairman of the PUB, Dr Ong Swee Law, set aside 88 ha of land for the construction of a zoological garden.

In 1970, consultants and staff were hired, and in 1971, the construction of the basic 50 enclosures was started. Animals were collected from dealers and donated by sponsors. The director of the National Zoological Gardens of Sri Lanka, Lyn de Alwis, was hired as a special consultant to work out the problems inherent in tropical zoos.

On 27 June 1973, the Singapore Zoo opened its gates for the first time with a collection of 270 animals from over 72 species, and a staff of 130. By 1990, 1,600 animals from more than 160 species lived in social groups, housed in 65 landscaped exhibits with boundaries conceived to look as natural as possible.

In 1987, the zoo began to display rare animals loaned by other zoos. The first animals displayed in this manner were the rare golden snub-nosed monkeys from China in 1987, which attracted more than half a million visitors. This was followed by white tigers from Cincinnati Zoo in 1988 and giant pandas from Wolong National Nature Reserve in 1990.

On 1 August 2000, Singapore Zoological Gardens, Jurong Bird Park and Night Safari were integrated under Wildlife Reserves Singapore, under the umbrella of Temasek Holdings. The zoo underwent a restructuring to improve its efficiency and branding which included the merging of shared services and expansion of consultancy services overseas. Night Safari, which began under the zoo, became a separate branding entity.

The restructuring of the zoo was not without controversy. Several key staff, including CEO Bernard Harrison, left as a result in 2002, citing differences in management style. In 2003, Wildlife Reserves Singapore launched a massive rebranding exercise, which was shelved due to widespread public disapproval. The name of the zoo was simplified to Singapore Zoo sometime by 2005.

As a result of the restructuring, more facilities were launched, such as a S$3.6 million Wildlife Healthcare & Research Centre in 2005. Existing infrastructure was revamped to further enhance the experience of visitors.

Animals and exhibits
From a boardwalk, visitors can view siamangs and overlook false gharials in the water.
 * Treetops Trail

Orangutans have been a major attraction of the Singapore Zoo since its opening. The zoo houses both Bornean orangutans and Sumatran orangutans. A female Sumatran orangutan named Ah Meng became an icon for tourism, appearing in several tourism advertisements. She hosted the 'Breakfast with Orangutans' program, where visitors were allowed to take pictures and interact with her. Ah Meng died on 8 February 2008 to old age at 47 years old. Ishta, Ah Meng's granddaughter, was chosen to take over the namesake of Ah Meng.
 * Orangutan Island

This area houses the zoo's African savannah animals including white rhinos, Grévy's zebras, African painted dogs, cheetahs, red river hogs, meerkats, African lions and giraffes. Located past the lion exhibit are Sri Lankan leopards, a den for naked mole-rats and a fossa exhibit opened in 2019.
 * Wild Africa

The outdoor portion of the zoo's reptile complex which has enclosures for the zoo's larger reptiles such as Aldabra giant tortoises, Komodo dragons, a saltwater crocodile and gharials.
 * Reptile Kingdom

Opening on 16 August 2017, RepTopia was a renovation of the 35 year old Snake House. Several species of reptiles and amphibians are housed in four different regions, Deserts of the World, Indo-Pacific, Tropical Africa and Neotropical Rainforests; among them are crocodile monitors, electric blue geckos, Gaboon vipers, golden poison frogs, king cobras, Madagascar giant day geckos, plumed basilisks, reticulated pythons, veiled chameleons and western diamondback rattlesnakes. A behind-the-scenes facility is visible to the guests, allowing them to view the hatchery.
 * RepTopia

In January 2022, thirteen Roti Island snake-necked turtles were successfully repatriated to a breeding facility in Kupang.

Formerly the Critters Longhouse, which housed small mammals, the building was transformed into the Tortoise Shell-ter in 2016, housing different species of tortoises such as Burmese star tortoises, Indian star tortoises, radiated tortoises and ploughshare tortoises, in seven enclosures, among other reptiles and birds. Each habitat is climate-controlled with special lighting, heating and humidity control.
 * Tortoise Shell-ter

A 20,000 cubic metre biodome that houses a wide variety of tropical birds, mammals, reptiles, fish and invertebrates. Species kept in the biodome include great argus, lesser mouse-deer, Linne's two-toed sloths, Malayan flying foxes, Malayan peacock-pheasants, Nicobar pigeons, pied imperial pigeons, Prevost's squirrels, red-sided eclectus parrots, spotted whistling ducks, toco toucans, western crowned pigeons, white-faced sakis and zebra doves with golden lion tamarins housed in a small enclosure near the biodome. The area also has a butterfly house consisting of 11 butterfly species, 8 of which are native to Singapore.
 * Fragile Forest

Visitors first walk through a Konso and Amharic village with several waga sculptures dotted around. A large troop of hamadryas baboons are mixed with a herd of Nubian ibexes in an enclosure recreating the rugged steppes of Ethiopia. Meerkats, common kusimanse, southern ground hornbills, rock hyraxes and South African ground squirrels are kept in smaller enclosures nearby.
 * The Great Rift Valley of Ethiopia

This zone features a walkthrough habitat with eastern grey kangaroos, Bennett's wallabies and magpie geese along with a southern cassowary enclosure at the end of the zone. Goodfellow's tree-kangaroos are housed indoors but are able to access an outdoor enclosure. The zoo's male tree-kangaroo named Makaia was born in 2014 at the Adelaide Zoo and orphaned at five weeks old when his mother, Kia was crushed by a falling tree branch. He made headlines after he was adopted by a yellow-footed rock wallaby. Makaia arrived at the Singapore Zoo in 2016 to accompany the zoo's female tree-kangaroo, Nupela. On 4 February 2020, Nupela gave birth to a male joey.
 * Australasia

Four female koalas named Paddle, Chan, Pellita and Idalia were on loan to the zoo from the Lone Pine Koala Sanctuary to celebrate Singapore's golden jubilee in April 2015 and returned to Australia in February 2016.

The Primate Kingdom consists of a large moat with several islands which house various monkeys and lemurs like black-and-gold howler monkeys, black-and-white ruffed lemurs, ring tailed lemurs, cotton-top tamarins, eastern black-and-white colobuses, De Brazza's monkeys and some of the only red-shanked doucs in captivity.
 * Primate Kingdom

A herd of five female Asian elephants live in a 2.47 acre (1 ha) habitat with a large pool. Komali, the matriarch of the herd, is a Sri Lankan elephant, Gambir and Jati are Indian elephants and half-sisters Aprila and Intan are Sumatran elephants.
 * Elephants of Asia

Located at the very north of the zoo, KidzWorld is home to many domestic animals like goats and rabbits and there are other attractions in it like a carousel and a splash pad. Guests are allowed to closely interact with the animals and feed them.
 * KidzWorld

Other animals in the zoo include African penguins, Asian small-clawed otters, buff-cheeked gibbons, California sea lions, Celebes crested macaques, chimpanzees, emperor tamarins, great white pelicans, lowland anoas, North Sulawesi babirusas, proboscis monkeys, pygmy hippos, red ruffed lemurs, red-capped mangabeys, sun bears and Malayan tigers.
 * Other animals

Education and conservation
The Wildlife Healthcare & Research Centre was opened in March 2006 as part of the zoo's efforts in wildlife conservation. The centre further underscores Singapore Zoo and Night Safari's commitment to conservation research, providing the infrastructure for the parks and overseas zoological partners to better execute their research programmes. The Singapore Zoo is the first zoo in the world to breed a polar bear in the tropics. Inuka was born on 26 December 1990, died 25 April 2018 (aged 27).

Animal activist and conservationist known as Steve Irwin admired the Singapore Zoo greatly, adopting it as the 'sister zoo' to Australia Zoo. He was at the Singapore Zoo in 2006 to officiate the opening of the Australian Outback exhibit.

Presentations
"Breakfast in the Wild" allows visitors to meet and interact closely with animals in the zoo, which has previously included Ah Meng (died on 8 February 2008) who was an icon of the Singapore tourism industry. Animal presentations, as well as token feedings coupled with live commentaries by keepers, are also the daily staple in Singapore Zoo.

The "Rainforest Fights Back" presentation is housed in the Shaw Amphitheatre, the main amphitheater in the zoo. Actors and performers act alongside the animals: in-show, a villainous poacher attempts to mow down a section of tropical rainforest for land development, and is foiled by the native people and the animals of the rainforest — orangutans, lemurs, peacocks, otters and cockatiels.

The "Elephants at Work and Play" presentation demonstrates how elephants are used as beasts of burden in south-east Asian countries. The animal caretakers are referred to as mahouts, and the show simulates how a mahout would instruct an elephant to transport logs or kneel so that they can be mounted. As of 2018, the show has been reworked as part of a shift in the care for the elephants to feature their natural behaviour instead of performing stunts.

The "Splash Safari" presentation features the zoo's sea lions performing acts relating to their natural behaviors, and also playing frisbee with a lucky visitor.

The "Animal Friends" presentation, housed in the Rainforest KidzWorld Amphitheatre in the zoo's children's section, features mostly domesticated animals such as dogs and parrots performing tricks with the aim of teaching young children about pet responsibility.

Organising events
There are three events venues in the zoo: Forest Lodge, Pavilion-By-the-Lake and Garden Pavilion. There are also three cocktail venues: Elephants of Asia, Tiger Trek and Treetops Trail. The Singapore Zoo also caters for birthday parties and weddings.

Incidents
On 7 March 1973, a black panther escaped from the zoo before it had opened.

In early 1974, a hippopotamus named Congo escaped from the zoo and spent 47 days in the Seletar Reservoir.

Other escapes in 1974 included an eland and a tiger.

On 13 November 2008, two Bengal white tigers mauled a cleaner, 32-year old Nordin Montong to death after he jumped into a moat surrounding their enclosure and taunted the animals.

Awards
Awarded to Singapore Zoo:

 * Bronze for Best Brand Engagement (Singapore Media Marketing Awards)—'Happy ZOObilee,' Singapore Zoo, 2023
 * TripAdvisor Travelers' Choice, 2023
 * Travellers' Choice Awards - Top 3 Zoos in the World, 2018
 * Singapore Tourism Awards, 2017
 * Traveller's Choice Awards - Zoos and Aquariums, 2017, 2015 and 2014
 * Best Customer Service (Retail) Award, 2014
 * Meritorious Defence Partner Award, 2013
 * Singapore Experience Awards, 2013
 * Singapore Service Award, 2013
 * Singapore Service Excellence Medallion - Organisation, 2013
 * Meritorious Defence Partner Award, 2012
 * Most Popular Wildlife Park, Asian Attractions Awards, 2011
 * Michelin 3-star rating, 2008
 * Best Breakfast, 40 Jewels in ASEAN's Crown, 2007
 * One of the World's Best Zoos, forbes-travel.com, 2007
 * Bronze, Singapore H.E.A.L.T.H Awards, 2004
 * Leisure Attraction of the Year, 6th, 7th, 8th, 13th, 16th, 17th, 20th and 22nd Singapore Tourism Board Awards
 * Best New Attraction for the hamadryas baboons exhibit, ASEAN Tourism Association, 2002
 * Cleanest Toilet, Ministry of Environment, 1997 and 1998

Public transportation
Two public bus services, 138 and 927, call at the bus stop near to the Zoo. 138 connects with the nearest MRT station at Springleaf as well as Ang Mo Kio station, while 927 connects with Choa Chu Kang station.

Bus
A shuttle service, known as the Mandai Shuttle, plies daily between Khatib MRT station and the Zoo. A one-way trip costs $1 for everyone above the age of three. A separate service, known as the Mandai Express, operates on selected weekends and holidays to and from three locations in Bedok, Sengkang, and Tampines. A one-way trip costs between $1 and $3 for everyone above the age of three.

license: Creative Commons - Attribution Share-Alike - https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

title: Singapore Zoo


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Malaysian Islamic Party

The Malaysian Islamic Party, also known as the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia; ڤرتي إسلام سمليسيا) or its Jawi-based acronym PAS, is an Islamist political party in Malaysia. Ideologically focused on Islamic fundamentalism, PAS's electoral base is largely centred around Peninsular Malaysia's rural and eastern coasts and conservative northern, particularly in the states of Kelantan, Terengganu, Perlis, and Kedah. They also gained significant support in the rural areas of Perak and Pahang in the last 2022 general election and the 2023 state elections; dubbed as the "Green Wave".

The party was a component party of the then governing Perikatan Nasional (PN) coalition which came to power as a result of the 2020–21 Malaysian political crisis. The party governs either solely or as coalition partners in the states of Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah, Perlis and Sabah. In the past, it was a coalition partner in the state governments of Penang and Selangor as part of the federal opposition between 2008 and 2018.

Since the 2022 Malaysian general election, the party holds 43 of the 222 seats in the federal Dewan Rakyat, being the largest individual party, and has elected parliamentarians or state assembly members in 11 of the country's 13 states. Internationally, PAS is affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood.

Origins
The post-World War II period, while Malaya was still under British colonial rule, saw the emergence of the country's first formal Islamic political movements. The Malay Nationalist Party (MNP), a left-wing nationalist organisation, was formed in October 1945 and led by Burhanuddin al-Helmy, who would later become the president of PAS. Out of the MNP arose the Pan Malayan Supreme Islamic Council (Majlis Agama Tertinggi Sa-Malaya or MATA) in 1947, and MATA in turn formed the party Hizbul Muslimin (Muslim People's Party of Malaya) in 1948. The central aim of Hizbul Muslimin was the establishment of an independent Malaya as an Islamic state. However, the party did not live beyond 1948. The Malayan Emergency of that year, while a British–Communist dispute, saw the colonial administration arrest a number of the party's leaders, and the nascent group disbanded. Nevertheless, the party served as a forerunner to PAS, supplying both the ideology upon which PAS was formed and some of PAS's key leaders in its early years.

Party formation
PAS was founded on 24 November 1951, as the Persatuan Islam Sa-Malaya (Pan Malayan Islamic Union) at a meeting in Butterworth, Penang. Shortly after it was renamed Persatuan Islam sa-Tanah Melayu (Tanah Melayu means "Land of the Malays" and was used by Malays to mean Malaya). It became known as the Pan Malayan Islamic Party (PMIP) before the 1955 election as the registrar of society required it to incorporate the word "party" into its name. Its acronym PAS, originally used in Malay but became more widely adopted in the 1970s, is based the written form in Jawi (ڤاس).

The formation of the party was the culmination of a growing desire among Muslim clerics within the United Malays National Organisation to formalise a discrete Islamic political organisation. However, the lines between UMNO and the new party were initially blurred. PAS allowed dual membership of both parties, and many of its early senior leaders were also UMNO members. The party's first president was Ahmad Fuad Hassan, an UMNO cleric. He lasted in the position only until 1953, when he fell out of favour with the party, which was now developing a more distinct identity, and returned to the UMNO fold. Fuad's departure coincided with the end of dual membership. The party turned to Abbas Alias, a Western-educated medical doctor, as its second president, although he did not play an active role in the party and was little more than a nominal figurehead.

The party's first electoral test was the pre-independence 1955 election to the Federal Legislative Council, the body that preceded the national parliament. 52 single-member seats were up for election; PAS fielded 11 candidates. Hampered by a lack of funds and party organisation, PAS succeeded in having only one candidate elected: Ahmad Tuan Hussein, a teacher at an Islamic school in Kerian, Perak. He was the only opposition member of the council; the other 51 seats were won by members of the Alliance coalition between UMNO, the Malaysian Chinese Association and the Malaysian Indian Congress. PAS' performance in the election weakened its hand in negotiations with the British over the terms of Malayan independence. Its advocacy for the protection of Malay and Muslim rights, including the recognition of Islam as the country's official religion, was ignored. Alias stepped down from the presidency in 1956, handing it voluntarily to the radical nationalist Burhanuddin al-Helmy. This change exemplified a broader trend among PAS's leadership in the late 1950s: the party's upper echelons gradually became filled with nationalists and long-time UMNO opponents, replacing the UMNO clerics who had initially led the party.

Left-wing Islamism
Burhanuddin al-Helmy, a prominent anti-colonialist, steered PAS in a socialist and nationalist direction and set about strengthening the party's internal structure and geographic reach. In the 1959 election, Malaya's first since independence, the party's focus on rural constituencies, especially in the north, paid off. Thirteen PAS candidates were elected to the 104-member House of Representatives, and the party took control of the legislative assemblies of the northern states of Kelantan and Terengganu.

However, Burhanuddin's leftist Pan-Islamism, under which PAS sought greater ties between the Muslim peoples of Malaya and the Indonesian archipelago, soon led the party into a wedge. The Indonesia–Malaysia confrontation of 1963–66 turned popular Malayan opinion against Indonesia. PAS's attacks on Tunku Abdul Rahman's Alliance government for seeking Western assistance during the confrontation, and the party's continued support for Southeast Asian PAS-Islamism, led to a loss of support in the 1964 election. The party's parliamentary cohort was reduced to nine. The party became further marginalised the following year, when Burhanuddin was detained without trial under the Internal Security Act on allegations that he had collaborated with Indonesia.

Political circumstances in the country had changed by the 1969 election. The Konfrontasi had ended, Burhanuddin had been released from custody although was too ill to campaign actively, and the Alliance coalition was suffering from internal division as well as unpopularity. PAS' vote rose to over 20 percent of the national electorate, netting the party 12 seats in Parliament. However, the parliament would not convene until 1971 as the 13 May race riots resulted in the declaration of a state of emergency. The country would be run by a National Operations Council for the following two years. In the meantime, Burhanuddin died in October 1969 and was replaced as PAS' president by his deputy, Asri Muda.

Pivot to Malay nationalism
Asri came to the presidency having been PAS's de facto leader during Burhanuddin's long illness. But this did not mean a seamless transition for the party. While Burhanuddin had been sympathetic to left-wing causes and parties in Malaysia, Asri was first and foremost a Malay nationalist, and was hostile to leftist politics. One of his first acts as President of PAS was to part ways with the party's opposition allies on the left, such as the Malaysian People's Party. Ideologically, Asri's presidency would see the party shift markedly away from the Pas-Islamism of Burhanuddin. The party became principally concerned with the protection and advancement of the rights of ethnic Malays. The party's activities also became solely focused on party politics, as reflected in the change of its name in 1971 from the "Persatuan Islam Se-Malaysia" (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Association) to the "Parti Islam Se-Malaysia" (Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, but commonly referred to as Parti Islam, or PAS).

However, Asri's most radical change was still to come. In January 1972, he announced that PAS would be joining the Alliance Party coalition (which would soon rebrand itself as Barisan Nasional) as a junior partner to its main rival UMNO. The move was controversial within PAS, and some of its members and senior leaders either left the party or were purged by Asri. Asri's principal justification for joining UMNO in a coalition government was that after the 1969 race riots, Malay unity was paramount, and that this required a partnership between the country's two ethnic-Malay political parties. Asri himself was given a ministerial position in the cabinet of prime minister Abdul Razak Hussein.

The 1974 election saw PAS competing under the Barisan Nasional banner for the first and only time. The party won 14 parliamentary seats to UMNO's 62, cementing PAS's position as the junior of the coalition partners. PAS also found itself governing in coalition in Kelantan, which it had previously governed in its own right. PAS's vote in its northern strongholds was weakened by a loss of support to both its former opposition allies and renegade PAS candidates running on anti-Barisan Nasional tickets. Ultimately, it was Kelantan, Asri's home state and the base of political power, that would trigger the downfall of the UMNO–PAS partnership. After a conflict between Asri and the UMNO-favoured chief minister of the state, Mohamed Nasir, over investigations that Nasir initiated into Asri's financial dealings, Asri mobilised the PAS members of the Kelantan State Legislative Assembly to move a no-confidence motion against Nasir. The UMNO assemblymen staged a walk-out, abandoning Asri, driving an irreparable wedge through the coalition and causing a political crisis in the state. Government declared an emergency in the state, allowing the federal government to take control. Asri withdrew PAS from Barisan Nasional in December 1977.

The 1978 election underscored how disastrous PAS's foray into the Barisan Nasional had been. The party was reduced to five parliamentary seats and, in separate state-level elections in Kelantan, was routed by UMNO and the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Front (BERJASA), which Nasir had founded after leaving PAS. The party's fortunes in the Kelantan election were not helped by a ban on public election rallies; while the Barisan Nasional was able to campaign through a compliant mass media, public talks were the principal way in which PAS could reach voters. PAS fared little better in the 1982 election. In the face of a new prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad, and the decision of the popular Islamist youth leader Anwar Ibrahim to join UMNO instead of PAS, the party was unable to improve on its five parliamentary seats and failed to regain government in Kelantan. Meanwhile, the 1978 to 1982 period coincided with the rise of a new generation of leaders within the party, including foreign-educated Muslim clerics (or "ulama") such as Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat and Abdul Hadi Awang. This group sought to reorient PAS as an Islamist party and were fundamentally hostile to UMNO, whose Malay nationalist focus they saw to be at the expense of Islam. In 1980 the group succeeded in electing Yusof Rawa to the deputy presidency of the party, ousting the Asri loyalist Abu Bakar Omar. By the time of PAS's 1982 assembly, it was clear to Asri that the ulama faction had the numbers to defeat him. He resigned on the floor of the assembly, and subsequently attacked the party through the media, leading to his expulsion and the formation of splinter party, Parti Hizbul Muslimin Malaysia (HAMIM) by Asri in 1983. The following year, in 1983, Yusof was elevated to the presidency, unopposed.

Ulama takeover
The ulama who took over PAS in 1982 drew from the 1979 Iranian revolution for inspiration in establishing an Islamic state; Yusof Rawa himself had served as Malaysia's Ambassador to Iran in the years preceding the revolution. Yusof openly rejected the Malay nationalism that characterised both UMNO and PAS under Asri Muda, considering it a narrow and ignorant philosophy that was contrary to the concept of a Muslim ummah. As if to exemplify the shift in the party's ideological outlook under Yusof and his ulama colleagues, the party's new leaders adopted a more conservative and religious form of dress, abandoning Malay and western clothing for traditional Arab religious garb. Politics between UMNO and PAS became increasingly religious in nature. The Barisan Nasional government tried to counter the possible electoral appeal of PAS's Islamisation by creating a number of state-run Islamic institutions, such as the International Islamic University of Malaysia. PAS leaders responded by labelling such initiatives as superficial and hypocritical, UMNO leaders as "infidels", and UMNO as the "party of the devil".

The increasingly divisive rhetoric between UMNO and PAS produced deep divisions in Malay communities, especially in the northern states. Sometimes the divisions became violent, the most infamous example being the 1985 Memali incident, in which the government sanctioned a raid on a village led by the PAS cleric Ibrahim Libya, which left 14 civilians and four policemen dead. It was against this backdrop that the PAS ulama faced their first general election in 1986. The result was a whitewash for the Barisan Nasional coalition. PAS recorded its worst-ever election result, retaining only one seat in Parliament. PAS, in recovering from the defeat, had no choice but to retreat from its hardline Islamism and pursue a moderate course. By 1989, Yusof had become too ill to remain as PAS's president, and was replaced by his deputy, Fadzil Noor, another member of the ulama faction that now dominated the party.

Electoral revival in the 1990s
While not abandoning PAS's ideological commitment to the establishment of an Islamic state, Fadzil Noor moderated the party's rhetoric. He also set about infusing the party's membership with young urban professionals in an attempt to diversify the leadership ranks beyond religious clerics. The 1990s also saw PAS engage in international Islamist movements. Abdul Hadi Awang became active in a number of international Islamic organisations and delegations, and Islamist parties abroad sent delegations to Malaysia to observe PAS.

The first electoral test of Fadzil's presidency was the 1990 election, which occurred against the backdrop of a split in UMNO out of which the Semangat 46 opposition party was formed. PAS joined Semangat 46 and two other Malay parties in the United Ummah Front ("Angkatan Perpaduan Ummah"), and won seven parliamentary seats. The new coalition swept the Barisan Nasional from power in Kelantan, winning all of its state assembly seats. Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, a cleric who played a leading role in the 1982 takeover of the party, became Kelantan's Chief Minister, and would remain in the position until his retirement in 2013. One of the first acts of the PAS-led government in Kelantan was to seek to introduce hudud, a criminal punishment system for particular Islamic offences. The move was abandoned after it became clear that the law could not be enforced over the objections of the federal government.

PAS retained its seven parliamentary seats and the government of Kelantan in the 1995 election while all other opposition parties lost ground. By the time of the next election in 1999, circumstances external to PAS had changed its fortunes for the better. The 1997 Asian financial crisis split the Barisan Nasional government between supporters of the Prime Minister, Mahathir Mohamad, and his deputy, Anwar Ibrahim. Mahathir's sacking and subsequent detention without trial of Anwar in 1998 provoked widespread opposition, which PAS capitalised on more than any other opposition party. The party ran a sophisticated campaign for the 1999 election, taking advantage of the internet to bypass restrictions on print publications and managing to woo urban professional voters while retaining its traditional rural support base. For the first time, PAS joined the centre-left and secular Democratic Action Party in the Barisan Alternatif coalition which included the new party Keadilan, which was formed by Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, the wife of the now imprisoned Anwar. It resulted in PAS's second best electoral performance (behind those of 2022 general election). The party took 27 of 192 parliamentary seats and had landslide state-level victories in Kelantan and Terengganu.

PAS in the Pakatan Rakyat
The death of Fadzil Noor in 2002, and his replacement by the conservative cleric Abdul Hadi Awang, coincided with a period of division within the party between its younger and professional leaders, who sought to make PAS's Islamist ideology more appealing to mainstream Malaysia, and its conservative, and generally older, clerics. The party was unable to reconcile the views of the two factions with a coherent definition of the "Islamic state" that the party's platform envisioned. The debate itself caused the DAP to break with the Barisan Alternatif coalition; as a secular party with mainly an ethnic Chinese support base, it could not support the vision of an Islamic state propagated by PAS's conservatives. PAS also found itself losing Malay support following the replacement of Mahathir as Prime Minister with Abdullah Badawi, a popular and moderate Muslim, and post-September 11 fears among the electorate about radical Islam in Southeast Asia. If the 1999 election had been the party's zenith, the 2004 poll was one of the lowest points in its history. In an expanded Parliament, PAS was reduced to seven seats. Abdul Hadi not only lost his parliamentary seat but saw the government he led in Terengganu thrown from office after one term.

The response of PAS to the 2004 election, like its response to the similar 1986 wipeout, was to abandon the hardline image that had contributed to its defeat. By now, the urban professional wing of the party's membership, brought into the party by Fadzil Noor in the 1990s, was ready to take charge. While Abdul Hadi's presidency was not under threat, the moderate faction, known as the "Erdogans" after the moderate Turkish Islamist leader Recep Tayyip Erdogan, had its members voted into other key positions in the party's 2005 general assembly. PAS was now able to attack Abdullah Badawi's government from both the right and the left: on the one hand, it criticised Abdullah's promotion of Islam Hadhari as a watered-down version of Islam; on the other, it attacked the government for its human rights record and promoted the causes of social and economic justice, including for non-Muslims. The party also capitalised on the growth of the internet and social media in Malaysia to bypass the pro-government mass media.

Ahead of the 2008 election PAS joined the DAP and Anwar Ibrahim's Keadilan, which was now known as People's Justice Party (PKR) in a new coalition, Pakatan Rakyat. The coalition handed the Barisan Nasional its worst-ever election result. Barisan Nasional lost its two-thirds majority in the House of Representatives, disabling it from passing constitutional amendments without opposition support. PAS won 23 seats; the Pakatan Rakyat as a whole won 82. At state level, decades-old Barisan Nasional governments fell in Kedah, Perak and Selangor. PAS now governed Kedah and Kelantan (led respectively by Azizan Abdul Razak and Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat) and supplied the Chief Minister of Perak (Nizar Jamaluddin) in a Pakatan Rakyat coalition government.

PAS's 2009 general assembly saw latent fissures within the party come out into the open. The incumbent deputy president Nasharudin Mat Isa, a Malay nationalist who promoted greater co-operation between PAS and UMNO, was challenged by two moderate candidates. Nasharudin survived with the backing of the conservative ulama faction; his two opponents had split the moderate vote. But at the 2011 assembly, Nasharudin was not so lucky: Mohamad Sabu, a leading moderate close to Anwar Ibrahim, commanded the support of the "Erdogan" wing and toppled him. Sabu's election was a significant defeat for the ulama faction. He was the first non-cleric to serve as the party's deputy president in over 20 years.

The Pakatan Rakyat coalition went into the 2013 election facing Najib Razak, who had replaced Abdullah as Prime Minister in 2009 but failed to improve the government's fortunes, especially among urban voters. PAS made a concerted effort to expand its voter base beyond the northern peninsula states, and campaigned heavily in Johor, where it had never won a parliamentary seat. The election witnessed a significant degree of cross-over ethnic voting: Chinese voters in Malay-majority seats decided in large numbers to support PAS, to maximise the chances of a national Pakatan Rakyat victory. Pakatan Rakyat garnered 50.8 percent of the national popular vote but could not win a majority in parliament. PAS, however, suffered a net loss of two parliamentary seats. This was principally attributable to a swing against the party in Kedah, where the party was removed from state government after one term and lost four parliamentary seats.

Leaving Pakatan Rakyat and forming Gagasan Sejahtera
When PAS saw its share of seats shrink in the 2013 election, it started to reassert its Islamic agenda. DAP criticised its president Abdul Hadi Awang for pushing a bill on hudud without consulting his opposition partners. This incident led to the DAP announcing in March 2015 that it would no longer work with the PAS leader. The rift worsened after conservatives captured PAS leadership, as progressive leaders were voted out of office in party elections, characterised by the media as an intentional wipe out and purge, led to an exodus and the subsequent formation of Parti Amanah Negara by Mohamad Sabu. The party accepted a motion by its conservative ulama wing to sever ties with DAP. In response, DAP's Secretary-General Lim Guan Eng said that the Pakatan Rakyat coalition no longer exists as a result of the violation of the coalition's Common Policy Framework, of which PAS had violated by intentionally severing ties with DAP. The coalition was replaced by Pakatan Harapan, which the newly formed Parti Amanah joined as a founding member.

The party formed Gagasan Sejahtera with Malaysia National Alliance Party (IKATAN) in 2016, with BERJASA joining the coalition the same year. The coalition entered the 2018 Malaysian general election using the PAS logo and contested 158 seats, with PAS contesting 155 of them. The coalition was able to win 18 parliamentary seats as well as wrangle control of the state of Terrenganu from BN, which PAS had last ruled in 2004, in addition to retaining control of Kelantan and denying supermajority of BN state government in Pahang.They also managed to took many of Barisan Nasional state seats in Kedah. However, PAS was the only party to win any seats as both BERJASA and IKATAN remained without representation.

Participation of 2018 Anti-ICERD Rally
In 2018, following the then-Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad's announcement of the Seventh Mahathir cabinet's decision for the government to "ratify all remaining core UN instruments related to the protection of human rights", including International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and other five previously unratified conventions at a United Nations General Assembly, UMNO, PAS along with various non-governmental organisations, staged an Anti-ICERD Rally that was held at the Dataran Merdeka, Kuala Lumpur, to protest against the ratifications of the relevant international conventions, due to their perception that these human rights instruments contravene with the special position of the Malays, Bumiputera and Islam within the country; all of which are enshrined within the Malaysian Constitution.

2020–2022 Malaysian political crisis
In February 2020, PAS President Abdul Hadi Awang, in concert with Bersatu President Muhyiddin Yassin, UMNO leaders Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and Ismail Sabri Yaakob and PKR defector members led by Azmin Ali, collectively convened at the Sheraton Petaling Jaya hotel to initiate a change in government, thus causing political instability by depriving the elected Pakatan Harapan government of a majority within the 14th Malaysian Parliament. As a result, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad (along with the Seventh Mahathir cabinet) tendered their resignation. In March 2020, after the Yang di-Pertuan Agong consulted all members of the 14th Malaysian Parliament, Muhyiddin Yassin was deemed to have the greatest support within Parliament and was selected as the 8th Prime Minister of Malaysia (without an electoral mandate).

Renewed co-operation with UMNO and joining Perikatan Nasional
In September 2019, UMNO decided to form a pact with PAS called Muafakat Nasional. Its express purpose was to unite the Malay Muslim communities for electoral purposes. However, this co-operation did not cover the rest of Barisan Nasional, which UMNO was member to, despite calls for a migration to the new alliance. Barisan Nasional continued to function as a separate coalition of four parties comprising UMNO, MCA, MIC and PBRS.

During the Tanjung Piai by-election, PAS vice-president Mohd Amar Nik Abdullah stated that PAS would support the candidate nominated by Barisan Nasional, which was reaffirmed by PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang.

On 23 February 2020, PAS held an extraordinary meeting Janda Baik, Pahang together with the UMNO in the lead up to the 2020-21 Malaysian political crisis. PAS President Hadi Awang was among the entourage of then-opposition political leaders as well as members of government that visited the Yang di-Pertuan Agong to discuss the formation of a new government on 23 February.

On 24 February, Mahathir announced his resignation as prime minister, followed by the withdrawal of Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (BERSATU) as well as 11 PKR MPs led by Azmin Ali from Pakatan Rakyat's successor coalition, Pakatan Harapan. This led to the collapse of the government as the remaining three parties, the DAP, PKR, and Amanah did not have enough seats for a majority. PAS along with UMNO declared their support for Mahathir to remain as prime minister.

On 25 February, UMNO and PAS revealed that they had withdrawn their prior support for Mahathir to continue as prime minister, and instead called for the dissolution of parliament. It was previously reported that as all political factions voiced their support for Mahathir, he was intent on establishing a "unity government", which the two parties could not agree with. Annuar Musa, UMNO's secretary-general, said the basis of negotiations with Mahathir was that UMNO and PAS would lend their support to form an alternative coalition without DAP. Therefore, both PAS and UMNO instead announced their support for a snap election.

On 28 February, PAS then released a statement announcing their support for the BERSATU president, Muhyiddin Yassin to be appointed as the 8th Prime Minister, with every Muafakat Nasional MPs also signing statutory declarations in support of Muhyiddin.

On 29 February, BERSATU President Muhyiddin Yassin and his allies including party leaders from UMNO, PAS, Gabungan Parti Sarawak, Parti Bersatu Rakyat Sabah, and the Homeland Solidarity Party had an audience with the Agong to discuss the formation of a government. He announced that his coalition consisting of BERSATU, UMNO, PAS, PBRS, GPS, and STAR would be called Perikatan Nasional. and claimed that they had majority support in parliament to elect a Prime Minister and to form a government.

In the Muhyiddin cabinet, which was formed on 10 March 2020, three PAS MPs became were given ministerial positions and five PAS MPs were afforded the position of deputy ministers.

Sanusi's controversial remarks about the Selangor Sultan
"Hebatnya Sultan Kedah ni, bukan koman koman. Sultan tara tu angpa bayang, hang tengok Menteri (Besaq) la ni. Sultan hebat lagu tu tak akan pilih Menteri Besaq cokia macam Amir tu. Inci pun tak berapa cukup."

Translation: How amazing the Sultan of Kedah is, not an ordinary (entity/power). Can you just imagine the great Sultan, see the current Menteri Besar (me). The great Sultan (Kedah) like that won't elect a useless Menteri Besar just like that Amir (Amirudin Shari). He's unfit for duties.

On the night of 11 July 2023, during a political talk in Selayang, a town in the District of Gombak, Selangor for the upcoming 2023 Malaysian State Elections, PAS Election Director and Menteri Besar of Kedah Sanusi had reportedly belittled and drawn a comparison between the Kedah and Selangor sultans, and said the Kedah ruler would not have appointed Amirudin Shari as the Menteri Besar. His statement has caused an outrage nationwide, especially for Selangorians because the Malay Royal Institutions should be respected just as stated in the second Rukun Negara. This is because Malaysia's sultans play a largely ceremonial role, including acting as custodians of Islam in the Muslim-majority country, and are held in deep respect.

Sanusi drew comparisons between the Sultan of Kedah (Al-Aminul Karim Sultan Sallehuddin Sultan Badlishah) and the Sultan of Selangor (Sultan Sharafuddin Idris Shah) in appointing Amirudin as Menteri Besar back in 2018 after an unprecedented win of Pakatan Harapan in the 14th General Elections which he labelled using Kedah-Northern dialect as 'Cokia' (substandard or useless) and body shamed him as 'Inci Pun Tak Berapa Nak Cukup' (unfit for duties).

Due to his statements, numerous police reports have been made and also the representatives on behalf of the Selangor Sultan itself, The Council of Royal Selangor, has lodge a legal action to take Sanusi as a serious (criminal) matter. Datuk Emran Abdul Kadir, one of its members stated that Sanusi must immediately apologise for disputing Sultan's prerogative.

Other notable figures who voiced out against Sanusi were, Hashim Jasin, the Spiritual Leader of PAS reminded Sanusi to watch his mouth. In the contrary, former Minister of Health Khairy Jamaludin stated that watching his mouth will not change his gung-ho image. Then, UMNO President Ahmad Zahid Hamidi told Kedahans to not vote on a joker as he was referring to Sanusi during the upcoming state polls. Next, The Communications and Digital Minister, Fahmi Fadzil condemned Sanusi's alleged insults against Selangor Sultan by asking him to prepare for the consequences. Same goes to, The Home Affairs Minister, Saifuddin Nasution Ismail which told the press that issues relating with 3R (Race, Religion, and Royalty) has negative consequences which Sanusi must be held accountable for his actions and the government has many other things to do rather than banning his TikTok account.

After the outcry, on 14 July 2023, made a press conference Sanusi issues a formal apology letter to the Sultan and told the press that his words was taken out of context. Sanusi also confirmed that he had given his statement to the police to complete an investigation into the report launched by PKR Youth and other political parties. He was informed by the Selangor Royal Office that the Sultan has replied his letter which he refused to disclose the contents of the replied letter due to the respect of the nobility of the Selangor Royal Institution.

In response, Menteri Besar Amiruddin Shari was furious about the statement and told that Sanusi should be held accountable for the comments and must act more responsibly as befitting his position. He urges Sanusi to learn from him on how to develop Kedah and stop lying to his voters and the masses. He also puzzled about his apology and remind Malaysians to focus on facts and data to help develop the respective states and country.

On 17 July 2023, The Commissioner of PAS in Selangor, Ahmad Yunus Hairi and The Selangor Police Chief, Dato Hussein Omar Khan has made an audience with Sultan Sharafuddin to discuss about the matter. Hence, the Selangor Royal Office has made a Royal Decree that 'the issue is yet to be resolved'.

Despite the clarifications and the apology, Sanusi was detained and taken into custody by the Royal Malaysian Police (PDRM) on the wee hours of 18 July 2023 after the Perikatan Nasional's Supreme Council Meeting held at their headquarters in Solaris Dutamas, Segambut, Kuala Lumpur.

Harian Metro reported that Sanusi was arrested at his hotel room in Mont Kiara by 20 offiers from the Classified Criminal Investigations Department (USJT) and Bukit Aman's Anti-Vice, Gambling, and Secret Societies Division (D7). They ordered him to get out of his room, and taken him to a Toyota Fortuner four-wheel drive heading to the Gombak District Police Headquarters (IPD). He was heavily escorted with the PDRM Selangor Contingent of Crime Investigation Department (JSJ) Vehicles.

According to The Star, his political secretary, Hilmi Abd Wahab, said that Sanusi saw two men in dark clothes standing at the emergency exit. As minutes went by, more and more uniformed men showed up, before finally, at 2.30am, a total of 20 policemen were reportedly standing outside his hotel room. He was told that Sanusi was detained under Section 4(1)(a) (Act 15) of the Sediction Act which he needs to attend legal proceedings at the Selayang Sessions Court. This was confirmed by the PDRM's Inspector-General of Police (IGP), Razarudin Husain as he stated that investigation papers about 3Rs has been sent to the Attorney General of Malaysia. Included in the papers as well are, former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, PAS President Abdul Hadi Awang, and former Finance Minister Lim Guan Eng. He also included that Sanusi refused to answer calls which leads to his sudden arrest. Hence, it is a seizable offense because the report was lodged by the Selangor Royal Council of which it involves the Agong and Selangor Sultan. Also, Razarudin clarifies that 3R is a serious matter because Sanusi's case could leads to insulting all the other Malay Rulers as well.

Later in the morning, he was seen at the Selayang Sessions Court at 8:55 a.m.. However, Astro Awani during a live broadcast reported that he entered the court using the back entrance in purpose to avoid the media.

According to Free Malaysia Today, the disgraced Sanusi pleaded not guilty to two charges, both framed under Section 4(1)(a) (Act 15) of the Sedition Act 1948 at two separate courts. The judges of the case were Nor Rajiah Mat Zin and Osman Affendi Mohd Shalleh.

The provision carries a punishment of up to a RM5,000 in fine, three years in jail, or both for first-time offenders. He is said to have committed the offence at Simpang Empat, Taman Selayang Mutiara in Gombak, Selangor, on 11 July. The second charge he faces is in relation to a statement that he made that was "inclined to incite disloyalty against the Rulers". He is said to have committed the same offence at the same place and time for this charge. He was allowed bail of RM5,000 for both charges, and both courts have imposed a gag order on Sanusi to stop him from making any comments regarding the case.

Amid criticism of the use of the controversial Sedition Act against a political opponent, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim stressed that the case relates to “the position and dignity” of Malaysian's monarchs. He further added that he refuse to meddle in the matter as the charges were laid by the Attorney General, after a police investigation that followed the proper procedures.

Meanwhile, Law and Institutional Reforms Minister Azalina Othman Said said that the government was mooting a new law to tackle the so-called 3R issues, to replace the controversial Sedition Act from 1948. She also stated the Sanusi actions will notabsolve criminal offence. The government will hold discussions with relevant parties to assess the matter with stakeholders.

Negative remarks about the Malaysian's Royalty can be prosecuted under a colonial-era law, The Sedition Act 1948, which has been used against people who criticise the Sultans on social media. However, sedition charges brought against Malaysian politicians have been rare in recent years. Neighbouring Thailand has a strict lese-majeste law banning insults against its monarchy.

Ideology and policies
According to Farish A. Noor, a Malaysian academic who has written a complete history of PAS:

"From the day PAS was formed, in November 1951, the long-term goal of creating an Islamic state in Malaysia has been the beacon that has driven successive generations of PAS leaders and members ever forward. What has changed is the meaning and content of the signifier 'Islamic state'"

From time to time, PAS's pursuit of an "Islamic state" has involved attempts to legislate for hudud—an Islamic criminal justice system—in the states that it governs. Such laws would apply to all Muslims and would not apply to non-Muslims. PAS-dominated state assemblies in Kelantan and Terengganu passed hudud laws in the early 1990s and early 2000s respectively, although neither has ever been enforced due to opposition from the federal government. PAS returned to its pursuit of hudud laws after the 2013 election, signalling that it would table bills in the federal Parliament to allow the laws, still on the statute books in Kelantan, to be enforced. The bills would require a two-thirds majority in the Parliament as they involve constitutional amendments.

After PAS's electoral rout in 2004, the party sought to broaden its policies beyond Islamism. Among other things, the party focused on calling for improved civil liberties and race relations. However, these policy shifts have proven controversial within the party; conservatives have considered them part of a dilution of PAS's commitment to an Islamic state.

When PAS was defeated in Terengganu, enforcement of female dress codes was reduced. The state PAS government in Kelantan banned traditional Malay dance theatres, banned advertisements depicting women who are not fully clothed, and enforced the wearing of headscarves. However, they allowed gender-segregated cinemas and concerts. Some government-controlled bodies pressure non-Muslims also to wear headscarves, and all students of the International Islamic University of Malaysia and female officers in the Royal Malaysian Police are required to wear headscarves in public ceremonies.

The PAS party wishes that the death penalty be enacted for Muslims who attempt to convert, as part of their ultimate desire to turn Malaysia into an Islamic state. The party is also against the government-backed wave of Anti-Shi'a persecution.

Ties and linkages with the Muslim Brotherhood
PAS has also maintained close personal and ideological ties with the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. The party's relationship with the Muslim Brotherhood dates back to the 1940s when PAS's founders were exposed to the ideas and teachings of the Muslim Brotherhood while they were studying in Cairo during the 1940s. According to Wan Saiful Wan Jan of the think tank Institute for Democracy and Economic Affairs, the Muslim Brotherhood regards PAS as a model for a successful Muslim political party; since PAS has governed the state of Kelantan continually since 1990. PAS representatives are often invited to Muslim Brotherhood speaking engagements overseas. In 2012, PAS President Abdul Hadi Awang spoke alongside Muslim Brotherhood scholar Sheikh Yusuf al-Qaradawi at a speaking event in London. That same year, PAS representatives met with Muslim Brotherhood leaders Sheikh Mahdi Akif and Dr Muhammad Badie in Cairo.

According to Müller, PAS's current generation of leaders, the Ulama Leadership (Kepimpinan Ulama) was also influenced by Muslim Brotherhood ideology while studying in Egypt, Saudi Arabia and India during the 1980s. Muslim Brotherhood–inspired Islamic education methods (tarbiyah) and regular study circles (usrah/halaqah) were systematically introduced while networks were established with Muslim political parties and movements abroad. In April 2014, Awang criticised the governments of Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates for designating the Muslim Brotherhood as a terrorist organisation. In January 2016, former PAS leader Mujahid Yusof Rawa claimed that the Muslim Brotherhood's influence on PAS was limited to sharing the organisation's views on the role of Islam in society. Rawa also claimed that other local Muslim groups such as Angkatan Belia Islam Malaysia (ABIM; Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia) and IKRAM were also sympathetic to the Muslim Brotherhood.

Militia Parade Incident
The Terengganu police have announced an investigation into a controversial parade organized by the local PAS Youth group, which took place on 19 February 2023. The police were initially informed about the march, but they were not aware that some supporters would be carrying replica weapons, causing concern among certain groups. DCP Datuk Rohaimi Md Isa, the police chief, has stated that preliminary investigations will be conducted to determine if any offences were committed during the event, and appropriate action will be taken accordingly. Images circulating on social media showed members of Terengganu PAS Youth dressed in medieval Islamic war attire and wielding fake swords, spears, and shields. The parade was reportedly part of a two-day gathering called "Himpunan Pemuda Islam Terengganu" (Himpit), held at a resort in Setiu, Terengganu. Religious Affairs Minister Datuk Dr. Mohd Na’im Mokhtar criticized the parade, expressing that it presented an inappropriate image of Islam, emphasizing the importance of promoting peace and unity in society. He also called for authorities to investigate any potential legal violations. Social media photos also depicted a pickup truck carrying a large fake sword, with youths dressed in militant costumes standing on its cargo bed while it was in motion.

Support for the Taliban
After the Taliban took over Kabul in 2021 and re-established an Islamic theocracy in Afghanistan, PAS international affairs and external relations committee chairman, Muhammad Khalil Abdul Hadi (also the son of the incumbent PAS president), congratulated the Islamist militant group for "successfully achieving victory for their country" on Twitter and Facebook, stating its liberation from Western powers.

"The victory and ‘independence’ achieved this time is the result of the efforts of all Afghans to liberate their homeland which for 20 years has been colonised and invaded without mercy and humanity that almost destroyed Afghanistan."

In August 2021, Khalil also added that the Taliban had also become more moderate, spuriously claiming that women's rights (including women's freedom of movement) and the opportunities for women in the workforce were preserved. The unsubstantiated comments were widely condemned by numerous Malaysian social media users, and Muhammad Khalil Abdul Hadi's pro-Taliban posts on Facebook and Twitter were taken down in response. In March 2022, numerous independent news reports indicated that women and girls in Afghanistan were deprived (by decrees from the Taliban) from their ability to work, study or move freely within the country.

In October 2021, the leader of PAS's youth wing, Khairil Nizam Khirudin, proposed closer ties between PAS and the Taliban. He claimed that if China was able build ties with the Taliban, Malaysia should also do so.

In August 2021, PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang alleged that Western media made false accusations against the Taliban to advance an Islamophobic agenda, without studying and fully understanding the religion of Islam. He also repeated the Taliban claim, that the Taliban provided broad amnesty to government officials of the toppled Islamic Republic of Afghanistan; this claim was disputed as numerous independent reports with evidence indicated that the Taliban instead conducted enforced disappearances, summary executions and revenge killings against the former government officials. In the same article, Abdul Hadi Awang also alleged that the Taliban undertook a celebratory approach to the diversity of society within a multi-ethnic Afghanistan; this claim was also disputed as numerous evident news reports indicated that the Taliban engaged in the persecution of Hazaras (who numerous Taliban fighters deem as heretical), censorship against journalists and the news media, violence against journalists, arbitrary arrest and detention, political repression. Most notably, anyone from a religious minority who was an apostate of Islam is sentenced to death.

In February 2022, PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang spuriously alleged that various media were anti-Islam and slandered the Taliban, as according to him, the media were making unsubstantiated claims that the Taliban were denying girls and women the right to education. However, in March 2022, numerous evident news reports indicated that the Taliban prevented girls from attending secondary schools throughout the educational system of Afghanistan, generating widespread condemnation amid a global outcry.

Unconstitutional Kelantan Syariah Law amendment
Sisters in Islam had criticized PAS for unconstitutional Shariah enactment on the recent update of the Shariah law of the Kelantan penal code including: This has sparked another controversy where the punishments include a jail term of not more than three years and a fine of up to RM5,000 or six strokes of the cane, and that the punishment is categorized under ta'zir (crimes with discretionary punishments) and not under hudud (Islamic Penal Code).
 * attempting to convert out of Islam
 * distortion of Islamic teachings
 * disrespecting the month of Ramadan
 * destroying houses of worship
 * disobeying parents
 * tattooing
 * undergoing plastic surgery.

Flight attendant uniform criticism
PAS had sparked another controversy where several of its lawmakers criticised flight stewardess uniform attire they claimed that it is "too revealing" and added that flight stewardesses must be allowed to wear a hijab. Following those two statements, Sisters in Islam (SIS) said the issue had taken priority over other concerns somehow and they claim that ministerial directives should not interfere with a company's policy which may subject to extra rebranding and production costs unless there were issues of safety, health and security. National Union of Flight Attendants Malaysia vice secretary-general S Shashi Kumar also publicly stated that this complaint is "nonsensical" when he said the baju kebaya has become a fashion statement in southeast Asia. He said, "Royal Brunei Airlines, Singapore Airlines and Garuda Indonesia have adopted the baju kebaya as the uniform for their female flight attendants." Transport minister Anthony Loke had said “We are aware that this is not a new policy and there is nothing new, but there are no plans to change the existing policies on the dressing of stewards and stewardesses. The image and outfit depend on the airline company.".He added that “The Ministry has no restriction if Muslim air stewardesses choose to wear attire that is Syariah compliant as long as it fulfils the criteria set by CAAM," It looks like PAS leaders lack knowledge of the Malay heritage and criticising their traditional attire, responded the Global Human Rights Federation.

Timah whiskey
Following the fame of Malaysia's local liquor company, Timah Whiskey after winning two silver medals in the Tasting Awards for the International Spirits Challenge 2020 (ISC) as well as the Annual San Francisco World Spirits Competition 2020 (SFWSC), PAS urged Ismail Sabri Yaakob's Cabinet for the company to be shut down stating that it "to prevent trigger the sensitivity of Muslims in the country" and "to avoid a precedent of new liquor companies emerging". PAS also states that they had to face numerous severe backlash. PAS Deputy President, Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man, said that "We have always been consistent in our stance against alcohol because it is clear that it is haram according to the Quran,".

The request was denied by Ismail Sabri Yaakob's Cabinet where they had decided to rule against the decision. Prime Minister Ismail Sabri Yaakob state that the "cannot cause concern to the people in the context of race and religion". PAS Deputy President, Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man, states "For me, the ' people's anxiety ' can be considered as ' the confusion of the people, especially the Malay-Muslims ' ". Tuan Ibrahim was also reported by the media on October 19 as saying that the brand and logo of Timah whiskey "can be confusing" and asked for it to be reviewed.

English language criticism
PAS president Abdul Hadi Awang has claimed that people who advocate for the English language to be taught in Malaysia are "stuck in a colonial mindset". Expanding on this point he said such Malaysians seemed to be embarrassed to use their national language (Malay) and had placed greater importance on English. In the PAS party newspaper, Harakah Hadi wrote an article titled "Ignore the delirious voices which are trying to reduce the importance of the Malay language" where in it he stated that such advocates "are behaving like slaves to the former colonial masters despite having been freed from their clutches". Additionally in the same article he further went on to say that "advertisements in shops and the market, as well as the names of cities and roads, are named in English even though a majority of its target audience does not know English, at the same time, they do not care about whether their audiences consist of Malaysians who do not know English".

Structure and membership
PAS's general assembly ("Muktamar") elects the party's president, Deputy President, three vice presidents and a multi-member Central Working Committee. The assembly is held annually, but elections occur only once every two years. The assembly is composed mainly of delegates elected by individual local divisions of the party. The day-to-day administration of the party is carried out by its Secretary-General, a position appointed by the party's leadership. The Central Working Committee is ostensibly the party's principal decision-making body, although its decisions are susceptible to being overturned by the Syura Council, an unelected body composed only of Muslim clerics and led by the party's Spiritual Leader ("Musyidul 'Am"). The relationship between the different administrative bodies within the party occasionally causes conflict. In 2014, the Central Working Committee voted to support the nomination of Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, the President of the People's Justice Party, to be the Chief Minister of the Pakatan Rakyat government in Selangor. Abdul Hadi Awang, as PAS's president and with the backing of the Syura Council, overturned the decision and nominated different candidates.

The party has three recognised sub-organisations for different categories of party members: an ulama wing (the "Dewan Ulama") for Muslim clerics, a women's wing (the "Dewan Muslimat") and a youth wing (the "Dewan Pemuda"). Each wing elects its leadership at its general assembly. There is a fourth wing for non-Muslim supporters of the party, although it does not have the same recognised position in the party's structure as the other three wings.

PAS has approximately one million members, more than any other opposition party in Malaysia. PAS members often distinguish themselves from UMNO members through cultural and religious practices. For Islamic headwear, males who support PAS tend to prefer the white, soft kopiah, while UMNO supporters tend to wear the traditional Malay songkok, a rigid black cap. Some areas of Malaysia host rival mosques catering for the members and supporters of each party.

Current office bearers (2023-2025)

 * Spiritual Leader:
 * Hashim Jasin
 * Deputy Spiritual Leader:
 * Ahmad Yakob
 * Permanent Chairperson:
 * Hussin Ismail
 * Deputy Permanent Chairperson:
 * Kamal Ashaari
 * President:
 * Abdul Hadi Awang
 * Deputy President:
 * Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man
 * Vice-president:
 * Ahmad Samsuri Mokhtar
 * Mohd Amar Abdullah
 * Idris Ahmad
 * Dewan Ulamak's Chief:
 * Ustaz Haji Ahmad Yahaya
 * Dewan Pemuda's Chief:
 * Afnan Hamimi Taib Azamudden
 * Dewan Muslimat's Chief:
 * Nuridah Mohd Salleh
 * DHPP Chief:
 * Balasubramaniam Nachiappan
 * Secretary-General:
 * Takiyuddin Hassan
 * Deputy Secretary-General:
 * Khairul Faizi Ahmad Kamil
 * Khairul Fahmi Mat Som
 * Mohd Syahir Che Sulaiman
 * Treasurer:
 * Iskandar Abdul Samad
 * Information Chief:
 * Ahmad Fadhli Shaari
 * Election Director:
 * Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor

 * Central Working Committee (Elected):
 * Muhammad Khalil Abdul Hadi
 * Azman Ibrahim
 * Halimah Ali
 * Ahmad Fadhli Shaari
 * Ahmad Marzuk Shaary
 * Siti Zailah Mohd Yusoff
 * Awang Hashim
 * Ahmad Amzad Hashim
 * Mohd. Nassuruddin Daud
 * Mohamed Fadzli Hassan
 * Kamaruzaman Mohamad
 * Najihatussalehah Ahmad
 * Misbahul Munir Masduki
 * Rosni Adam
 * Central Working Committee (Appointed):
 * Nasrudin Hassan
 * Mohd Yusni Mat Piah
 * Wan Rohimi Wan Daud
 * Mohd Zuhdi Marzuki
 * Nik Muhammad Zawawi Salleh
 * Ahmad Yunus Hairi
 * Mohd Mazri Yahya
 * Annuar Musa
 * Shahidan Kassim
 * State Commissioner:
 * Perlis : Mohd. Shukri Ramli
 * Kedah : Ahmad Yahaya
 * Kelantan : Ahmad Yakob
 * Terengganu :Husin Awang
 * Penang : Muhammad Fauzi Yusoff
 * Perak : Razman Zakaria
 * Pahang : Rosli Abdul Jabar
 * Selangor : Ab Halim Tamuri
 * Federal Territory : Azhar Yahya
 * Negeri Sembilan : Mohammad Fairuz Mohammad Isa
 * Malacca : Zulkifli Ismail
 * Johor : Abdullah Hussin
 * Sabah : Aliakbar Gulasan
 * Sarawak : Jofri Jaraiee

Senators

 * Kelantan:
 * Nik Mohamad Abduh Nik Abdul Aziz
 * Wan Martina
 * Terengganu:
 * Hussin Awang
 * Hussin Ismail
 * Kedah:
 * Abd Nasir Idris
 * Musoddak Ahmad

Members of Parliament of the 15th Malaysian Parliament
PAS has the highest number of members in Dewan Rakyat among political parties, with 43 members.

Malaysian State Assembly Representatives
PAS has 149 members of state legislative assemblies, more than any other parties. It has representatives in every assembly other than those of Sarawak. The party holds a majority in the Kelantan, Terengganu, Kedah and Perlis State Legislative Assemblies.

Terengganu State Legislative Assembly Kelantan State Legislative Assembly Perlis State Legislative Assembly Kedah State Legislative Assembly

Pahang State Legislative Assembly Perak State Legislative Assembly Selangor State Legislative Assembly Penang State Legislative Assembly

Negeri Sembilan State Legislative Assembly Malacca State Legislative Assembly Johor State Legislative Assembly Sabah State Legislative Assembly

Sarawak State Legislative Assembly

PAS state governments
PAS currently governs the states of Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan, and Terengganu.

Previously, when it was a component of Pakatan Rakyat, PAS was part of the Penang and Selangor state governments.

After 2020 Sheraton Move it witnessed change of state government, PAS itself teamed up with Barisan Nasional, to formed new state government PAS was part of the Perak, Pahang, Johor, and Sabah state governments.

 * Kelantan (1959-1978, 1990–present)
 * Terengganu (1959–1961, 1999–2004, 2018–present)
 * Perlis (2022–present)
 * Kedah (2008–2013, 2020–present)
 * Perak (2008–2009, 2020–2022)
 * Pahang (2020–2022)
 * Johor (2020–2022)
 * Sabah (2020–2022)
 * Penang (2008–2015)
 * Selangor (2008–2018)

title: Malaysian Islamic Party